CONTACT US AT: MBS, Saudi’s reformist crown prince...
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08 ❘ NEWsmaker CONTACT US AT: 8351-9185, [email protected] Fri/Sat/Sun November 10~12, 2017 Mohammed bin Salman MBS, who has been known to sport a more casual look when stateside, meets Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg last year in this file photo. SD-Agencies MBS, Saudi’s reformist crown prince with high-stakes gambit short term and “intensify capital flight” from Saudi Arabia. But seemingly unfazed, government social media channels have replayed a months-old interview with MBS in which he stressed that neither ministers nor business tycoons will be spared if found guilty of corruption. It is a message that resonates with the masses who seethe over a culture of privilege among old-generation royals. “Cynics are calling it a power grab but actually power had been already consolidated,” tweeted Ali Shihabi, director of the Washington-based Arabia Foundation. “This is about reshaping elite behav- ior by picking high-profile symbols. (Its) message is that house cleaning starts at the top.” But experts warn that the purge could trigger a backlash especially as MBS seeks to consolidate his control over the security services. He ousted Prince Miteb bin Abdul- lah, the 64-year-old son of the late king Abdullah, as the head of the Saudi Arabian National Guard. The internal security force has long been seen as a locale of tribal power and a stronghold of king Abdullah’s family. In June, he also toppled the previous Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, ousting him from the interior ministry. “Such dramatic changes are bound to meet some resistance and opposition,” said London-based researcher Jane Kinninmont. “Since there are few permitted avenues for expressing opposition and criticism in Saudi Arabia, (we) inevitably wonder whether opposition is brewing behind the scenes.” No one is quite sure whether MBS’ bold move will leave him as the uncon- tested leader of a more modern, open Saudi Arabia — or open the door to chaos, rebellion or a regional war. Even observers with more sympathy for MBS’ objectives warn that the weeks and months to come will contain many risks for the young heir. Lori Plotkin Boghardt, an expert in Gulf Arab politics and U.S.-Saudi rela- tions at The Washington Institute, said: “The scale and scope of the arrests ... is unprecedented in recent Saudi history, especially of this type of elite elements. So this is a politically risky move.” T he oldest son of King Salman’s third wife and a favorite among his 13 children, MBS rose rapidly to prominence after his father became crown prince of Saudi Arabia in June 2012. Unlike his much older half-broth- ers, MBS did not travel abroad for his education, and instead remained at his father’s side and studied law at King Saud University in Riyadh, where his father was governor until 2011. Born on Aug. 31, 1985, MBS was appointed defense minister at the age 29, but his authority was not limited to military affairs, earning him the nick- name “Mr. Everything” from some foreign diplomats. His 81-year-old father handed him broad powers over the economy and ever since he’s been a driving force behind Saudi Arabia’s more aggressive foreign policies, including its military intervention in Yemen and the diplo- matic campaign to isolate Qatar. MBS, who had been the deputy crown SINCE his emergence in June as crown prince of the world’s oil superpower, Mohammed bin Salman, 32, has set his sights firmly on economic, social and religious reforms in the conservative kingdom. The young and dynamic prince, known by his initials MBS, has already overseen fundamental cultural and economic transformations, shifting the social envi- ronment in the Gulf state, half of whose 31 million population is aged under 25. At an investor summit in late Octo- ber, MBS pledged a “moderate” Saudi Arabia. “We will not spend the next 30 years of our lives dealing with destructive ideas. We will destroy them today and at once,” said the prince, who has sidelined powerful clergy who have long dominated public discourse in Saudi Arabia. In September, a royal decree said women would be allowed to drive. Some conservative clerics — who for years staunchly opposed social equality for women — have backpedalled and come out in favor of the decree allowing them to drive. Under MBS, the kingdom is also expected to lift a public ban on cinemas and has encouraged mixed-gender cel- ebrations — something unseen before. The government has also set up an Islamic center tasked with certifying the sayings of the Prophet Mohammed in a stated bid to curb extremist texts. The government appears to have clipped the wings of the once-feared religious police — long accused of harassing the public with rigid Islamic mores — who have all but disappeared from big cities. In tandem with reforms, MBS has been shoring up power and since June carried out a wave of arrests in a crack- down on dissenters, including influen- tial clerics and some liberals who could block his path. O n the business front, the prince was named head of a new anti- corruption commission, estab- lished by royal decree, Nov. 4. Immediately after, 11 princes, includ- ing prominent billionaire Prince Al- Waleed bin Talal, and dozens of current and former ministers were arrested, in a sweeping crackdown seen as consolidat- ing the crown prince’s hold on power. The sweep has triggered uncertainty among businesses at a time when the kingdom is seeking to attract badly needed investments amid a protracted oil slump. Among those being held, aside from Prince Al-Waleed, is Waleed al-Ibrahim, owner of the influential Arab satellite network MBC, as well as construction tycoon Bakr Bin Laden and billionaire Saleh Kamal. Research firm Capital Economics said the arrests could deal a short-term “blow” to the economy as opposition towards MBS builds, potentially threatening his reform drive. Geneva’s Mirabaud Securities warned that the purge, including the arrest of Prince Al-Waleed who has invested bil- lions in companies around the world, could spook the private sector in the prince since early 2015, signaled the scale of his ambitions in his Vision 2030, an eco- nomic plan intended to wean Saudi Arabia off its dependence on oil and to breathe life into its sclerotic private sector. A key part of his plan involves selling shares in Aramco, Saudi’s state oil com- pany, for the first time and creating a vast US$2 trillion sovereign wealth fund. Last month MBS announced a US$500 billion plan to create a business and indus- trial zone, called NEOM, extending across its borders into Jordan and Egypt. The crown prince ditched his traditional cloak for a techier look when he visited Silicon Valley in 2016. Clad in the denim jeans and a blazer often associated with northern California, MBS met with leaders including Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg and pitched Vision 2030. The prince has always moved fast and acted decisively. In 2015 he was on holiday in the south of France when he spotted a luxury yacht off the coast. According to the New York Times, he immediately decided he had to have it and within hours agreed to pay its Russian owner 500 million euros (US$580 million) to get his hands on it. His headlong approach has ruffled the feathers of some of his fellow princes, who number in the thousands and live a life of luxury within Saudi Arabia’s rigid and secretive royal hierarchy. As part of his economic moderniza- tion plans, MBS has slashed budgets and government subsidies, putting a squeeze on the personal finances of both Saudi citizens and their royals. The reforms pushed by the prince have prompted warnings. “Being so fast could backfire on a lot of things,” said Saudi analyst Ahmad Al-Ibrahim. “What Saudi people don’t want to see is someone touch- ing their pockets — don’t touch my pocket, don’t touch my benefits.” Dark-bearded and with a receding hair- line, he is the father of two boys and two girls. He has just one wife, compared to his father’s three. “Our vision is a tolerant country, with Islam as its constitution and moderation as its method,” he said. The prince takes a harder line when it comes to Iran, Saudi Arabia’s regional rival. MBS has ruled out dialogue with Iran, saying that its Shia regime wants to take over the Islamic world and must be confronted. “We won’t wait for the battle to be in Saudi Arabia. Instead, we’ll work so that the battle is for them in Iran.” (SD-Agencies)
Transcript of CONTACT US AT: MBS, Saudi’s reformist crown prince...
08 x NEWsmakerCONTACT US AT: 8351-9185, [email protected]
Fri/Sat/Sun November 10~12, 2017
Mohammed bin Salman
MBS, who has been known to sport a more casual look when stateside, meets Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg last year in this fi le photo. SD-Agencies
MBS, Saudi’s reformist crown prince with high-stakes gambit
short term and “intensify capital fl ight” from Saudi Arabia.
But seemingly unfazed, government social media channels have replayed a months-old interview with MBS in which he stressed that neither ministers nor business tycoons will be spared if found guilty of corruption.
It is a message that resonates with the masses who seethe over a culture of privilege among old-generation royals.
“Cynics are calling it a power grab but actually power had been already consolidated,” tweeted Ali Shihabi, director of the Washington-based Arabia Foundation.
“This is about reshaping elite behav-ior by picking high-profi le symbols. (Its) message is that house cleaning starts at the top.”
But experts warn that the purge could trigger a backlash especially as MBS seeks to consolidate his control over the security services.
He ousted Prince Miteb bin Abdul-lah, the 64-year-old son of the late king Abdullah, as the head of the Saudi Arabian National Guard. The internal security force has long been seen as a locale of tribal power and a stronghold of king Abdullah’s family.
In June, he also toppled the previous Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, ousting him from the interior ministry.
“Such dramatic changes are bound to meet some resistance and opposition,” said London-based researcher Jane Kinninmont.
“Since there are few permitted avenues for expressing opposition and criticism in Saudi Arabia, (we) inevitably wonder whether opposition is brewing behind the scenes.”
No one is quite sure whether MBS’ bold move will leave him as the uncon-tested leader of a more modern, open Saudi Arabia — or open the door to chaos, rebellion or a regional war.
Even observers with more sympathy for MBS’ objectives warn that the weeks and months to come will contain many risks for the young heir.
Lori Plotkin Boghardt, an expert in Gulf Arab politics and U.S.-Saudi rela-tions at The Washington Institute, said: “The scale and scope of the arrests ... is unprecedented in recent Saudi history, especially of this type of elite elements. So this is a politically risky move.”
The oldest son of King Salman’s third wife and a favorite among his 13 children, MBS rose rapidly
to prominence after his father became crown prince of Saudi Arabia in June 2012.
Unlike his much older half-broth-ers, MBS did not travel abroad for his education, and instead remained at his father’s side and studied law at King Saud University in Riyadh, where his father was governor until 2011.
Born on Aug. 31, 1985, MBS was appointed defense minister at the age 29, but his authority was not limited to military affairs, earning him the nick-name “Mr. Everything” from some foreign diplomats.
His 81-year-old father handed him broad powers over the economy and ever since he’s been a driving force behind Saudi Arabia’s more aggressive foreign policies, including its military intervention in Yemen and the diplo-matic campaign to isolate Qatar.
MBS, who had been the deputy crown
SINCE his emergence in June as crown prince of the world’s oil superpower, Mohammed bin Salman, 32, has set his sights fi rmly on economic, social and religious reforms in the conservative kingdom.
The young and dynamic prince, known by his initials MBS, has already overseen fundamental cultural and economic transformations, shifting the social envi-ronment in the Gulf state, half of whose 31 million population is aged under 25.
At an investor summit in late Octo-ber, MBS pledged a “moderate” Saudi Arabia.
“We will not spend the next 30 years of our lives dealing with destructive ideas. We will destroy them today and at once,” said the prince, who has sidelined powerful clergy who have long dominated public discourse in Saudi Arabia.
In September, a royal decree said women would be allowed to drive.
Some conservative clerics — who for years staunchly opposed social equality for women — have backpedalled and come out in favor of the decree allowing them to drive.
Under MBS, the kingdom is also expected to lift a public ban on cinemas and has encouraged mixed-gender cel-ebrations — something unseen before.
The government has also set up an Islamic center tasked with certifying the sayings of the Prophet Mohammed in a stated bid to curb extremist texts.
The government appears to have clipped the wings of the once-feared religious police — long accused of harassing the public with rigid Islamic mores — who have all but disappeared from big cities.
In tandem with reforms, MBS has been shoring up power and since June carried out a wave of arrests in a crack-down on dissenters, including infl uen-tial clerics and some liberals who could block his path.
On the business front, the prince was named head of a new anti-corruption commission, estab-
lished by royal decree, Nov. 4.Immediately after, 11 princes, includ-
ing prominent billionaire Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal, and dozens of current and former ministers were arrested, in a sweeping crackdown seen as consolidat-ing the crown prince’s hold on power.
The sweep has triggered uncertainty among businesses at a time when the kingdom is seeking to attract badly needed investments amid a protracted oil slump.
Among those being held, aside from Prince Al-Waleed, is Waleed al-Ibrahim, owner of the infl uential Arab satellite network MBC, as well as construction tycoon Bakr Bin Laden and billionaire Saleh Kamal.
Research fi rm Capital Economics said the arrests could deal a short-term “blow” to the economy as opposition towards MBS builds, potentially threatening his reform drive.
Geneva’s Mirabaud Securities warned that the purge, including the arrest of Prince Al-Waleed who has invested bil-lions in companies around the world, could spook the private sector in the
prince since early 2015, signaled the scale of his ambitions in his Vision 2030, an eco-nomic plan intended to wean Saudi Arabia off its dependence on oil and to breathe life into its sclerotic private sector.
A key part of his plan involves selling shares in Aramco, Saudi’s state oil com-pany, for the fi rst time and creating a vast US$2 trillion sovereign wealth fund.
Last month MBS announced a US$500 billion plan to create a business and indus-trial zone, called NEOM, extending across its borders into Jordan and Egypt.
The crown prince ditched his traditional cloak for a techier look when he visited Silicon Valley in 2016.
Clad in the denim jeans and a blazer often associated with northern California, MBS met with leaders including Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg and pitched Vision 2030.
The prince has always moved fast and acted decisively.
In 2015 he was on holiday in the south of France when he spotted a luxury yacht off the coast. According to the New York Times, he immediately decided he had to have it and within hours agreed to pay its Russian owner 500 million euros (US$580 million) to get his hands on it.
His headlong approach has ruffl ed the feathers of some of his fellow princes, who number in the thousands and live a life of luxury within Saudi Arabia’s rigid and secretive royal hierarchy.
As part of his economic moderniza-tion plans, MBS has slashed budgets and government subsidies, putting a squeeze on the personal fi nances of both Saudi citizens and their royals.
The reforms pushed by the prince have prompted warnings. “Being so fast could backfi re on a lot of things,” said Saudi analyst Ahmad Al-Ibrahim. “What Saudi people don’t want to see is someone touch-ing their pockets — don’t touch my pocket, don’t touch my benefi ts.”
Dark-bearded and with a receding hair-line, he is the father of two boys and two girls. He has just one wife, compared to his father’s three.
“Our vision is a tolerant country, with Islam as its constitution and moderation as its method,” he said.
The prince takes a harder line when it comes to Iran, Saudi Arabia’s regional rival. MBS has ruled out dialogue with Iran, saying that its Shia regime wants to take over the Islamic world and must be confronted.
“We won’t wait for the battle to be in Saudi Arabia. Instead, we’ll work so that the battle is for them in Iran.” (SD-Agencies)
