Consonantal Eﬀects on Pitch in Tonal Languagesluoqian/Luo_pworkshop_2016.pdfQian Luo Consonantal...

Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages

Qian Luo

Department of Linguistics and Languages

Michigan State University

INTRODUCTION

Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 3

100

110

120

130

140

150

160

20 40 60 80 100ms

F0 (H

z)

Time (ms)

p

b

Consistent Voicing Effect: • F0 after voiceless obstruents is usually higher than F0 after voiced ones.

Consistent Consonantal Effects on F0


Consistent Consonantal Effects on F0

Effect

Consonant type

Low F0 High F0 Neutral

voiced Spanish, French, Italian, Portuguese, Hindi, German, Swedish, English, etc.

voiceless Spanish, French, Italian, Portuguese, Hindi, German, Swedish, English, etc.

Consistent Voicing Effect: • F0 after voiceless obstruents is usually higher than F0 after voiced ones.


Inconsistent Aspiration / Sonorancy Effects: • Inconsistent patterns: either “raise” or “lower” F0;

• Inconsistent reports from the same language.

Inconsistent Consonantal Effects on Pitch

Effect

Consonant type

Low F0 High F0 Neutral

aspiration

Mandarin (Xu & Xu 2003), Cantonese (Francis 2006), Danish (Jeel 1975)

Mandarin (Chen 2011), Cantonese (Zee 1980), Taiwanese (Lai et al. 2009)

Danish (Fischer-Jørgensen 1968)

sonorant Burmese (Maddieson 1984); Danish (Jeel 1975), Gã and Yoruba (Painter 1978), Hindi (Ohala 1980)

Thai (Gandour 1974), Tibetan (Kjellin 1977), Danish (Thorsen 1974), Bade (Tang 2008)


Functional vs. Physical Accounts

Enhancing contrasts of

laryngeal features

Functional Account The enhancement of contrastive features causes the F0 differences by controlled articulations (Kingston and Diehl 1994).

a hybrid account (Kingston 2007; Chen 2011) Physical

properties of laryngeal

articulation

Physical Account F0 difference is an unintended

side-effect of differences in physiological and aerodynamic

properties (Whalen and Levitt 1995; Connell 2002)

Difference in onset F0


Cantonese Participants

Previous studies show perturbation effects can be conditioned by:

!  Pitch-accent (Jun 1996; Kingston 2007); Focus (Chen 2011); Intonation (Kirby and Ladd 2016)

!  Lexical tones (Xu and Xu 2003)

When the prosodic context plays a role…



laryngeal features

Physical properties of

laryngeal articulation


Adding Tone into the Picture

Enhancing contrasts of lexical tones


tone articulation shared

physical properties

Functional Account

Physical Account


• Theory of Adaptive Dispersion (Liljencrants and Lindblom, 1972):

– the size of a tonal inventory affects acoustic tone-space size

• Alexander (2010) found that tone-space size was

–  fixed across level-tone and contour-tone at midpoint and offglide

–  However, languages with smaller tone inventories had larger tone spaces at onset.

Tone Dispersion across Languages


• Alexander (2010): Languages with smaller tone inventories had larger tone spaces at onset.

Tone Dispersion across Languages


•  If languages with bigger tone inventories have smaller tone spaces at onset,

•  it is more “risky” to stretch the pitch with perturbation in a smaller space,

• the stretching can cause trespassing into other tonal categories, and thus threatens tone contrasts.

• This predicts that perturbation effects would be weaker in languages with bigger tone inventories than those with smaller ones.

Functional Account: Enhance the Tone Contrast


① Are consonantal effects on F0 conditioned by tones in tonal languages?

②  If yes, is it due to

enhancement of contrastive tones (functional) or

Intrinsic properties of tone articulations (physical )?

Research Questions


Prediction I: when tone inventories

differ…

Prediction II: same inputs but

different surface…

Prediction III: different inputs

but neutralized

surface

Functional

Physical

Predictions by Functional vs. Physical Accounts

Weaker effects in languages with bigger inventory.

The inventory size does not matter.

Same underlying inputs lead to similar effects, despite difference in phonetic realizations.


4 Wrap-up

3 Experiment II

2 Experiment I

1 INTRODUCTION

Outline

When tones crash into

the party… the Mandarin

and Cantonese experiment to

test the dispersion

prediction (I) the Chaozhou experiment to test the input-

output predictions (II, III) Conclusion &

Discussion


EXPERIMENT I Mandarin and Cantonese


Cantonese spoken in Guangdong, Guangxi, Hong Kong and Macau

Target languages: Cantonese and Mandarin

Mandarin mandatory in schools, government and official media


Tone Inventory of Cantonese

T1(55) T2(35) T3(33) T4(21) T5(23) T6(22)

Onset F0 high mid mid low low low

Shape level rising level falling rising level

• Six contrastive long tones;

• The on-going merger between T2(35) and T5(23)

• Two-way laryngeal contrasts: aspirated vs. unaspirated obstruents

Figure from Fung and Wong (2010)


Tone Inventory of Mandarin

T1(55) T2(35) T3(214) T4(51)

Onset F0 high mid low high

Shape level rising fall-rise falling

! Four contrastive long tones

! Two-way laryngeal contrasts: aspirated vs. unaspirated obstruents


L1:Cantonese

T1 (55)

T2 (35)

T3 (33)

T4 (21)

T5 (23)

T6 (22)

L2:Mandarin

T1 (55)

T2 (35)

T3 (213)

T4 (51)

粤

普

Bilingual Patterns Speech Learning Model (Fledge 1987, 1995, 1997, 1999, 2002 ) :

Difference between L1 and L2 may create new non-native sound categories, instead of assimilating to native phonological categories.

The need to maintain contrast within L1 or L2.

✗

No need to maintain contrast across L1 & L2 ?

native


Repeating Prediction I related to dispersion

Prediction I: when tone inventories differ…

Functional The perturbation effect in Cantonese T2(35) is

weaker than that in T2(35) in native and non-native Mandarin .

Physical It’s unlikely for tones with similar onset pitch and

tone shapes to have significant different perturbation effects.


Mandarin

2F 4M

• All speak standard Mandarin and no other Chinese dialects;

• aged 21 – 32

Exp. 1: participants

Cantonese Participants Cantonese

4F 2M

• All speak standard Cantonese natively, and Mandarin near-natively.

• aged 21 – 30.

• All took the Mandarin experiment, for the interest of bilingual patterns.


Mandarin (n=86) • Covered all four Mandarin tones • Carrier phrase: [wɔ213 ʂwɔ55 _______ tsɯ51 san55 tshi51] ‘I say ____ for three times.’

Exp. 1: stimuli


Cantonese (n=87)

• Covered all six Cantonese tones

• Carrier phrase:

[ŋɔ23 kɔŋ35 _______ tsi22 sam55 tshi33] ‘I say ____ for three times.’

•  Onsets: Aspirated (ph, th, kh), Unaspirated (p, t, k), Sonorant (m, n, l)

•  Vowels: /a, e, o/

•  Monosyllabic words in CV form

•  presented Chinese characters


Exp. 1: procedure

Cantonese Participants •  Stimuli are randomly presented through PsychoPy (Pierce 2007) .

•  3 repetitions of each sentence at a normal pace

•  Cantonese speakers participated in the Cantonese experiment first, and then the Mandarin experiment after a break.

•  Native Mandarin speakers participated in the Mandarin experiment


Exp. 1: measurement and analysis

Cantonese Participants Measurement

•  F0 extracted at every 5ms within the first 50ms of the vowel

•  The average values of the first 20ms were analyzed.

Analysis

•  Normalization: Hz were converted to cents

•  ANOVA and paired t-tests were performed for data analysis.

•  Sonorants are used as baseline to interpret the results (Hanson 2009; Kirby and Ladd 2016).


Segmentation example: pha1(55)


pha1(55) in Mandarin. ‘c’ = closure; ‘r’ = release; ‘a’=the vowel /a/


Segmentation example: pa1(55)


pa1(55) in Mandarin. ‘c’ = closure; ‘r’ = release; ‘a’=the vowel /a/


Exp. 1 results: Cantonese


T1(55): Aspirated > Sonorant ≈ Unaspirated

**

Exp. 1 results: Cantonese


Exp. 1 results: native Mandarin


* **

o  T1(55): Aspirated ≈ Unaspirated > Sonorant o  T2(35): Unaspirated ≈ Sonorant > Aspirated o  T4(51): Aspirated ≈ Unaspirated > Sonorant

*

*

*

Exp. 1 results: native Mandarin


Exp. 1 results: Cantonese Mandarin


Exp. 1 results: Cantonese Mandarin

o  No significant difference in any tonal context


Exp. 1: summary of the results

Lexical tones Onset F0 values (20ms)

Cantonese T1(55) Aspirated > Sonorant ≈ Unaspirated

Mandarin T1(55) Aspirated ≈ Unaspirated > Sonorant

Mandarin T4(51)

Mandarin T2(35) Unaspirated ≈ Sonorant > Aspirated


o  Cantonese: Aspirated > Sonorant ≈ Unaspirated

o  Both Mandarin: Aspirated ≈ Unaspirated > Sonorant

Exp. 1 results: T1(55) in different languages


o  Weaker effects in Cantonese than in Mandarin -- predicted by the functional account

Exp. 1 results: T2(35) in different languages


o  Participant 2, Female, age: 26 Intra-speaker Inconsistency


Exp. 1: Discussion


• Further analysis is needed to check whether physical properties of T1(55) / T2(35) are similar between Cantonese and Mandarin.

• The physical account can also explain the results:

• Manuel (1999): parallel to vowel coarticulation, which shows that low vowels allow the greatest variability due to wider range of variances of F1 and F2.

• If Mandarin has larger tonal space, does it indicate larger variances and thus greater variability for the perturbation to occur?

• The inconsistency issues still remain:

• Why F0 after aspirated obstruents is lower than F0 after unaspirated only in Mandarin T2(35)?


EXPERIMENT II In Chaozhou Tone Sandhi


Arguments for Enhancing the Laryngeal Contrast

• F0 does not depend on phonetic differences in voicing in Tamil stops.

• Variable effects on F0 following English [s] + stop clusters, for [voice] is neutralized

Output

Input 2

Input 1

Neutralized allophones may induce variable effects.

Kingston & Diehl 1994


Output tone

Input tone 2

Input tone 1

Neutralized tones may induce variable effects.

neutralized context

If it were underlying tones that matter for the effects…

Output tone1

Input tone 1

Output tone 2 Different surface tones may have similar effects.

allotonic context


Chaozhou Tone Sandhi •  Relevant tones: T1(33), T2(53), T5(55), T7(11)

•  Except T1(33) and T7(11), all tones undergo sandhi in non-phrase final position

Allotonic context

Input form Sandhi form T2(53)+T1(33)" 24derived+T1(33)

T2(53)+T5(55)" 35derived+T5(55)

Neutralized context

Input form Sandhi form

T5(55)+T1(33)/T5(55)! 11derived1+T1(33)/T5(55)

T7(11)+T1(33)/T5(55)! 11derived2+T1(33)/T5(55)

Neutralized tones may have variable effects.

Different surface allotones may have similar effects.


Exp. 2 result: the neutralized context Citation form Sandhi form

T5(55)+T1(33)/T5(55)! 11derived1+T1(33)/T5(55) T7(11)+T1(33)/T5(55)! 11derived2+T1(33)/T5(55)


Exp. 2 result: the allotonic context Citation form Sandhi form

T2(53)+T1(33)" 24derived+T1(33) T2(53)+T5(55)" 35derived+T5(55)


WRAP-UP



laryngeal features


laryngeal articulation


Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages

Enhancing contrasts of lexical tones


tone articulation shared

physical properties

Functional Account

Physical Account


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Michigan Karthik Durvasula, Yen-Hwei Lin Audience at Phono Group

Edinburgh James Kirby, Bert Remijsen, Misnadin, Patrick Honeybone, Bob Ladd, Audience at P-Workshop

Tonal Aspects of Languages Carlos Gussenhoven, Yiya Chen, Christian DiCarnio

Consonantal Eﬀects on Pitch in Tonal Languagesluoqian/Luo_pworkshop_2016.pdfQian Luo Consonantal...

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