Constraints)on)prosodic) cons-tuentstructure:) uncovering)areal...
Transcript of Constraints)on)prosodic) cons-tuentstructure:) uncovering)areal...
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Constraints on prosodic cons-tuent structure:
uncovering areal tendencies in Northern Sub-‐Saharan Africa
Spencer Lamoureux & Florian Lionnet University of California, Berkeley
WOCAL 8 -‐ 23 Aug 2015
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Goals of the ALFA Project at Berkeley
• “Areal Linguis-c Features in Africa” • Iden-fy areal phenomena in Africa, par-cularly in N. Sub-‐Saharan Africa – cf. Güldemann’s Macro-‐Sudan Belt
• Understand these at the finest possible geographic granularity
• Dis-nguish contact-‐induced vs. inherited traits – Contribute to our understanding of African linguis-c history
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Goals for our research program
• Main ques-ons:
– To what extent do the languages of N. Sub-‐Saharan Africa cluster with respect to segmental distribu-on in: • syllable structure • metrical structure (foot) • stem and word structure (minimal/maximal size, distribu-on and contrast asymmetries etc.)
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Goals for our research program
• Main ques-ons:
– To what extent do the languages of N. Sub-‐Saharan Africa cluster with respect to segmental distribu-on in: • syllable structure • metrical structure (foot) • stem and word structure (minimal/maximal size, distribu-on and contrast asymmetries etc.)
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Goals for our research program
• Main ques-ons:
– Is any given cluster the result of contact or inheritance?
– If they do cluster, where and how?
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A word of cau-on
• Our proposed topic is a huge one, and will likely take years to make reliable progress.
• Results are preliminary and subject to a great deal of enrichment and modifica-on going forward: – Current sample is ca. 50 languages – S-ll working on structuring our database
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Goals for this talk
• Lay the conceptual founda-ons for our project – Present a preliminary typology of syllable structure / onset-‐coda asymmetries
– Illustrate systems where metrical structure has been claimed to be a crucial component of the morphology / phonology of African languages
• Present our preliminary results. • Get sugges-ons on where and what to look at
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1. SYLLABLE STRUCTURE
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1. Syllable structure
• Basic phonotac-c requirements, e.g. does a language allow coda consonants, complex onsets, etc.?
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1. Syllable structure
• Distribu-onal asymmetries:
– In a lg. with codas, are all the consonants permifed, or only a subset?
– Are there par-cular onset gaps?
– If so, what subset? Are there contrast neutraliza-ons?
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1. Syllabic “Posi-on Classes”
– Word-‐ or stem-‐ini-al onset: #__ – Intervocalic onset: V.__V – Post-‐consonantal onset: VC.__V – Word-‐internal coda: V__.CV – Word-‐final coda: C#
• We need more than just the onset-‐coda dis-nc-on to capture the interes-ng paferns, though:
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1. Syllable Typology I
• Type 0: no codas (CV only)
Hawaiian; Fongbe; most of Bantu
Classifica:on Examples
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1. Syllable Typology I: only sonorants Classifica:on Examples
• Type 1a: CVN only nasal codas
• Type 1b: CV{N/L} only nasal & liquid codas
• Type 1c: CV{N/L/G} only nasal, liquid, & glide codas
Tuu, Kx’a, some Khoe Jeli (Mande)
Kisi (Atlan-c); Kanembu (Saharan)
Mandarin Jamsay (Dogon)
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1. Syllable Typology II: no-‐stops Classifica:on Examples
• Type 2a: CV{N/L/G/F} only sonorant and frica-ve codas
• Type 2b: CV{N/L/G/F} only sonorant or frica-ve codas + odd stops
??
Konni (Gur); Dagaare (Gur)
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1. Syllable Typology III: stops with neutraliza-on
Classifica:on Examples
• Type 3a: stop codas with contextual neutraliza-on of laryngeal contrasts
• Type 3b: stop codas with total neutraliza-on of laryngeal contrasts
Anywa (W Nilo-c)
German; ??
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1. Syllable Typology IV Classifica:on Examples
• Type 4: No restric-ons on (simplex) codas
Bidiya (E Chadic); Fer, Yulu (C Sudanic)
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1. Map by Coda Consonant Types
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1. A Tenta-ve Hypothesis
• Restric-on on codas is an areal feature of a Mande-‐Kwa-‐Kru area – This dovetails with findings by the ALFA tone group (Emily Clem & Hannah Sande, p.c.)
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2. METRICAL STRUCTURE
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2. Metrical Structure in Africa
• Lack of obvious “stress”, but plenty of prosody:
“…stress prominence is of course not the only symptom of foot-‐hood… segmental and quan-ta-ve factors can also be in play, showing up in the asymmetric distribu-on of contrast and weight between head and dependent syllables” (Harris 2004[1990]: 26).
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2. Metrical Structure in Africa
• Accent is a “prominence asymmetry that makes one syllable more salient than its neighbors by enhancing some combina-on of phone-c proper-es: pitch, dura-on, intensity, and/or contras:ve segmental features” (Downing 2010: 382, cf. van der Hulst 1999, 2002, 2006; emphasis ours).
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2. Metrical Structure in Africa
• “…it is this diversity of prominence asymmetries that in fact make African languages par-cularly interes-ng for research on the range of phonological proper-es that can define prominence or provide evidence of metrical cons-tuency” (Downing 2010: 385).
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2. Metrical Structure in Africa
• Proper-es of accent (Downing 2010, and ref. therein):
– culminaBve, i.e. there is at most one (main) prominence peak per relevant domain, and
– demarcaBve, i.e. prominence peaks are defined with reference to a par-cular morpheme edge (stem or word).
– Stress is thus only one form of accent… [A]symmetries independent of stress should be considered forms of accent, as long as they have the two proper-es defined above”.
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples I
• Kukuya (Bantu B77; Paulian 1985; Hyman 1987) – Stems have up to 3 syllables – Stem-‐ini-al prominence:
C1V . C2V . C3V
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All Cs in the inventory
-‐ P, T, K, l, m ,n
-‐ C2-‐C3 combina-ons: only 6
-‐ Cor. C2+ non-‐cor. C3 -‐ or vel. C2 + lab. C3
-‐ C2 and C3 must agree in nasality
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples I
• Kukuya (Bantu B77; Paulian 1985; Hyman 1987) – Lev-‐edge of stem is “accented”: • Pause before C1 • C1 nasal or /l/ is geminated /Pu-‐nɔnɔ/ = [bʊ-‐nnɔnɔ]
– Stem = prosodic domain • Prefixes form a prosodic domain with preceding material
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples I
• Kukuya (Bantu B77; Paulian 1985; Hyman 1987) – Hyman’s (1987) analysis: maximally ternary lev-‐headed “stress-‐foot”
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples II
• Jamsay (Dogon; Heath 2008): – “an embryonic metrical structure is manifested in various phonological rules, par-cularly those applying to verb stems and their suffixal deriva-ves (including Verbal Nouns). The core sequence involved is a stem-‐iniBal bisyllabic [σσ] foot behaving metrically as a trochee [sw]…”
– “There is no clear evidence for metrical structure in the third, fourth, and fivh syllables of long, uncompounded stems or words.”
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples II
• Jamsay (Dogon; Heath 2008:26-‐7): – g-‐spiran-za-on: /Caga…, Cɔgɔ…/ → Caɣa…, Cɔɣɔ…
• /dɔgɔ/ → (dɔɣɔ) ‘Dogon’ • /dɔrɔgɔ/ → (dɔrɔ)gɔ ‘ransom (verb)’
– Post-‐sonorant syncope (verbs) • (pére-‐) ‘clap’ → pét-‐- ‘clap:PFV’
– Suffixal u-‐apocope (verbal nouns) • (sáŋa-‐) ‘adorn’ → (sàŋ-‐u) ~ sǎŋ • (dàna)ŋa ‘arrange’ → (dànu)ŋ-‐ú (*dànǔŋ)
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples II
• Jamsay (Dogon; Heath 2008:26-‐7): – Inter-‐word u-‐apocope
• (tɔgu) kaːⁿ ~ tɔg kaːⁿ ‘each kind’ • (yùru)gu kaːⁿ (*yùrùg kaːⁿ) ‘each fox’
– V2-‐reduc-on (verbal nouns) • léréwe-‐ → lèrìw-‐u ~ lèrəw-‐u ‘trim’ • gɔlɔrɔ-‐wɔ-‐ → gɔlùru-‐w-‐ú ~ gɔlərə-‐w-‐ú ‘cause to
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples II
• Jamsay (Dogon; Heath 2008:26-‐7): – Pre-‐suffixal V2 raising
• (píte-‐ ) ‘be inflated’ → (píti)-‐wé-‐ ‘inflate’ • (jùgɔ-‐) ‘know’ → (jugu)-‐wɔ-‐ ‘inform’ • only with dissyllabic verb stems
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples III
• Ibibio (Akinlabi & Urua 2002, a.o.): – “…the prosodic target of the inflec-onal stem is a bisyllabic trochaic foot” (127).
/dép + ke/ → [(dép.pe)] /dó + ke/ → [(dóo.ɣo)] /kɔɔŋ + ke1/ → [(kɔɔ.ŋɔ)] /kɔɔŋ + ke2/ → [(kɔŋ.ŋɔ)] /dáppa + ke/ → [(dáp.pa)ke]
– Effects of this are seen in lengthening, leni-on, and vowel assimila-on.
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples IV
• Kera (Pearce 2007): – Like other Chadic languages, Kera lacks “stress” as such.
– Evidence for iambicity comes from (i) word shape, (ii) vowel inventory asymmetries, (iii) vowel harmony domains, and (iv) tone-‐spreading domains.
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples IV (cont’d)
• Kera (Pearce 2007):
(ii) Vowel Distribu-on [ɛ], [a], [ɔ] only surface in head posi-on [e], [ə], [o] only in non-‐head
(i) Word / Stem Shape: *[CVCV] /CVCV/ → [CVC] / phrase-‐medial /CVCV/ → [CVCV:] / phrase-‐final
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples IV (cont’d)
• Kera (Pearce 2007):
(iv) Tone Spreading “In three syllable words with two tones, the domain of the first tone is a foot.”
(iii) Vowel Harmony “Front suffixes cause central vowels in the same foot to front. But between feet, fron-ng does not take place” (p. 73).
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2. Metrical Structure: Mo-va-ng Examples V
• Nilo-c – See Dimmendaal (2012) for foot-‐based analyses for Nilo-c languages
– Metrical structure may have played a major role in the emergence of process morphology in W Nilo-c • This is a topic we’d eventually like to examine for areal effects
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2. Metrical Structure: Very tenta-ve maps
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2. Metrical Structure: Very tenta-ve maps
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2. Metrical Structure: Very tenta-ve maps
Signs of metrical structure
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