Comprehensive collection of public statements subsequent to 9/11 attacks (Foreign Policy Bulletin)

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President Bush delivered his remarks at9:30 A.M. at the Emma E. BookerElementary School in Sarasota, Florida,where he had been discussing education.

Ladies and gentlemen, this is a difficultmoment for America. I, unfortunately, willbe going back to Washington after myremarks. Secretary Rod Paige and the Lt.Governor will take the podium and dis-cuss education. I do want to thank thefolks here at Booker Elementary Schoolfor their hospitality.

Today we’ve had a national tragedy.Two airplanes have crashed into the WorldTrade Center in an apparent terroristattack on our country. I have spoken to theVice President, to the Governor of NewYork, to the Director of the FBI, and have

ordered that the full resources of the fed-eral government go to help the victimsand their families, and to conduct a full-scale investigation to hunt down and tofind those folks who committed this act.

Terrorism against our nation will notstand.

And now if you would join me in amoment of silence. May God bless thevictims, their families, and America.Thank you very much.

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Secretary Colin Powell delivered hisremarks at a meeting of the Organizationof American States in Lima, Peru.

I also express my thanks to all of my col-leagues for their expressions of condo-lence, and I thank you for the resolutionthat was passed a few moments ago. Aterrible, terrible tragedy has befallen mynation, but it has befallen all of thenations of this region, all the nations ofthe world, and befallen all those whobelieve in democracy. Once again we seeterrorism, we see terrorists, people whodon’t believe in democracy, people whobelieve that with the destruction of build-ings, with the murder of people, they can

somehow achieve a political purpose.They can destroy buildings, they can killpeople, and we will be saddened by thistragedy; but they will never be allowed tokill the spirit of democracy. They cannotdestroy our society. They cannot destroyour belief in the democratic way. You canbe sure that America will deal with thistragedy in a way that brings those respon-sible to justice. You can be sure that asterrible a day as this is for us, we will getthrough it because we are a strong nation,a nation that believes in itself. You can besure that the American spirit will prevailover this tragedy. It is important that Iremain here for a bit longer in order to bepart of the consensus of this new charteron democracy. That is the most importantthing I can do before departing to go backto Washington, D.C. and attend to theimportant business that awaits me and allmy other colleagues in the administration,and all Americans. I will bring to Presi-dent Bush your expression of sorrow andyour words of support.

I thank all of you, and Mr. President, Ihope we can move the order of business tothe adoption of the charter because I verymuch want to be here to express the Unit-ed States’ commitment to democracy inthis hemisphere. Terrorism, as was noted,is everyone’s problem and there are coun-tries represented here who have beenfighting terrorism for years and have seen

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RReessppoonnssee bbyy tthhee UUnniitteedd SSttaatteessThe September 11 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington shocked the world. The attacks and their aftermathdominated the news during the latter half of 2001. These events were multifaceted, and involved a wide range ofactors—within the Unites States and globally. This feature focuses on a subset of these events and actors—particularly, those related to diplomatic dialogue and the evolution of U.S. policy on terror following September 11.Other signficant topics—notably the military campaign in Afghanistan and the relationship of the attacks to long-standing conflicts in the Middle East region—are covered primarily as they relate to the main theme of the feature.Similarly, aspects of these events that are primarily domestic in nature are covered only tangentially. These include thehuman tragedy of the events, increases in domestic security, the anthrax scare, and changes in American societalviews.

I. September 11, 2001:The Attack

horrible things happen. It is something wemust all unite behind. And we unitebehind it as democratic nations committedto individual liberties, committed to therights of people to live in peace and free-dom in a way in which they and not ter-rorists select their leaders or define howthey will be governed.

So I thank you for your expression ofsolidarity. I ask, Mr. Chairman, if it wouldbe at all possible for the resolution to bemoved forward for adoption so that I canbe a part of the consensus.


Secretary Colin Powell delivered hisremarks while en route from Peru toWashington DC.

Secretary Powell. I know that we all feela deep sense of loss, a deep sense of sad-ness and outrage at what happened in theUnited States today, and my heart goesout to all those who lost their lives and totheir families. And, you can be sure thatthe United States Government will doeverything to find the perpetrators of thiscowardly attack against innocent peopleand bring them to justice.

As you know, I got word of this while Iwas meeting with President Toledo atabout 8:35*. It was an initial report, it wasnot accurate, but it was serious enough togive me a sense that something terriblehad happened. I briefed the President andhis colleagues and a few moments later anupdated message came in that started togive a better understanding of how seriousthis was. We finished the meeting. By thenit was clear that a major disaster wasunfolding back home. So I immediatelymade a decision to return home. But itwould take a little while to get the air-plane ready, and it also gave me theopportunity to go to the beginning of theconference where I was surrounded bycolleague after colleague, foreign ministerafter foreign minister expressing regretsand extending their condolences to theUnited States and to the families of thosewho lost their lives.

I think you saw what happened on theremote screens out in the conferenceroom, the expressions of sadness and the

resolution of support from the OAS. Theygave me an opportunity to say a fewwords and make the point that at a meet-ing where we are celebrating democracy,let there be no doubt that buildings can bedestroyed and precious lives can be lostbut our society cannot be destroyed andour democracy cannot be destroyed. Ourspirit as a nation cannot be destroyed.They then at their suggestion immediatelybrought forward the declaration that wewere there to consider, and I think yousaw the nations accept it by acclamation,standing in support of this acclamation ofdemocracy, but I think also standing andapplauding in solidarity with the Ameri-can people.

With respect to the events of the day, asyou know when we took off, both towersof the World Trade Center had fallen, seri-ous fire at the Pentagon which is still rag-ing and has not been brought under con-trol yet. Other planes crashed elsewhere inthe United States, one crashed near CampDavid and the other crashed out in west-ern Pennsylvania**. To the best of myknowledge that’s all that happened. No

damage to the best of my knowledge wasdone from those. So it was obviously awell-coordinated, extensive assault againstthe United States. You may have gotten anearlier report that there was a car bomboutside the State Department, but that isnot the case.

The President spoke to the nation nottoo long ago and is in a secure facility.The Vice President is in the secure facili-ties in Washington. The National Securityteam is intact and everything is beingdone to restore communications and torestore all the things that have been dis-rupted in the course of this morning.

I’ve spoken to Deputy SecretaryArmitage twice. He is of course in con-stant touch with the White House and I’vealso spoken to Dr. Rice, and the Presidentand I, he tried to connect with me, butthen we were moving and we were unableto connect. I don’t want to get into specu-lation as to who, what, where, why.There’s been no reputable claim ofresponsibility yet.

World leaders have been calling in toexpress their concern and extend condo-

September 11, 2001

Foreign Policy Bulletin 3

Today we’ve had a national tragedy. Two airplanes have crashed into the World Trade Center in anapparent terrorist attack on our country. I have spoken to the Vice President, to the Governor of NewYork, to the Director of the FBI, and have ordered that the full resources of the federal government go tohelp the victims and their families, and to conduct a full-scale investigation to hunt down and to findthose folks who committed this act.

Terrorism against our nation will not stand.

President George Bush, September 11, 2001

lences. I will get back to Washingtonimmediately to contact leaders around theworld and get plugged into what’s beengoing on. Because of this, we’re in com-munications with the Department butwe’re going to keep that minimized due tothe overload of communications all overthe country at this time. I think that’s real-ly all I have for you and I’ll take one ortwo questions if it flushes out what I’vesaid, but not to get into speculation.

Q. Secretary Powell, as you knowthere have been a number of worldwidecautions that your Department hasissued, do you think, and I recognizethat it’s very early, but do you thinkthat this is something that could haveoriginated from the people that wereplanning this trying to throw the U.S.off their scent, obviously not thinkingthat this attack would happen on U.S.soil?

Secretary Powell. I don’t know, I don’twant to speculate on who, what orwhether the warnings are connected tothis. I don’t know the answers to any ofthe questions you might pose to me withrespect to responsibility or what triggeredit. I just don’t know.

Q. Mr. Secretary, anything on thecasualties, also on the types of aircraftthat were used.

Secretary Powell. Obviously, I don’tknow the casualty numbers and they willbe very large. The information I have onairplanes was a 767 coming out of Loganthat went into the World Trade Centerbound for Los Angeles. I don’t haveenough details on the others to comment.

Q. Will you be able to work out of theState Department? Is the State Depart-ment operational?

Secretary Powell. The State Depart-ment is functioning. I will be working outof lots of places.

Q. Have you heard yet whether any-body has been able to identify, at leastby name, the people who hijacked theplanes?

Secretary Powell. No. I’m sure the FBI

is on that and other agencies are on it. Idon’t have any information.

Q. Those two aircraft that crashed, doyou have any sense of where they wereheaded to?

Secretary Powell. One was going fromLogan to LA—

Q. No. The Camp David and Pennsyl-vania.

Secretary Powell. No, I know nothingabout them, all I heard were the reportsand I don’t know if they are big airplanesor little airplanes or what. There was con-cern that there might be other airplanesand so, I mean we have AWACS up flyinga CAP. All the airports are closed.

Q. Did the State Department receiveany kind of warning or did any U.S.agency get any warning that you’reaware of?

Secretary Powell. Specific warningabout this specific incident, nothing I’maware of. Of course we have sent advi-sories and warnings out to embassies andrequests for any information they mighthave.

Q. Mr. Secretary is there anythingnow that you are prepared to ask othercountries to do to respond to this, arethere any diplomatic initiatives that arelikely?

Secretary Powell. I don’t have anythingto give you at this time, I’m sure that thereare many things that we’ll be talkingabout in the days ahead, but I don’t haveanything to give you now.

Q. What’s the status of U.S. missionselsewhere in the world now?

Secretary Powell. We have sent outadvisories and cables to all of our U.S.missions for them to take added securitycautions, for them to be vigilant, to be intouch with their host governments for notonly security but also for any assistancewith respect to information concerningthis that might be of use to us.

* Actual time was 8:10.

**Correction: No plane crashed near CampDavid.


President Bush delivered his remarksupon arriving at Barksdale Air ForceBase in Louisiana, in transit to anundisclosed, secure location.

I want to reassure the American peoplethat the full resources of the federal gov-ernment are working to assist localauthorities to save lives and to help thevictims of these attacks. Make no mistake:The United States will hunt down andpunish those responsible for these coward-ly acts.

I’ve been in regular contact with theVice President, the Secretary of Defense,the national security team and my Cabi-net. We have taken all appropriate securityprecautions to protect the American peo-ple. Our military at home and around theworld is on high alert status, and we havetaken the necessary security precautions tocontinue the functions of your govern-ment.

We have been in touch with the leadersof Congress and with world leaders toassure them that we will do whatever isnecessary to protect America and Ameri-cans.

I ask the American people to join me insaying a thanks for all the folks who havebeen fighting hard to rescue our fellowcitizens and to join me in saying a prayerfor the victims and their families.

The resolve of our great nation is beingtested. But make no mistake: We willshow the world that we will pass this test.God bless.

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White House Press Secretary AriFleischer delivered his remarks aboardAir Force One en route to Andrews AirForce Base at 1:45 P.M.

Mr. Fleischer. While on the ground atBarksdale, the President spoke to the VicePresident several times—the Vice Presi-dent, of course, being at the operations

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center at the White House. He spoke with the Secretary of Defense;

he spoke to Senator Schumer; he had spo-ken to his wife prior to landing inLouisiana.

Q. Do you know where she is?

Mr. Fleischer. She’s at a secure facility.

Q. And his daughters?

Mr. Fleischer. They’re also at a securelocation.

Q. Are they with her or—?

Mr. Fleischer. No, no, they’re at theirrespective schools.

So he spoke to several members of thenational security team, and I mentionedSenator Schumer. And he has been receiv-ing information—information will contin-ue to come in and it’ll continue to be eval-uated. There will be a National SecurityCouncil meeting later this afternoon, inwhich the President will participate viateleconference.

And, needless to say, all elements of theUnited States government are now doingtheir part, not only to help those who havebeen hurt, but to collect information, toanalyze it and to provide it to the Presi-dent.

Q. Does the President now know any-thing more about who is responsible,the coordinated attack, and whetherthis is it or—

Mr. Fleischer. That information is stillbeing gathered and analyzed. And I antic-ipate that will be an ongoing process for alittle while. Often, at a time like this,information comes in, it turns out not tobe true. The proper procedure is to care-fully, thoroughly evaluate all informationand do so in a—

Q. Had there been any warnings thatthe President knew of?

Mr. Fleischer. No warnings.

Q. Does the President—is he con-cerned about the fact that this attack ofthis severity happened with no warn-ing?

Mr. Fleischer. First things first: hisconcern is with the safety of people whohave lost their—the health and security ofthe American people and with the familiesof those who have lost their lives. Therewill come an appropriate time to do allappropriate look backs. is focus is onevents this morning.

Q. Has he been given any estimate ofwhat the American casualties may be?

Mr. Fleischer. I don’t believe so, Ann.

Q. Has he spoken with Mayor Giu-liani or Governor Pataki?

Mr. Fleischer. He spoke with GovernorPataki. He plans to speak with MayorGiuliani.

Q. Who is with him on the plane?

Mr. Fleischer. Chief of Staff Card, KarlRove, Dan Bartlett, myself, Gordon.

Q.—that’s it?

Mr. Fleischer. Yes, as I indicated, we’vepared everything back so that we can—

Q. And does the President feel huntedor in jeopardy? I mean, he is kind oftrying to stay out of—

Mr. Fleischer. The President is lookingforward to returning to Washington. Heunderstands at a time like this, cautionmust be taken; and he wants to get to backto Washington.

Q. What’s he doing right now?

Mr. Fleischer. He’s talking to people onthe phone from his cabin.

Q. In his cabin?

Mr. Fleischer. Yes.

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White House Press Secretary AriFleischer delivered his remarks aboardAir Force One en route to Andrews AirForce Base at 5:30 P.M.

Mr. Fleischer. The President will addressthe nation tonight, upon his return to theWhite House. He met this afternoon forone hour and five minutes with his nation-al security team via live tele-conferencefrom Offutt Air Force Base in Nebraska.

Among the things the President saidwere, “We will find these people and theywill suffer the consequence of taking onthis nation. We will do what it takes,” andhe continued, “No one is going to dimin-ish the spirit of this country.”

The President has also heard today fromcountless world leaders either who arecalling to—back to Washington or havesent him directly communiqués. He’sheard from Britain, France, Germany,Russia—a host of nations, all of whomhave expressed their outrage at this attack,and who have assured the American peo-ple that the international communitystands with America.

That’s what I’ve got.

Q. The message tonight, do you knowhow soon after he gets back to theWhite House he’ll be able to do that?

Mr. Fleischer. Can’t indicate yet.

Q. And when he does, the message isto the American people, as he said earli-er, and to foreign countries?

Mr. Fleischer. It will be a message ofresolve and reassurance. It will be a reas-suring message that our nation has beentested before, our nation has always pre-vailed.

Q. Does the President have any infor-mation about the source of the violenceand the mastermind behind it?

Mr. Fleischer. I’m not going to discussany of the intelligence information that’sbeen provided to the President.

Q. Can you give us some idea of why

September 11, 2001


the stops that we made today weremade? I understand the nature of thetragedy that we’re dealing with, butwhy these particular locations?

Mr. Fleischer. For security purposesthat involve the President.

Q. I mean, was this more like a roll ofthe dice as in, which Air Force baseswill we end up at? Or is this morewanting—

Mr. Fleischer. Well, of course, nobodywould ever know what Air Force base wewould end up at. That’s routine procedure.There are a series of plan that you alwayshope remain on the shelf that, unfortunate-ly, today had to be implemented.

And so, as a matter of security, the Pres-ident traveled in the manner that he didand that also allowed the national securitycommunity to assess the ongoing natureof a threat. Obviously, the President isnow returning to Washington.

Q. Why is he returning now? Whomakes the decision that it is safe for hisreturn now?

Mr. Fleischer. Well, ultimately, it’s thePresident. Information is provided to thePresident about any type of threat, and thePresident makes the final determination.The President wanted to get back toWashington. He understood that there canbe a period of caution so that the securitypeople can make a full and proper assess-ment about any threats.

They were afforded that opportunity.The President traveled to a secure locationwhile they took that opportunity. Andnow, obviously, the President is returninghome safely.

Q. There was some confusion earlierabout whether the Vice President was atthe White House the entire time, orwhether he was evacuated and ultimate-ly returned to the White House.

Mr. Fleischer. Well, my information ishe was at the White House the wholetime. You’d have to check with his officeabout what time he arrived at the WhiteHouse. But from the beginning, when thePresident spoke to him this morning, hewas at the White House, that’s where the

President reached him.

Q. A number of domestic groups havecalled off, you know, scheduling a num-ber of activities—baseball, Emmyawards. How does the President nowview the next few days for his concen-tration? He will have to deal with thispretty exhaustively over the rest of theweek.

Mr. Fleischer. The President thinks it’simportant for America to return to theirlives. As he indicated, this is a test ofAmerica’s resolve and that no one willdiminish America’s spirit; and America’sspirit includes a return to normallifestyles.

Q. As for his schedule for the rest ofthe week, he will now focus on this pri-marily?

Mr. Fleischer. Of course, this will behis top priority now.

Q. What are his plans for—in termsof, is he going to stay in the WhiteHouse? Is he going to be moved to a dif-ferent location from there?

Mr. Fleischer. We’ll, of course, adviseyou of any presidential travel, as always.But the President is returning to the OvalOffice and he will go to work.

Q. He will what? I’m sorry.

Mr. Fleischer. The President is return-ing to the White House to go to work.

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Secretary Donald H. Rumseld, GeneralHugh Shelton, Secretary Thomas E.White, Senator Carl Levin (D-MI), andSenator John Warner (R-VA) deliveredtheir remarks at a press conference atthe Pentagon at 6:42 P.M.

Secretary Rumsfeld. This is a—first ofall, good evening. This is a tragic day forour country. Our hearts and prayers go tothe injured, their families and friends.

We have taken a series of measures toprevent further attacks and to determinewho is responsible. We’re making everyeffort to take care of the injured and thecasualties in the building. I’m deeplygrateful for the many volunteers from thedefense establishment and from the excel-lent units from all throughout this region.They have our deep appreciation.

We have been working closely through-out the day with President Bush, VicePresident Cheney, CIA Director GeorgeTenet, the vice chairman of the JointChiefs of Staff, Dick Myers, who is cur-rently participating in a meeting elsewherein the building, and a great many otherofficials from throughout the government.

I should say we’ve received calls fromacross the world offering their sympathyand indeed their assistance in variousways.

I’m very pleased to be joined here byChairman Carl Levin and Senator JohnWarner. Senator Warner called earliertoday and offered his support and waskind enough to come down and has beenwith us. We’ve very recently had a discus-sion with the president of the UnitedStates. Chairman Hugh Shelton has justlanded from Europe. Secretary of theArmy Tom White, who has a responsibili-ty for incidents like this as executive agentfor the Department of Defense, is alsojoining me.

It’s an indication that the United Statesgovernment is functioning in the face ofthis terrible act against our country. I

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should add that the briefing here is takingplace in the Pentagon. The Pentagon’sfunctioning. It will be in business tomor-row.

I know the interest in casualty figures,and all I can say is it’s not possible tohave solid casualty figures at this time.And the various components are doingroster checks, and we’ll have informationat some point in the future. And as quicklyas it’s possible to have it, it will certainlybe made available to each of you.

I’ll be happy to take a few questionsafter asking first General Shelton if hewould like to say anything, and then wewill allow the others to make a remark ortwo.

General Shelton. Thank you, Mr. Sec-retary. Ladies and gentlemen, as the secre-tary just said, today, we have watched thetragedy of an outrageous act of barbaricterrorism carried out by fanatics againstboth civilians and military people, actsthat have killed and maimed many inno-cent and decent citizens of our country.

I extend my condolences to the entireDepartment of Defense families, militaryand civilian, and to the families of allthose throughout our nation who lostloved ones.

I think this is indeed a reminder of thetragedy and the tragic dangers that weface day in and day out both here at thathome as well as abroad.

I will tell you up front, I have no inten-tions of discussing today what comesnext, but make no mistake about it, yourarmed forces are ready.

Senator Warner. The chairman.

Secretary Rumsfeld. The chairman ofthe Senate Armed Services Committee,Carl Levin.

Senator Levin. Our intense focus onrecovery and helping the injured and thefamilies of those who were killed ismatched only by our determination to pre-vent more attacks and matched only byour unity to track down, root out andrelentlessly pursue terrorists, states thatsupport them and harbor them.

They are the common enemy of the civ-ilized world. Our institutions are strong,and our unity is palpable.

Senator John Warner.

Senator Warner. Thank you. As a past chairman, preceding Carl

Levin, I can assure you that the Congressstands behind our president, and the presi-dent speaks with one voice for this entirenation. This is indeed the most tragic hourin America’s history, and yet I think it canbe its finest hour, as our president andthose with him, most notably our secretaryof Defense, our chairman, and the menand women of the armed forces all overthis world stand ready not only to defendthis nation and our allies against furtherattack, but to take such actions as aredirected in the future in retaliation for thisterrorist act—a series of terrorist acts,unprecedented in world history.

We call upon the entire world to step upand help, because terrorism is a commonenemy to all, and we’re in this together.The United States has borne the brunt, butwho can be next? Step forward and let ushold accountable and punish those thathave perpetrated this attack.

Again, I commend the secretary, thechairman, and how proud we are. Wespoke with our President here momentsago. He’s got a firm grip on this situation,and the Secretary and the General have afirm grip on our armed forces and in com-munication the world over.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Thank you verymuch.

We’ll take a few questions and thenwe’ll adjourn.

Charlie.

Q. Mr. Secretary, did you have anyinkling at all, in any way, that some-thing of this nature and something ofthis scope might be planned?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Charlie, we don’tdiscuss intelligence matters.

Q. I see. And how—how would yourespond if you find out who did this?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Obviously, thepresident of the United States has spokenon that subject, and those are issues thathe will address in good time.

Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, we are gettingreports from CNN and others that there

are bombs exploding in Kabul,Afghanistan. Are we, at the moment,striking back? And if so, is the targetOsama bin Laden and his organization?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’ve seen thosereports. They—in no way is the UnitedStates government connected to thoseexplosions.

Q. What about Osama bin Laden, doyou suspect him as the prime suspect inthis?

Secretary Rumsfeld. It’s not the timefor discussions like that.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said you couldnot be specific about casualties. Canyou give us some characterization,whether it’s dozens, hundreds in thebuilding?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, we knowthere were large numbers, many dozens,in the aircraft that flew at full power,steering directly into the—between, Ithink, the first and second floor of the—opposite the helipad. You’ve seen it. Therecannot be any survivors; it just would bebeyond comprehension.

There are a number of people thatthey’ve not identified by name, but identi-fied as being dead, and there are a numberof causalities. But the FBI has secured thesite. And the—information takes time tocome. People have been lifted out andtaken away in ambulances. And the num-bers will be calculated, and it will not be afew.

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you tell uswhat you saw?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Yeah?

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you considerwhat happened today, both in New Yorkand here, an act of war?

Secretary Rumsfeld. There is no ques-tion but that the attack against the UnitedStates of America today was a vicious,well-coordinated, massive attack againstthe United States of America. What wordsthe lawyers will use to characterize it isfor them.

September 11, 2001


Q. Does that mean that the U.S. is atwar then?

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said that thePentagon would be open for businesstomorrow. What kind of assurances canyou give the people who work here atthe building that the building will besafe?

Secretary Rumsfeld. A terrorist canattack at any time at any place using anytechnique. It is physically impossible todefend at every time in every place againstevery technique. It is not possible to giveguarantees. The people who work in thisbuilding do so voluntarily. They’re bravepeople, and they do their jobs well.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you give a senseof what happened—what did you seewhen you left your office, ran down tothe site and apparently helped peopleon stretchers and then returned to thecommand center?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The—I felt theshock of the airplane hitting the building,went through the building and then outinto the area, and they were bringing bod-ies out that had been injured, most ofwhich were alive and moving, but serious-ly injured. And a lot of volunteers weredoing a terrific job helping to bring themout of the buildings and get them intostretchers and into ambulances and intoairlifts.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you tell us howmany of the dead were soldiers and howmany were civilians? Have you beenable to determine that?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Absolutely not. Yeah.

Q. Mr. Secretary, today we saw mili-tary planes both in New York and inWashington. How much more of a mili-tary presence will we see, now that thisincident has occurred, for the nextweek?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Those kinds ofdecisions are made day to day. It is correctthat we had aircraft flying protective mis-sions at various places in the United Statestoday. And they will do that as appropri-

ate.

Q.—what do you say to the Americanpeople who may have questions on howsomething so coordinated has been car-ried out against this nation? What doyou say to them who might not haveconfidence that our intelligence andsecurity are what they should havebeen?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I say to them thatthe president of the United States will bemaking some remarks to them thisevening that will address those subjects.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you’ve declared—the Pentagon has declared ThreatconDelta for forces around the world.Could you tell me why? Have youreceived any threats? Or has anyoneclaimed credit for this?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We have in factdeclared Force Protection Condition Deltaand a condition of high alert—indeed, thehighest alert. We did so almost immediate-ly upon the attacks, and it is still in force.

Q. Mr. Secretary, were there threatsissued against other U.S. facilities else-where in the world today?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The—I don’tknow that there’s a day that’s gone bysince I’ve been in this job that therehaven’t been threats somewhere in theworld to some facility somewhere. It’s a—it’s one of the complexities of the intelli-gence business that you have to sortthrough those kinds of things. But wedon’t get into the specifics.

Yes? You had your hand up? Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, there were rumorsearlier in the day that the plane whichcrashed in Pennsylvania had beenbrought down by the United States,either shot down or in some other man-ner.

Secretary Rumsfeld. We have absolute-ly no information that any U.S. aircraftshot down any other aircraft today.

Q. I wonder if we could just ask Sena-tor Levin one thing, Senator, if that’s allright.

Senator Levin. You bet.

Q. Senator Levin, you and otherDemocrats in Congress have voiced fearthat you simply don’t have enoughmoney for the large increase in defensethat the Pentagon is seeking, especiallyfor missile defense, and you fear thatyou’ll have to dip into the Social Securi-ty funds to pay for it. Does this sort ofthing convince you that an emergencyexists in this country to increase defensespending, to dip into Social Security, ifnecessary, to pay for defense spend-ing—increase defense spending?

Senator Levin. One thing where thecommittee was unanimous on, amongmany, many other things, was that the—we authorized the full request of the Presi-dent, including the $18 billion. So I wouldsay that Democrats and Republicans haveseen the need for the request.

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you describewhat steps are being taken—defensivemeasures—beyond force protection,and whether there’s been any opera-tional planning for homeland defenseand as to—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Those aren’t thekinds of things that one discusses.

Q. Sir, the perpetrators of the KhobarTowers bombing were never found—theCole bombing as well. What assurancesor what confidence do you have that theperpetrators of this act will be found?

Secretary Rumsfeld. All one can offerby way of assurance is a seriousness ofpurpose. We’re still taking bodies out ofthis building, so I would say that that’s alittle premature.

Q. Mr. Secretary?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Yes?

Q. You’ve talked about—and othersat the podium have talked about beingready, the military is ready, GeneralShelton said. And we understand theNavy has dispatched two carriers andsome guided-missile cruisers anddestroyers and a couple of MarineCorps helicopter amphibious ships,

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8 Winter 2002

such as the Bataan—it’s not theBataan—here and to New York. Canyou tell us if that’s true? And also anyother things you can share with usabout how the United States military ispreparing to take on whatever in thenext few days?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We don’t makeannouncements about ship deployments.

Q. Mr. Secretary?


Q. Can you describe the fire-fightingefforts that are going on right now inthat corridor and the search-and-rescueefforts that are beginning?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Can I describethem?

Q. Yeah.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Why don’t we letthe Secretary of the Army, who was outthere with me a few minutes ago and hasbeen talking to the incident commanderon the site.

Secretary White. I think it’s fair to sayat this point that the fire is contained, andwill shortly, if not already, be sufficientlycontrolled to allow entry into the building.That entry will be supervised by the FBI,who are in charge of the site, assisted bythe fire departments that are present. We,on the Army side, will support them asthey go in the building and search forcasualties and bring them out, then wewill support them in dealing with that.That’s what’s going on on the ground.

Secretary Rumsfeld. We’ll take onelast question.

Q. Is the government operating underthe assumption that this attack is done,or is it poised or bracing for moreaction?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The governmentis certainly aware that it’s difficult toknow when attacks are concluded.

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President Bush delivered the followingaddress to the nation at 8:30 P.M.

Today, our fellow citizens, our way of life,our very freedom came under attack in aseries of deliberate and deadly terroristacts. The victims were in airplanes, or intheir offices; secretaries, businessmen andwomen, military and federal workers;moms and dads, friends and neighbors.Thousands of lives were suddenly endedby evil, despicable acts of terror.

The pictures of airplanes flying intobuildings, fires burning, huge structurescollapsing, have filled us with disbelief,terrible sadness, and a quiet, unyieldinganger. These acts of mass murder wereintended to frighten our nation into chaosand retreat. But they have failed; ourcountry is strong.

A great people has been moved todefend a great nation. Terrorist attacks canshake the foundations of our biggestbuildings, but they cannot touch the foun-dation of America. These acts shattered

steel, but they cannot dent the steel ofAmerican resolve.

America was targeted for attack becausewe’re the brightest beacon for freedomand opportunity in the world. And no onewill keep that light from shining.

Today, our nation saw evil, the veryworst of human nature. And we respondedwith the best of America—with the daringof our rescue workers, with the caring forstrangers and neighbors who came to giveblood and help in any way they could.

Immediately following the first attack, Iimplemented our government’s emergencyresponse plans. Our military is powerful,and it’s prepared. Our emergency teamsare working in New York City and Wash-ington, D.C. to help with local rescueefforts.

Our first priority is to get help to thosewho have been injured, and to take everyprecaution to protect our citizens at homeand around the world from further attacks.

The functions of our government contin-ue without interruption. Federal agenciesin Washington which had to be evacuatedtoday are reopening for essential person-nel tonight, and will be open for business

September 11, 2001


Today, our fellow citizens, ourway of life, our very freedomcame under attack in a series ofdeliberate and deadly terroristacts. The victims were in air-planes, or in their offices; secre-taries, businessmen and women,military and federal workers;moms and dads, friends andneighbors. Thousands of liveswere suddenly ended by evil,despicable acts of terror.

President George Bush, Sep-tember 11, 2001

tomorrow. Our financial institutionsremain strong, and the American economywill be open for business, as well.

The search is underway for those whoare behind these evil acts. I’ve directed thefull resources of our intelligence and lawenforcement communities to find thoseresponsible and to bring them to justice.We will make no distinction between theterrorists who committed these acts andthose who harbor them.

I appreciate so very much the membersof Congress who have joined me instrongly condemning these attacks. Andon behalf of the American people, I thankthe many world leaders who have calledto offer their condolences and assistance.

America and our friends and allies joinwith all those who want peace and securi-ty in the world, and we stand together towin the war against terrorism. Tonight, Iask for your prayers for all those whogrieve, for the children whose worlds havebeen shattered, for all whose sense ofsafety and security has been threatened.And I pray they will be comforted by apower greater than any of us, spokenthrough the ages in Psalm 23: “Eventhough I walk through the valley of theshadow of death, I fear no evil, for Youare with me.”

This is a day when all Americans fromevery walk of life unite in our resolve forjustice and peace. America has stooddown enemies before, and we will do sothis time. None of us will ever forget thisday. Yet, we go forward to defend freedomand all that is good and just in our world.

Thank you. Good night, and God blessAmerica.

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We are all traumatized by this terribletragedy. We do not know yet how manypeople have been killed or injured, butinevitably the number will be high. Ourfirst thoughts and prayers must be forthem and for their families. I wish toexpress my profound condolences tothem, and to the people and Governmentof the United States.

There can be no doubt that these attacksare deliberate acts of terrorism, carefullyplanned and coordinated—and as such I

condemn them utterly. Terrorism must befought resolutely wherever it appears.

In such moments, cool and reasonedjudgement is more essential than ever. Wedo not know yet who is behind these acts,or what objective they hope to achieve.What we do know is that no just cause canbe advanced by terror.

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The full horror of what has happened inthe United States earlier today is nowbecoming clearer. It is hard even to con-template the utter carnage and terrorwhich has engulfed so many innocentpeople. We’ve offered President Bush andthe American people our solidarity, ourprofound sympathy, and our prayers. Butit is plain that citizens of many countriesround the world, including Britain, willhave been caught up in this terror.

I have just chaired an emergency meet-ing of the British government Civil Con-tingencies Committee, and I would like toexplain some of the measures that wehave agreed to take here. There are arange of precautionary measures. We havestepped up security at airports to the high-est levels. No flights will take off from theUnited Kingdom for which we cannotapply the highest standards of security forair crew and passengers. Private flightshave been stopped except where specifi-cally authorized. Flight paths into Londonhave been changed, so there will be nocivil over-flights of central London.

Security has been increased across thefull range of government buildings andmilitary premises. The police across thewhole of the U.K. are on full alert. All ourdefense facilities round the world havebeen moved to high alert to ensure theprotection of British service personnel.Advice is being given to major financialand business institutions about appropriatesecurity measures. A number of othersecurity measures have been taken, and ofcourse we are in close touch with U.S.,European and other allies, and are co-operating with them on issues of security.All relevant ministers remain in communi-cation, and the committee—the civil con-tingencies committee—will meet againtomorrow at 8am.

Obviously some of these measures, notleast the effect upon airports, will lead tosome disruption, and I hope people under-stand that. But other than the specificmeasures we have taken, or that we haveadvised others to take, business and every-day life can continue as normal. As forthose that carried out these attacks, thereare no adequate words of condemnation.Their barbarism will stand as their shamefor all eternity.

As I said earlier, this mass terrorism isthe new evil in our world. The people whoperpetrate it have no regard whatever forthe sanctity or value of human life, andwe the democracies of the world, mustcome together to defeat it and eradicate it.This is not a battle between the UnitedStates of America and terrorism, butbetween the free and democratic worldand terrorism. We, therefore, here inBritain stand shoulder to shoulder withour American friends in this hour oftragedy, and we, like them, will not restuntil this evil is driven from our world.

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I condemn in the strongest possible termsthe senseless attacks which have just beenperpetrated against the United States ofAmerica. My sympathies go to the Ameri-can people, the victims and their families.These barbaric acts constitute intolerableaggression against democracy and under-line the need for the international commu-nity and the members of the Alliance tounite their forces in fighting the scourgeof terrorism.

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The North Atlantic Council met tonight toexpress its solidarity with the UnitedStates of America at this moment of greattragedy and mourning. Our deepest sym-pathy lies with the victims, their familiesand all Americans. The NATO nationsunanimously condemn these barbaric acts

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committed against a NATO member state.The mindless slaughter of so many inno-cent civilians is an unacceptable act ofviolence without precedent in the modernera. It underscores the urgency of intensi-fying the battle against terrorism, a battlethat the NATO countries—indeed all civi-lized nations—must win. All Allies standunited in their determination to combatthis scourge. At this critical moment, theUnited States can rely on its 18 Allies inNorth America and Europe for assistanceand support. NATO solidarity remains theessence of our Alliance. Our message tothe people of the United States is that weare with you. Our message to those whoperpetrated these unspeakable crimes isequally clear: you will not get away withit.

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Members of the Security Council areshocked by and unanimously condemn inthe strongest terms the horrifying terroristattacks which have taken place today inNew York, Washington, D.C., and else-where in the United States. This is atragedy for and a challenge to all humani-ty. There can be no excuse or justificationfor these acts and any terrorist act.

Members of the Security Councilexpress their deepest sympathy and con-dolences to the victims and their familiesand to the people and government of theUnited States of America.

Members of the Security Council callon all States to work together urgently tobring to justice the perpetrators, organiz-ers and sponsors of today’s outrages.They call on the international communityto redouble its efforts to prevent and sup-press terrorist acts by increased coopera-tion and full implementation of relevantinternational anti-terrorist conventions andSecurity Council resolutions.

Members of the Security Councilexpress their readiness to take urgent fur-ther steps in accordance with their respon-sibilities under the Charter of the UnitedNations.

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Shocked to learn of the serious attacksagainst certain areas in New York City andWashington D.C. on September 11, whichcaused horrendous casualty, I wish toexpress, on behalf of the Chinese Govern-ment and people, our deepest sympathyand solicitude to you and, through you, tothe Government and people of the UnitedStates. I wish also to extend our condo-lences to the families of the victims. TheChinese Government has consistently con-demned and rejected all forms of terroristviolence.

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Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Min-ister Peres wishes to extend, on behalf ofthe government and people of Israel,deepest condolences to the American peo-ple and leaders. The Foreign Ministerexpressed his rage and anger at the abom-inable acts of terrorism.

FM Shimon Peres offered the UnitedStates government, on behalf of the Stateof Israel, Israel’s aid and rescue assis-tance.

Israel is following the developmentswith deep concern and prays for the well-being of the American people. Israelgrieves at this tragedy of unimaginableproportions.


Secretary Colin Powell was interviewedby Katie Couric on NBC’s Today Show.

Q. The President is expected to meetwith his national security staff thismorning. Secretary of State Colin Pow-ell is just across the Potomac River atthe State Department this morning.

Secretary Powell, good morning toyou, sir.

Secretary Powell. Good morning,Katie.

Q. On a human level, I just want toget your reaction to the events of yester-day.

Secretary Powell. Total shock. I was ina meeting in Lima, Peru with PresidentToledo and his associates when a note washanded to me, and I just shouted outacross the breakfast table, “Oh my God.”And then the situation got worse over thenext 20 minutes as more reports came in,and I immediately made plans to return toWashington.

Before returning, though, I did attendbriefly a meeting of the Organization ofAmerican States, where 34 other totalstates—the United States was 33—wereassembled to bring into effect a new char-ter on democracy, and we did that by justa simple vote of acclamation. And then allof the delegates stood and applauded thisstatement in support of democracy, and toshow solidarity with the American peoplein this time of crisis.

Since my return, I’ve been in touch withleaders around the world, with LordRobertson and NATO, with Javier Solanaand the European Union and Kofi Annan,to make sure everybody understands thatwe need a worldwide response to thisassault on America, because it’s an assaulton civilization, it’s an assault on democra-cy, it’s an assault on the world and theworld must respond as the United Statesplans to respond.

Q. Secretary Powell, last night thePresident said, “Those who harborthese criminals will be held responsi-ble.” If we believe the man behind thisis in fact Usama bin Laden and that theTaliban, the ruling government inAfghanistan, is harboring him, whatcan the United States do to actuallyback up the President’s words?

Secretary Powell. Well, there are manyoptions available to us: military options,diplomatic options, further isolation ofany country that might be harboring whois responsible. We are not yet prepared tostate this morning who is responsible, butthe evidence is mounting, and I think itwill point us in the right direction in thenot-too-distant future, and then we will

September 11, 2001


have to not only take action on our ownpart, but also mobilize the world againstwhatever regimes may be supporting theterrorists who conducted this act.

Q. So you’re saying, General Powell,that as of this morning, you cannot saythat U.S. officials believe Usama binLaden was responsible for this?

Secretary Powell. Let me just say thatthere is evidence being developed now,and good evidence. We will be able tomake a definitive statement in due course.But I think it is best not to speculate untilwe do have the evidence all assembled,and we make an informed judgment andannouncement at that time.

Q. Secretary Powell, a diplomaticresponse may seem meager to manyAmericans, who in a poll this morningsaid 94 percent say they would supportmilitary action in retaliation if the U.S.can identify the groups or nationresponsible; 92 percent said they wouldsupport it even if it meant entering awar.

What is your response to that?

Secretary Powell. I fully understand theviews of the American people this morn-ing. We’re mad. We were assaulted. Butour spirit wasn’t assaulted, and our fight-ing spirit was not assaulted. So we want torespond. You don’t attack America likethis and get away with it.

And so I can assure the American peo-ple that the President, if he is able to getthe information pinpointing who it is andwhere they are and get targetable informa-tion, I am quite confident that he will lookat every option he has available to him torespond militarily.

Q. Along those lines, is the U.S. Gov-ernment prepared to enter a waragainst these terrorists, and wouldn’tthat entail committing ground troops tofind them, weed them out? After all, theU.S. has launched air strikes againstterrorist targets in the past, and the ter-rorists continue to survive, even flour-ish.

Secretary Powell. Let’s not think thatone single counter- attack will rid theworld of terrorism of the kind we saw yes-

terday. This is going to take a multi-faceted attack along many dimensions:diplomatic, military, intelligence, lawenforcement. All sorts of things will haveto be done to bring this scourge undercontrol. And it is not just one organiza-tion; it’s a network of organizations. Wehave to make the whole world understandthat this is something we all have to beinvolved in, and not just see it as a dis-creet response to a single incident. We’lldo that, but we have to realize that terror-ism has been around for a very long time,and it’s going to take a very long time toroot it out.

But what the President specifically wasfocusing on last night is that there arenations, there are states, there are organi-zations who provide havens, and thesestates and organizations cannot be given afree ride any longer. And a major part ofour diplomatic effort will be to mobilizethe international community against theactions of such states and organizationsonce we have a clear understanding ofwho is responsible for this and who mighthave been giving them haven.

Q. Do you think this was an individ-ual cell of terrorists, or do you believethis could be state-sponsored? In otherwords, could Iraq or a country like thathave been involved in this?

Secretary Powell. I just don’t know atthis point, and I’d rather not speculate.I’m sure as the evidence mounts, we willhave a better idea of, one, who is directlyresponsible, and two, what kind of supportthey may have been receiving from out-side that cell, outside that network, fromeither state organizations or other types ofterrorist organizations.

But I’d think it best we not speculatetoo wildly at this point.

Q. The U.S. spends billions of dollarson intelligence. Was this, in your view, amassive intelligence failure, as it hasbeen called?

Secretary Powell. I wouldn’t character-ize it that way. We spend many, many bil-lions of dollars on intelligence, and thenintelligence allows us to thwart manyattacks. There are many terrorist attacksthat never took place because of the finework of our intelligence and law enforce-

ment experts. But in this case, we did notget the cuing we needed, we did not getthe intelligence information needed to pre-dict that this was about to happen or beaware of this kind of event coming ourway.

So I think it’s premature to call it anintelligence failure. Let’s see what wemight have picked up as we go back anddo the postmortem on how this all cameabout.

Q. Would you agree with your formercolleague, General Schwartzkopf, thatwe need to emphasize human intelli-gence as much as technical intelligence,and we’ve got all the technological toysthat can be used for those purposes, butwhat we need are real thinking, seeingpeople on the ground to infiltrate thesegroups?

Secretary Powell. Absolutely, but it’seasier said than done. And we do have toemphasize human intelligence, becauseyou can defeat electronic intelligence justby not emitting. So human intelligence isvery, very important, and I know that ourintelligence community is very aware ofthat. But these are also difficult activitiesto penetrate, and to be able to stay withinsuch a network for a long period of time.

But certainly this will be looked at aswe review everything we’re doing in thefield of intelligence.

Q. If we do engage in another coun-try, or take military action, what arethe ramifications? In other words, if anIslamic fundamentalist group wasresponsible, what kind of retaliationmight we expect, and what kind ofaccess do they have, these groups, toweapons of mass destruction?

Secretary Powell. Well, let me notspeculate as to what we might do. I thinka full range of options will be available,and I know that the Secretary of Defenseand his colleagues are looking at that. Itall depends on where we run this toground, as to what counter-attack wemight receive from those who are respon-sible.

But at this time it’s premature to startspeculating, or to identify them as Islamicfundamentalists. Let’s just identify themas a terrorist group that can have no reli-

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gious underpinning, no legitimate under-pinning for this kind of action. This ismurder, which is against the tenets ofevery religion, every responsible religionthat is in the world, and it is receivingcondemnation from around the world,from people of all faiths and religiousbackgrounds.

So let’s just view them as what they are:terrorist organizations. And I cannot spec-ulate whether they might have access tothe kinds of weapons you discussed,because we don’t know exactly who it isyet. But we will be on guard for that.


Secretary Colin Powell was interviewedby Bryant Gumbel on the CBS MorningShow.

The first thing I’m doing this morning,Bryant, is, one, making sure that all ourembassies around the world are safe andtaking necessary precautionary actions.We have about 25 percent of ourembassies on suspended operation. Butthey will all be coming back up in thecourse of the day, I’m quite sure.

Next, the President has directed me towork with international organizations andour friends around the world to make thepoint that this is an assault against the civ-ilized world—not just against the UnitedStates—and to mobilize them to respondto this assault: diplomatically, militarily,with police actions, intelligence actions—and to make sure that those nations, as thePresident said last night, who might beharboring or providing comfort to thesekinds of terrorist organizations understandthat we will be holding them accountable.And once this trail leads us to who isresponsible, if there are nations that bearresponsibility in that regard for hostingthem, then we will be doing somethingabout that, as well.

Q. We heard the President’s wordslast night. I don’t expect a specifictimetable. But in general terms, howquickly can or will we respond?

Secretary Powell. We’ll respond assoon as we can. And in the diplomatic

sense—

Q. Are we talking weeks? Are we talk-ing months?

Secretary Powell. Well, we just don’tknow, Bryant. And it wouldn’t be—I don’tthink it would proper for me to speculatewithout knowing exactly who the perpe-trators are and whether there is somethingto respond to.

Diplomatically and in other ways, wecan respond immediately. And I’ve beenon the phone already with Kofi Annan atthe U.N., with Lord Robertson at NATOand with Javier Solana at the EuropeanUnion to get an international response tothis—condemnation, consideration ofother actions that the international com-munity might take.

Now, that just might sound like diplo-matic speak, but it’s important diplomaticspeak because we want the entire world tocome down and not only condemn thiskind of activity, but together—united—togo after those who continue to believe thatby killing innocent civilians they canachieve political purposes. That has to bethe response of the international commu-nity to kill that idea and root these organi-zations up once and for all.

Q. Mr. Secretary, besides being adiplomat, you’re also a military man.You know the topography. You knowthe landscape both diplomatic and oth-erwise. How realistic is it to think wecould track down the individuals whodid this?

Secretary Powell. I think it is realistic.I think we have demonstrated in the pastour ability to find people who have com-mitted these sorts of terrorist acts. Wehave very, very confident people whoknow how to follow leads. Sometimes ittakes a few weeks. Sometimes it takesyears. But we won’t give up. We will findthem. And they will be dealt with.

Q. The question being asked often thismorning, Mr. Secretary, is this, thatours is the most sophisticated defensesystem in the entire world, certainly themost expensive, to that question of howcould we not have seen this coming,what do you say?

Secretary Powell. I say that we do havethe best intelligence system. We have thebest military on the face of the Earth. Butas has been demonstrated many times inthe past, if you are a determined enemyand if you are prepared to go after softtargets, and if you are—you are preparedto do it in ways that are rather differentfrom anything we’ve seen before, unlesswe get something that cues us, somethingthat gives us some indication that this kindof asymmetric attack is coming, we arealways at risk. We can’t defend againstevery single possibility short of shuttingourselves up into some kind of block-house. We’re an open society. And so wehave thwarted many terrorist attacks overthe years. And some have been successful.But I can assure you that we have compe-tent people working on this. We do havethe best people working on it. But it isimpossible to stop every potential attackthat is coming our way.

Q. Understood. Final note, are we atwar, Mr. Secretary?

Secretary Powell. I think the Americanpeople are not confused about thelegalisms of this. When you saw thosescenes coming out of New York andWashington today, the American peoplemade a judgment, we are at war. And theywant a comprehensive response. Theywant us to act as if we are at war. And weare going to do that—diplomatically, mili-tarily, picking options that will respond tothis, searching out those who are responsi-ble, and those who harbor them.

And so as we go through the legalismsof all this and determine how to respondin the international community, the Ameri-can people know what they saw yesterdayand what they believe they saw, clearly,was an act of war. Not only against Amer-ica but against the international communi-ty—the community of peace. But theydidn’t hurt our spirit. They didn’t hurt ourresilience as a society. And we’ll comeback—we’ll come back firmly. We arestill very much intact as a society, as anation. And we know how to respond.

September 11, 2001



Secretary Colin Powell was interviewedby Tony Snow on Fox Morning News.

Q. We have an international terroristnetwork. There is no way we can nego-tiate with these people, is there?

Secretary Powell. No. They have to berooted. They have to be destroyed. Andwe are hard at work on that this morning.We are trying to make sure that the worldunderstands that this was an assault notjust on America, but on civilization—uponall of the nations of the world. And itrequires a worldwide response.

And that response has to be diplomatic.It has to be political. It has to be goingafter their means of support. It has to begoing after nations and states and otherorganizations that give them harbor andhaven and support. And it has to be mili-tary, as well, if targets can be found thatare actionable. And it has to be justice,too—if that is possible to bring somebodyto justice. But it has to be a completecomprehensive response. It is not just oneaction that is going to be taken.

Q. Secretary Powell, last night thePresident said that we will make no dis-tinction between terrorists and nationsthat harbor them. Let me read you alist of nations and see if you can pickout any that have not offered aid andcomfort to terrorists: Iran, Iraq, Syria,Libya, Sudan, Afghanistan. Are any ofthose off the list?

Secretary Powell. No.

Q. We also have in the past—SaudiArabia certainly has not cut off thespigot of funds for Usama bin Laden. Isthat a problem, as well?

Secretary Powell. Well, we’ll look atall possibilities of support to terroristorganizations in the course of our reviewof this particular situation as part of ourongoing struggle against terrorism.

Q. You have said a number of timestoday in previous interviews that youthink we’re pretty close to getting a

perpetrator. As soon as we get that,what is the timeline—do you think—between now and the time that youthink we will have pretty secure knowl-edge of who is responsible?

Secretary Powell. I don’t know, Tony,so I would rather not speculate or predict.But there is a body of evidence that isstarting to develop and come together that

is starting to point us in certain directions.But that really is the purview of our intel-ligence community. So I would rather notspeculate or predict as to when we canmake an announcement or when we canlet the world know.

Q. To make diplomacy credible andalso to send a message to terrorists, onepresumes that we would need torespond rather forcefully and ratherquickly. Again, how swiftly should theUnited States respond once it knowswho is responsible?

Secretary Powell. I would say that yourespond as quickly as you can once youknow who is responsible and once youhave something to respond to. And thismay take some patience. I’m quite confi-dent it isn’t going to be within a day or so.You have to get something that is action-able and then put in place forces that canconduct whatever strikes may be appropri-ate.

And I know that my colleague DonRumsfeld and the Joint Chiefs of Staff areexamining all the options that are avail-able to them, and then, of course, avail-able to the president. Diplomatically wecan start right away and we are contactingnations around the world. We’re very, verypleased with the response we have gottenfrom Russia, from China, from the U.N.,from NATO, from the European Union.

And this will all be part of our strategy.The important point is that we sufferedterrible losses yesterday. And our heartgoes out—our hearts go out to all of ourfellow Americans who are in such pain.But they didn’t get our spirit. They didn’tunderstand the resiliency of this greatnation of ours. And as the President saidlast night, we will be back, we willrespond. And they will regret to theirdeath what they perpetrated against usyesterday.

Q. When we tried to respond to theMunich disco bombing some of ourNATO allies did not allow us to do over-flights in order to strike back at Muam-mar Qadhafi. Do we now have assur-ance from our European allies that theywill give us their full support when itcomes to fighting whoever is responsi-ble?

Secretary Powell. I have had expres-sions of full support from European alliesand other allies. Now, we haven’t gone tothem with any specific requests yet. But Isense there is a good deal of leaning for-ward based in the calls I’ve had this morn-ing in recognition of the fact that thiscould have happened to any one of them.

* * * *

Q. Final question, sir, many Americanstoday are filled with anxiety. Could youtell them that you think that the attacksare over for now?

Secretary Powell. Well, I can’t say that.I simply don’t know. We have no indica-tion that anything similar to what hap-pened yesterday is afoot in the country.But at the same time, this is a time forcaution and vigilance. But it is also a timefor us to get back to work. It is also a timefor us to show the world that America isworking, to show the world that Americais coming back from this tragedy and notto hide in bunkers, but to get back towork—as we are here in the State Depart-ment and as we are all over Washingtonand our facilities around the world.

Q. Secretary Powell, I beg your indul-gence for one last question. You’ve beenworking very hard on trying to workfor Middle East peace. Yesterday Amer-

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Q. We have an international terroristnetwork. There is no way we cannegotiate with these people, is there?

Secretary Powell. No. They have tobe rooted. They have to be destroyed.

icans saw pictures of Palestinians danc-ing in the streets of Nablus, handing outcandy. How did that make you feel?

Secretary Powell. Awful, deplorable.And it just shocks me that people wouldfind this something to celebrate. And it isan image that is seared in my mind.


I have just completed a meeting with mynational security team, and we havereceived the latest intelligence updates.

The deliberate and deadly attacks whichwere carried out yesterday against ourcountry were more than acts of terror.They were acts of war. This will requireour country to unite in steadfast determi-nation and resolve. Freedom and democra-cy are under attack.

The American people need to know thatwe’re facing a different enemy than wehave ever faced. This enemy hides inshadows, and has no regard for humanlife. This is an enemy who preys on inno-cent and unsuspecting people, then runsfor cover. But it won’t be able to run forcover forever. This is an enemy that triesto hide. But it won’t be able to hide forev-er. This is an enemy that thinks its harborsare safe. But they won’t be safe forever.

This enemy attacked not just our people,but all freedom-loving people everywherein the world. The United States of Ameri-ca will use all our resources to conquerthis enemy. We will rally the world. Wewill be patient, we will be focused, andwe will be steadfast in our determination.

This battle will take time and resolve.But make no mistake about it: we willwin.

The federal government and all ouragencies are conducting business. But it isnot business as usual. We are operating ona heightened security alert. America isgoing forward, and as we do so, we mustremain keenly aware of the threats to ourcountry. Those in authority should takeappropriate precautions to protect our citi-zens.

But we will not allow this enemy to winthe war by changing our way of life orrestricting our freedoms. This morning, Iam sending to Congress a request foremergency funding authority, so that we

are prepared to spend whatever it takes torescue victims, to help the citizens of NewYork City and Washington, D.C. respondto this tragedy, and to protect our nationalsecurity.

I want to thank the members of Con-gress for their unity and support. Americais united. The freedom-loving nations ofthe world stand by our side. This will be amonumental struggle of good versus evil.But good will prevail.

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Senator Charles Schumer (D-NY),Senator John Warner (R-VA), SenatorHillary Clinton (D-NY), Senator GeorgeAllen (R-VA), and Senate ForeignRelations Committee Chairman JosephBiden (D-DE) delivered their remarks onthe Senate floor during a special sessionof the Senate.

Senator Schumer (D-NY). Mr. President,I very much appreciate, first, the hundredsof expressions of the Members of thisbody and the heartfelt expressions of griefto New Yorkers during our time of griefand our sadness. We need to move for-ward.

When something this cataclysmicoccurs, one’s mind works at many, manydifferent levels. It is very difficult to cometo grips with such an intense and terribletragedy, but we must; we have to. We seekas guidance the generations before us whohad their tragedies, they who rose to theoccasion. We must, as well.

There are many different levels of thistragedy. I will discuss four: the individuallevel, the level as a New Yorker, the levelas an American, and the level of theworld.

As an individual, our first thought goesto all who grieve. Last night in my cityand State, there were thousands of dinnertables with a missing person. There werethousands of families waiting for thatphone call, dialing their phones endlesslyto try to find a loved one. I know a littlebit of the angst they went through. I wasin the gym when this occurred, getting

ready to address the Supreme Court. I sawthe picture of the first damage to theWorld Trade Center. At first, I said whatmost said: This must have been an acci-dent, a little propeller plane that acciden-tally ran into the World Trade Center.

But the fire looked too large. Then wesaw the second plane crash. Immediately,it hit me: My daughter attends high schoolwithin the shadow of the World TradeCenter. Most of the pictures of the confla-gration show her high school in the back-ground. I reached my wife and for 2 hourswe were in virtual panic, trying to locateher to see how she was. Then, praise God,she called and we were relieved. Those 2hours of pure misery are now being expe-rienced tenfold, a hundredfold, a thou-sandfold by all of the families in NewYork and in Washington and in Bostonand in California who have lost lovedones to this dastardly and disgusting act.

So we first think as individuals how thishas affected the lives of all of us. Every-one in New York right now knows some-body who is missing. I know someone onthe 104th floor who worked for the goodfirm of Cantor Fitzgerald. We can’t findhardly anybody from that firm. He calledhis parents, told them he loved them, andthey haven’t heard from him since.

On television yesterday was the searchof a mother and two daughters for theirfather and husband who worked in theWorld Trade Center restaurant. I have twodaughters about the same age. We sawthose little girls. There was almost nothingyou could say. I have subsequently beentold they found their father. Let us hopeand pray that the others find their fathers,mothers, brothers, sisters, friends. Let ushope and pray that this tragedy, which isalready the largest tragedy we have expe-rienced since World War II, is as minimalas possible. But our hearts go out to all ofthose who are suffering now. We are withthem from one end of this country to theother.

Our city is a beautiful city. We havebeen bringing in people from all over theworld for 300 years. In one generation wechange them into Americans, and theysally forth around the country, adding vimand vigor and new ideas. That function ofNew York will never die. We are an inter-national city and we love being an interna-tional city. We New Yorkers feel the lossof life as a whole, as a city.

September 11, 2001


Out my window in Brooklyn, the domi-nant scene, after the Statue of Libertylooking over the harbor, are the two tow-ers. Not seeing them anymore, I feel vio-lated. I feel that some horrible person hascome in and taken something away fromall of us as a city. But we will survive andwe will prevail. We are New Yorkers. Thediligent firefighters and police officers,many of whom have now passed, run “to”tragedy, not away from it; their job is tosave.

It was told to me by many people thatthe lines to give blood went around blockafter block. People were waiting at 9o’clock, at midnight, at 3 in the morning,standing in line because they knew bloodwas needed. This morning I am happy totell my colleagues that the crisis, at leastin terms of blood donation, is over. We dohave enough blood.

I was told of the story of the merchantwhose store was on the path from theWorld Trade Center North. He owned ashoe store. He stood outside and gave thefleeing women sneakers, just handing outsneakers, tennis shoes. He knew theycouldn’t run in their high heels. That is aNew Yorker; and there are millions of us.

We are going to need your help. It hasalready been offered. I was gratified whenthe President called me yesterday after-noon and said this Nation will do anythingit takes to help New York recover. I wasgratified when just about every Membercame over to me and to Hillary andoffered us the help that we will need. Weneed help immediately.

The FEMA Director, I believe, will beflying with us to New York early thisafternoon to try to give help in terms ofsurvival, in terms of the immediate rescue.We will need lots of help after that. Wehave suffered a huge, huge loss. Ourfinancial industries have to recover, thelifeblood of the Nation and the world. Iappreciate the offers. We will be countingon everyone here and in the other bodyand the White House.

As an American, make no mistake aboutit, we did wake up in a new world inAmerica. It is a new era. Since World WarII, we had the cold war. We had a briefrespite, for 5, 7, 10 years. But we are nowin a new era. There are forces against us,and they are in many corners of the world.They hate us for our freedom. They areagainst the very progress that we have

made. They want to turn the clock all theway back to the Middle Ages. In the past,there have always been backward forces.But technology has given this group thepower to affect our lives in ways we neverbefore imagined.

Yes, this was a 21st century Pearl Har-bor but a little different because theyaimed at civilians, as they know our mili-tary is too strong. They are ultimatelycowards and bullies. It is not a nation thatdoes this, but it affects us. I say threethings in that regard.

First, we are a resilient nation. We don’ttake anything on our knees. We will nottake this. I assure the enemies of America,the enemies of freedom, the enemies ofprogress, of that.

Second, we must keep our freedoms aswe do this. To constrict ourselves wouldgive them the victory. And we must keepthem.

Third, I say this to all Americans: let usnot respond in a way that is unseemly ofAmerica. There are millions of Muslimsand Arab Americans in America. Theyhave different views than I do on the Mid-dle East, staunchly different views. Butthey were not for this. Let us go afterthose who advocate terrorism and destruc-tion but not after a whole people ornationality or religion. We have to avoidthat. That is the American thing to do.

Finally, thinking as a world citizen, weare in a new world, interconnected but

often nasty. Technology that has given usso much in the last 20 years has given thissmall group, these small groups, the abili-ty to cause huge, huge damage. As withPearl Harbor, we are affected directly.Unlike Pearl Harbor, there is no name orZIP Code or address.

But the one common thread is this: Ifwe stay as resolute as we did after PearlHarbor, we will win this war. We can andwe will, if we keep our resoluteness. Assomebody involved in antiterrorism, Ihave seen us go through paroxysms aftereach incident—3 months, 6 months ofattention and then business as usual. Wecannot go back to business as usual. Wewill not win this war against those whoseek to destroy our very way of life in aday or in a month or even a year. It isgoing to take several. If we are resolute,we will succeed.

They have their weaknesses and theirpressure points. I was glad the Presidentsaid we will not only go after the terroristsbut those who harbor terrorists. This couldnot have been done without some helpfrom countries. There are countries thataid terrorists. We know who they are.They are on the terrorist list. They shouldnot remain immune from what happened.In fact, they are the weak pressure pointof the groups that seek to hurt us anddestroy us.

Some of these awful people who didthis yesterday knew how to fly 757s.There was no 757 in the mountains ofAfghanistan. How did they get access tolearn to do this? These are the kinds ofquestions we have to ask in the nextweeks and months ahead, if we do find, asall fingers seem to point, that is fromwhere it came.

We have to do one other thing. We haveto have our European allies know that thisfinger is not just pointed at us but at them.This idea that for temporary economicadvantage they can continue to havestrong economic relations with countriesthat help and abet and harbor terroristsmust go out the window.

I was proud to speak to the Presidentyesterday. I assured him something, and Ithink I speak for all of us: partisanship.Divisions are out the window. He will beour leader. He will come up with a plan.We will have advice and offer sugges-tions. But once that plan is arrived at, wewill unite.

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[M]ake no mistake about it, we did wakeup in a new world in America. It is a newera. Since World War II, we had the coldwar. We had a brief respite, for 5, 7, 10years. But we are now in a new era. Thereare forces against us, and they are inmany corners of the world. They hate usfor our freedom. They are against the veryprogress that we have made. They want toturn the clock all the way back to theMiddle Ages. In the past, there havealways been backward forces. Buttechnology has given this group the powerto affect our lives in ways we never beforeimagined.

This is a long struggle. It is not an easystruggle. But because of our freedom,because of our American way of life, wewill prevail.

In conclusion, this event will neverleave us the same, not as individuals, notas New Yorkers, not as Americans, not asresidents of the planet earth. But we canlearn from it as we grieve. We can meetthe challenge and rise to the next level ofcivilization. I am confident we will.

Senator Warner (R-VA). Mr. President,I thank my colleagues and commend ourleadership. I want to pick up on the noteof our distinguished colleague from NewYork. We will never be the same as anation. That is true. We will be a betternation. We will be a stronger nation, as westep up to meet this challenge. Yesterdayour great Nation, our people, suffered in asingle day its greatest tragedy of a singleday. Immediately thereafter, this Nation,arm in arm, embarked on what I think his-tory will reflect is its finest hour—hoursyesterday, today, and tomorrow, into thefuture.

Our Nation from coast to coast lockedarms, irrespective of our backgrounds, ourcultures, our faiths, our beliefs—indeed,our differences. We locked arms, united asa nation behind our President, behind ourGovernment, putting full faith in our Gov-ernment to lead us in this crisis.

I pray that our President, our Congress,the Governors of the States, right on downto the city councils, the police, the firemenwho are working today, seize this opportu-nity and make our Nation even strongerand greater.

Our challenge here in our legislature,working with the President and others,will be to devise, yes, a strengthened secu-rity system in every walk of life for Amer-ica, regrettably, every walk of life, withemphasis this morning on airports. Butthose of us who have worked in the areaof terrorism know that airports, yes, arevulnerable, but there are many other areasin which we are vulnerable.

I am proud that the Senate Armed Ser-vices Committee, working with the othercommittees of this body, 3 years ago,when I was privileged to be chairman,instituted a special subcommittee solelydealing with those threats that are emerg-ing against the United States of America.We have done a lot of work in this Con-

gress. We have done our best to legislateand put our funds behind us. But now letus seize this opportunity to indeed makethis Nation stronger.

Each of us will forever remember yes-terday, where we were, what we did.Those of us who convened here yesterdaymorning then went to our staffs. I com-mend the leadership of the Congress,indeed, the police and others who had anorderly evacuation. I then called the Sec-retary of Defense, Don Rumsfeld andasked what could I do as the rankingmember of the committee to show my fullsupport for the men and women of the

Armed Forces and the uniformed as wellas the civilians. He said: JOHN, comeover.

I called my colleague, the chairman,Senator Levin. We joined and went overand stayed the better part of 3 hourswhich I will never forget. The Secretaryhad us in the room, the chairman and I,the Joint Chiefs, the other staff. Wewatched the operations. The Presidentcalled in. I watched the Secretary and thePresident. The Secretary handed me thephone and said: The President wishes tospeak to you.

America will be proud of the manner inwhich our command and control of ourmilitary and indeed the executive branchfunctioned to address this crisis. Thatchapter will be written.

I said to my friend, the Secretary: I wantvery much, as a Senator from Virginia, togo and look at that area of the buildingthat was struck.

He said: Of course. I will escort you.

And that he did for Senator Levin and I.We went around that building, in which

I spent over 5 years of the happiest daysof my life in the Navy’s secretariat. Wespeculated as far back as the late 1960sand 1970s how that building could beattacked. Yes, we thought of this scenario.But that is history.

There I saw that building and how thataircraft, Mr. President, was skillfully guid-ed and piloted such as to penetrate thatbuilding through three or four of the rings.And as we are here today, the casualtieswe know not in number, but what we doknow and what I saw, as I sat there but afew feet from the building, all around mewere voluntary firemen, men and women,professional firemen and rescue men andwomen. Therein rests the greatness of ourNation as to how they responded and whatthey were doing, unselfishly, risking theirown lives. We saw some coming out filledwith smoke and debris but doing whatthey could to help those trapped, dead orotherwise, in that building.

Our colleagues from New York havemost dramatically and compassionatelydescribed what has occurred in their State.We grieve with our citizens today who aresuffering these losses, the dead, theinjured, and their families. But Americaremains unbowed.

America is stronger. America is united.And we the leadership have our greatestchallenge in this hour.

Again, as we pursue the legislative chal-lenge to balance the magnificence of ourConstitution, which has held us united—itremains the oldest continuously perform-ing Republic in the world today—and bal-ance the need of additional securityagainst human rights, civil rights, and therule of law, we will do it. Never beforehas our Congress been faced with agreater challenge to preserve one of thegreatest parts of this Nation, and yetaddress the future.

Just a personal note, I remember WorldWar II. I was a youngster in the earlyparts of it. My generation, at age 17, weall volunteered, in the fall of 1944, 1945. Ibecame a sailor.

I remember that period very well, howall Americans united. My generation of 17and 18, we were prepared to do our part inthe war. But I called my children yester-day and I said much has been said aboutthe greatest generation, those who were

September 11, 2001


[A]s we pursue the legislative challenge tobalance the magnificence of ourConstitution, which has held us united—itremains the oldest continuouslyperforming Republic in the world today—and balance the need of additionalsecurity against human rights, civil rights,and the rule of law, we will do it. Neverbefore has our Congress been faced with agreater challenge to preserve one of thegreatest parts of this Nation, and yetaddress the future.

privileged to serve in World War II, thosewho were here on the home front. ThisNation pulled together, met our adver-saries and emerged stronger.

I said, we may be remembered as thegreatest generation, but my children andyour children will become the greater gen-eration because they will seize, with ourleadership, the same challenge, theyounger generation in America, and gobeyond what we achieved in World War II.We will relentlessly pursue the enemywherever they are, and we will carefully,under the rule of law, seek justice. We willprevail and become a stronger nation.

I thank this body for the privilege ofaddressing it and the Nation today.

Senator Clinton (D-NY). Thank you,Mr. President. I thank my colleagues fortheir outpouring of support, their con-cerns, and their many offers of additionalaid that has come to the rescue of our peo-ple as a result of this devastating tragedy.

Yesterday dawned a beautiful day inNew York. My daughter told me it wasone of those days where the sky was total-ly clear, there was a breeze, people werestarting to line up at the polling places tovote because it was primary day, an elec-tion day, a continuation of the commit-ment to democracy and self-governmentthat has set us apart from every societythat has ever existed because of thelongevity of our democracy and the willof our people to constantly renew them-selves.

New Yorkers went from standing in lineto vote to standing in line to donate bloodin just a few hours. I do not think any ofus will ever get out of our minds theimages we saw on television of the planegoing into the first tower, the plane goinginto the second tower, and the plane goinginto the Pentagon, but there were tens ofthousands of our fellow Americans, peo-ple who live in New York, New Jersey,and Connecticut, people literally fromevery part of our country and, indeed, theworld for whom this was not an event theywatched in horror on television but livedthrough and in too many instances did notsurvive.

We are beginning to find out what thatwas like. Chuck and I have a lot of friendswho worked in those towers, who workedin the center, and worked nearby. We arehearing the stories of husbands and wives

grabbing cell phones and calling home tosay: I love you; goodbye.

We know, and I assure every person inthis body, in the House, and many, manyof our fellow citizens, when we finallyknow the names of those killed andinjured, they will know someone.

This was an attack on New York, but itwas really an attack on America. I havebeen very gratified, as I know that Chuckhas and all of our colleagues in the House,by the strong support we have receivedfrom the President. I am very grateful. Wehave expressed our appreciation.

Chuck and I will be going to New Yorkthis afternoon with FEMA, and we couldnot ask for more than we have received inthe immediate aftermath of this horrificattack.

We are by no means anywhere near theend of what it will take to continue thesearch and rescue efforts. We are findingpeople even as we speak. Yet we knowthere is a very grim task ahead to doeverything we can to find every person, toaccount for every single person who wentto work. That is all they did. They went towork on a beautiful September day inNew York.

We will also stand united behind ourPresident as he and his advisers plan thenecessary actions to demonstrate Ameri-ca’s resolve and commitment, not only toseek out an exact punishment on the per-petrators but to make very clear that notonly those who harbor terrorists but thosewho in any way give any aid or comfortwhatsoever will now face the wrath of ourcountry.

I hope that message has gotten throughto everywhere it needs to be heard: Youare either with America in our time ofneed or you are not.

We also stand united behind our resolve,as this resolution so clearly states, torecover and rebuild in the aftermath ofthese tragic acts. New York was not anaccidental choice for these mad men,these terrorists, these instruments of evil.

They deliberately chose to strike at acity which is a global city. It is the city ofthe 21st century. It epitomizes who we areas Americans. So this in a very real sensewas an attack on America, on our values,on our power, on who we are as a people.I know, because I know America, thatAmerica will stand behind New York, thatAmerica will offer whatever resources,

aid, comfort, or support that New Yorkersand New York require because the greatestrebuke we can offer to those who attackour way of life is to demonstrate clearlywe are not cowed in any way whatsoever.

I hope that within a short period of time,I say to Senator Warner, we see scaffold-ing on the side of the Pentagon. After wefinish the search and rescue and recoverywork that is being carried out heroicallythere, I hope we all see a clear signal thatwe are rebuilding, that our defenses aremore resolute than ever.

I hope similarly that lower Manhattanhas the same kind of image to projectbecause the reality will be that we arerebuilding and reconstructing and makingclear that just as our military might isunchallenged and uncowed, so are oureconomic, our social, our political valuesepitomized by New York.

I have expressed my strong support forthe President, not only as the Senator fromNew York but as someone who for 8 yearshad some sense of the burdens andresponsibilities that fall on the shouldersof the human being we make our Presi-dent. It is an awesome and at oftentimesawful responsibility for any person. Iknow we are up to it, I know we are readyfor it, and I know that everyone in thisbody represents every American in mak-ing clear that we are united and strongerthan ever.

It is with a heavy heart—really a senseof heartbreak—that I rise today in supportof this resolution, but it is also with agreat sense of pride, first in the people ofNew York who responded as New Yorkersalways do when times get tough. Therewas not a sense of panic. There was order,and there was an immediate outpouring ofhelp. Those men and women whom wesent in to rescue our fellow Americans—there is no way adequately to express ourgratitude to our firefighters, our policeofficers, our emergency personnel, ourdoctors and nurses and medical personnel.They responded at the height of a tragic,unexpected attack with the kind of gritand courage we expect from New Yorkers.

To all of those who are missing a lovedone, there are no words any of us canexpress except to tell you in the clearestpossible terms: We will in a united Ameri-can response support you, offer assistanceto you, stand with you, and pursue thosewho reached deep into your families and

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homes yesterday and took someone youloved away from you.

There will be a lot of work ahead of usin this body and in the House, and we willpursue that. I am grateful for the supportwe have received. Thank you very much.

Senator Allen (R-VA). Mr. President,my fellow Members of the Senate, this isa very sad day as we witness all of theimplications and tragedies and lives lostfrom yesterday’s dastardly terrorist attackson the United States.

Yesterday’s attacks were attacks not juston the United States and our particularCommonwealth of Virginia or State ofNew York, it is an attack on freedom-lov-ing people and everything we stand for asa unique and great nation.

On Monday afternoon, Senator Boxerand I were ready to introduce a resolutioncondemning the suicide bombings in theMiddle East.

We would have introduced that resolu-tion on Monday, but wanted to includeanother clause recognizing the attacks inIsrael on Sunday. We now see with greatshock and horror, that the United States isobviously not impervious to these suicidebombings and such attacks.

What we need to do now is coalesce,coalesce as a people with our sharedbeliefs, coalesce to comfort those whohave lost loved ones and then also deter-mine where we need to go to move for-ward to try to prevent such acts fromoccurring in the future. Our goal andfocus right now must be on the rescue,hoping there are those who are still alive.Secondly, we need to find as many detailsand information as to how our securitywas breached so as to hopefully prevent itin the future. And thirdly of course, holdthose who are responsible accountable andbring them to justice.

We are hearing stories just in the firstday of great heroes. Heroes in New York.People who knew that the building wasgoing to collapse, but nevertheless stayedthere trying to usher people out. On C-SPAN this morning, one of those who wasjust a volunteer helper knew what wasgoing on, where those who were emer-gency and federal FBI agents were aswell, knowing that the building was goingto collapse, staying there knowing thosewere the last minutes of their life trying tosave people.

The same was happening in Virginiawhere we have lost many lives, untoldnumbers, as of yet, at the Pentagon aswell as the passengers on flight 77 flyingfrom Dulles, VA, that was hijacked andcrashed into the Pentagon.

There are great stories of bravery, withpeople going above and beyond what isexpected, and that should give us comfortas a nation. This tragedy has affectedmany lives, and we still don’t know howmany lives. It will probably take a week ifnot weeks to determine how many liveshave been lost. Even in the small neigh-borhood where we live, where my daugh-ter goes to middle school, children werecrying because their parents work at thePentagon. Others work at Fort Belvoir andthere was worry that Fort Belvoir wasbeing hit. There’s only maybe a couple ofdozen houses in our development, but ayoungster—who came by our house to getto know my children, his father was onFlight 77.

So, as the days go forward, we are allgoing to be learning these stories of inno-cent people whose lives have been lostand the families that will forever bescarred with the loss of that loved one.Our thoughts and prayers must be withthose families. Whether they’re in NewYork or people who are from Connecticutor New Jersey, people from Virginia, here

in the D.C. area, I’m sure there are folksfrom Maryland and the District, clearlypeople from Massachusetts were on thehijacked flight from Boston. Clearly a lotof people from California, since the desti-nation of all of those flights was to beCalifornia.

This is truly a day that will live ininfamy. History will record these as themost violent, insane, cowardly acts thathave ever been perpetrated on our home-land in the United States of America. Weneed to be united, coalesced as Ameri-cans, but also with our allies in ourresolve, our resolve to pursue these cow-ardly conspirators who perpetrated thesemurderous acts.

In our response to justice, we need to besure, we need to be swift, and we need tobe severe. In my view, we have allowedterrorism to go on too long, thinking thatwe could be immune from it. But never-theless, we need to recognize that we’regoing to have to wage warfare.

These people have struck against thesymbol of American strength and power.They are not, though, going to be able toweaken the will of the people of the Unit-ed States. We will stay united, defendingour interests and our principles. We willalso stick together, not just as Virginiansand New Yorkers, but as Americans aidingand helping the families who have lostloved ones in whatever they can do.

The senior Senator from Virginia, JohnWarner, and I will work together to makesure that for those Federal employees thatthe Government is doing all they can aswell as for the civilian employees. And itis not just as Virginians. I know that thePresiding Officer, sitting there from Flori-da, cares just as much as anybody elsedoes.

And so we are all going to stick togetherin that regard. We do need to learn fromthis, though. And as we learn, we mustmake sure that as we learn the facts, wedo not allow these attacks to succeed intempting us in any way to diminish whatmakes us a great nation. And what makesus a great nation is that this is a countrythat understands that people have God-given rights and liberties. And we can-not—in our efforts to bring justice—diminish those liberties.

Clearly, this is not a simple, normalcriminal case. This is an act of war, andthose rules apply. But at home and domes-

September 11, 2001


Clearly, this is not a simple, normalcriminal case. This is an act of war, andthose rules apply. But at home anddomestically, we need to make sure thatwe are not tempted to abrogate any civilrights such as habeas corpus orprotections against unreasonable searchesand seizures, or the freedom of expressionand peaceable assembly, freedom ofreligion. And just because somebody maycome from an ethnic background, thatmeans nothing. They are Americancitizens. And so let’s make sure that in ouranger and in our efforts to bring justice,we remember our basic foundational civilliberties and do not abrogate them.

tically, we need to make sure that we arenot tempted to abrogate any civil rightssuch as habeas corpus or protectionsagainst unreasonable searches andseizures, or the freedom of expression andpeaceable assembly, freedom of religion.

And just because somebody may comefrom an ethnic background, that meansnothing. They are American citizens. Andso let’s make sure that in our anger and inour efforts to bring justice, we rememberour basic foundational civil liberties anddo not abrogate them.

We are a nation of laws, of good-heartedpeople, of loving people. And so I wouldsay in closing, Mr. President, let’s makesure we pray for and comfort those whohave lost loved ones.

Let’s get the facts, move swiftly and

properly. But most importantly, as Ameri-cans, let’s stay strong. Let’s stay resolved,and let’s keep moving forward. Because,indeed, all the world is watching, not justthe Senate; they are watching the UnitedStates and Americans. What will theirresponse be? Let’s keep moving forward.We are the beacon for freedom-lovingpeople in the world, sticking together wewill persevere. We will bring justice. Andwe will come out safer and stronger in theend.

Senator Biden (D-DE). Mr. President, Icannot think of any other legislative bodyin the world where we would hear thespeech we just heard by the junior Senatorfrom Virginia, where his heart is aching,many in his constituency have died. Partof the building in his State is still burning.

In the ultimate American way, he calledat the end of his speech for not abrogatingthe basic cherished liberties that thisNation has. I doubt whether one wouldhear that in any other assembly in theworld after such an attack, and I compli-ment him for it.

My heart and my sympathy go out toour colleagues from New York and Vir-ginia in particular, but all those who havehad their fellow citizens and their con-stituents victimized by this act. This is atime to mourn but not to despair, a timefor resolve but not remorse, a time forsober investigation and not recrimination,and a time to unite, not to debate.

Some have said yesterday and today thatall has changed, all has changed for Amer-ica. I know what they mean by that, and Irespect their view, but I pray that is nottrue. I pray that is not true. I pray myjunior colleague from Virginia is correctwhen he says the one thing we cannotallow to change is the values upon whichthis country is built, for if that were tooccur, then they would be able to declarevictory, genuine victory.

I predict one thing has changed, though.I respectfully suggest the way of life ofpresent and future terrorists has changedforever. The future of organized terroristcells is about to welcome the 21st Centuryin a way they never anticipated, for in thisdastardly act they may have done what noother group of people could possibly havedone, and that is to unite the civilizedworld, unite our allies in Europe whoshare our values, unite our Russian

friends, our Chinese friends, unite theworld, because that image of that planesmashing into the second tower has rever-berated around the world and every leaderin every country can picture the samething happening in their nation.

I recently visited China with three ofmy colleagues. They have buildings inChina as tall or taller than the WorldTrade Center. I can picture the Presidentof China sitting there envisioning thesame thing happening. So I do not thinkall of a sudden there has been a conver-sion of democratic zeal on the part ofthose who are not often thought of as ourallies to resolve with us to fight world-wide terrorism, but it is a reflection of thereality that the world has changed in away that we all are vulnerable.

A further reality is that no one couldhave undertaken this very well planned,and regrettably well executed, terrorist actwithout an extensive network, without aplace in which to plan it that was withinearshot and eyesight of some country,without some people who, by their inac-tion at a minimum and their complicity,allowed this to occur. There will be veryfew places to hide, I predict, from thismoment on, for these are not the acts of asingle man or a single woman. They areand they were and they will, if they tryagain, have to be well planned, well fund-ed, and widely supported by dozens upondozens of individuals and individual lead-ers.

In speaking to the President, the Secre-tary of State, and other leaders in theadministration, they are impressed bywhat they believe to be the heartfelt, sin-cere, and resolute offers of support to dealwith terrorism that not only come fromexpected quarters such as England,France, Germany, Italy, and our Europeanallies but from unexpected quarters.

The word should go out to those whopretend they wish to be our friends thatthey are going to have to make some verydifficult choices. Pakistan in particular isgoing to have to make a very difficultchoice, very soon, for we are counting.We are counting and we are looking.Words will not be sufficient. Actions willbe demanded.

All of us say we will never let this hap-pen again. Well, the act of a single indi-vidual strapping explosives to their bodyis probably something no one can ever

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Some have said yesterday and today thatall has changed, all has changed forAmerica. I know what they mean by that,and I respect their view, but I pray that isnot true. I pray that is not true. I pray myjunior colleague from Virginia is correctwhen he says the one thing we cannotallow to change is the values upon whichthis country is built, for if that were tooccur, then they would be able to declarevictory, genuine victory.

I predict one thing has changed, though. Irespectfully suggest the way of life of pre-sent and future terrorists has changed for-ever. The future of organized terrorist cellsis about to welcome the 21st Century in away they never anticipated, for in this das-tardly act they may have done what noother group of people could possibly havedone, and that is to unite the civilizedworld, unite our allies in Europe who shareour values, unite our Russian friends, ourChinese friends, unite the world, becausethat image of that plane smashing into thesecond tower has reverberated around theworld and every leader in every countrycan picture the same thing happening intheir nation.

guarantee will not happen, but dealingwith well organized, well-funded, well-coordinated, massive actions is somethingthat can be done only in a multilateralway, only internationally.

No matter what we do, if we fail to leadthe world in a multilateral unity ofabsolute resolve, I say to you, sadly, thatthis could happen again. But I am con-vinced it will not.

Today, as it has for 212 years, the U.S.Congress has convened. Two miles downPennsylvania Avenue, President Bush sitsin the Oval Office leading the executivebranch and the country in a wide-ranginginvestigation to find those who committedthese barbarous acts. Around this city andaround New York, dedicated public ser-vants are back at their desks in Federaloffice buildings doing the people’s busi-ness. New York—the city that neversleeps—has worked around the clock insearch of survivors, and they will findsome. Around the Nation, citizens ofevery age, every race, and every religiongrieve for their fellow citizens. But theystand united. They stand united in supportof our Nation, which has endured overtwo centuries against all enemies, foreignand domestic. They stand united in readi-ness to answer the call for their fellowneighbors. As Senator Clinton and SenatorSchumer pointed out, they lined theblocks in New York City to give blood. Iwould be dumbfounded if you did not seeblack faces, Asian faces, Hispanic, everyrace, and every religion standing in thatline. They stand united in support of thePresident of the United States, as do all ofus here in the Senate.

Much will be said today and in the daysahead about the appropriate responses tothese heinous acts. But for now let me justsay this. This is not a struggle over ideolo-gy. This is not a struggle over religion.This is a struggle between civilization andbarbarity.

Let there be no doubt that the UnitedStates and civilized nations of the worldwill unite and win this struggle. Our ene-mies will not, and can not, defeat us. Thiscountry will go on, deeply wounded bythe loss of so many but strengthened byour resolve and our commitment to sus-tain this great democracy.

I see in this cataclysmic tragedy thebeginning of the end of organized andlegitimized terrorist activities.

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I have taped a message to the people inthe defense establishment across theworld, which I understand is going to beavailable shortly. I’m en route over toanother meeting in the White House in thenext few minutes, so I thought I’d juststop down and make two or three points.

First, we currently believe and are cer-tainly hopeful that the number of casual-ties being reported in the press is high. Asyou know from your own observation outthere, the work is still going forward, andwe won’t know for some time precisenumbers. But from everything that wecurrently know, the estimate that’s beenwidely reported is considerably high, andwe certainly pray that that’s the case.

Second, I do want to again express oursympathy to the families and friends andcolleagues of all those who have beenharmed by this attack on our country.

Also, we are, needless to say, deeplygrateful to the many units from all overthis area that are out there and have beenout there for more that 24 hours—firemenand ambulances and different teams andsquads of individuals who are doing avery professional job for our country.

We are, in a sense, seeing the definitionof a new battlefield in the world, a 20th—21st century battlefield, and it is a differ-ent kind of conflict. It is something that isnot unique to this century, to be sure, butit is—given our geography and given ourcircumstance, it is, in a major sense, newfor this country.

Finally, I’d like to say a word or two tothe men and women in the defense estab-lishment, most of whom deal with classi-fied information. Since the end of theCold War, there’s been a relaxation of ten-sion, and the—it’s had a lot of effects. It’sled to proliferation. It’s led to the move-ment towards asymmetrical threats, asopposed to more conventional threats.

One of the other effects has been it hashad an effect on how people handle classi-fied information. And it seems to me thatit’s important to underline that when peo-ple deal with intelligence information andmake it available to people who are notcleared for that classified information, theeffect is to reduce the chances that the

United States government has to trackdown and deal with the people who haveperpetrated the attacks on the UnitedStates and killed so many Americans.

Second, when classified informationdealing with operations is provided topeople who are not cleared for that classi-fied information, the inevitable effect isthat the lives of men and women in uni-form are put at risk because they are theones who will be carrying out thoseprospective operations.

And I—this is a message really for allthe men and women in the United Statesgovernment who have access to classifiedinformation. It seems to me that whenthey see or learn of someone who is han-dling classified information in a way thatis going to put the lives of the men andwomen in uniform at risk, they ought toregister exactly what kind of a person thatis; it’s a person who’s willing to violatefederal criminal statutes, and willing tofrustrate our efforts to track down anddeal with terrorists, and willing to revealinformation that could cause the lives ofmen and women in uniform.

I think it’s time for all who deal withthat information to treat it with the careand respect that it merits.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, there are some in theMiddle East who are saying that theUnited States does not have the belly todo the kind of response to this attack onthe United States, that this administra-tion, the previous administration don’thave it to go after them in the kind ofway that they have to be gone after.Without any specifics whatsoever, helpus with the attitude that should go intothis process.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I guess timewill tell. My—I guess I’m kind of old-fashioned. I’m inclined to think that ifyou’re going to cock it, you throw it, andyou don’t talk about it a lot. So myinstinct is that what you do, you should goabout your business and do what youthink you have to do. I think anyone whothinks it’s easy is wrong. I think that itwill require a sustained and broadly basedeffort. And I don’t think that people oughtto judge outcomes until a sufficient time ispassed to address what is clearly a very

September 11, 2001


serious problem for the world. And it’s notrestricted to a single entity, state or non-state entity. It is an attack on a way of life.

The purpose of terrorism is to terrorize.It is to alter behavior. It is to force peoplewho believe in freedom to be less free byaltering their behavior and redressing abalance between freedom and security.Anyone who’s ever been in a war zone, asI know most of you have, you know thatwhen you walk out of a building youdon’t walk out with your head highwhistling, you look around the corner andsee what’s out there. And that’s not theway Americans live, and it’s not the waywe want to live.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, your comments on thehandling of classified information, doesthat—are you suggesting that it’s timeto move to a more secretive governmentin which there’s less transparencyabout what it is you’re doing? And howdoes that square with the goal of open-ness that reassures both our friends andfoes around the world that the UnitedStates’ intentions are good? We allknow that there’s a wealth of materialthat’s classified unnecessarily and does-n’t necessarily need to be.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well. I—as I’msure you’ve discovered, I do believe inopenness, and I think it’s enormouslyimportant in a free system with a freepress and a democratic underpinning toour wonderful success as a country thatwe recognize that and respect it. I alsoknow that you’re quite right, there arethings that get classified that ought not tobe classified.

But what I said is enormously impor-tant, and that is that when classified infor-mation is compromised by people whoought to know better because they’reunprofessional or uncaring, and perfectlywilling to violate federal criminal law, andseemingly willing to put people’s lives atrisk—their colleagues and their neighborsand their friends—I think it’s somethingthat should stop.

Q. Was sloppy handling of classifiedinformation—did that play some role inthe attack?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Not to my knowl-edge. It is an issue that I think, however,needs to be elevated and looked at andthat people in all aspects of government—

Q. What’s the catalyst, why are youraising that today?

Q. Yeah, has it happened in the after-math?

Secretary Rumsfeld. It has been hap-pening daily.


Secretary Powell. Good afternoon, ladiesand gentlemen. I thought what I would dois to update you on the activities of thelast several hours since I spoke to thepress this morning. Let me begin onceagain by saying that our hearts go out toall the victims and to their families. It is atragedy, but as the President has madeclear, it is a tragedy that we are strongenough to overcome. Our spirits will notbe broken. The resilience of this societywill not be broken. We will find out whois responsible for this and they will payfor it.

We are undertaking a full court pressdiplomatically, politically, militarily, andin the course of the morning and earlyafternoon I have been in touch with anumber of foreign leaders and internation-al organizational leaders to coordinate thediplomatic approach to this. I have talkedto Kofi Annan, Secretary General of theUnited Nations, and I thank the UnitedNations for the Security Council resolu-

tion they passed and also for the statementfrom the Generally Assembly. And Iexpect the General Assembly to also workon a resolution later today.

Lord Robertson in NATO is hard atwork with a resolution that is under con-sideration now that would tee up—if I canput it that way—prime Article V responsi-bilities. Article V of the charter says thatan attack from abroad by any one againstany member of the alliance is an attackagainst the alliance. If that resolution goesforward, that doesn’t invoke Article V yetbut it puts in a position to be invoked,when the United States makes a judgmentabout the nature of the attack and wherethat attack came from. And I appreciatewhat Lord Robertson and his colleaguesare doing for us.

I have also been in touch with ForeignMinister of Belgium Louis Michel, who isalso head of the presidency of the EU atthis time, and High Representative JavierSolana to thank them for the strong sup-port we have received from the EuropeanUnion and the statements they have made,and their cooperation promise to us, todeal with this tragedy and to move for-ward.

I have also attended—along of course,with my other colleagues—the NationalSecurity Council meeting with the Presi-dent where we reviewed all that has hap-pened and began to make our plans for theefforts we will taking in the future, notonly to bring these perpetrators to notonly justice, but to the punishment thatthey deserve. But at the same time toundertake a worldwide effort to build acoalition against all forms of terrorism,wherever it may occur and however itrears its ugly head.

This will be a major priority of theAdministration. And I can assure it will,therefore, be a major priority of the StateDepartment. I have also in the course ofthe day spoken to the foreign minister ofGreat Britain, Germany, Canada. I havespoken to Foreign Minister Peres twice—Prime Minister Sharon, Chairman Arafat,Foreign Minister Manley of Canada, if Ididn’t mention that, Foreign MinisterIvanov of Russia, Foreign Minister Rug-giero of Italy. And I have a number ofother calls that are in the process of beingmade so that we can bring all of thistogether. And I must say I am deeplytouched by the expressions of support I

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II. September 12-October 6, 2001:Building Support for aA Response

have received from my colleagues.And as I think you all know the Presi-

dent has been very busy. And I am surethe White House has announced his twophone calls to President Putin, as well asto Mr. Chirac, Jiang Zemin, PresidentJiang Zemin, Prime Minister Blair, PrimeMinister Schroeder, and Prime MinisterCretien. So he has spoken to all the fourmembers of the Security Council. And Iwill leave it to my other Cabinet col-leagues to talk about the issues under theirpurview over at Defense, Justice and FBI.

There are, of course, lots of reports andrumors out there, and I think it is wise forall of us to take many of these reports andrumors into some context and perspective.This is also a time, of course, in thatregard for the American people to try inthis time of tragedy to restore the societyto a sense of normalcy. We’ve got to getback to our jobs, we’ve got to get back towork. And I know that Secretary Mineta,as soon as it is possible, and as soon as itmakes sense and is safe, will restore theair traffic system and commercial air traf-fic will be brought back on-line. And Iwill wait for him to make those announce-ments with respect to that, and I knowthat’s very much on your mind.

Once again, we’re building a strongcoalition to go after these perpetrators, butmore broadly, to go after terrorism wher-ever we find it in the world. It’s a scourge,not only against the United States, butagainst civilization, and it must be broughtto an end.

I will be delighted to take a few ques-tions.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the State Depart-ment has been advocating restraint inresponse to terrorism, with the argu-ment that violence only provokes moreviolence, it’s an endless cycle. I won-dered if the U.S. will be guided by itsown admonition now that the U.S. hasbeen horribly attacked by terrorists.

Secretary Powell. I think when you areattacked by a terrorist and you know whothe terrorist is, and you can fingerprintback to the cause of the terror, you shouldrespond.

Q. I mean, a limited response, or—

Secretary Powell. You should respond,

whether it’s limited or other than limited.You should respond to those who did it.And if you are able to stop terroristattacks, you should stop terrorist attacks.

Q. Secretary Powell, one country youdidn’t mention was Pakistan.

Secretary Powell. Yes.

Q. And I understand that yourDeputy has spoken with the Ambas-sador to Pakistan and that this eveningthe U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan will bemeeting with General Musharaff. Whatspecific steps are you asking Pakistan totake, and have you at all insinuated thatif all signs do lead to bin Laden that theU.S. would take military action againstPakistan and Afghanistan?

Secretary Powell. Our Ambassador isgoing to be having that meeting that youmade reference to. It will probably not bethis evening, more likely tomorrow as aresult of scheduling problems. ButAmbassador Armitage, Deputy SecretaryArmitage, did meet with Pakistani offi-cials today, and really to share views.

We have not made a determination yetas to who is responsible for yesterday’sattack, but we thought as we gather infor-mation and as we look at possible sourcesof the attack, it would be useful to pointout to the Pakistani leadership at everylevel that we are looking for and expect-ing their fullest cooperation and their helpand support as we conduct this investiga-tion and as we generate more information,and see if they can be helpful in generat-ing information, as well as how helpfulthey might be if we find a basis to actupon that information.

So, yes, we are doing what you describewith the Pakistanis.

Q. Just to clarify, when you sayyou’re building a strong coalition to goafter the perpetrators, does this meanthat you are expecting or hoping thatother countries will participate in somekind of military retaliation?

Secretary Powell. Under Article V, ifwe go that far and it actually is executed,then there is an obligation on the part ofour NATO allies to assist if we go in thisdirection. It doesn’t mean that they neces-

sarily will participate in the attack, but itmakes it easier to obtain support in theway of overflight rights and things of thatnature.

But I don’t want to get into what wemight or might not to, and who might gowith us and who might not go with us,because that’s just too speculative at themoment.

Q. Can I follow that? Having beenthrough the Gulf War as you were,would you hope to build the kind ofcoalition that extends perhaps beyondNATO and includes perhaps Muslimnations, nations from different parts ofthe world?

Secretary Powell. Yes, it should includeMuslim nations. Muslim nations have justas much to fear from terrorism that strikesat innocent civilians, and I do have a num-ber of calls in—I just haven’t connectedyet—with other leaders in the world rep-resenting Muslim populations. As I wascoming down, I was waiting to receive acall from Amr Moussa, Head of the ArabLeague, and I also will be talking to myEgyptian colleagues and Jordanian col-leagues before the evening is out.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you have not yetmentioned the point that PresidentBush made last night, the idea of hold-ing other countries responsible. Thisseems to be a dramatic escalation in theU.S. view on how it responds to terror-ism. Is that a correct interpretation ofit?

And as a follow-up, you talk aboutreturning to normal, yet there havebeen all these mentions of “acts of war,”the idea that the country is in a war.How can we just return to normal in asituation like this?

Secretary Powell. Well, on your firstpoint, I mentioned in my earlier state-ments, and I will mention it again, that it’snot just a matter of going after the perpe-trators, but it’s going after and dealingwith the sources of support that they have,whether that source of support mightcome from a host country or other organi-zations that provide them. We have tomake sure that we go after terrorism andget it by its branch and root.

And so we will hold accountable those

September 11, 2001


countries that provide support, that givehost nation, if you can call it that, supportand facilities to these kinds of terroristgroups.

Now, yes, we believe that acts of warhave been committed against the Ameri-can people, and we will respond accord-ingly. But at the same time, life has to goon. In all of the difficult times we will befacing ahead, we have to still try to returnlife to a sense of normalcy. We cannot bea people who are afraid to live. We cannotbe a people who will move away from arelatively open society. We cannot be apeople who walk around terrified. We’reAmericans; we don’t walk around terri-fied.

We are going to be strong in this diffi-cult period, and we’re going to move for-ward with pride and with determination.And we will get our society back to nor-mal with whatever additional precautions,nevertheless, might be necessary to secureour society without locking ourselvesdown.

Q. Secretary Powell, yesterday Sena-tor Gramm said that in response to theattacks he would be willing to reassessthe ban on assassinations of foreignleaders. And I was wondering, wouldyou support such a reassessment?

Secretary Powell. The ban is an execu-tive order and we have not made such areassessment. And I’ll just leave it there.

Q. India has said many times in thepast that Pakistanis having terrorism intheir training camps in Pakistan, andnow U.S. officials, including a numberof lawmakers here on the Hill, are say-ing that Usama bin Laden have histraining camps in Pakistan and becausehe is sending all this religious fire orterrorism fire from Pakistan.

So now is it time now to go after thosecountries who are harboring terrorism,really, because how long can we wait orhow long—how many innocent peoplecan be hurt?

Secretary Powell. Well, I do want toconfirm what the Indian Government mayor may not have said. But as the Presidentsaid last night, we will be directing ourefforts not only against terrorists butagainst those who do harbor and do pro-

vide haven and do provide support for ter-rorism.

Q. Deputy Secretary Armitage headsa task force with the Russians onAfghanistan where the United Statesand Russia seem to share some inter-ests. Can this be used as a platform inthe coming days?

Secretary Powell. Yes, we are planningto do that.

Q. In what way?

Secretary Powell. As you know, it is alittle difficult to travel right now, but weare looking at ways that he and DeputyForeign Minister Trubnikov can pursuethis.

Q. Mr. Secretary, with a country likeAfghanistan with whom we don’t havediplomatic relations, there is less lever-age that we have against that country.What kinds of things are you thinkingof using now when you talk about goingafter the entire country? Is it food aid?How else can—

Secretary Powell. We haven’t singledout any country to go after. What we aretrying to do now is gather the evidenceand the information so that we can make ajudgment as to who is responsible for thisact. And once we do that, we will go afterthat group and we will determine whatkinds of support they have been getting,from what host countries or other support-ing agencies, and we will go and deal withthem as well.

Q. Mr. Secretary, there are some 25organizations on the list of FTOs, onthe State Department’s list. Should allthose organizations consider themselvestargets of this global campaign againstterrorism?

And secondly, when you speak to theArab leaders, will you be asking forspecific acts of support, of materialassistance in this campaign?

Secretary Powell. On the first question,just the very designation that they havebeen put on that list of Foreign TerroristOrganizations suggests that the UnitedStates will be taking action against them.

And we just identified another one thisweek, the AUC in Colombia. And we takecertain actions against them. It doesn’tmean we go in and attack them with mili-tary force, but there are a variety of politi-cal and diplomatic and legal actions thatyou can take against them.

With respect to conversations with Arableaders, I am sure I will discuss with thema full range of possibilities as to what kindof support they can give us of a politicaland diplomatic nature. I don’t know ofany other kinds of support that I wouldask for at this time.

I might mention that in the context ofmy discussions this morning with ShimonPeres and Chairman Arafat and also PrimeMinister Sharon, I encouraged all sides todo everything they can to get this processof meetings started that we have all beenwaiting for, for Mr. Arafat and Mr. Peresto find an opportunity in the very nearfuture to meet and not have protracted dis-cussions about where to meet. It’s moreimportant to meet.

So in this time of tragedy, in this time ofheightened tension throughout the world,and especially throughout that region, let’sseize this opportunity to see if we cannotstart this process of meetings—this sched-ule of meetings—so that we can get to theMitchell Peace Plan, so that even whilewe are dealing with this situation, this cri-sis that is here in Washington and NewYork. We are also working on the MiddleEast situation and seeing if we can getthat jump-started.

Q. Do you believe that this attack islinked to the events in the Middle East,to the Arab-Israel crisis? Or is thissomething that preceded this currentIntifada? And secondly, do you believethat this bombing will somehow serveas a problem for moderate Arab gov-ernments whose peoples seem to bemore enthusiastic about this bombingthan their governments who have con-demned it?

Secretary Powell. The governmentshave condemned it. I think that when it isrealized throughout the region what a hor-rible act this truly was, I think it will besobering for the region. And I hope every-body will realize that, no matter what youmight think about the crisis in the MiddleEast, this is not the way to solve it. This is

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not the way to express your views aboutthat by killing hundreds and thousands ofinnocent civilians.

I hope that is sobering to anybody whohas any civilized drop of blood flowingthrough their body and who believe in anAlmighty of some form or another. This isnot the way you do it. There is no religionthat would condone the kinds of actionthat we are seeing. And so I hope this willbe a sobering experience for the world,and especially for those in the MiddleEast and in the Persian Gulf.

Q. Mr. Secretary, we know you havesaid that you don’t know who is respon-sible. But your comments this morningon television and the President’s com-ments about harboring terrorists doseem to indicate an organization suchas Usama bin Laden, and also aboutharboring terrorism point toAfghanistan as a country that harborsterrorists.

What did you make of the commentsby the supreme leader of the Talibanyesterday about the attack? And do youthink that the Taliban are still harbor-ing Usama bin Laden? And if he isdeemed responsible for this attack, doyou think that the Taliban will expelUsama bin Laden and help the U.S.bring him to justice?

Secretary Powell. I’m sure that the Tal-iban leadership are providing protectionand opportunities and facilities for Usamabin Laden, but I don’t want to get into thehypotheticals as to whether or not he isresponsible for it. A body of evidence isbeing developed, and in due course, wewill make an announcement. But I don’tthink it’s useful to say, well, we are 50percent, 60 percent, 70 percent sure it’sthis organization or that. That just leadsto, very often, incorrect answers, and Idon’t think it’s helpful during this time.

So as the evidence builds, and it isbuilding, in due course, we will make ajudgment, and we will act upon that judg-ment in the way the President has indicat-ed.

Q. Mr. Secretary, what conversationsdo you anticipate having with the lead-ers of Persian Gulf countries? Whatsupport will you be seeking from them,if in fact it’s found that the threat origi-

nated in their part of the world? Andwhat kind of military latitude wouldyou like to be able to exercise in thatpart of the world with their blessing?

Secretary Powell. If we think they canbe helpful in finding those who may beresponsible, we will expect that help andwe will express that point of view very,very clearly. And I have already started todo so in some of my preliminary conver-sations, and frankly, I expect support.They are outraged; they are shocked; theyare stunned. Whatever their views mightbe, or whatever the views of their peoplemight be, with respect to the crisis in theMiddle East. They are stunned and findthis to be a deplorable act. I think they arespeaking not just as leaders but as leadersof people who, although some mightrejoice and shout, most find this to bedeplorable and something to be con-demned.

And going back to an earlier question,obviously the conflict between the Pales-tinians and the Israelis has been going onfor a long time and is always in the back-ground, but some of the terrorist organiza-tions that we have seen at work over theyears conduct terrorist activities againstthe United States, regardless of how thepeace process may or may not be going,with respect to the Israelis and the Pales-tinians.


The President today has been making aseries of phone calls to leaders around theworld, to rally an international coalition tocombat terrorism.

He has spoken today with Prime Minis-ter Blair, with Prime Minister Chretien,with President Chirac, with ChancellorSchroeder, with President Jiang of China,and twice with President Putin. The Presi-dent will continue to reach out to leadersthroughout the world to develop this coali-tion, send a message that the United Statesand the world stand united, all the free-dom loving countries and others to fightterrorism.

The President is also gratified by theaction taken today by the North AtlanticTreaty Organization, NATO, in which theyinvoked Article 5, saying that an attack on

one NATO nation is an attack on allNATO nations.

The President is also gratified by theUnited Nations Security Council Resolu-tion that passed today condemning thisattack and saying that it was a threat tointernational peace and security.

Finally, as the President said in hisremarks this morning, freedom anddemocracy are under attack. The Ameri-can people need to know that we are fac-ing a different enemy than we have everfaced. Those are the President’s words. Inthis case, we have specific and credibleinformation that the White House and AirForce One were also intended targets ofthese attacks.

As the President also said in hisremarks, this battle will take time andresolve; and, make no mistake, we willprevail.

I’m happy to take questions.

Q. Ari, in terms of this specific threatthat you talked about against the WhiteHouse and Air Force One, we haveheard from administration officials thatthe plane that went into the Pentagonmay have originally been targeted atthe White House. What can you tell usabout that?

Mr. Fleischer. John, we have real andcredible information that the airplane thatlanded at the Pentagon was originallyintended to hit the White House.

Q. Can you tell us about the nature ofthat evidence?

Mr. Fleischer. No, of course I cannot.Any questions relating to how we haveobtained any of this information, sourcesand methods, I will, of course, not answer.

Q.—why it changed course, Ari? Whyit went to the Pentagon and not theWhite House?

Mr. Fleischer. We really do not knowthe answer to that. But we are aware ofwhat we have.

Q. If this is the case, why did VicePresident Cheney remain in the build-ing?

Mr. Fleischer. The Vice President was

September 11, 2001


removed to a secure area at the WhiteHouse.

Q. We were told he was working outof the Situation Room with Condoleez-za Rice.

Mr. Fleischer. The Vice Presidentworked out of several locations, and theWhite House has sufficient secure loca-tions in events such as this. And this fol-lows a regular plan that the White Househas in case of any such incidents.

Q. Can you confirm reports, though,that the plane flew over the Pentagonand passed over the U.S. Capitol? If theWhite House was indeed a target?There have been military sources whosay it flew over the U.S. Capitol.

Mr. Fleischer. No, I do not—I have notheard that report. I have not heard thatreport.

Q. Ari, then do you have credibleinformation that the plane that crashedin Pennsylvania was intended for AirForce One?

Mr. Fleischer. I do not have any infor-mation about that, about that plane.

Q. And if Air Force One happened tobe a target, isn’t it true that when thePresident went to Louisiana, at thatpoint, once he took off from Louisiana,there were no flights in U.S. airspace?

Mr. Fleischer. No, at that moment therewere still reports of airplanes that had notyet been identified as to their where-abouts. That’s another reason that theWhite House and the President operatedin the secure manner that they did. At thatmoment, when the President had leftFlorida and was on his way to a base thatno one knew where the President washeading to, there were still reports ofplanes that had not yet been brought ontothe ground per the FAA’s order.

Q. If I could follow up, though, butwhen Air Force One left Louisiana andheaded to Nebraska, I believe at thattime there were no U.S. planes, or anyplanes, still in U.S. airspace. So thenwhy did the President go to Nebraska

and not back here to the White House?

Mr. Fleischer. Because the informationthat we had was real and credible aboutAir Force One. And the manner in whichAir Force One operated maintained thesecurity of Air Force One at all times. Andthat also is one of the reasons why AirForce One did not come back to Andrews,where some people thought it would.

Q. If we could make the connectionhere, that would suggest, Ari, then, thatthe threat against Air Force One camein the form of another aircraft?

Mr. Fleischer. No, I’m not indicatingwhat form it came in, John, and I will not.

Q. Ari, at what time did the WhiteHouse get this information?

Mr. Fleischer. On the flight from Sara-sota to the first location.

Q. So did the evacuation of the WhiteHouse come as a result of that informa-tion?

Mr. Fleischer. That’s a detail that I’mnot going to get into, Terry. But all appro-priate security precautions were taken.

Q. And then on the subject of rallyingthis international coalition, does thatindicate that the President would wait,or try to get the support—either opera-tional support or political support ofother nations before responding to theseattacks?

Mr. Fleischer. Well, I’m not going toindicate anything about—speculate aboutany type of response. You’ve heard whatthe President said and his words speak forthemselves about America’s resolve.

However, as I indicated in my openingstatement, the President is very heartenedas a result of the world reaction and thesolidarity that the world is showing at alllevels in so many nations toward what hashappened. And the President is going tocontinue to talk to leaders around theworld as he builds this coalition.

Q. Did the President secure the sup-port of President Jiang and PresidentPutin in those phone calls?

Mr. Fleischer. Let me try to give you alittle more specific information on each ofthose phone calls. The President, as I indi-cated, spoke twice with President Putin—once for five minutes, the second time forseven minutes. He thanked—the Presidentthanked President Putin for his call andfor the message of condolence that Presi-dent Putin sent yesterday.

President Putin informed President Bushthat he had signed a decree that there be amoment of silence at Russia, and through-out Russia, at noon tomorrow, with flagsat half-mast, to express the outrage andsolidarity of the Russian people with theAmerican people.

The two Presidents agreed that they willwork closely together in the comingweeks to fight those responsible for yes-terday’s acts of terrorism.

The President’s phone call with Presi-dent Jiang of China lasted for approxi-mately 10 minutes. President Bushthanked President Jiang for his condo-lences and concern for the American peo-ple, as well. And the two agreed to worktogether also to combat terrorism, whichis another indication, as I mentioned, ofthe coalition the President is seeking toform as the world unites in the fightagainst terrorism.

Q. Ari, will that coalition look at alllike the Persian Gulf coalition? Is hereaching out to Arab nations, as well?

Mr. Fleischer. The President is going tocontinue to have conversations throughoutthe world. And, as you know, SecretaryPowell has, too, talked to many people.And I will try to keep you informed of theconversations the President has.

* * * *

Q. Ari, given the President’s languagetoday, is there any discussion here ofasking Congress for a declaration ofwar?

Mr. Fleischer. You know, again, as thePresident said, there were acts of war thatwere carried out against our country. Andthe President will continue to work withCongress on any appropriate measures atthe appropriate time.

But, you know, this is also a different

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situation from situations our nation hasfaced in the past, and the President is cog-nizant of that. As the President indicated,in this case, as we ascertain information,we are dealing, at least at this point, withnameless, faceless people. And it is a dif-ferent type of war than it was, say, whenyou knew the capitol of the country thatattacked you.

So we will continue to work with theCongress on appropriate language on theappropriate time.

* * * *

Q. Ari, as to the meeting with the lead-ers of Congress today, does the Presi-dent come out of that thinking he hascarte blanche in a response, et cetera?

Mr. Fleischer. No, the President doesnot think that. The President is going towant to continue to consult. The Presidentis going to continue to lead. But the Presi-dent understands that at all times, it’simportant to work with Congress. But it’sparticularly important now to consult withthe Congress.

One of the greatest strengths of ourcountry is that we are a constitution-baseddemocracy. Our Constitution and ournation have survived acts of terror andattacks on our nation before. And thePresident knows that the strength of ournation comes from that Constitution,which gives an important role to Con-gress. And he will continue to consultclosely with Congress and its leaders.

* * * *

Q. Let me ask you about the idea ofwillingness to attack those who host ter-rorism. Is this a change in the U.S. poli-cy for how we treat these countries whomay not have participated in the act,but may have known that these terror-ists were in-country? Is this a change inU.S. policy? And, if so, where does itcome from?

Mr. Fleischer. Well, you know, I’mnot—I don’t know if this is a change ornot. Of course, given the fact that Presi-dent Bush has been in office, now, fornine months, this is, I think, an exampleof how President Bush is going to addressthis in a resolute manner. The President’s

words speak for themselves about what hesaid and why he said it, and everyoneshould be clear about what the Presidentsaid.


President Bush delivered his remarkswhile touring the damage at thePentagon.

I am so grateful to the people who areworking here. We’re here to say thanks tonot only the workers on this site, but theworkers who are doing the same work inNew York City. I want to say thanks to thefolks who have given blood to the RedCross. I want to say thanks for the hun-dreds of thousands of Americans whopray for the victims and their families.

Secretary Rumsfeld told me, when Italked to him, that he felt the blast shakethe Pentagon—even though he was on theother side of the building, the buildingrocked. And now I know why.

Coming here makes me sad, on the onehand; it also makes me angry. Our countrywill, however, not be cowed by terrorists,by people who don’t share the same val-ues we share, by people who are willingto destroy people’s lives because weembrace freedom. The nation mourns, butour government will go on, the countrywill function. We are on high alert forpossible activity.

But coming here confirms what the Sec-retary and I both know, that this is a greatnation. People here working hard prove it;people out here working their hearts out toanswer families’ questions, to remove therubble and debris from this office. I wantto thank everybody not only on this site,but all across America, for responding sogenerously, so kindly, in their prayers, intheir contributions of love and their will-ingness to help in any way they can.

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The following was a videotaped messagefrom Secretary Donald Rumsfeld to themembers of the U.S. Armed Forces.

Great crises are marked by their memo-rable moments. At the height of peril tohis own nation, Winston Churchill spokeof their finest hour. Yesterday, Americaand the cause of human freedom cameunder attack, and the first great crisis ofAmerica’s 21st century was suddenlyupon us.

And we saw the memorable moments.Who will ever forget the display ofnational unity on the steps of the CapitolBuilding? People will long remember see-ing and hearing the members of Congressspontaneously breaking out into “GodBless America.” What a wonderful thingfor the world to see, and what pride wecan take in that moment.

So, too, President Bush’s address to thenation will live in memory. He spoke forall of us when he showed his compassionand concern but also noted a quiet,unyielding anger among the Americanpeople. He offered a clear-sighted view ofwhat needs to be done to prepare for thefuture.

As one of those working with him onhis national security team, I can reportthat throughout the crisis, the presidenthas been as commanding and impressivein person as he has been in his publicaddresses. As Americans, we can be proudof our president, our vice president andour leaders in Congress.

But I’m speaking to you now a littlemore than 24 hours after yesterday’sattack. I must add that one of the finesthours of this crisis was here at the Penta-gon.

For a long time to come, Americans willtake pride and feel gratitude for hownobly and professionally our military andcivilian personnel have responded here atthe Department of Defense. I left myoffice here in the Pentagon and went tothe site of the attack minutes after itoccurred. The scene was appalling, andeven as I speak to you now, the human tollof this tragedy is being counted. Most inthis building have lost friends and col-leagues. We’re doing all we can for the

September 11, 2001


families of those who were killed or hurt.Our grief is beyond description, and ourcondolences go out to all of those whohave lost a loved one.

But we have pride, too; pride in theirservice to country and to us all, and pridethat in the morning, the flag was stillthere; the Stars and Stripes was over thewreckage to mark their place of honor.

Our gratitude is also all but indescrib-able for the firefighters and the police andthe personnel from so many local, county,and state, as well as federal agencies whohave assisted us. Their work and commit-ment have been an inspiration to me andto us all.

But in addition to telling you of Ameri-ca’s pride in Defense Department person-nel during the last 24 hours, it is my duty,as head of this department, to tell you thatmore, much more, will be asked of you inthe weeks and months ahead.

This is especially true of those who arein the field. We face powerful and terribleenemies, enemies we intend to vanquish,so that moments of horror, like yesterday,will be stopped.

The task of vanquishing these terribleenemies and in protecting the Americanpeople and the cause of human freedomwill fall to you, the men and women in theDepartment of Defense. I know we areready. I know America can continue tocount on your selflessness and courageand dedication to duty.

Let us never forget what this great insti-tution is about. With its hallways filledwith the pictures of Medal of Honor recip-ients and our country’s great military lead-ers, this building is a place dedicated tothe ethos of heroism. Heroes have gonebefore us. Here at the Pentagon yesterday,heroes were here again.

I know I am speaking to many now,especially those of you in the field, thoseof you who wear the uniform of our coun-try, who will in the days ahead also becalled heroes. I salute each of you foryour conduct and commitment. And with-out hesitation, I ask you now to stay thecourse in the challenging days ahead. Anation stands behind you.

I’ve been in public life for a long time,and if there’s one lesson I have learnedfrom it, it is this: Believe in the Americanpeople.

Believe in them especially when troublestarts, when the crisis comes. Believe in

them to act worthy of their past, to actworthy of the future of peace and freedomthey want for their children. Most of all,as you set about your dangerous work,believe in them to give you every supportand give you their hearts and theirprayers.

We extend our condolences, and askGod’s tender mercies on our fallen com-rades and their loved ones, and we ask Hisblessing and guidance as we turn to thework of defending this nation and preserv-ing human freedom.


Secretary Colin Powell was interviewedon National Public Radio.

Q. The Secretary of State Colin Powelltoday pledged a global fight against ter-rorism involving not only NATO butalso Muslim states.

Secretary Powell, do you expect tohave the active support of friendly Mus-lim states in that effort?

Secretary Powell. Yes, I have alreadybeen in touch with some Arab states in theregion. They realize that terrorism of thiskind is a threat to any civilization. Andthey are friends of ours and they want towork with us and they want to help us, soI know that there will be a number ofnations in the region, in the Persian Gulfand the Middle East region, that will becooperating with us. And I am continuingto make phone calls to that end.

Q. Have you spoken to people inSaudi Arabia and Egypt?

Secretary Powell. I have spoken to peo-ple in Saudi Arabia. I have spoken to theChairman of the Arab League, Mr. AmrMoussa. And I have calls in to other lead-ers in the region now.

Q. When you spoke with them today,did they raise the linkage of this terror-ist attack to Israeli actions in the Mid-dle East or to U.S. policy on the Israel-Palestinian dispute?

Secretary Powell. They did not. Andthe simple reason is that this act is so hor-rible, so horrendous in its nature anddimensions, that there can be no justifica-tion. Even though we have a difficult situ-ation between the Israelis and the Pales-tinians, no way could that justify this kindof attack against innocent people whichcosts thousands of lives. And none ofthem suggested that, nor would I haveexpected them to.

Q. How strong a link would you saythere is now from all that you knowabout yesterday’s attacks between whathappened and people associated withUsama bin Laden?

Secretary Powell. Well, I am going tolet the intelligence community and ourlaw enforcement agencies describe thestrengths of links to any particular terror-ist organization or network. Let me justsay that there is a body of evidence that isdeveloping that I think in the very nearfuture will point us in a specific direction.But I don’t want to handicap that withdescribing it as being either strong orwe’re this sure or that sure.

Q. How important is it in whateverthe United States does, say if there issome military retaliation down theroad, how important is it that there beallies, including Muslim nations, in thataction?

Secretary Powell. I think it is alwaysbest to have a coalition when you aregoing after a problem or dealing with athreat that really is not just directed atAmerica; it is directed at civilization. Andso to the extent that you can put a coali-tion together, you are bringing the weightof the international community along withyou. It doesn’t mean that every member ofthat coalition has to participate in somemilitary way. Political support, diplomaticsupport, other kinds of support can be justas useful. It is not clear to me we wouldneed anyone’s direct military involvementshould we go down a road of militaryretaliation.

Q. Secretary Powell, the newspaperheadlines in New York today, a lot ofthem, screamed the word “war.” I won-der, is that appropriate? Do we regard

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this as the equivalent to war?

Secretary Powell. The Presidentbelieves that it was an act of war againstus, not a war of the kind that we have seenbefore such as World War II or Korea orVietnam. And Korea and Vietnam werenot called wars but they certainly werewars. But it is an act of war. When youattack our homeland, when you attackedtwo places such as the World Trade Centerbuildings and the Pentagon, that is an actof war against our sovereignty, against thesecurity of our people. When you killthousands of our civilians, there is noother way to characterize it.

It doesn’t mean necessarily that itresults in, say, a declaration of war—Con-gress would have to make that judgmentanyway—but it means that we have toreally mobilize ourselves and all of theassets at our disposal—political, diplomat-ic, legal, law enforcement, intelligenceand military—to deal with those who per-petrated this act of war against us.

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On September 12th, the North AtlanticCouncil met again in response to theappalling attacks perpetrated yesterdayagainst the United States. The Councilagreed that if it is determined that thisattack was directed from abroad againstthe United States, it shall be regarded asan action covered by Article 5 of theWashington Treaty, which states that anarmed attack against one or more of theAllies in Europe or North America shallbe considered an attack against them all.

The commitment to collective self-defense embodied in the WashingtonTreaty was first entered into in circum-stances very different from those that existnow, but it remains no less valid and noless essential today, in a world subject tothe scourge of international terrorism.When the Heads of State and Governmentof NATO met in Washington in 1999, theypaid tribute to the success of the Alliancein ensuring the freedom of its membersduring the Cold War and in making possi-ble a Europe that was whole and free. Butthey also recognized the existence of awide variety of risks to security, some of

them quite unlike those that had calledNATO into existence. More specifically,they condemned terrorism as a seriousthreat to peace and stability and reaf-firmed their determination to combat it inaccordance with their commitments to oneanother, their international commitmentsand national legislation.

Article 5 of the Washington Treaty stip-ulates that in the event of attacks fallingwithin its purview, each Ally will assistthe Party that has been attacked by takingsuch action as it deems necessary. Accord-ingly, the United States’ NATO Alliesstand ready to provide the assistance thatmay be required as a consequence of theseacts of barbarism.


Secretary Colin Powell was interviewedon NBC’S Dateline by Tom Brokaw.

Q. Joining us now from Washington,DC, is Secretary of State Colin Powell.

Mr. Secretary, NATO today invokedArticle V, which means that an attackon the United States is an attack on anyNATO member. That will give you greatmilitary and political cooperation. Butwhat about the states like Kuwait andJordan and Egypt and Saudi Arabia,who were so critical to us during Oper-ation Desert Storm? Do you expectfrom them outspoken positions of sup-port?

Secretary Powell. Yes, I do, Tom. Andwe have been in touch with many of themin the course of the day and I’ll be talkingto more of them this evening and tomor-row. I have been very, very satisfied withthe degree of support we have received,not only from our NATO allies but otherEuropean countries, from our friends herein the Western Hemisphere at the Organi-zation of American States summit yester-day. And as I have called around the Per-sian Gulf region, I am getting expressionsof support.

I got a letter from Mr. Amr Moussa,who is the Chair of the Arab League,expressing condolences, and I also spoketo him on the phone. And they find this anoutrage against humanity. It should not be

seen as something done by Arabs orIslamics; it is something that was done byterrorists, and we ought to see it that wayand we ought to rally the entire civilizedworld against this kind of activity.

Q. Are you sending a message toAfghanistan tonight through Pakistan?And if you are, what is that message?

Secretary Powell. We are sending avariety of messages to any nation thatmight have knowledge about such terroristactivity. We are not accusing any organi-zation yet, but there is a body of evidencethat is slowly growing. And what we aresaying to the Pakistanis is that we wouldlike to have any information that youmight have that would shed light on thisincident or who might have caused it, andas we go forward, we might want to cometo you for assistance if the response turnsout to be in an area where you can be ofassistance.

With respect to Afghanistan, we havealways told the Taliban leadership thatthey should not be harboring Mr. Usamabin Laden and a network that he controls.And we are reinforcing that message andalso making it clear to them that theyshould disavow themselves of any kind ofinvolvement with such organizations ifthey want the world to try to help themwith these serious problems that they havein their society and in their economy. Andwe are doing this throughout the region,throughout the world wherever terroristsfind host nations to take care of them, togive them support.

The President was very clear last night.We are not only going after the perpetra-tors. We will go after those nations, statesand organizations who give them succor,who provide them assistance and givethem a place from which they an launchtheir terrorist attacks.

Q. But, Mr. Secretary, it is one thingto go after a headquarters of a terroristorganization or even its leader, butwhen you begin to attack the countrythat may be harboring them, that canchange the political equation veryquickly, can’t it?

Secretary Powell. Well, it can, and wewill be very cautious in how we might useour military strength. And I don’t want to

September 11, 2001


get into hypotheticals, but one always hasto consider that. But at the same time,these countries tend to put themselves atrisk by harboring terrorist activity of thistype. That is why it is in their interest tobecome part of a civilized world and getrid of this sort of activity and not let itperpetuate and exist within their borders.

Q. After the terrorist attacks on theUnited States embassies in Tanzaniaand Kenya, there was a swift responseat two targets; later, some questionabout whether or not, in fact, one of thetargets was appropriate. Are you goingto take more time this time?

Secretary Powell. Well, let’s first of alldetermine who is responsible and thendetermine the best response. The responsemay be political, certainly diplomatic, andit may well be military. And you can besure that we will do it carefully, we willdo it prudently, and we will make surewe’ve got the goods on them, or at least ahigh probability of having the goods onthem, before launching military strikes, ifthat turns out to be the proper recommen-dation coming from the Pentagon to thePresident and the President approves it.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you grew up as amilitary man and in a bipolar world.We formed NATO, the greatest militaryalliance in the history of mankind, toface down the Russians if it ever cameto that. Are we going to have to formmore permanent alliances now to dealwith terrorism long term, not shortterm?

Secretary Powell. I think we do have toform other kinds of alliances. I’m not surewe need a new organization. I mean, yousaw what NATO did today. They invokedArticle V of the Washington Treaty, whichwas never designed for this kind of pur-pose, but when you look at the spirit ofthe Washington Treaty, where all of thesenations are going to come to each other’said in time of danger in the event of anattack, this in the 21st century is the kindof attack that we have to be prepared todefend against, to respond to. And NATOcame forward today and understood thenature of this new threat, and I think cor-rectly invoked Article V of the Washing-ton Treaty. Any nation attacked, all other

nations will be expected to assist in theresponse and come to the defense andassistance of the nation that has beenattacked from outside the Alliance.

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As a mark of respect for those killed bythe heinous acts of violence perpetratedby faceless cowards upon the people andthe freedom of the United States on Tues-day, September 11, 2001, I hereby order,by the authority vested in me as Presidentof the United States of America by theConstitution and the laws of the UnitedStates of America, that the flag of theUnited States shall be flown at half-staffat the White House and upon all publicbuildings and grounds, at all military postsand naval stations, and on all naval vesselsof the Federal Government in the Districtof Columbia and throughout the UnitedStates and its Territories and possessionsuntil sunset, Sunday, September 16, 2001.I also direct that the flag shall be flown athalf-staff for the same length of time at allUnited States embassies, legations, con-sular offices, and other facilities abroad,including all military facilities and navalvessels and stations.

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Yesterday, evil and despicable acts of ter-ror were perpetrated against our fellowcitizens. Our way of life, indeed our veryfreedom, came under attack. Our first pri-ority is to respond swiftly and surely. Weneed to do so in a way that will makeAmericans proud, especially those heroeswho are struggling so valiantly to dealwith yesterday’s tragedy.

Immediate steps are being taken to pro-tect our citizens at home and around theworld. I implemented our Government’semergency response plans, and the func-tions of our Government continue withoutinterruption. I have directed the fullresources of our intelligence and lawenforcement communities to find thoseresponsible and to bring them to justice.

Now Congress must act. I ask the Con-gress to immediately pass and send to methe enclosed request for $20,000,000,000in FY 2001 emergency appropriations toprovide resources to address the terroristattacks on the United States that occurredon September 11, 2001, and the conse-quences of such attacks. Passing this sup-plemental appropriations bill withoutdelay will send a powerful signal of unityto our fellow Americans and to the world.If additional resources are necessary, Iwill forward another request for additionalfunding.

I designate the entire amount as anemergency requirement pursuant to sec-tion 251(b)(2)(A) of the Balanced Budgetand Emergency Deficit Control Act of1985, as amended.

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Secretary General Kofi Annan deliveredthe following statement at a specialmeeting of the United Nations SecurityCouncil.

We meet, as you have said, in exceptional-ly grave circumstances. Our host country,and this host city, have been subjected to aterrorist attack which horrifies us all. Wedo not yet know the full extent of thedamage, but it seems certain that thou-sands of people have lost their lives andmany have suffered dreadful injuries.

All of us, Mr. President, feel deep shockand revulsion at the cold-blooded vicious-ness of this attack.

All of us condemn it, and those whoplanned it—whoever they may be—in thestrongest possible terms.

All of us, I am sure, extend our mostprofound sympathy to the victims, to theirloved ones and to the people and Govern-ment of the United States.

More than that, we must express oursolidarity with the American Governmentand people in this hour of trial.

Terrorism is an international scourge,which the United Nations has many timescondemned. A terrorist attack on onecountry is an attack on humanity as awhole. All nations of the world must worktogether to identify the perpetrators andbring them to justice.

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The Security Council,Reaffirming the principles and purposes

of the Charter of the United Nations,Determined to combat by all means

threats to international peace and securitycaused by terrorist acts,

Recognizing the inherent right of indi-vidual or collective self- defense in accor-dance with the Charter,

1. Unequivocally condemns in thestrongest terms the horrifying terroristattacks which took place on 11 September2001 in New York, Washington (D.C.) andPennsylvania and regards such acts, likeany act of international terrorism, as athreat to international peace and security;

2. Expresses its deepest sympathy andcondolences to the victims and their fami-lies and to the People and Government ofthe United States of America;

3. Calls on all States to work togetherurgently to bring to justice the perpetra-tors, organizers and sponsors of these ter-rorist attacks and stresses that thoseresponsible for aiding, supporting or har-boring the perpetrators, organizers andsponsors of these acts will be heldaccountable;

4. Calls also on the international com-munity to redouble their efforts to preventand suppress terrorist acts including byincreased cooperation and full implemen-tation of the relevant international anti-ter-rorist conventions and Security Councilresolutions, in particular resolution 1269of 19 October 1999;

5. Expresses its readiness to take allnecessary steps to respond to the terroristattacks of 11 September 2001, and tocombat all forms of terrorism, in accor-dance with its responsibilities under theCharter of the United Nations;

6. Decides to remain seized of the mat-ter.

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The General Assembly,Guided by the purposes and principles

of the Charter of the United Nations,

1. Strongly condemns the heinous actsof terrorism, which have caused enormousloss of human life, destruction and dam-age in the cities of New York, host city ofthe United Nations, and Washington, D.C.,and in Pennsylvania;

2. Expresses its condolences and soli-darity with the people and Government ofthe United States of America in these sadand tragic circumstances;

3. Urgently calls for international coop-eration to bring to justice the perpetrators,organizers and sponsors of the outrages of11 September 2001;

4. Also urgently calls for internationalcooperation to prevent and eradicate actsof terrorism, and stresses that thoseresponsible for aiding, supporting or har-boring the perpetrators, organizers andsponsors of such acts will be heldaccountable.

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This morning the Commission held anextraordinary meeting.

We observed a minute’s silence and thendiscussed various political aspects forwhich the Commission has particularresponsibility.

This afternoon I shall go to the Euro-pean Parliament and the General AffairsCouncil (Foreign Ministers). The Com-mission stressed, and I shall reaffirm, theneed to send the strongest possible signalof European solidarity with the Americanpeople and I will call for a common Euro-pean approach to all aspects of thistragedy.

The Commission expressed its horror atthese acts of barbaric crime, its compas-sion for the victims and their families andits solidarity with the American people.

We share their grief, mourn with themand commit ourselves to working togetherwith President Bush and the U.S. Govern-ment to build a safe, democratic world forall our peoples.

We have acted to protect our own staffand interests in Europe and in our over-seas delegations. We stand ready to offerany practical assistance we can. I con-veyed this message to the U.S. Ambas-sador yesterday evening. Our economyand social structures are strong and

resilient and we remain calm and confi-dent. Our co-operation with the USA inthe fight against terrorism is more neces-sary than ever and must be pursued withrenewed vigor.

This barbaric attack was directed againstthe free world and our common values. Itis a watershed event and life will never bequite the same again. European Institu-tions and Governments will work closelytogether with our American friends andpartners in the defense of freedom.

We shall not allow terrorism to triumph.We shall not allow terrorism to divide theworld, as its perpetrators intend it to. Weshall deny them this victory.

In the darkest hours of European histo-ry, the Americans stood by us. We standby them now.

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First of all, I would like to give you anupdate on this morning’s meeting of theCivil Contingencies Committee. We haveagreed to keep in place the additionalsecurity measures that I announced yester-day, at least for the rest of the day. This isa purely precautionary measure but wisein the circumstances, and I hope thosewho are suffering the disruption under-stand why we believe this to be necessary.Most of the City and business throughoutthe country is functioning as normal.

We also discussed what practical helpand expertise we can offer to America indealing with the immediate aftermath ofthis tragedy. I will chair a further meetingof this Committee later today and in addi-tion, there will be a special meeting of theCabinet tomorrow. Also, I should tell youthat the Government has requested thatParliament be recalled and The Speakerhas agreed to this.

I have consulted the Leader of theOpposition and the Leader of the LiberalDemocrats, and other parties, and proposethat Parliament be recalled for this Friday,14 September, when I will make a state-ment to the House, and the Foreign Secre-tary will then open a full debate on theissues that arise from yesterday’s atrocity.

I believe Parliament should be recalledboth because of the sheer magnitude ofthe event, and its implications, but also

September 11, 2001


because this was an attack not just on anumber of buildings, but on the verynotion of democracy. It is therefore all themore important that democratic voices areheard and in our country, Parliament is theplace for that to happen.

I have also spoken to several worldleaders, including the Presidents of Franceand Russia, Chancellor Schroeder, andPrime Minister Verhofstadt in his capacityas the current President of the EU.

We all agreed that this attack is anattack not only on America but on theworld, which demands our complete andunited condemnation, our determination tobring those responsible to justice and oursupport for the American people at thistime of trial.

It is also clear that given the likely deathtoll, there will be many citizens of otherstates who will have died. I have to saythat I fear significant numbers of themwill be British. So in a very real and directsense, the interests of our country areengaged.

But even if that were not so, the worldnow knows the full evil and capability ofinternational terrorism which menaces thewhole of the democratic world. The ter-rorists responsible have no sense ofhumanity, of mercy, or of justice.

To commit acts of this nature requires afanaticism and wickedness that is beyondour normal contemplation. The USA willbe considering the action it considersappropriate against those found to beresponsible. But beyond that, there areissues connected with such terrorism thatthe international community as a wholemust consider: where these groups are,how they operate, how they are financed,how they are supported, and how they arestopped.

One final point. I was pleased to see thevery strong statement of condemnationfrom the British Muslim Council, echoingthat of the American Muslim Council. AsMuslim leaders and clerics around theworld are making clear, such acts ofinfamy and cruelty are wholly contrary tothe Islamic faith. The vast majority ofMuslims are decent, upright people whoshare our horror at what has happened.

People of all faiths and all democraticpolitical persuasions have a commoncause: to identify this machinery of terrorand to dismantle it as swiftly as possible.With our American friends, and other

allies around the world, this is the task towhich we now turn.”

Q. This is maybe one of those ques-tions, Prime Minister, you can’t answerbut there have been official and semi-official comments from the UnitedStates about Osama Bin Laden’s groupbeing the likely culprit for this. What isthe British view of that and do we haveany intelligence view about where theseattacks have come from?

Prime Minister Blair. I won’t commenton the identification of who is responsibleat this stage but obviously this is some-thing that is under close consideration byour agencies here as well as other agen-cies round the world and particularlythose in the United States of America. Yes,sir.

Q. Prime Minister, to what extent—and I know you don’t want to be specif-ic—but are there no limits to which youwould co-operate with the United Statesgovernment in pursuing the terroristand, given the possibility, the real possi-bility that Britain could become a tar-get if you either endorse or insist onreprisals, to what extent do you thinkthe British public is prepared for that?

Prime Minister Blair. As I said amoment or two ago Mike, I don’t think itis wise to speculate on what the nature ofany American response would be to thisact of terror or indeed what support theymay call upon from this country or anyother countries in making that response.But I want to make one thing very clearindeed—this was not an attack on Ameri-ca alone. This was an attack on the freeand democratic world everywhere and thisis the responsibility that the free anddemocratic world have got to shouldertogether with America. And at this time oftragedy in the United States of Americathat has consequences right across theworld—and as I say there will be Britishpeople that have lost their lives—in thistime of tragedy and this time of grief andanger and trial in America it is importantthat Americans know that their allies andtheir friends around the world do standshoulder to shoulder with them. Yes, John.

Q. But Prime Minister just continuing

this point, can you say how important itis for whatever the American response,whatever that is, for that to be support-ed by American’s key allies and in par-ticular by Britain?

Prime Minister Blair. Well I’m not,you know forgive me if I repeat to youwhat I said earlier. I am not going to enterinto a discussion of what that responsemay be or any participation of anyone elsein it. I simply repeat what I’ve saidalready to you that I think it is importantthat we demonstrate our support for theUnited States of America at this moment.Yes, Kristiana.

Q. Analysts, leaders, people have beensaying, and you yourself just said, thisis not just an attack on America but onthe civilized world. Are you prepared tosay that this is a stage of war, a declara-tion of war against the United Statesand the civilized world? And, eventhough you don’t want to be specific,you yourself said that we have to“defeat and eradicate these people.”What possible way can you do that anddo you envision a sort of 1990’s stylecoalition that might be built in like-minded countries to confront these peo-ple once evidence comes to establishcertain responsibility?

Prime Minister Blair. Well of one thingI’ve no doubt and that this was an attackupon the whole of the world and that iswhy I think it is so important that in addi-tion to whatever action America considersappropriate that the world as a whole isprepared to act. And I sketched out to youa moment or two ago I think some of thequestions that we need to pose. It is tooearly, it is premature to give specificanswers to those questions but this was anact of terrorism on a scale I don’t thinkanyone had contemplated before and itshows the new menace that there is thatthreatens our world. And it is importanttherefore that the international community,as a whole as well as responding to thisparticular atrocity, considers the nature ofthese groups, how they are financed, howthey operate and how we defeat them.And I am sure from the discussions that Ihave had with other leaders in the pastfew hours that those questions are at theforefront of their mind as well because we

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all of us know that America may havebeen singled out by these terrorists buttheir attack is aimed at all of us and it istherefore vitally important that we standtogether in defeating them.

Q. Noting what you said aboutBritain’s Muslims, it is nonetheless thecase isn’t it that this international ter-rorism over the past decade has had acommon thread of Islamic Fundamen-talism and isn’t it rather inadequate totry and address this problem by treat-ing it as evil terrorism and isolation andlooking at the functionalities of wherethe money comes from without lookingat the basic clash of ideologies andindeed the basic concept of what humanrights and the value of human life is?

Prime Minister Blair. Of course it isevil terrorism and we shouldn’t disguisethat for a moment but I think you are rightin saying that we also have to make itclear and this is done best indeed by voic-es within the Muslim community and theIslamic faith that such acts of wickednessand terrorism are wholly contrary to theproper principles of the Islamic faith. Andone of the reasons I mentioned the state-ment of the Muslim Council of Britainwas in order to underscore the shock andthe sense of horror and sense of outragefelt by the vast majority of Muslims roundthe world. So this is not a situation inwhich we should see this as a causebetween the Muslim faith and the worldbut between terrorism and the rest of theworld, including the Muslim faith.

Q. Prime Minister, beyond theappalling loss of life and injury, onething is very clear that there has beenan appalling breakdown of intelligencein America in particular and in theWest in general. The same breakdownin intelligence has delivered the wrongtargets in previous reprisals. Will you,before you put at the disposal of theUnited States any British facility orarmed forces, require independentintelligence assessments to be made ofany evaluation that the United Statesmight make as to what should be done?

Prime Minister Blair. Well Jon, if youforgive me going to enter into any discus-sion of what may happen in the coming

period of time, simply to say that theUnited States of America will be consider-ing who is responsible and they will takethe action that they consider appropriate.And as I said earlier, what support wemay give to that is something that we willconsider at an appropriate time. But beunder no doubt at all we stand with theUnited States of America in this matter.Yes, Trevor.

* * * *

Q. Do you feel by standing shoulder toshoulder with the United States andsaying we are determined to eradicatethis threat we are ourselves a possibletarget?

Prime Minister Blair. I don’t thinkthere’s any doubt at all that this threat isaimed at the whole of the democraticworld. The United States has been singledout but there is no doubt at all that theseterrorists will regard us all as targets andtherefore it is important for us, whilst thishas happened in the United States ofAmerica, to remember that very basicfact: this is an attack on the free anddemocratic world as a whole. And ofcourse, as I was pointing out to you just amoment or two ago, because of the sheerscale of the death toll and the carnage as aresult of this atrocity, there will be manyBritish people that have been caught up init. So our interests are engaged in a veryreal and direct way.

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Ambassador Sergei Lavrov, PermanentRepresentative of the Russian Federationto the United Nations, delivered hisremarks at a meeting of the UnitedNations Security Council.

The USA has encountered an unprece-dented act of aggression on the part ofinternational terrorism.

On behalf of the Russian leadership weexpress sincere and deeply-felt condo-lences to all the victims, their families, thepeople and government of the USA.

Yesterday’s event in the United Statesgoes beyond national borders. This is an

impudent challenge to all mankind. Andwhat happened on September 11 oncemore underlines the urgency of the task ofcombining the efforts of the internationalcommunity to fight terror, this plague ofthe 21st century. This task was set in U.N.Security Council Resolution 1269, unani-mously adopted on Russia’s initiative.Yesterday’s statement by the Council andthe resolution being adopted today unam-biguously confirm the determination of itsmembers to do everything they can not tolet a single terrorist act go unpunished andto redouble their efforts to prevent anderadicate terrorism.

Russian President Vladimir Putin said inhis statement on September 11:

“Russia knows not through hearsaywhat is terror. And therefore we bestunderstand the feelings of the Americanpeople and, addressing on behalf of Rus-sia the people of the United States, I wantto say that we are with you, we whollyand entirely share and feel your pain. Wesupport you.

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The people of Pakistan are deeply shockedand outraged at the dreadful terroristattacks in New York and Washington,which have resulted in unprecedented lossof thousands of innocent lives. It is diffi-cult to describe in words our sorrow andgrief at this moment of national tragedyfor the American people. I have conveyedthe deepest condolences and sympathy ofthe people and Government of Pakistan toPresident George Bush, the bereaved fam-ilies and the American people in a mes-sage last evening.

We strongly condemn this barbaric actof terrorism, which will live in memory asa most heinous crime against humanity.As the world tries to grasp the magnitudeof the tragedy and mourns those who haveperished, we pray for the recovery ofthousands of others who have sufferedinjuries.

We regard terrorism as an evil thatthreatens the world community. Concertedinternational effort is needed to fight ter-rorism in all its forms and manifestations.The carnage in New York and Washingtonhas raised this struggle to a new level.

September 11, 2001


Pakistan has been extending cooperationto international efforts to combat terrorismin the past and will continue to do so. Allcountries must join hands in this commoncause.

I wish to assure President Bush and theU.S. Government of our unstinted cooper-ation in the fight against terrorism.


My dear Pakistanis! The despicable and devastating act

against innocent people in New York andWashington has caused great anguish andconcern among the Government and thepeople of Pakistan. As a peace-lovingnation we join the world community instrongly condemning these brutal acts andthe consequent loss of precious lives. Ter-rorism is a threat to humanity and to thehuman civilization. Pakistan condemns allacts of terrorism anywhere in the worldand shares the sorrow and grief of thepeople of the United States.

I urge upon all of you, living in theUnited States of America, to extend allpossible help and assistance to all victims.I urge you to step forward and donatemuch needed blood for the injured. Stepout and provide your service and yourresources to all those who need themthere.

I am confident you would rise to theoccasion and assist, help and assuage thegrieved. My heart goes out to the familiesof all those who have suffered and partic-ularly to the families of those who losttheir lives whether Americans, Pakistanisor from any other country.”

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In the name of God, Most Gracious, Mostmerciful

Once again, we would like to commenton what happened in America on Septem-

ber 11, 2001, and its consequences. Thecomments we made on the next day of theevent represent the essence of our positionregarding this event and other events, butthe aftermath of what happened in Ameri-ca, in the West in particular and in theworld in general, makes it important forevery leader to understand the meaning ofresponsibility toward his people, hisnation, and humanity in general to followup the development of the situation, tounderstand the meaning of what is goingon, and hence to elaborate his country’sand people’s position so as not to restrictoneself to only following the event.

When the event took place Arab rulersand the rulers of countries whose religionof their people is Islam, rushed to con-demn the event. The Westerners rushedwithin hours to make statements andadopt resolutions, some of which are dan-gerous ones, in solidarity with Americaand against terrorism.

Even before being sure, western govern-ments decided to join their forces to theAmerica even if that meant declaring waron the party that will be proved to havebeen involved in what happened.

It is only normal to say that by theexplanation of the present situation, as ithas been said or by comparison to theaction previously taken by Americaagainst specific countries, it could beenough for some of the executors of theoperation to have come from a countrynamed by America or said to have insti-gated the operation, for the American mil-itary retaliation on what they call anaggression. We don’t know if they woulddo the same thing whether any of theplanners and executors of the operationwere found, to have lived or held thenationality of a Western country orwhether the intention and the designs arealready made against an Islamic party.

It is most probable from the beating ofmedia war drums that America and someWestern governments are targeting a partywho won’t be but Muslim.

The event that took place in America isan extraordinary event. It is not a simpleone. According to figures announced byofficial American sources or by what hasbeen spread by the media, the number ofvictims is great. Nobody has any doubts,or denies that America and the West havethe capabilities to mobilize force and useit, to inflict destruction on others on the

basis of simple doubts or even whimsical-ly, and can send their American missilesand the NATO fighters to where ever theywant to destroy and harm whoever Ameri-ca decides to harm in a fit of anger, bygreed, or by being pushed by Zionism.

Many countries of the world have suf-fered from America’s technological might,and many peoples do recognize thatAmerica had killed thousands or even mil-lions of human beings in their countries.

The event that took place in Americawas an extraordinary one. It is not a sim-ple event.

It is the first time that someone crossesto America to unleash the fire of his angerinside it, as indicated by what was said bythe media, on the hypothesis that theexecutors of this act came from abroad.

Since this event is unprecedented, is itwise to deal with it by precedent methodsthat can be used by whoever has the tech-nical and scientific capacities of Americaand the West!?

If the target and the aim is one or moreIslamic countries, as it has been said bythe media and the intelligence services ofsome Western countries, this would onlyfall in the same direction that America andthe West have always taken by targetingtheir fire on wherever they want to experi-ment a new weapon on.

We ask again: America’s targeting thefire of its weapons on specific targets, andharming it or destroying it with the sup-port of Western governments and of a fab-ricated story would it solve the problem?Would this bring security to America andthe world? Or Isn’t the use by Americaand some Western governments of theirfire against others in the world including,or in the forefront of whom the Arabs andthe Muslims, is one of the most importantreasons of the lack of stability in theworld at the present time?

Isn’t the evil inflicted on America in theact of September 11, 2001, and nothingelse is a result of this and other acts? Thisis the main question and this is what theAmerican administration along with of theWestern governments or the Western pub-lic opinion should answer in the first placewith serenity and responsibility, withoutemotional reaction and without the use ofthe same old methods that America usedagainst the world.

On September 12, 2001, we said that noone crossed the Atlantic to America carry-

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ing weapons before this event, except theWesterners who established the UnitedStates of America. America is the one whocrossed the Atlantic carrying arms ofdestruction and death against the world.Here we want to ask a question: wasn’tthe use of American weapons, includingthe nuclear weapon against Japan, enoughbefore September 11, 2001, for Americato prepare to use it in a heavier and astronger way? Or isn’t using it in an irre-sponsible way, and without justification asdoes any oppressive force in the world, iswhat made America the most hated coun-try in the world, starting from the ThirdWorld, to the Medium World and passingto the civilized world, as is the worlddivided by the West and America?

The national security of America andthe security of the world could be attainedif the American leaders and those whobeat the drums for them among the rulersof the present time in the West or outsidethe West become rational, if America dis-engages itself from its evil alliance withZionism, which has been scheming toexploit the world and plunge it in bloodand darkness, by using America and someWestern countries.

What the American peoples need mostlyis someone who tells them the truth,courageously and honestly as it is. Theydon’t need fanfares and cheerleaders, ifthey want to take a lesson from the eventso as to reach a real awakening, in spite ofthe enormity of the event that hit America.But the world, including the rulers ofAmerica, should say all this to the Ameri-can peoples, so as to have the courage totell the truth and act according to what isright and not what to is wrong and unjust,to undertake their responsibilities in fair-ness and justice, and by recourse to rea-son, passion, according to the spirit ofchance and capability.

In addition, we say to the Americanpeoples, what happened on September 11,2001 should be compared to what theirgovernment and their armies are doing inthe world, for example, the internationalagencies have stated that more than onemillion and a half Iraqis have diedbecause of the blockade imposed byAmerica and some Western countries, inaddition to the tens of thousands who diedor are injured in the military action perpe-trated by America along with those whoallied with it against Iraq. Hundreds of

bridges, churches, mosques, colleges,schools, factories, palaces, hotels, andthousands of private houses weredestroyed or damaged by the Americanand Western bombardment, which isongoing even today against Iraq. If youreplay the images of the footage taken bythe western media itself of this destruc-tion, you will see that they are not differ-ent from the images of the two buildingshit by the Boeing airplanes, if not moreatrocious, especially when they are mixedwith the remains of men, women, andchildren. There is, however, one differ-ence, namely that those who direct theirmissiles and bombs to the targets, whetherAmericans or from another Western coun-try, are mostly targeting by remote con-trols, that is why they do so as if theywere playing an amusing game. As forthose who acted on September 11, 2001,they did it from a close range, and with, Iimagine, giving their lives willingly, withan irrevocable determination.

For this reason also, the Americans, andthe world with them, should understandthe argument that made those people givetheir lives in sacrifice, and what they sac-rificed themselves for, in that way.

When one million and a half Iraqihuman beings die, according to Westerndocuments, from a population of twentyfive million, because of the Americanblockade and aggression, it means thatIraq has lost about one twenty-fifth of itspopulation. And just as your beautiful sky-scrapers were destroyed and caused yourgrief, beautiful buildings and precioushomes crumbled over their owners inLebanon, Palestine and Iraq by Americanweapons used by the Zionists. In only oneplace, which was a civilian shelter, whichis the Ameriyah Shelter, more than fourhundred human beings, children, youngand old men and women, died in Iraq byAmerican bombs.

In the same day, the 11th of September,one of their aggressive military airplaneswas shot down over Iraq. And on the sameday of the event in America on 11th Sep-tember, and American jetfighter was per-petration aggression against Iraq and wasshot down.

As for what is going on in Palestine, ifZionist let you see on your TVs the bodiesof children, women and men who aredaily killed by American weapons, andwith American backing to the Zionist enti-

ty, the pain you are feeling would beappeased.

Americans should feel the pain theyhave inflicted on other peoples of theworld, so as when they suffer, they willfind the right solution and the right path.

All that has been inflicted on the Arabsand Muslims by America and the West,didn’t push Muslims to become racists

and harass the Westerners who walk in thestreets of Baghdad, Damascus, Tunis,Cairo and other Arab capitals, even whenthe Westerners, and especially Americansinsulted the holy sites of Muslim andArabs by what is almost an occupation ofSaudi Arabia in order to launch their evilfires against Baghdad, and when theAmerican carriers roam the Arab Gulf,and their fighters daily roam the sky tothrow tons of bombs and missiles overIraq, so that about two hundred thousandtons of bombs have been used againstIraq, in addition to using depleted urani-um!! All these are facts that are very wellknown not only to Arabs and Muslims,but to the whole world also. But becauseof only one incident that happened inAmerica in one day, and upon an uncon-firmed accusations so far, Arabs and Mus-lims, including some who hold the Ameri-can citizenship, are being harassed openly

September 11, 2001


[W]e say to the American peoples, whathappened on September 11, 2001 shouldbe compared to what their government andtheir armies are doing in the world, forexample, the international agencies havestated that more than one million and ahalf Iraqis have died because of theblockade imposed by America and someWestern countries, in addition to the tensof thousands who died or are injured in themilitary action perpetrated by Americaalong with those who allied with it againstIraq. Hundreds of bridges, churches,mosques, colleges, schools, factories,palaces, hotels, and thousands of privatehouses were destroyed or damaged by theAmerican and Western bombardment,which is ongoing even today against Iraq.

and publicly in America and some West-ern countries. Some western countries arepreparing themselves to participate in anAmerican military action, against anIslamic country as the indications pointout. In this case, who is being fanatic?

Isn’t this solidarity, and this in-advanceapproval by some Western leaders, of amilitary aggression against an Islamiccountry, the most flagrant form of the newCrusades, fanaticism. It reminds Arabsand Muslims of those Crusade warslaunched by the West and NATO againstIraq?

Finally, if you, rulers respect and cher-ish the blood of your peoples, why do youfind it easy to shed the blood of othersincluding the blood of Arabs and Mus-lims? If you respect your values, whydon’t you respect the values of Arabs andMuslims?

America needs wisdom, not power. Ithas used power, along with the West, to itsextreme extent, only to find out latter thatit doesn’t achieve what they wanted. Willthe rulers of America try wisdom just foronce so that their people can live in secu-rity and stability?

In the name of God, Most Gracious,Most merciful,

Invite all to the way of thy Lord withthe wisdom and beautiful preaching, andargue with them in ways that are best andmost gracious, for the lord knoweth bestwho have strayed from His path and whoreceive guidance.

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President Bush. Good morning, men.

Mayor Giuliani. Good morning, Mr.President.

Governor Pataki. Good morning, Mr.President.

President Bush. Thank you all verymuch for taking my phone call. First ofall, I can’t tell you how sad I am, andAmerica is, for the people of New YorkCity and the tri-state area. I want to letyou know there is a quiet anger in Ameri-

ca that really is real. Also, though, I can’t tell you how proud

I am of the good citizens of your part ofthe world, and the extraordinary job youall are doing. You’re doing, really, a greatjob on behalf of the citizens of New YorkCity, New York State and in the tri-statearea. So I want to thank you very muchfor your leadership and dedication.

Mayor Giuliani. Thank you, Mr. Presi-dent.

President Bush. Secondly, I’ve been intouch with you all. You’ve extended me akind invitation to come to New York City.I accept; I’ll be there tomorrow afternoon,after the prayer service at the NationalCathedral. I look forward to joining withboth of you in thanking the police andfire, the construction trade workers, therestaurant owners, the volunteers—all ofwhom have really made a huge display forthe world to see of the compassion ofAmerica, and the bravery of America andthe strength of America.

Every world leader I’ve talked to inrecent days has been impressed by whatthey have seen about our nation, and thefabric of our nation. And I want to thankeverybody when I come; so thank you foryour hospitality.

Governor Pataki. Well, Mr. President,thank you for coming to New York. I’msure it’s going to be a great inspiration toall of us and, particularly, those thousandsof men and women still downtown tryingto help us with the rescue efforts.

I also want to thank you for all the helpwe’ve gotten from the federal government,it’s been tremendous; and for your words.You are right, our nation is united as neverbefore and we will triumph over this evilwith your leadership and your inspiration.And I also have to congratulate the Mayorfor the tremendous effort he has made.

Mr. President, you would be proud ofthe leadership and the cooperation we’veseen here. The city has taken the lead.Your people have been enormously sup-portive and we’re very grateful.

President Bush. Well, thanks, George,and Rudy; thank you all. I know you’veput in a request, and I’ve directed theAttorney General to expedite any pay-ments of benefits for those fallen public

safety officers to their families, any bene-fits to their families. And the AttorneyGeneral, as I understand it, will be makinga formal announcement of your requesttoday.

I told Allbaugh, anything—anything ittakes to help New York. I have been intouch with the Congress, they are expedit-ing a supplemental. We’ve worked in greatcooperation with members of the Con-gress in both political parties. So just keepin touch—I know you will. This isn’t thefirst time we’ve talked, and I really appre-ciate the fact that you all are in charge andI know the citizens of New York and thetri-state area, people of New Jersey andConnecticut are appreciative, as well.

Mayor Giuliani. Mr. President, the uni-formed officers, the police, the fire, theemergency services officers, their familieswill really appreciate this. We’re going tosustain a tremendous loss of our bravestand our best people. And the relief thatyou’re now making available to the fami-lies is going to mean a lot to them.They’re going to be able to think aboutthe fact that their children are going to betaken care of, that they’re going to be ableto go to college, that they’re going to beable to carry on.

So I can’t express to you how apprecia-tive we are of your acting so swiftly. And,also, on that terrible day when our citywas being attacked, you were in immedi-ate communication with us, Mr. President,and helped to secure the city. And thework you’ve done for us, we all eternallyappreciate. You’ve been a terrific leaderand we’re taking direction from you, andwe’re following your example. You’vedone a terrific job, Mr. President.

President Bush. Well, thanks, Rudy;and thanks, George. Let me make it clearto you all as my close friends that mymind set is this: one, I weep and mournwith America. I’m going to a hospitalright after this to comfort families. I wishI could comfort every single family whoselives have been affected.

But make no mistake about it, myresolve is steady and strong about winningthis war that has been declared on Ameri-ca. It’s a new kind of war. And I under-stand it’s a new kind of war. And this gov-ernment will adjust. And this governmentwill call others to join us, to make sure

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this act, these acts, the people who con-ducted these acts and those who harborthem are held accountable for theiractions. Make no mistake.

And as we do so, I urge—I know I don’tneed to tell you all this, but our nationmust be mindful that there are thousandsof Arab Americans who live in New YorkCity who love their flag just as much asthe three of us do. And we must be mind-ful that as we seek to win the war that wetreat Arab Americans and Muslims withthe respect they deserve. I know that isyour attitudes, as well; it’s certainly theattitude of this government, that weshould not hold one who is a Muslimresponsible for an act of terror. We willhold those who are responsible for the ter-rorist acts accountable, and those who har-bor them.

You’ll see—and I look forward to visit-ing with you in person tomorrow—aboutthe resolve of this government. And so Ithank you very much for your leadershipon the ground. I wish I was visiting underbetter circumstances. But it will be achance for all three of us to thank and hugand cry with the citizens of your goodarea.


Q. Mr. President, is it safe to fly? And,specifically, would you want a closemember of your family to get on a com-mercial air flight today?

President Bush. We have taken everyprecaution to make sure that it is safe tofly in America. There is beefed-up securi-ty at airports. There is increased presenceon the airplanes. Yes, I would—if a familymember asked whether they should fly, I’dsay, yes.

Q. Mr. President, how close are you,sir, to finding out, to nailing down whois responsible for these acts? And whatkind of international coalition are youtrying to build? Is it similar to the oneyour father built for the Persian GulfWar?

President Bush. First, let me conditionthe press this way. Any sources and meth-ods of intelligence will remain guarded

and secret. My administration will not talkabout how we gather intelligence, if wegather intelligence and what the intelli-gence says. That’s for the protection of theAmerican people. It is important as webattle this enemy to conduct ourselves thatway.

Secondly, I’ve been on the phone thismorning, just like I was yesterday, andwill be on this afternoon, on the phonewith leaders from around the world whoexpress their solidarity with this nation’sintention to rout out and to whip terror-ism.

They understand, fully understand thatan act of war was declared on the UnitedStates of America. They understand, aswell, that that act could have as easilybeen declared on them; that these peoplecan’t stand freedom; they hate our values;they hate what America stands for. Manyof the leaders understand it could haveeasily have happened to them.

Secondly, they understand that, unlikeprevious war, this enemy likes to hide.They heard my call loud and clear, tothose who feel like they can provide safeharbor for the terrorists, that we will holdthem responsible, as well. And they joinme in understanding not only the conceptof the enemy, but that the enemy is a dif-ferent type of enemy. They join me also insolidarity about holding those who fundthem, who harbor them, who encouragethem, responsible for their activities.

I’m pleased with the outpouring of sup-port. Jiang Zemin, Vladimir Putin; had agreat visit this morning with His RoyalHighness, Prince Abdullah of Saudi Ara-bia. I will continue to stay on the phone.And there is universal support for theAmerican people, sadness in their voice;but understanding that we have just seenthe war of the 21st century. And there isuniversal approval of the statements I havemade, and I am confident there will beuniversal approval of the actions this gov-ernment takes.

Q. Mr. President, if this is a differentkind of war it might require, perhaps, adifferent kind of coalition. Many peoplebelieve that for a real war on terrorismto work you’ll need cooperation fromgovernments that haven’t necessarilydone so in the past—specifically, Pak-istan and Afghanistan.

Have you made any progress on that

front, and do you have a message forthose—

President Bush. I would refer you tothe statements that the Pakistani leadergave about his—I don’t have the exactwords in front of me—but his willingnessto work with the United States. And Iappreciate that statement and now we’lljust find out what that means, won’t we?

We will give the Pakistani government achance to cooperate and to participate, aswe hunt down those people who commit-ted this unbelievable despicable act onAmerica.

Q. Mr. President, how confident areyou that Osama bin Laden is behindthese attacks? Do you know what hiswhereabouts are? And, secondly, whatkind of support are you looking forfrom Congress, in terms of your willing-ness to act?

President Bush. We are—we will notdiscuss intelligence matters, how we gath-er intelligence and what we know—aboutanybody. When our government acts,you’ll be informed.

Secondly, I am—we had a great meetingyesterday here in the Cabinet Room withleadership of the House and the Senate. Iwas touched by their response, theirencouragement and their willingness towork together. And I would be verypleased to see a strong resolution comeout of Congress supporting the adminis-tration and what we intend to do, andwe’re working closely with Congress.

Secondly, progress is being made on asupplemental. I thought that was veryswift action and I’m most appreciative,again, of Senator Daschle and Representa-tive Gephardt, as well as my Republicancolleagues, for really showing solidarityagain and uniting the nation. Now is thetime for the country to be united.

You know, through the tears of sadness Isee an opportunity. Make no mistakeabout it, this nation is sad. But we’re alsotough and resolute. And now is an oppor-tunity to do generations a favor, by com-ing together and whipping terrorism; hunt-ing it down, finding it and holding themaccountable. The nation must understand,this is now the focus of my administra-tion. We will very much engage in domes-tic policy, of course. I look forward to

September 11, 2001


working with Congress on a variety ofissues.

But now that war has been declared onus, we will lead the world to victory, tovictory.

Q. Mr. President, what is your under-standing of the threat to Air ForceOne? And do you believe that the ter-rorists attempted to assassinate you,sir?

President Bush. I will not discuss theintelligence that our country has gathered.

Q. Do you believe they tried to assas-sinate you?

President Bush. I believe I took the—Iknow—I don’t believe, I know I took theappropriate actions as the Commander inChief, to be in a position to be able tomake the decisions necessary for our gov-ernment to handle the crisis.

You didn’t hear the end of the phonecall with the Mayor and George Pataki—both of whom thanked me for the fact thatwe were immediately on the phone withthem from Air Force One, and our govern-ment responded quickly.

Q. About the prayer day tomorrow,Mr. President. Could you give us asense as to what kind of prayers you arethinking and where your heart is foryourself, as you—

President Bush. Well, I don’t thinkabout myself right now. I think about thefamilies, the children. I am a loving guy,and I am also someone, however, who hasgot a job to do—and I intend to do it. Andthis is a terrible moment.

But this country will not relent until wehave saved ourselves and others from theterrible tragedy that came upon America.

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On Tuesday morning, September 11,2001, terrorists attacked America in aseries of despicable acts of war. Theyhijacked four passenger jets, crashed twoof them into the World Trade Center’stwin towers and a third into the Headquar-ters of the U.S. Department of Defense at

the Pentagon, causing great loss of lifeand tremendous damage. The fourth planecrashed in the Pennsylvania countryside,killing all on board but falling well shortof its intended target apparently becauseof the heroic efforts of passengers onboard. This carnage, which caused the col-lapse of both Trade Center towers and thedestruction of part of the Pentagon, killedmore than 250 airplane passengers andthousands more on the ground.

Civilized people around the worlddenounce the evildoers who devised andexecuted these terrible attacks. Justicedemands that those who helped or har-bored the terrorists be punished—andpunished severely. The enormity of theirevil demands it. We will use all theresources of the United States and ourcooperating friends and allies to pursuethose responsible for this evil, until justiceis done.

We mourn with those who have sufferedgreat and disastrous loss. All our heartshave been seared by the sudden and sense-less taking of innocent lives. We pray forhealing and for the strength to serve andencourage one another in hope and faith.

Scripture says: “Blessed are those whomourn for they shall be comforted.” I callon every American family and the familyof America to observe a National Day ofPrayer and Remembrance, honoring thememory of the thousands of victims ofthese brutal attacks and comforting thosewho lost loved ones. We will perseverethrough this national tragedy and personalloss. In time, we will find healing andrecovery; and, in the face of all this evil,we remain strong and united, “one Nationunder God.”

Now, therefore, I, George W. Bush,President of the United States of America,by virtue of the authority vested in me bythe Constitution and laws of the UnitedStates, do hereby proclaim Friday, Sep-tember 14, 2001, as a National Day ofPrayer and Remembrance for the Victimsof the Terrorist Attacks on September 11,2001. I ask that the people of the UnitedStates and places of worship mark thisNational Day of Prayer and Remembrancewith noontime memorial services, theringing of bells at that hour, and eveningcandlelight remembrance vigils. I encour-age employers to permit their workerstime off during the lunch hour to attendthe noontime services to pray for our land.

I invite the people of the world who shareour grief to join us in these solemn obser-vances.

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The NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Coun-cil, meeting in extraordinary session atAmbassadorial level on 13 September2001, expressed its anger and indignationat the barbaric acts committed against thepeople of the United States of America.The deepest sympathies of Allies and Rus-sia lie with the victims and their families.While Allies and Russia have sufferedfrom terrorist attacks against civilians, thehorrific scale of the attacks of 11 Septem-ber is without precedent in modern histo-ry. NATO and Russia are united in theirresolve not to let those responsible forsuch an inhuman act to go unpunished.NATO and Russia call on the entire inter-national community to unite in the strug-gle against terrorism.

NATO and Russia will intensify theircooperation under the Founding Act todefeat this scourge.


Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Ithought I would come down and give youan update on the activities of the Depart-ment over the last 24 hours since last wespoke.

Let me begin by first expressing ourregrets to other nations who have lost pre-cious lives in this tragic occurrence on the11th. We are focusing of course on Ameri-cans, but we also have seen that GreatBritain thinks they have lost 100 people;I’ve heard from Australians, Japanese,South Koreans, Mexicans, Irish nationals,Israelis and many others who worked inthis World Trade Center. And our sympa-thy goes to not only these victims whowill be in our prayers, but our sympathiesgo to their families.

In the last 24 hours, we have continuedto work on our coalition-building effort,and I am very pleased with the results we

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38 Winter 2002

have been able to achieve. We spoke aboutNATO Article V yesterday. The U.N.Security Council resolution, I think, is anespecially effective resolution in that itcalls on all states to participate andexpresses the U.N. Security Council’sdetermination and its readiness to take allnecessary steps to respond to the Septem-ber 11th attacks in accordance with theU.N. charter. By that language it gives usthe ability, and any nation the ability, toput forward on the agenda for SecurityCouncil deliberation any other issuesrelated to this attack that we might wantthe Security Council to take up.

I am very pleased also with the responseof the European Union, with all of theother international organizations who havecome forward and responded in one wayor another. The President has been on thephone constantly, as have I, talking toleaders around the world. And we are get-ting a solid expression not only of condo-lences and support, but of action. Theywant to work with us—not only in thisspecific case of what happened on the11th of September, but in response to thegeneral recognition that terrorism is acrime against all civilization. Terrorism isa crime against all humanity. It knows noethnic, religious or other national or geo-graphic boundaries. And we must see it inthat context and that’s why we are callingit a war.

I have also been on the phone within thelast two hours with Prime Minister Sharonand Chairman Arafat and with ForeignMinister Shimon Peres of Israel trying tomove forward the process of a cease-firein the region, trying to begin those meet-ings that we have been talking about,which would lead to implementation ofthe Mitchell Plan. I am still hopeful thatsomething can be done in the next severaldays to have that first meeting, and wewill be in close touch with the leaders asthe next days unfold.

In addition to the United Nations Secu-rity Council resolution, I mention theGeneral Assembly has passed its Resolu-tion, 56-1. We will be having a meetingwith the Russians in the near future, whenMr. Armitage, Deputy Secretary Armitage,travels to Moscow next week. AndRichard Boucher will give you anannouncement on that a little later for theU.S.-Russian working group meeting onAfghanistan.

We have been in very close touch withthe Pakistani Government. Deputy Secre-tary Armitage met with the Pakistani rep-resentatives again this morning, and Iexpect to speak with President Musharrafin the very near future, in the next severalhours, if I am able to reach him, to discussthe situation and exchange views on thesituation in the region.

Our embassies are all hard at work.There have been some closures, and theygo down and come back up in response tothreat conditions, but our plan is to beactively engaged around the world and notlet this heightened sense of tension affectour ability to do our job. And so we areencouraging all of our ambassadors to dosmart things, to take all necessary safetyprecautions and to make sure their securi-ty is intact, but at the same time to contin-ue doing America’s business throughoutthe world.

I think I will stop at that point and takeyour questions.

Q. Could I pursue Pakistan with youa bit? The President there has madesome general statement about coopera-tion. What does the United States wantfrom Pakistan? And frankly, I am con-fused whether the U.S. sees Pakistan asan ally or, as the Patterns of Global Ter-rorism pointed out, a place where ter-rorist groups get training—or is it amixture?

Secretary Powell. We have provided tothe Pakistani Government a specific list ofthings that we think would be useful forthem to work on with us, and I will bediscussing that list with the President ofPakistan later this afternoon.

Q. Mr. Secretary, as you said, sincethe attacks you have been receiving lotsof messages of condolence, lots of state-ments of condemnation about theattacks, some that appear to be solicitedlike this morning from the Pakistaniswho seem to be falling all over them-selves to condemn terrorism in all itsforms, but also some unsolicited oneslike, I assume, from the Cubans, fromthe Libyans, from the North Koreans.

But of all of the seven countries onthe State Department’s state sponsorslist, only one of them, I believe, has notcondemned this, has not said anything.

Does it raise any red flags with you thatSaddam Hussein and Iraq have beensilent about this?

Secretary Powell. I am not surprised.He is one of the leading terrorists on theface of the Earth, and I would not expectthe slightest drop of the milk of humankindness to be flowing in his veins.

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you talkabout links between Iraq and Usamabin Laden?

Secretary Powell. No, I would not. If Iwere able to talk about such a matter, Idon’t think I would do it here.

Q. Secretary Powell, you keep talkingabout this specific list provided to Pak-istan. When you talk to them later,when Secretary Armitage talks to themlater or you talk to them, will it be,“You have to do everything on this listor you’re against us”? The UnitedStates keeps putting out this you’re-with-us-or-you’re-against us—

Secretary Powell. Pakistan is a friendlycountry. We have had friendly relationswith Pakistan for many, many years.Those relationships have had ups anddowns as a result of various things thathave happened over the years. But rightnow we have friendly relations with Pak-istan, and I have spoken to the Presidentof Pakistan over the months and we had avery good conversation just a month or soago. And so I will approach this as if I amtalking to a friend and let a friend knowwhat we would like to see happen in orderto improve the situation in the region andthe situation in the world. And I hope thatthe president will respond as friend.

Our initial indications are that he will.He put out a very fine statement that youhave a copy of. It’s general and we willget more specifics on it. And our ambas-sador who went in yesterday—we got areport of her discussions with him aftershe presented her credentials. She justarrived. And he gave her a strong expres-sion of support, the kind of expression ofsupport that you would expect from afriend who is trying to help us during thistime of trial.

Q. Just to follow that, will you be ask-

September 11, 2001


ing the President of Pakistan to haveU.S. troops stationed in Pakistan if youchoose that—

Secretary Powell. I really don’t want toget into what I might or I might not beasking the President of Pakistan until Ihave asked the President of Pakistan.

Q. But, Secretary Powell, it sounds asif what you’re saying is that up untilnow you’ve been hearing very positivestatements. But that now it’s sort oftime to put their money where theirmouth is?

Secretary Powell. I wouldn’t character-ize it quite that crudely, Andrea.

Q. I’m sorry; I’m not a diplomat.

Secretary Powell. Some say neither amI. But the fact of the matter is, we’regoing to have a responsible, sober discus-sion with the Pakistani Government, andwhen the results of those discussions arecomplete, and we have something to pre-sent to you, I assure you I will present itto you.

Q. Why all the focus on Pakistan?Why is it so—

Secretary Powell. We are focusing oneverything and everybody. We are lookingat those terrorist organizations that havethe kind of capacity that would have beennecessary to conduct the attack that wesaw on the 11th. We haven’t yet publiclyidentified the organization we believe wasresponsible. But when you look at the listof candidates, one resides in that region.

So without waiting for the whole bodyof evidence to be ready for us to make ajudgment and a presentation to you, Ithink we are acting in a prudent way bytalking to those governments in theregion.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you tell us whatyou expect Under Secretary Armitageto get out of his talks with the Russianson Afghanistan? Are you asking for avery specific kind of help?

Secretary Powell. We have not yet puttogether the agenda, but what impressedme is that Foreign Minister Ivanov, when Ispoke to him the other day, was anxious

for this meeting to take place. DeputySecretary Armitage has spoken to hiscounterpart in Moscow, and two conversa-tions that President Putin had with Presi-dent Bush suggest to me that they areready for active discussions. But I don’thave the specific agenda with me rightnow.

Q. The Russians know Afghanistanvery well from their time in the ‘80s.They will be able to be helpful ontopography, installations—what kindsof things?

Secretary Powell. I am sure they willbe helpful on many things. It’s theirneighborhood. They do have a great dealof experience in Afghanistan, and we willdraw on all of that experience.

Q. [Inaudible] the reports, as of 1:00a.m., that bin Laden was reportedunder house arrest by the Taliban, alsotwo leaders, one an Egyptian and a mil-itary commander. If so, where would weask—would we ask The Hague forextradition to the world court? Whatwould we do?

Secretary Powell. Well, I have seenthose reports, but I have also seen subse-quent reports that say the first reports arenot accurate. So let me not speculate onwhat is at the moment just rumor.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, what kind of leveragedo we have with Pakistan? They aresanctioned up to the eyeballs; we givethem very, very little aid anymore.What can we possibly offer them thatwould make them cooperative in thiscase?

Secretary Powell. You kind of said it inyour question there, “sanctioned up to theeyeballs.” And they don’t have that muchaid now. But I think that we have beenexploring with the Pakistani Governmentmany ways that we can move forward inthe relationship, and we want to do so.

Q. Mr. Powell, are you delivering anultimatum to the Taliban to deliver binLaden, or else to face the wrath of theUnited States?

Secretary Powell. I don’t think I saidthat. What I’m saying is that we areassembling the evidence that will tell us,in a way that the world will fully concurwith us, who is responsible for this. Andwhen we have done that, we willannounce it. And at that point, we will goafter that group, that network, and thosewho have harbored, supported and aidedthat network, to rip the network up. Andwhen we’re through with that network, wewill continue with a global assault againstterrorism in general.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the list for Pakistan,does it include only requests for assis-tance in terrorism to wrap up this net-work that you’re talking about? Ordoes it go broader than that?

Secretary Powell. I would rather notcharacterize or comment on the list untilwe have had a chance to discuss it withthe Pakistanis in detail.

Q. Mr. Secretary, just for the record,when you spoke of the candidate whoresides in that region, were you speak-ing of Usama bin Laden?

Secretary Powell. Yes.


Q. Ari, why did—the President is notlegally bound to seek a resolution fromCongress authorizing the use of mili-tary force against whoever is responsi-ble for these terrorist acts. And indeed,he already has a resolution from Con-gress showing solidarity in any responsethat he chooses to undertake. Why doesthe President believe it’s necessary tohave a separate resolution authorizingthe use of military force?

Mr. Fleischer. Well, the President viewsthis as a real show of unity by the UnitedStates Congress. This is a real result of theexpression of the bipartisan, bicameralleadership that met with the President twodays ago to discuss Congress’ role in thismatter. So while the premise of your ques-tion is accurate, per the Constitution, thePresident as Commander-in-Chief has

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40 Winter 2002

authority vested in him to take actions ashe deems appropriate. It is also a recogni-tion of the unity of our nation asexpressed by the Congress.

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Senate Foreign Relations CommitteeChairman Joseph Biden (D- DE)delivered his remarks on the Senatefloor.

Mr. President, my mom has an expression:Out of every tragedy, something good willcome if you look hard enough. I know thePresiding Officer, if he will forgive thispoint of personal reference, has had hisshare of personal tragedy. Everyone in thisChamber has. Some of us have gottenthose phone calls that the people in NewYork are getting from cell phones and/orfrom a police officer and/or from amorgue.

We know there is not a darn thing wecan do now for those people except—it isstrange the way human nature works, andI know the Presiding Officer knows this—except it is amazing how those people inthat circumstance draw strength from theknowledge that other people understandtheir pain, that other people empathizewith them, that other people care aboutwhat they are going through. It amazes methat you can draw strength from that. Ithink what we are doing and the Nation isdoing is the right thing. Most important,what we did today should be noted is notlikely to occur in any other country in theworld, and that is, that we just a fewmoments ago operated under the rule oflaw.

In all our anger, all our frustration, allour feelings, very bluntly, of hatred thatexists now for those who perpetrated theact against us, we did not pell-mell justsay: Go do anything, anytime, anyplace,Mr. President; you have to just go. Weoperated as our Founders, who were notnaive people, intended us to operate. Weoperated under the rule of law.

We went to our civil bible, the Constitu-tion, and we said: What does it call forhere? What it calls for is the U.S. Con-gress to meet its constitutional responsi-bility, to say: Mr. President, we authorizeyou, in the name of the American people,to take action, and we define the action in

generic terms which you can take.We gave the President today, as we

should have and as is our responsibility,all the authority he needs to prosecute waragainst the individuals or countriesresponsible, without yielding our constitu-tional right to retain the judgment in thefuture as to whether or not force againstothers could, should, or would be used.

That is remarkable. I suspect not manypeople know, other than my distinguishedcolleague, the Senator from Texas, a for-mer professor, one of the brightest guyswith whom I ever worked, unfortunatelyleaving the Senate at the end of his term;what the leading scholar in the Senate,Senator Byrd, knows and what the experi-enced Senator from Alaska knows. Myfriend from Oklahoma is the only one inthis place who can fully understand, I sus-pect, along with his Oklahoma colleague,what our friends from New Jersey, NewYork, Virginia, the District, and Marylandare going through. He understands it. Hehas internalized it. He knows it.

I believe it is fairly remarkable that, inspite of the reasons for the attack on usand our way of life, we adhered to the ruleof law; that even in this calamity, we actedwith dispatch but under the law, under theConstitution. The resolution provides thePresident clear authority “to use all neces-sary and appropriate force against thosenations, organizations, or persons that hedetermines planned, authorized, commit-ted, or aided the terrorist attacks thatoccurred on September 11, 2001, or har-bored such organizations or persons, inorder to prevent any future acts of interna-tional terrorism against the United Statesby such nations, organizations or persons.”In short, the President is authorized to goafter those responsible for the barbaricacts of September 11, 2001 to ensure thatthose same actors do not engage in addi-tional acts of international terrorismagainst the United States.

The authority permits the President widelatitude to use force against the broadrange of actors who were responsible forthe September 11 attacks. If any nationharbored the terrorists while they were intraining, that nation may be subject toAmerican military power. If a nation ororganization financed the operation, theymay be subject to American militarypower. It does not limit the amount oftime that the President may prosecute this

action against the parties guilty for theSeptember 11 attacks. We must all under-stand that the use of force will not be easyor quick. In extending this broad authorityto cover those “planning, authorizing,committing, or aiding the attacks” itshould go without saying, however, thatthe resolution is directed only at usingforce abroad to combat acts of internation-al terrorism.

The authority granted is focused onthose responsible for the attacks of Sep-tember 11. The President’s lawyers origi-nally proposed that the resolved clausealso include language authorizing militaryforce to “deter and pre-empt any futureacts of terrorism against the UnitedStates.” Of course, the President has theConstitutional authority to deter terrorismthrough a broad range of means, includingdiplomatic measures, economic sanctions,seizing of financial assets, or deploymentof forces. The President must also ensurethat Executive Branch agencies devote thenecessary resources and apply the fullmeasure of the federal criminal laws todeter, prevent and punish terrorism. Fur-ther, the President has the authority underthe Constitution to use force to pre-emptan imminent attack, including a terroristattack, against the United States. Ratherthan purporting to extend these authoritiesin the resolved clause, the final whereasclause reflects these recognized powers ofthe President.

I suggest what others have said, and thatis, the President of the United States hasour prayers, he has our good wishes, andhe has our commitment under the Consti-tution now to support him in what actionhe takes as defined by the authority hehas. That is a big deal. It is a big deal. It isworth being noting.

Lastly, I compliment the President onhis patience, on his resolve, and his under-standing of the need for certitude becausethe worst thing we can do, as he is unitingthe world, is to act precipitously to meetour instinct for response immediately. Icompliment him. I compliment his Secre-tary of State for the way he is handlingthis situation.

I conclude by saying that I do not seewhat happened on the 11th as the begin-ning of the end of our way of life. I see itas the beginning of the end of terrorism asit has been able to be spawned over thelast three decades. The world has come

September 11, 2001


face to face with the reality that nationstates, no matter what their ideologicaldisposition, are all in jeopardy. We areunited in understanding that we cannotallow these networks to be spawned.

I thank my colleagues for allowing meto speak at this moment. Again, I compli-ment them all, Democrat and Republican,in the way we have stood united.

I yield the floor.

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Whereas, on September 11, 2001, acts oftreacherous violence were committedagainst the United States and its citizens;and

Whereas, such acts render it both neces-sary and appropriate that the United Statesexercise its rights to self-defense and toprotect United States citizens both athome and abroad; and

Whereas, in light of the threat to thenational security and foreign policy of theUnited States posed by these grave acts ofviolence; and

Whereas, such acts continue to pose anunusual and extraordinary threat to thenational security and foreign policy of theUnited States; and

Whereas, the President has authorityunder the Constitution to take action todeter and prevent acts of international ter-rorism against the United States: Now,therefore, be it

Resolved by the Senate and House ofRepresentatives of the United States ofAmerica in Congress assembled,

Section 1. Short Title.This joint resolution may be cited as the

“Authorization for Use of Military Force”.Sec. 2. Authorization for Use of United

States Armed Forces.(a) in General—That the President is

authorized to use all necessary and appro-priate force against those nations, organi-zations, or persons he determines planned,authorized, committed, or aided the terror-ist attacks that occurred on September 11,2001, or harbored such organizations orpersons, in order to prevent any future actsof international terrorism against the Unit-ed States by such nations, organizations orpersons.

(b) War Powers Resolution Require-ments—

(1) Specific Statutory Authorization—Consistent with section 8(a)(1) of the WarPowers Resolution, the Congress declaresthat this section is intended to constitutespecific statutory authorization within themeaning of section 5(b) of the War Pow-ers Resolution.

(2) Applicability of Other Require-ments—Nothing in this resolutionsupercedes any requirement of the WarPowers Resolution.

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By the authority vested in me as Presidentby the Constitution and the laws of theUnited States of America, including theNational Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C.1601 et seq.) and section 301 of title 3,United States Code, and in furtherance ofthe proclamation of September 14, 2001,Declaration of National Emergency byReason of Certain Terrorist Attacks, whichdeclared a national emergency by reasonof the terrorist attacks on the World TradeCenter, New York, New York, and the Pen-tagon, and the continuing and immediatethreat of further attacks on the UnitedStates, I hereby order as follows:

Section 1. To provide additional author-ity to the Department of Defense and theDepartment of Transportation to respondto the continuing and immediate threat offurther attacks on the United States, theauthority under title 10, United StatesCode, to order any unit, and any memberof the Ready Reserve not assigned to aunit organized to serve as a unit, in theReady Reserve to active duty for not morethan 24 consecutive months, is invokedand made available, according to its terms,to the Secretary concerned, subject in thecase of the Secretaries of the Army, Navy,and Air Force, to the direction of the Sec-retary of Defense. The term “Secretaryconcerned” is defined in section 101(a)(9)of title 10, United States Code, to meanthe Secretary of the Army with respect tothe Army; the Secretary of the Navy withrespect to the Navy, the Marine Corps,and the Coast Guard when it is operatingas a service in the Navy; the Secretary ofthe Air Force with respect to the AirForce; and the Secretary of Transportationwith respect to the Coast Guard when it isnot operating as a service in the Navy.

Sec. 2. To allow for the orderly adminis-tration of personnel within the armedforces, the following authorities vested inthe President are hereby invoked to thefull extent provided by the terms thereof:section 527 of title 10, United StatesCode, to suspend the operation of sections523, 525, and 526 of that title, regardingofficer and warrant officer strength anddistribution; and sections 123, 123a, and12006 of title 10, United States Code, tosuspend certain laws relating to promo-tion, involuntary retirement, and separa-tion of commissioned officers; endstrength limitations; and Reserve compo-nent officer strength limitations.

Sec. 3. To allow for the orderly adminis-tration of personnel within the armedforces, the authorities vested in the Presi-dent by sections 331, 359, and 367 of title14, United States Code, relating to theauthority to order to active duty certainofficers and enlisted members of the CoastGuard and to detain enlisted members, areinvoked to the full extent provided by theterms thereof.

Sec. 4. The Secretary of Defense ishereby designated and empowered, with-out the approval, ratification, or otheraction by the President, to exercise theauthority vested in the President by sec-tions 123, 123a, 527, and 12006 of title10, United States Code, as invoked bysections 2 and 3 of this order.

Sec. 5. The Secretary of Transportationis hereby designated and empowered,without the approval, ratification, or otheraction by the President, to exercise theauthority vested in sections 331, 359, and367 of title 14, United States Code, whenthe Coast Guard is not serving as part ofthe Navy, as invoked by section 2 of thisorder, to recall any regular officer orenlisted member on the retired list toactive duty and to detain any enlistedmember beyond the term of his or herenlistment.

Sec. 6. The authority delegated by thisorder to the Secretary of Defense and theSecretary of Transportation may be redel-egated and further subdelegated to civiliansubordinates who are appointed to theiroffices by the President, by and with theadvice and consent of the Senate.

Sec. 7. Based upon my determinationunder 10 U.S.C. 2201(c) that it is neces-sary to increase (subject to limits imposedby law) the number of members of the

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armed forces on active duty beyond thenumber for which funds are provided inappropriation Acts for the Department ofDefense, the Secretary of Defense mayprovide for the cost of such additionalmembers as an excepted expense undersection 11(a) of title 41, United StatesCode.

Sec. 8. This order is intended only toimprove the internal management of theexecutive branch, and is not intended tocreate any right or benefit, substantive orprocedural, enforceable at law by a partyagainst the United States, its agencies, itsofficers, or any person.

Sec. 9. This order is effective immedi-ately and shall be promptly transmitted tothe Congress and published in the FederalRegister.


President Bush delivered his remarks ata service at the National Cathedral inWashington.

We are here in the middle hour of ourgrief. So many have suffered so great aloss, and today we express our nation’ssorrow. We come before God to pray forthe missing and the dead, and for thosewho love them.

On Tuesday, our country was attackedwith deliberate and massive cruelty. Wehave seen the images of fire and ashes,and bent steel.

Now come the names, the list of casual-ties we are only beginning to read. Theyare the names of men and women whobegan their day at a desk or in an airport,busy with life. They are the names of peo-ple who faced death, and in their lastmoments called home to say, be brave,and I love you.

They are the names of passengers whodefied their murderers, and prevented themurder of others on the ground. They arethe names of men and women who worethe uniform of the United States, and diedat their posts.

They are the names of rescuers, the oneswhom death found running up the stairsand into the fires to help others. We willread all these names. We will linger overthem, and learn their stories, and manyAmericans will weep.

To the children and parents and spouses

and families and friends of the lost, weoffer the deepest sympathy of the nation.And I assure you, you are not alone.

Just three days removed from theseevents, Americans do not yet have the dis-tance of history. But our responsibility tohistory is already clear: to answer theseattacks and rid the world of evil.

War has been waged against us bystealth and deceit and murder. This nationis peaceful, but fierce when stirred toanger. This conflict was begun on the tim-ing and terms of others. It will end in away, and at an hour, of our choosing.

Our purpose as a nation is firm. Yet ourwounds as a people are recent andunhealed, and lead us to pray. In many ofour prayers this week, there is a searching,and an honesty. At St. Patrick’s Cathedralin New York on Tuesday, a woman said, “Iprayed to God to give us a sign that He isstill here.” Others have prayed for thesame, searching hospital to hospital, car-rying pictures of those still missing.

God’s signs are not always the ones welook for. We learn in tragedy that his pur-poses are not always our own. Yet theprayers of private suffering, whether inour homes or in this great cathedral, areknown and heard, and understood.

There are prayers that help us lastthrough the day, or endure the night.There are prayers of friends and strangers,that give us strength for the journey. Andthere are prayers that yield our will to awill greater than our own.

This world He created is of moraldesign. Grief and tragedy and hatred areonly for a time. Goodness, remembrance,and love have no end. And the Lord of lifeholds all who die, and all who mourn.

It is said that adversity introduces us toourselves. This is true of a nation as well.In this trial, we have been reminded, andthe world has seen, that our fellow Ameri-cans are generous and kind, resourcefuland brave. We see our national characterin rescuers working past exhaustion; inlong lines of blood donors; in thousandsof citizens who have asked to work andserve in any way possible.

And we have seen our national characterin eloquent acts of sacrifice. Inside theWorld Trade Center, one man who couldhave saved himself stayed until the end atthe side of his quadriplegic friend. Abeloved priest died giving the last rites toa firefighter. Two office workers, finding a

disabled stranger, carried her down sixty-eight floors to safety. A group of mendrove through the night from Dallas toWashington to bring skin grafts for burnvictims.

In these acts, and in many others, Amer-icans showed a deep commitment to oneanother, and an abiding love for our coun-try. Today, we feel what Franklin Roo-sevelt called the warm courage of nationalunity. This is a unity of every faith, andevery background.

It has joined together political parties inboth houses of Congress. It is evident inservices of prayer and candlelight vigils,and American flags, which are displayedin pride, and wave in defiance.

Our unity is a kinship of grief, and asteadfast resolve to prevail against ourenemies. And this unity against terror isnow extending across the world.

America is a nation full of good fortune,with so much to be grateful for. But weare not spared from suffering. In everygeneration, the world has produced ene-mies of human freedom. They haveattacked America, because we are free-dom’s home and defender. And the com-mitment of our fathers is now the callingof our time.

On this national day of prayer andremembrance, we ask almighty God towatch over our nation, and grant uspatience and resolve in all that is to come.We pray that He will comfort and consolethose who now walk in sorrow. We thankHim for each life we now must mourn,and the promise of a life to come.

As we have been assured, neither deathnor life, nor angels nor principalities norpowers, nor things present nor things tocome, nor height nor depth, can separateus from God’s love. May He bless thesouls of the departed. May He comfort ourown. And may He always guide our coun-try.

God bless America.


We continue to work hard to build thecoalition that you’ve heard me talkingabout for the last several days and to getthis campaign plan in place. We talkedabout it at the Cabinet meeting this morn-

September 11, 2001


ing. The President is very pleased with thework that the Cabinet has been doing, andwe can start to see the air traffic systemcome back up, begin to see the reliefefforts picking up speed.

We are very grateful for the resolutionthat has come from the Senate and thesupport that the Congress is giving to ourefforts. It shows the United States as anation, as a people, coming together inthis time of crisis, and showing our deter-mination to move forward deliberately anddecisively to deal with this particular inci-dent, as well as the broader threat repre-sented by world terrorism.

I have been in touch with a number ofofficials in addition to the Cabinet meet-ing and the very moving memorial servicethat we just had up at the National Cathe-dral earlier in the morning. I spoke to theForeign Minister of India, Mr. Singh, andI was very pleased to receive an excep-tionally strong statement of support fromthe Indian Government. We had heard thatpreviously, but he confirmed it this morn-ing.

I have also had conversations with thePortuguese Foreign Minister, the SaudiForeign Minister, Moroccan and TunisianForeign Ministers, my colleague ForeignMinister Tanaka of Japan. I’ll be speakingto the Israeli Defense Minister in a fewmoments, and I have a call in to the Syri-an Foreign Minister. And this will contin-ue throughout the day for me.

But beyond that, we have instructed ourambassadors around the world to go inand talk to their colleagues in those capi-tals to let them know how serious we areabout this and begin to set the stage forany other requests we might have for themwith respect to what we do as we go for-ward.

In addition, our regional assistant secre-taries here in the State Department havebeen inviting in ambassadors resident herein Washington to discuss the situationwith them and to receive any questionsthey may have and to pass on any guid-ance that we have available to them.

As you know, we are waiting to hearfrom President Musharraf of Pakistan, andI am quite encouraged that the PakistaniGovernment is taking this so seriously andso deliberately. And our Ambassador iswaiting for a reaction from them.

I might also say that I am pleased at theactions of the Australian Government in

activating the ANZUS Treaty as anexpression of support, and a little similarto what NATO did. But those alliancesthat we hold dear and have used so effec-tively to keep us together as friendlynations over these many years, are now, itseems to me, paying off as people comeforward to help us.

I’m also pleased at expressions of sup-port we have received from countries suchas Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan and oth-ers are coming in. I don’t have all of themon my list or in my memory, and RichardBoucher will, in the course of the day, letyou know who we have heard from andwhat kind of responses we have receivedfrom them.

And let me just stop there and take acouple of questions before I have to makea phone call.

Q. Mr. Secretary, any indications ofwhat the Pakistani—whether you get apositive response from Pakistan? You’regoing to call the Syrian; any indicationsyet of their position?

Secretary Powell. Yes. The Syrians,President Assad sent to President Bush avery strong letter of support and effortsagainst terrorism. Now, of course we havehad a mixed relationship with Syria overthe years, and in the course of my conver-sation, hopefully, this afternoon, with mycolleague, I’ll pursue the spirit of the let-ter that President Assad sent to PresidentBush and see where that takes us.

Q. And any indications from the Pak-istanis, even though there is no finalanswer?

Secretary Powell. So far I am veryencouraged, but I think it’s best that I dowait for a final answer.

Q. Mr. Secretary, Indian media saysthat that government handed over somemaps to you today of guerilla campsand other training areas thatAfghanistan is said to be using.

Can you confirm that that’s—

Secretary Powell. I can’t confirm it. Ijust don’t know. Richard can chase thatdown for you, but I can’t confirm it here.It wasn’t mentioned to me in my phonecall at about 9:00 or 9:30 or 10:00, when-

ever I had it, or about 10:30, I guess itwas, with the Indian Foreign Minister.

Q. Mr. Secretary, we have heard alot—yourself and other Cabinet mem-bers and officials say as we reach out tocountries and ask for help, you’re eitherwith us or you’re against us. Now, ofcourse we hope that all countries wouldbe with us, but if we ask for somethingfrom a country, we ask them to root outterrorism in all its forms or to providelogistical or any type of other supportthat we need for any eventual militaryresponse, if they decline, if they say thatthey won’t do what the U.S. asks, whatare the consequences for “being againstus”?

Secretary Powell. I think we have to becareful as we go forward, and we intendto be. We are talking with countries thatare friendly to us and we will presentrequests to them and see what they areable to do within their capacity and withintheir political circumstances. But if wefind a particular country, especially thosethat might be serving as a haven or is awell known supporter of this kind ofactivity, and they are simply unresponsive,and we deem that unresponsiveness to becontributing to additional terrorism or tothe fertile ground in which terrorismthrives, then that will certainly affect thekind of relationship we are going to havewith them in the future.

I am not threatening so much as I amsaying this has become a new benchmark,a new way of measuring the relationshipand what we can do together in the futureand what kind of support we can provideto you in the future across the wholerange of issues and activities.

Q. Mr. Secretary, for the last two daysyou’ve been saying how important youthink it is that despite the events here,the tragic events here, that it is stillvery, very important for the Israelisand the Palestinians to have high-levelmeetings between Chairman Arafat andForeign Minister Peres. Now PrimeMinister Sharon has now called thatmeeting off.

And secondly, you’re speaking to theIsraeli Defense Minister later. Are yougoing to bring up his comments thatwere quoted in an Israeli newspaper

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this morning in which he said that thedisasters in New York and here were acatastrophe for Arafat because theIsraelis had killed 14 Palestinians sincethen and no one had noticed?

Secretary Powell. I don’t know whatwe will discuss. I haven’t seen those com-ments, but I know him rather well and I’msure we’ll have many things to discuss.But I won’t prejudge what I might raise orwhat he might raise and announce itbefore he raises it or I raise it.

I would still hope that a way is foundfor the Israelis and the Palestinians tomeet. When they meet is a judgment forthem to make. We have two leaders whohave to judge their own interests. Webelieve a meeting is important to get theprocess started. This conflict isn’t goingaway and I don’t think it’s going to besolved by continuing conflict between thetwo sides. So I hope that conditions willpresent themselves soon so that a meetingcan begin.

But I think it is also fair to say that theevents of the 11th of September have fun-damentally changed the way in whichpeople look at terrorism and acts of terror-ism.

Q. Secretary Powell, as your strategyto fight global terrorism begins to takeshape and as these international coali-tions that you have been trying to buildsolidify, it is obviously a very differentwar that you are preparing to fight inthat the enemy is not in one country.Could you explain this to us?

Secretary Powell. Yes. I was raised asoldier and you are trained: there is theenemy occupying a piece of ground. Wecan define it in time, space and otherdimensions, and you can assemble forcesand go after it. This is different. Theenemy is in many places. The enemy isnot looking to be found. The enemy ishidden. The enemy is very often right herewithin our own country. And so you haveto design a campaign plan that goes afterthat kind of enemy, and it isn’t alwaysblunt force military, although that is cer-tainly an option. It may well be that thediplomatic efforts, political efforts, legal,financial, other efforts, may be just aseffective against that kind of an enemy aswould military force be.

And the point the President made thismorning is that the whole Cabinet isinvolved, and we are going to use all thetools and weapons at our disposal to fightthis campaign and to win this war.

I only have time for one more, and Iapologize.

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you have a mes-sage for the Taliban?

Secretary Powell. The message is: Tothe extent that you are providing havens,support, encouragement and otherresources to organizations such as theorganization headed by Mr. Usama binLaden that is attacking civilization, that iskilling innocent people—and I would givethis message to any other regime andother country that might be doing similarthings—to the extent that you are doingthese sorts of things, even though we havenot yet—notwithstanding words like“prime suspect,” we have not yet identi-fied Usama bin Laden as the direct perpe-trator, but we have a lot of evidence that ismounting which will allow us to deter-mine in the near future who it is.

But he certainly is the leader of thatkind of organization, and to the extent thatgovernments such as the Taliban govern-ment in Afghanistan supports such things,you need to understand you cannot sepa-rate your activities from the activity ofthese perpetrators. And in our response,we will have to take into account not onlythe perpetrators, but those who providehaven, support, inspiration, financial andother assets to the perpetrators, as thePresident said in his very first set ofremarks some days ago.

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President Bush, Secretary Colin Powelland Attorney General John Ashcroftdelivered their remarks at Camp David.

President Bush. I’ve asked the highestlevels of our government to come to dis-cuss the current tragedy that has so deeplyaffected our nation. Our country mourns

for the loss of life and for those whoselives have been so deeply affected by thisdespicable act of terror.

I am going to describe to our leadershipwhat I saw: the wreckage of New YorkCity, the signs of the first battle of war.

We’re going to meet and deliberate anddiscuss—but there’s no question about it,this act will not stand; we will find thosewho did it; we will smoke them out oftheir holes; we will get them running andwe’ll bring them to justice. We will notonly deal with those who dare attackAmerica, we will deal with those who har-bor them and feed them and house them.

Make no mistake about it: underneathour tears is the strong determination ofAmerica to win this war. And we will winit.

I’m going to ask the Secretary of Stateto say a few things, and then the AttorneyGeneral.

Secretary Powell. Thank you, Mr. Pres-ident. I might just say that I’m verypleased with the response we’ve been get-ting from the international community. Ithink every civilized nation in the worldrecognizes that this was an assault not justagainst the United States, but against civi-lization.

We should also take note, it’s not justAmericans who lost lives in the WorldTrade Center—dozens of countries lostlives and they realize that this was anattack against them, as well.

We are receiving expressions of supportfrom around the world—and not justrhetorical support, but real support forwhatever may lay ahead in this campaignthat is ahead of us to win the war that thePresident has spoken of.

I might especially want to thank thePresident and the people of Pakistan forthe support that they have offered andtheir willingness to assist us in whatevermight be required in that part of the worldas we determine who those perpetratorsare. It’s a coalition that will stay intact,that will be built upon over time. Andwhat we have to do is not just go afterthese perpetrators, and those who gavethem haven, but the whole curse of terror-ism that is upon the face of the earth. Andthis is a campaign that we have begun thisweek and we will stick with it until we aresuccessful.

September 11, 2001


President Bush. Attorney General.

Attorney General Ashcroft. Four daysago we began an investigative effort tounderstand not only those who perpetratethis heinous assault against America andfree people everywhere, but to develop anunderstanding of those who are associatedwith it and how it was conducted.

The FBI, together with very cooperativelocal and state officials and law enforce-ment agencies has processed thousands ofleads. We are making the kinds of contactsand developing the information that allowus to describe this as proceeding with rea-sonable success. We believe that the pic-ture is developing a kind of clarity that’sappropriate. We have named 19 individu-als that we have high levels of confidencewere the hijackers. And we are furtherrefining our understanding of the ways inwhich this terrible crime was developed.

I might add that we have put in placevery serious measures that we believe willprovide greater security and provide abasis for our country returning to the kindof freedom and business and conduct thatis characteristic of this great nation.

Q. Sir, what do you say to Americanswho are worried that the longer it takesto retaliate, the more chance the perpe-trators have to escape and hide and justescape justice?

President Bush. They will try to hide,they will try to avoid the United Statesand our allies—but we’re not going to letthem. They run to the hills; they find holesto get in. And we will do whatever it takesto smoke them out and get them running,and we’ll get them.

Listen, this is a great nation; we’re akind people. None of us could have envi-sioned the barbaric acts of these terrorists.But they have stirred up the might of theAmerican people, and we’re going to getthem, no matter what it takes.

In my radio address today I explained tothe American people that this effort mayrequire patience. But we’re going to—

Q. How long—

President Bush. As long as it takes.And it’s not just one person. We’re talkingabout those who fed them, those whohouse them, those who harbor terrorists

will be held accountable for this action.

Q. Sir, are you satisfied that Osamabin Laden is at least a kingpin of thisoperation?

President Bush. There is no questionhe is what we would call a prime suspect.And if he thinks he can hide and run fromthe United States and our allies, he will besorely mistaken.

Q. Mr. President, do you have a mes-sage for the Reservists that you calledup yesterday? Can you tell us whetheryou think more may have to be calledup?

President Bush. The message is foreverybody who wears the uniform: getready. The United States will do what ittakes to win this war. And I ask patienceof the American people. There is no ques-tion in my mind we’ll have the resolve—Iwitnessed it yesterday on the constructionsite. Behind the sadness and the exhaus-tion, there is a desire by the Americanpeople to not seek only revenge, but towin a war against barbaric behavior, peo-ple that hate freedom and hate what westand for.

And this is an administration that isgoing to dedicate ourselves to winningthat war.

Q. What did Pakistan say it would doto help the United States?

Secretary Powell. We put before thePakistani government a specific list ofthings that we would like cooperation on,and they’ve agreed to all those items. I’mnot prepared to announce today whatthose specific items are. But the Pakistanigovernment was very forthcoming andwe’re appreciative.

Q. Mr. President, what kind of mili-tary options are you considering, if youcould talk broadly?

President Bush. This is an administra-tion that will not talk about how we gatherintelligence, how we know what we’regoing to do, nor what our plans are. Whenwe move, we will communicate with youin an appropriate manner. We’re at war.There has been an act of war declared

upon America by terrorists, and we willrespond accordingly. And I appreciatevery much the American people under-standing that. As we plan, as we put ourstrategy into action, we will let you knowwhen we think it’s appropriate—not onlyto protect the lives of our servicemen andwomen, but to make sure our coalition hashad proper time to be noticed, as well. Butwe’re going to act.

Q. What is the risk of additionalattacks on us at this point?

President Bush. I would think theAmerican people need to be—go abouttheir business on Monday, but with aheightened sense of awareness that agroup of barbarians have declared war onthe American people.

Q. Sir, how much of a sacrifice areordinary Americans going to have to beexpected to make in their daily lives, intheir daily routines?

President Bush. Our hope, of course, isthat they make no sacrifice whatsoever.We would like to see life return to normalin America. But these people havedeclared war on us and we will do what-ever it takes to make sure that we’re safeinternally. So, therefore, people may notbe able to board flights as quickly. Ourborders are tighter than they’ve ever beenbefore. We’re taken a variety of measuresto make sure that the American people aresafe, just as the Attorney General spokeabout.

But we hope, obviously, that the mea-sures we take will allow the Americaneconomy to continue on. I urge people togo to their businesses on Monday. I under-stand major league baseball is going tostart playing again. It is important forAmerica to get on about its life. But ourgovernment will be on full alert and we’llbe tracing every lead, every potential tomake sure that the American people aresafe.

Q. How long do you envision—

President Bush. The definition is what-ever it takes.

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President Bush delivered the followingradio address to the nation.

Good morning. This weekend I amengaged in extensive sessions with mem-bers of my National Security Council, aswe plan a comprehensive assault on ter-rorism. This will be a different kind ofconflict against a different kind of enemy.

This is a conflict without battlefields orbeachheads, a conflict with opponentswho believe they are invisible. Yet, theyare mistaken. They will be exposed, andthey will discover what others in the pasthave learned: Those who make waragainst the United States have chosentheir own destruction. Victory against ter-rorism will not take place in a single bat-tle, but in a series of decisive actionsagainst terrorist organizations and thosewho harbor and support them.

We are planning a broad and sustainedcampaign to secure our country and eradi-cate the evil of terrorism. And we aredetermined to see this conflict through.Americans of every faith and backgroundare committed to this goal.

Yesterday I visited the site of thedestruction in New York City and saw anamazing spirit of sacrifice and patriotismand defiance. I met with rescuers whohave worked past exhaustion, who cheeredfor our country and the great cause wehave entered.

In Washington, D.C., the political par-ties and both Houses of Congress haveshown a remarkable unity, and I’m deeplygrateful. A terrorist attack designed to tearus apart has instead bound us together as anation. Over the past few days, we havelearned much about American courage—the courage of firefighters and police offi-cers who suffered so great a loss, thecourage of passengers aboard United 93who may well have fought with thehijackers and saved many lives on theground.

Now we honor those who died, and pre-pare to respond to these attacks on ournation. I will not settle for a token act.Our response must be sweeping, sustainedand effective. We have much do to, andmuch to ask of the American people.

You will be asked for your patience; for,the conflict will not be short. You will be

asked for resolve; for, the conflict will notbe easy. You will be asked for yourstrength, because the course to victorymay be long.

In the past week, we have seen theAmerican people at their very best every-where in America. Citizens have cometogether to pray, to give blood, to fly ourcountry’s flag. Americans are comingtogether to share their grief and gainstrength from one another.

Great tragedy has come to us, and weare meeting it with the best that is in ourcountry, with courage and concern for oth-ers. Because this is America. This is whowe are. This is what our enemies hate andhave attacked. And this is why we willprevail.


Today, millions of Americans mournedand prayed, and tomorrow we go back towork. Today, people from all walks of lifegave thanks for the heroes; they mourn thedead; they ask for God’s good graces onthe families who mourn, and tomorrowthe good people of America go back totheir shops, their fields, American facto-ries, and go back to work.

Our nation was horrified, but it’s notgoing to be terrorized. We’re a greatnation. We’re a nation of resolve. We’re anation that can’t be cowed by evil-doers.I’ve got great faith in the American peo-ple. If the American people had seen whatI had seen in New York City, you’d havegreat faith, too. You’d have faith in thehard work of the rescuers; you’d havegreat faith because of the desire for peopleto do what’s right for America; you’d havegreat faith because of the compassion andlove that our fellow Americans are show-ing each other in times of need.

I also have faith in our military. And wehave got a job to do—just like the farmersand ranchers and business owners and fac-tory workers have a job to do. My admin-istration has a job to do, and we’re goingto do it. We will rid the world of the evil-doers. We will call together freedom lov-ing people to fight terrorism.

And on this day of—on the Lord’s Day,I say to my fellow Americans, thank youfor your prayers, thank you for your com-passion, thank you for your love for one

another. And tomorrow when you get backto work, work hard like you always have.But we’ve been warned. We’ve beenwarned there are evil people in this world.We’ve been warned so vividly—and we’llbe alert. Your government is alert. Thegovernors and mayors are alert that evilfolks still lurk out there.

As I said yesterday, people havedeclared war on America, and they havemade a terrible mistake, because this is afabulous country. Our economy will comeback. We’ll still be the best farmers andranchers in the world. We’re still the mostinnovative entrepreneurs in the world. Onthis day of faith, I’ve never had more faithin America than I have right now.

Q. Mr. President, are you worriedthis crisis might send us into a reces-sion?

President Bush. David, I understandthat there are some businesses that hurt asa result of this crisis. Obviously, NewYork City hurts. Congress acted quickly.We worked together, the White House andthe Congress, to pass a significant supple-mental. A lot of that money was dedicatedto New York, New Jersey and Connecti-cut, as it should be. People will be amazedat how quickly we rebuild New York; howquickly people come together to reallywipe away the rubble and show the worldthat we’re still the strongest nation in theworld.

But I have great faith in the resiliency ofthe economy. And no question about it,this incident affected our economy, but themarkets open tomorrow, people go back towork and we’ll show the world.

Q. Mr. President, do you believeOsama bin Laden’s denial that he hadanything to do with this?

President Bush. No question he is theprime suspect. No question about that.

Q. Mr. President, can you describeyour conversation with the President ofPakistan and the specific comments hemade to you? And, in addition to that,do you see other—you’ve asked SaudiArabia to help out, other countries?

President Bush. John, I will—obvious-ly, I made a call to the leader of Pakistan.

September 11, 2001


We had a very good, open conversation.And there is no question that he wants tocooperate with the United States. I’m notat liberty to detail specifically what wehave asked him to do. In the course of thisconduct of this war against terrorism, I’llbe asked a lot, and members of my admin-istration will be asked a lot of questionsabout our strategies and tactics. And inorder to protect the lives of people thatwill be involved in different operations,I’m not at liberty to talk about it and Iwon’t talk about it.

But I can tell you that the response fromPakistan; Prime Minister Vajpayee today,of India, Saudi Arabia, has been very pos-itive and very straightforward. They knowwhat my intentions are. They know myintentions are to find those who did this,find those who encouraged them, findthem who house them, find those whocomfort them, and bring them to justice.

I made that very clear. There is no doubtin anybody’s mind with whom I’ve had aconversation about the intent of the UnitedStates. I gave them ample opportunity tosay they were uncomfortable with ourgoal. And the leaders you’ve asked abouthave said they were comfortable. Theysaid, we understand, Mr. President, andwe’re with you.

Q. Mr. President, the Attorney Gen-eral is going to ask for enhanced lawenforcement authority to surveil and—things to disrupt terrorism that mightbe planned here in the United States.What will that mean for the rights ofAmericans? What will that mean—

President Bush. Terry, I ask you to talkto the Attorney General about that subject.He’ll be prepared to talk about it publiclyat some point in time. But what he isdoing is, he’s reflecting what I said earlierin my statement, that we’re facing a newkind of enemy, somebody so barbaric thatthey would fly airplanes into buildings fullof innocent people. And, therefore, wehave to be on alert in America. We’re anation of law, a nation of civil rights.We’re also a nation under attack. And theAttorney General will address that in away that I think the American people willunderstand.

We need to go back to work tomorrowand we will. But we need to be alert to thefact that these evil-doers still exist. We

haven’t seen this kind of barbarism in along period of time. No one could haveconceivably imagined suicide bombersburrowing into our society and thenemerging all in the same day to fly theiraircraft—fly U.S. aircraft into buildingsfull of innocent people—and show noremorse. This is a new kind of—a newkind of evil. And we understand. And theAmerican people are beginning to under-stand. This crusade, this war on terrorismis going to take a while. And the Ameri-can people must be patient. I’m going tobe patient.

But I can assure the American people Iam determined, I’m not going to be dis-tracted, I will keep my focus to make surethat not only are these brought to justice,but anybody who’s been associated will bebrought to justice. Those who harbor ter-rorists will be brought to justice. It is timefor us to win the first war of the 21st cen-tury decisively, so that our children andour grandchildren can live peacefully intothe 21st century.

Q. Mr. President, you’ve declaredwe’re at war and asked those who wearthe uniform to get ready. Should theAmerican public also be ready for thepossibility of casualties in this war?

President Bush. Patsy, the Americanpeople should know that my administra-tion is determined to find, to get them run-ning and to hunt them down, those whodid this to America. Now, I want toremind the American people that theprime suspect’s organization is in a lot ofcountries—it’s a widespread organizationbased upon one thing: terrorizing. Theycan’t stand freedom; they hate what Amer-ica stands for. So this will be a long cam-paign, a determined campaign—a cam-paign that will use the resources of theUnited States to win.

They have roused a mighty giant. Andmake no mistake about it: we’re deter-mined. Oh, there will be times when peo-ple don’t have this incident on theirminds, I understand that. There will betimes down the road where citizens willbe concerned about other matters, and Icompletely understand that. But thisadministration, along with those friends ofours who are willing to stand with us allthe way through will do what it takes torout terrorism out of the world.

Q. Mr. President, in your conversa-tion with Pakistan’s leader, was thereany request or demand you made ofhim that he failed to satisfy?

President Bush. The leader of Pakistanhas been very cooperative. He has agreedwith our requests to aid our nation to huntdown, to find, to smoke out of their holesthe terrorist organization that is the primesuspect. And I am pleased with hisresponse. We will continue to work withPakistan and India. We will work withRussia. We will work with the nations thatone would have thought a couple of yearsago would have been impossible to workwith—to bring people to justice. But morethan that, to win the war against terroristactivity.

The American people are used to a con-flict where there was a beachhead or adesert to cross or known military targets.That may occur. But right now we’re fac-ing people who hit and run. They hide incaves. We’ll get them out.

The other day I said, not only will wefind those who have affected America, orwho might affect America in the future,we’ll also deal with those who harborthem.

Q. Mr. President, would you confirmwhat the Vice President said this morn-ing, that at one point during this crisisyou gave an order to shoot down anycivilian airliner that approached theCapitol? Was that a difficult decision tomake?

President Bush. I gave our military theorders necessary to protect Americans, dowhatever it would take to protect Ameri-cans. And of course that’s difficult. Neverdid anybody’s thought process about howto protect America did we ever think thatthe evil-doers would fly not one, but fourcommercial aircraft into precious U.S. tar-gets—never. And so, obviously, when Iwas told what was taking place, when Iwas informed that an unidentified aircraftwas headed to the heart of the capital, Iwas concerned. I wasn’t concerned aboutmy decision; I was more concerned aboutthe lives of innocent Americans. I hadrealized there on the ground in Florida wewere under attack. But never did I dreamwe would have been under attack this

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48 Winter 2002

way. That’s why I say to the American people

we’ve never seen this kind of evil before.But the evil-doers have never seen theAmerican people in action before,either—and they’re about to find out.


[Those] who are attacking our way of lifedo not have armies, navies or air forces.They do not have capital. They do nothave high-value targets that the typicalweapons of war can go in and attack.They have—which is why the presidenthas said what he has said. It will take abroad, sustained effort that will be—halfto use our diplomatic, our political, oureconomic, our financial strength as well asour military strength and unquestionablyunconventional techniques. And it willtake time. It’s not a matter of days orweeks. It’s years. It’s going to take thesupport of the American people, and Ihave every confidence it’ll be there. It’lltake the support of countries around theworld.

There are a number of countries that areharboring terrorists. They in some casesfacilitate them, in some cases finance, inother cases just tolerate. But these peoplecould not be functioning around the globewith the success they are unless they hadthat help from countries. And those coun-tries, some of them do in fact have armiesand navies and air forces, and they dohave capitals and they do have high-valuetargets. And we are going to need them tostop tolerating terrorists.

* * * *

Q. Secretary, Abdul Abdullah ofAfghanistan’s Northern Alliance hasoffered his organization’s support inany operation against the Taliban orOsama bin Laden. What roles shouldthese Taliban resistance groups playand what role will the U.S. ask them toplay?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The United Statesneeds assistance from countries with intel-ligence information. We need assistancefrom countries to deny terrorists and ter-

rorist networks the access to their realestate and their facilities. We need them tocooperate in a host of ways if this goal isgoing to be achieved.

My guess is there will be a number ofdifferent coalitions that will be function-ing over time. Some will be able to dosome things; other will be able to do otherthings. And how that will work and howthat will play out, I think it’s hard to sayat the moment. But the one thing you canbe sure is it’ll take a lot of time; it’ll takeyears not days.

Q. Do you think it’s achievable—[inaudible]—that you’ve outlined?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I do think it’sachievable. I think that it is particularlysomething that strikes at free people.Everyone of the people listening got upthis morning and walked out of the doorof their house and they did not have tolook to the left and look to the right. Theydidn’t have to wear a flak jacket. Theydidn’t have to get into an armored car.They didn’t have to hide in their base-ment, because we have enjoyed all of theprivileges and opportunities of free peo-ple. And it’s a wonderful thing. And wecannot allow terrorists to deny that of us.Therefore we must—there is no choiceother than to root out terrorists whereverthey are across this globe.

Q. Do you support changing the U.S.policy on assassination?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’m not a lawyer.There’s no question but that there are net-works and countries that need to changetheir ways, and we need to find a host ofways, political, economic and military, tostop them.

Q. Will the assistance you’re seekingfrom your allies include the use of non-American troops in some of these oper-ations?

Secretary Rumsfeld. This is not aproblem that’s unique to the United States.There’s not a doubt in my mind but thatthere will be other countries that will vol-unteer a variety of different types of assis-tance.

Q. Have you asked Britain for that

yet?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I don’t think—Ihave certainly been in touch with the min-ister of defense of the U.K. And as youwell know, they are cooperating with us invarious coalitions already in Iraq, and theyfly beside us. They are certainly a veryclose ally with capabilities that are impor-tant.

Q. Will you use the military to secureairlines and the airports?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The United Statesmilitary is war- fighters. The role of airmarshals is a notably different thing. Andpeople need to be trained for that to begood at it, and our people have not beentrained for it. And we have any number ofdemands on our people at the present timearound the world, and I think it is—

Second, the armed forces of the UnitedStates have as their charter the defense ofthe United States from threats from theoutside. The threats from the inside tendto be the task of the local law enforce-ment, the FBI, the sheriffs and people likethat, unless there is some unusual eventthat requires the calling up of the NationalGuard as opposed to the active force. Butbecause of the laws and the Constitutionand posse comitatus, the practice has beenfor us, the armed forces of the UnitedStates to address external threats.

Q. Are you thinking about closingNational Airport?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Any decision thatalters the way we live our lives is unfortu-nate. Clearly, for a period, we’re going tohave to be living and functioning with aheightened sense of awareness. Given theattack on the Pentagon, given the attackon the World Trade Center and given therisks that exist and the flight paths beingright near the Pentagon, the White House,the Capitol building, it seems to me anecessity to close National Airport for aperiod. And I think it was the correct deci-sion.

Q. And how long will it be beforeyou—

Secretary Rumsfeld. We have airportsat Dulles; we have airport at Baltimore,

September 11, 2001


which give a great deal more time for afighter interceptor to do something than aplane taking off from Washington Nation-al Airport, which flies right past the Penta-gon day after day after day and right pastthe White House.

Q. Did the FAA give you a timelywarning about a plane approachingD.C.? And why did our nation’s airdefenses fail to protect the Pentagon?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We don’t have airdefenses that are designed to protect theAmerican people from a person inside theUnited States commandeering an Ameri-can Airline plane filled with American cit-izens. That is a customs, immigration,local law enforcement task. Anyone whohas looked around the skies over the pastseveral years knows that we do not keepaircraft in the air to anticipate some localsituation like that.

Now, what happens is, when an aircraftgoes off-course, the FAA, as a matter ofnormal behavior, calls our combatantcommander, our CINC, as we say, atNORAD, which is the North Americandefense zone, and says, “There’s a planethat’s off-pattern.” In this case, a planetook off from Dulles apparently and flewwest and then came and circled Washing-ton, D.C., and then plowed into the Penta-gon. You have matter of minutes, unlessyou have airplanes in the air or somethinglike that that you would use.

We do of course today have some fight-er aircraft in the air at various places inthe United States. In addition, we haveaircraft on strip alert, 10- to 15-minutesnotice, at some 26 bases across the coun-try. Our forces are on what’s called Def-Con 4 at the present time, down from 3, aheightened sense—status of alert. And interms of force protection around the worldand the United States, we’re on what’scalled Charlie. We were at Delta, which isthe highest, and we’ve moved to Charlie.It is a very high state of alert.

The reality is that a terrorist can attackat any time in any place using any tech-nique, and it is physically impossible for afree people to try to defend in every placeat every time against every technique.

Now, what does that mean? It meansthat the president is exactly right, that wehave to take this battle, this war to the ter-rorists, where they are. And the best

defense is an effective offense, in thiscase. And that means they have to be root-ed out.

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Egyptian President Mubarak made hiscomments during an interview broadcaston NBC.

[There is] a big difference between warand terrorism. In war you know the goaland the two fighting parties and the mis-sion which should be accomplishedthrough war such as liberating land oroccupying a position.

Terrorism uses the world as a scene. Youdo not know from where it will come orwhat is its target. No one country in theworld can provide protection for all itsvital installations. Who could have imag-ined that airliners would be used, withtheir passengers, in terrorists acts.

Q. The United States is seeking tomobilize an international coalitionagainst terrorism similar to the coali-tion in the Gulf War. Would it be diffi-cult to mobilize a coalition to fight andresist terrorism?

President Mubarak. Setting up a coali-tion would divide the ranks of the interna-tional community. No coalition can beestablished all over the world to fight ter-rorism. It is not practical, at least from mypoint of view. Perhaps U.S. Secretary ofState Colin Powell would have a differentopinion.

I have said that setting up coalitionswould divide the ranks of the internationalcommunity. What I have repeatedly calledfor was to hold an international confer-ence to fight terrorism under the umbrellaof the united nations, in New York, Gene-va or anywhere else.

It was agreed but some countries,including the united states, used “veto” asa pretext against what it is taking placebetween the Palestinians and Israelis. ThePalestinians say they are struggling forself-determination. The Israelis say some-thing different and created a big problem.Hence, the idea was set aside. But in thelight of the recent events in the united

states, holding an international conferenceto fight terrorism has become an interna-tional necessity. No countries, or group ofnations should be exempted. But to set upcoalitions would divide the ranks of theinternational community in two or threefronts.


President Bush made the followingremarks at the Islamic Center ofWashington, D.C.

Thank you all very much for your hospi-tality. We’ve just had a—wide-rangingdiscussions on the matter at hand. Like thegood folks standing with me, the Ameri-can people were appalled and outraged atlast Tuesday’s attacks. And so were Mus-lims all across the world. Both Americansand Muslim friends and citizens, tax-pay-ing citizens, and Muslims in nations werejust appalled and could not believe whatwe saw on our TV screens.

These acts of violence against innocentsviolate the fundamental tenets of theIslamic faith. And it’s important for myfellow Americans to understand that.

The English translation is not as elo-quent as the original Arabic, but let mequote from the Koran, itself: In the longrun, evil in the extreme will be the end ofthose who do evil. For that they rejectedthe signs of Allah and held them up toridicule.

The face of terror is not the true faith ofIslam. That’s not what Islam is all about.Islam is peace. These terrorists don’t rep-resent peace. They represent evil and war.

When we think of Islam we think of afaith that brings comfort to a billion peo-ple around the world. Billions of peoplefind comfort and solace and peace. Andthat’s made brothers and sisters out ofevery race—out of every race.

America counts millions of Muslimsamongst our citizens, and Muslims makean incredibly valuable contribution to ourcountry. Muslims are doctors, lawyers,law professors, members of the military,entrepreneurs, shopkeepers, moms anddads. And they need to be treated withrespect. In our anger and emotion, our fel-low Americans must treat each other withrespect.

Women who cover their heads in this

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country must feel comfortable going out-side their homes. Moms who wear covermust be not intimidated in America.That’s not the America I know. That’s notthe America I value.

I’ve been told that some fear to leave;some don’t want to go shopping for theirfamilies; some don’t want to go abouttheir ordinary daily routines because, bywearing cover, they’re afraid they’ll beintimidated. That should not and that willnot stand in America.

Those who feel like they can intimidateour fellow citizens to take out their angerdon’t represent the best of America, theyrepresent the worst of humankind, andthey should be ashamed of that kind ofbehavior.

This is a great country. It’s a great coun-try because we share the same values ofrespect and dignity and human worth. Andit is my honor to be meeting with leaderswho feel just the same way I do. They’reoutraged, they’re sad. They love Americajust as much as I do.

I want to thank you all for giving me achance to come by. And may God bless usall.


Secretary Colin Powell was interviewedby Al-Jazeerah.

Q. Mr. Secretary, thank you very muchfor allowing Al- Jazeerah to be a vehiclefor your voice, a voice of moderationand wisdom in this country, to reachout to the Arab world.

Let me ask a question first that wealways hear in the Arab world. Thiswar that we are about to launch fromthe U.S., war against whom, who is theenemy, where is the attack comingfrom?

Secretary Powell. Well, I hope thereisn’t going to be a war in the traditionalsense. It’s not a war against Arabs. It’s nota war against those who believe in Islam.It’s a war against terrorism. And it isn’t awar in the usual sense of just battlesfought by the military. It’s a war for intel-ligence, it’s a war that will use legalweapons, it is a war that will use financial

weapons—all for the purpose of getting atterrorism, terrorism that destroys lives,terrorism that destroys our lives as well asanyone else’s lives.

When we look at what happened at theWorld Trade Center, thousands of Ameri-cans were lost, but also hundreds of Arabswere lost. And so it is a war against thoseindividuals, those groups, who have for-saken the teachings of the Bible and theKoran, and they have used terrorism forpolitical aims, terrorism that kills innocentpeople. That’s what this war will be about.

Q. Some people were upset when theyheard President Bush on Sunday nam-ing that war a crusade and wonderwhat Muslims are going to do in thatcrusade.

Secretary Powell. Well, I think that thebest description of what we are doing is tolaunch a campaign, a campaign thateverybody can be a part of. We believethat there are so many Arab nations thatshould be a part of this campaign becausethey have suffered from terrorism over theyears.

So people have said to me, well, shouldArabs be a part of this? Of course. And soI hope people will see that this is a cam-paign of the civilized world against unciv-ilized forces within the world, and thoseuncivilized forces attacked all nationsthroughout the world, and that’s why wemust all come together. And it is as mucha cause for Arab nations and Arab leadersas it is for other leaders, such as Americanleaders.

Q. Israel was not allowed to be in theprevious war, the Gulf War, for Arabsensitivities being the target and thevictims of that war will be [inaudible]Arabs and Muslims. Israel is participat-ing this time. How do you see this?

Secretary Powell. I can’t tell yet. Ithink that there are many nations thatcould provide assistance in the form ofintelligence or in the form of removingfrom their lands these terrorist organiza-tions and saying, no, we cannot have youhere any longer. And there may come atime when there is military force to beapplied, and I suspect that will most partbe American power. There will be othernations. I don’t see a nation such as Israel

having a role with that kind of participa-tion.

Q. Some people think that Israel iscapitalizing on that war against terror-ism and on the victims of the U.S. byintensifying their efforts in the area—inthe Palestinian areas. Are you trying todo something about that?

Secretary Powell. I’m working withboth sides. I speak regularly with Chair-man Arafat, with Prime Minister Sharonand with Foreign Minister Peres.

I have a singular goal. One of mybiggest priorities since I became Secretaryof State was to eliminate the violence inthat part of the world and begin the peaceprocess again. And so that is why I havebeen working so hard to get the MitchellPlan started. The Mitchell Plan leads tonegotiations, negotiations that will be thebasis of U.N. resolutions 242 and 338,Land-for-Peace. That’s where we have togo.

And what I have been saying to bothsides, right now, let’s not take advantageof what happened in New York and Wash-ington last week. Let’s see that as a wayof sobering ourselves to what we aredoing when we suffer with violence, andlet’s both sides exercise maximum effortto get the violence down, get the counter-response to violence down and see if wecan get started on a cease-fire and into theMitchell Plan, leading to negotiations onthe bases of 242, 338 and Land-for-Peace.

My heart breaks with every death that Isee of a Palestinian or an Israeli. A childis a child; a child has a family, no matterwhat that family might call their religionor their ethnic background. And so we allshould work to end the killing totally andbegin the peace process.

Q. Should the Mitchell Plan be imple-mented without the seven days that Mr.Sharon enforced?

Secretary Powell. Right now, we wouldlike to see the Mitchell Plan implementedimmediately, if that were possible. Mr.Sharon has asked for seven days of quietpreviously. Now he has asked for twodays of quiet in order to have Mr. Peresmeet with Mr. Arafat.

I am just anxious to see enough quiet sothat both sides have confidence that a

September 11, 2001


sense of trust can be rebuilt so that theycan start talking to one another. We mustget away from the battlefield and into theconference room. The United States willplay every role we can and make everyeffort that we can to not only see that hap-pen but then to be a party to those discus-sions, if need be.

Q. Many people in the Arab worldrepeat the question why the U.S. has notasked itself, or herself about the[inaudible] obligations, [inaudible] whythe U.S. is perceived in the Arab andMuslim world and hated in the Araband Muslim world is because of whatthey call blind support of destruction,of killing Palestinians and others. Doyou have an answer?

Secretary Powell. I think that’s not acorrect characterization of the UnitedStates. We deplore violence. We alsoknow that very often violence and terroristacts come out of political frustration, asense of hopelessness, a sense of helpless-ness. I am not unmindful of those kind ofmotivations. But I am also of the view thatthe best way to deal with this sense ofhopelessness is not through violence andterrorism against someone against whomviolence and terrorism will not prevail,will not achieve a political agenda.

And so I can assure you that America istrying to play a unifying role, trying toplay a helpful role in bringing the vio-lence down, ending the killing on bothsides and getting to a peace table, wherewe can discuss the kinds of issues thatcause a sense of hopelessness. Terrorismis fueled by these sorts of grievances overtime, from the past. And I am not insensi-tive, nor is America. We are prepared todo whatever we can to get through thesebarriers to understanding.

Q. Mr. Secretary, who is out that wewill not even accept their offer to be inthe effort [inaudible] Arab to Arab, thatanother question would be [inaudible]in the Liberation Organization in Dam-ascus or the other Arab world would betargeted in the same countries?

Secretary Powell. We believe that ter-rorism, in whatever form it shows up, isan uncivilized act. Now, right now, ourprincipal concern is the Usama bin Laden

and al-Qaida organization. But there areother organizations in the world that con-duct terrorist activities and conduct themagainst the U.S.—U.S. citizens and U.S.interests.

To the extent that we have to defendourselves and protect ourselves, we obvi-ously have to go and see what we can doabout those terrorist organizations as well.And we have identified a number of themwho have attacked our interests over time.But for this particular situation, our initialfocus is against the al-Qaida organization.

Q. Syria does not have to ban any ofthese organizations—

Secretary Powell. Syria—as you know,we have had concerns about Syria andIran over the years, because of their spon-sorship of terrorist organizations. Andeven though both of those nations havecome forward in this current crisis andexpressed their condolences and also awillingness to explore how we might worktogether, at the same time we cannot over-look the fact that for years we haveexpressed to them our concern that theyhave been harboring what we consider andwhat the world considers are terroristorganizations.

So I am hoping that the difficulties thatwe have had with these two countries inthe past, because of this we might be ableto explore a new way for the future. Butyou can’t just pick the terrorist group youare against and then say all the others areokay. If we are going to explore this withthose countries, Syria and Iran, I think wewill have to explore the entire issue of ter-rorist organizations or whatever.

Q. Including two Jewish organizationsthat are on your list, the terrorist list,?

Secretary Powell. Yes, yes.

Q. Your last word to the Arab world.

Secretary Powell. Let me say to myfriends in the Arab world and all otherpeople how much we admire them and letthem know that this conflict, this cam-paign we are about to begin is not directedagainst Arabs or anyone of the Islamicfaith; it’s against terrorism. My heart alsogoes out to those members of the Arabcommunity overseas, as well as the strong

Arab American community here over theloss of life of Arabs and Arab-Americansat the World Trade Center. This afternoon,President Bush visited the Islamic Centerand conveyed similar feelings and emo-tions, and let them know that PresidentBush and I will continue to do everythingwe can in the quest for peace so thatIsraeli and Palestinian can find a way tolive together in peace and harmony in thisblessed land.


Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.Sorry I’m a little late. I just got off thephone with the President of Yemen, Presi-dent Salih, and we had a good conversa-tion about the support that Yemen is giv-ing to us in this crisis. They have beenvery helpful recently in the continuationof the Cole investigation and now arehelping us with respect to leads in thiscurrent crisis, the September 11th inci-dent.

He also mentioned to me that the Presi-dent of Syria is visiting and that later thisafternoon the two presidents will issue ajoint statement, once again condemningthe actions of last week, condemningthose who are responsible for it, condemn-ing terrorism, and committing themselvesto work with us in the days and weeksahead as we deal with this problem.

This expression of support is character-istic of the expressions of support we havecontinued to receive as we call leadersaround the world and as we begin thisbuilding of a coalition, a coalition thatwill be conducting a campaign, a cam-paign that will have many parts to it, as Ihave said to you before, legal, political,diplomatic, law enforcement, intelligencecollection, and military as appropriate.And so I am pleased that the coalition iscoming together.

I think everybody recognizes that thischallenge is one that went far beyondAmerica, far beyond New York City andfar beyond Washington. Thirty-sevencountries lost citizens in the World TradeCenter, and what we have to do is notonly deal with this present instance but thewhole concept of terrorism, deal with it asa scourge upon civilization and go after it.

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But in the first round of this campaign,we have to deal with the perpetrators ofthe attacks against America in New Yorkand in Washington. It is becoming clearerwith each passing hour, with each passingday, that it is the al-Qaida network that isthe prime suspect, as the President hassaid. And all roads lead to the leader ofthat organization, Usama bin Laden, andhis location in Afghanistan. That is whywe are pleased that the Pakistani Govern-ment sent emissaries in to try to persuadethe Afghans, the Taliban leadership, thatthey should do what they have beenrequired to do for a number of years underU.N. resolutions and reject this presencein their country, this invasion of theircountry by a terrorist organization.

We mean no ill toward the people ofAfghan; they are a suffering people, theyare a poor people. It is for that reasonalone they should not allow these invadersto put their society at risk and to connectthemselves to the government ofAfghanistan.

So I am very pleased that more andmore people around the world recognizethe nature of this campaign, recognize thatwe have to get involved, recognize it isnot going to be solved in one day or oneweek, but will be a long-term campaign.As the President and other governmentofficials have indicated earlier, we are alsodoing everything necessary to protect our-selves here at home and to put ourselveson the right kind of security footing sothat we can be vigilant and alert to thethreats that still exist within the country ormay be directed at us in the future.

With that, I will take a few questions. Iam once again under a time limit.

Q. Is it too early—do you have anyindications of how the message is beingreceived by Taliban? The Saudi ForeignMinister is coming here Wednesday,and could you tell us what you will askof the Saudis and, whatever they do,would you prefer this time that they beexplicit?

Secretary Powell. I always like explicitrather than vague, and I look forward toseeing Foreign Minister Saud when hecomes here. I have spoken to him, I guessit was last Thursday or Friday—I’m losingtrack of the days—and so I expect he willbe forthcoming. I expect he will be com-

ing with a message of support and com-mitment.

I know that they are looking at a num-ber of ways in which they can help us,and we will welcome that help and assis-tance. They are good friends of ours. Theyhave condemned this act from the veryoutset, from the very beginning, from lastWednesday morning on. I am sure he iscoming with a message of continued sup-port and commitment, but I don’t want toget into what specifically we might beasking of them.

Q. Any early indications of what Tal-iban is saying?

Secretary Powell. The Taliban, ofcourse, is responding in the way that italways has, that Usama bin Laden and hisassociates are guests in their country.Well, it is time for the guests to leave.

Q. First of all, the Pakistanis are say-ing that there was a deadline of threedays to hand over Usama bin Laden. Isthat true?

Secretary Powell. Whose deadline?

Q. The deadline for the Taliban toturn over Usama bin Laden.

Secretary Powell. The Pakistanis gavethem a deadline?

Q. Yes. Well, that’s what I’m asking.Is it a Pakistani—

Secretary Powell. I don’t know if thatis the case that the Pakistanis actually saidthat and whether they said it in their ownname or whose name, but it wasn’t in ourname.

Q. And secondly, have you made spe-cific and formal requests to all frontlinestates around Afghanistan, includingIran?

Secretary Powell. We have not madespecific requests for assistance. Thoserequests are being considered now by ourintelligence, law enforcement and militarycommunities to see what might be neededas we put our contingency plans together.Nothing has been asked of Iran, in partic-ular.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you say whetherthis government intends to contact theTaliban and to give either an ultima-tum, or whatever words you care tochoose of the language? Can you dealwith these people?

Secretary Powell. I am sure there willbe some communication in the future, butI would not like to characterize what thatcommunication might be yet.

Q. Mr. Secretary, as you put thepieces of your diplomatic puzzle togeth-er, what is the—could you sort of elabo-rate for us on the importance thatSaudi Arabia, Morocco and otherIslamic states play within the Arabworld in sort of building this interna-tional consensus?

Secretary Powell. I think they areimportant, not only those specific coun-tries but all countries, Arab and other-wise—but especially Arab to come outand condemn this kind of activity, becausethis is a threat to their own countries.There isn’t one of them you mentionedthat hasn’t faced some kind of terroristattack against their legitimacy, againsttheir own sovereignty. And so it is impor-tant for them to speak out, especiallywhen we have seen the strong statementsfrom Pakistan. And I think Pakistan wouldlike to see other Arab and Islamic coun-tries speak out and act in as strong a wayas Pakistan has.

And, you know, Uzbekistan has beenrather forthcoming and others have beenrather forthcoming. I think, as the days goby and as the various plans come together,you will see more and more of themspeaking out. The UAE has said that it isreviewing its relationship with Talibanactivities within the UAE and we will seewhere that leads. The Sudan has becomesuddenly much more interested and activein working with us on various items. Sothere are a lot of things that are going onthat will become more manifest as timegoes on.

Q. Mr. Secretary, did you get the timeto talk to the Greek Foreign Minister,Yeoryios Papandreou, for this cause?

Secretary Powell. Yes, I did. I did. Italked to my colleague, Yeoryios Papan-

September 11, 2001


dreou, over the weekend. I can get thespecific date for you. Richard has a ratherimposing list of phone calls, but I can nolonger remember which day—it was overthe weekend—both to my Greek and tomy Turkish colleagues on the same day.

Q. Mr. Secretary, is turning overUsama bin Laden enough? Are thereother things the Taliban will also haveto do?

Secretary Powell. We are after the al-Qaida network. It is not one individual;it’s lots of individuals and it’s lots of cells.As I said on television yesterday, Usamabin Laden is the chairman of a holdingcompany and within that holding companyare terrorist cells and organizations indozens of countries around the world, anyone of them capable of committing a ter-rorist act. So it is not enough to get oneindividual, although we will start with thatone individual. It will not be over until wehave gotten into the inside of this organi-zation, inside its decision cycle, inside itsplanning cycle, inside its execution capa-bility, and until we have neutralized anddestroyed it. That is our objective.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the Taliban today isapparently offering that an Islamic—acourt of Islamic clerics would deter-mine the fate of bin Laden and thatthey would accept that outcome. Butthis is something they’ve offered beforeand the U.S. rejected it before. I want toknow if that’s—if that’s still your feel-ing, if that has any kind of flexibility.And also, is there an interagency teamplanning to go into Pakistan any timesoon?

Secretary Powell. On the first point, Iwill wait and see what they end up doingand what that court decides, once it hasconvened in whatever fashion it convenesitself and whatever action it takes. I don’twant to prejudge what we might do inresponse to what it might do.

With respect to an interagency teamgoing to Pakistan, we are making a deter-mination now and will take a day or twoor a couple of days as to what we mightwant to ask the Pakistanis for and, whenthat has been determined, then we willform a team appropriate to that task.

Q. Mr. Secretary, are you certain thatUsama bin Laden is still in Afghanistanand are you confident that the Talibancould actually find him?

Secretary Powell. I can’t be certain ofwhere he is. I am reasonably confidentand certain that if the Taliban governmentwanted to find him, they would knowwhere he is, if he is still in Afghanistan,and I have seen nothing to indicate he isnot still in Afghanistan.

Q. Mr. Secretary, how do you plan tofollow up on the positive signals beingsent from Iran?

Secretary Powell. From Iran?

Q. Yes.

Secretary Powell. As I said yesterday,these are positive signals, and I’ve had itreinforced that it is a positive signal. Andit is worth exploring, and that is where Iwould leave it right now, not move it anyfurther than that—worth exploring.Remember now, as you surely do, thatIran is a nation we have designated assponsoring state terrorism. And they maywant to make cause against the Taliban,but will they make cause against other ter-rorist organizations that they have provid-ed support to?

And I am willing to explore that, butlet’s not get any further than that. Somesuggested that they are part of the coali-tion, they’re going to be partners. Not sofast. We recognize the nature of thatregime. They have said something that isdifferent than what we have heard fromthem previously. They, too, are shockedby what happened, they tell us. And so itseems to me that is an opening worthexploring, and that is as far as we go rightnow.

Q. Mr. Secretary, who has notresponded well? What countries havedisappointed you in their response?And secondly, last week Deputy DefenseSecretary Wolfowitz used the phrase“ending regimes that sponsor terror-ism.” No Administration official hasrepeated that formula. Are we reallyafter ending regimes, or are we simplygoing to try to change their behavior?

Secretary Powell. We are after ending

terrorism. And if there are states andregimes, nations, that support terrorism,we hope to persuade them that it is intheir interests to stop doing that. But Ithink ending terrorism is where I wouldlike to leave it, and let Mr. Wolfowitzspeak for himself.

Q. What countries have fallen short,let’s say?

Secretary Powell. Oh, I really don’thave a list of fall-shorts. Some have beenable to do more than others. Some it isrhetorical in nature and they really don’thave much else to give us other thanwords of support and encouragement.Others it is far more than that, to the pointof if you have to something militarily, askus if we can participate.

So it is a full range. But within thecapabilities that they have, I am satisfied,very satisfied, with most of the responsesthat I have received. Where there is anopportunity for a country to do more andthey haven’t yet offered to do more, Iwould rather deal with them rather thansingle them out.

One more, then I’ve got to go.

Q. Mr. Secretary, NATO said theywould be with us, but apparentlyItaly—there was a statement this morn-ing that Italy would not participate mil-itarily in any sort of action. And therehave been some countries in the MiddleEast and elsewhere that have expressedconcern that this is going to be toobroad a campaign and they want it tobe very narrowly focused, and they’renervous.

What would you say to them?

Secretary Powell. We are sensitive toall those concerns. I heard somethingquite different from Italy, but my Italiancolleague will be here this week so Rena-to and I can talk directly. And we—

Q. The Taliban—you just said a littleearlier that there will be communica-tion but you would prefer not to char-acterize it, yet yesterday I think yousaid that in a couple of days the UnitedStates would be talking to the Taliban.

Are you suggesting here that the firstcommunication will be military ratherthan anything else?

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54 Winter 2002

Secretary Powell. No. I think bothstatements are consistent—communica-tion, contact.

Q. So when will the United States betalking to the Taliban? Will we be send-ing someone in from Islamabad?

Secretary Powell. That’s what I alsosaid today, that I am not prepared to com-ment on the modalities or when or underwhat set of circumstances or what thenature of the communication will be,because that is still being resolved.

Okay, Barbara. Do you remember whatthe question was? I remember the answer.

Q. I do. The second part of the ques-tion—forgive me, as an ex-New York-er—was about Israel. Ariel Sharon hasnot been terribly helpful, it seems, inthis. A lot of Arab countries are sayingwe have to do something about this con-flict and we have to restrain Sharon ora coalition isn’t going to fly.

Secretary Powell. I think we do have todo something about the situation in theMiddle East. I carve out part of my day topress and work on that. Prime MinisterSharon and I had a very long phone con-versation last night, and we talked abouthis latest approach of his son and an offi-cial from the Ministry visiting with Chair-man Arafat and talking about how thisseries of meetings could get started.

And I never lose sight of the fact thatone of the underlying continuing problemswe will have—we had it before 11 Sep-tember, we’re going to have it for the fore-seeable future—is that we have to get intothe Mitchell plan and we have to get backto negotiations in due course. And so I canassure you I haven’t taken the UnitedStates’ eye off that ball.

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In the name of God, the most Compas-sionate, the most Merciful.

Once again, we make a return to com-ment on the incidence that took place inAmerica on September 11, not for its sig-nificance as such, but for the implicationssurrounding it and its ramifications interms of results on the level of the worldof which we are part or rather a specialcase as a nation known as it is with thebasis and uniqueness of its faith.

On previous occasions, we have alreadysaid that the United States needs to trywisdom after it has tried force over thelast fifty years or even more. We still seethat this is the most important thing theworld must advise the U.S. about if thereis anybody who wants to say something oradopt an attitude towards this incidence,and who is concerned about world peaceand stability. This is the case if the U.S.and the world are convinced with the dic-tum and the verdict, namely that what hashappened came to America from without,not within.

It is among the indisputables in the lawor general norms, in dealings, in sociallife, and even political life, that any chargeshould be based on evidence if the onewho makes the accusation is keen to con-vince others or has respect to that who lis-tens to the accusation or is concerned withit as part of the minimal obligation of hisduty. But the U.S. has made the chargebefore verification, even before possessingthe minimum evidence about such acharge. It has even not availed itself theopportunity to verify things, first and fore-most. It started a drive of incitement andthreat, or said something irresponsible bybroadening the base of charges to includestates, circles and individuals.

American officials set about makingcharges or giving the guided media, theZionist media and its symbols within theauthority and outside it a free hand inorder to prepare the public mind for thecharge.. What does this mean?

In a nutshell, it means that the U.S.

gives no heed to the law or rely on it. Ithas no concern for the counter viewpointin line with its dangerous policy towardsthis issue or others. That is why we findthat it takes no pain to secure evidence.Therefore, it needs no evidence to pass itsverdict. It is content with saying some-thing, passing verdicts, whether peopleother than the American officials are con-vinced or not. This means, in keeping withthe policy it has pursued since 1990, thatit has no regard to the viewpoint of thepeoples and governments in the world in itentirety. It gives it no weight or heeddespite the fact that it claims to be thedemocratic state (number one) in theworld. The basic meaning of democracyeven by the standards of its initial emer-gence in the Western world, that factsshould lay bare before the people so thatthe people would assume their responsi-bility with full awareness. Our descriptionof the U.S. attitude vis-á-vis this incidenceis a practical description. It means thatAmerican officials do not respect eventheir own people’s viewpoint, let alone theworld’s. In this conduct, the Americanofficials behave as though they are delud-ing the peoples, beating up the misleadingmedia drums to do the job of mobilizingthem against enemy or enemies againstwhom no evidence about their account-ability for the action they are accused ofhas been furnished. All the officials thereseek to achieve is to foment the hostilityof the peoples of the U.S. against whoeverthey assumed to be an enemy before theincidence has occurred. The tax-payerwould be in a position where he is pre-pared to accept the blackmail trap armsmanufacturers have laid for him in addi-tion to the wrangled interests on the levelof senior military and civil officials in theU.S..

One might argue that political verdictsdo not always emanate from the samebases, procedures or courses adopted bythe judiciary or criminal courts. Rather,precedents and backgrounds could sufficeto arrive at a conclusion which may proveright. Even if, for the sake of argument,we go along this notion, just to keep thedebate uninterrupted, we say that thiscould be true about the media and state-ments which are of media and propagandanature, even political statements. In thisinstance, the error could not be necessarilyfatal.

September 11, 2001


But is this permissible in war?Once more, we say that war is not an

ordinary case. Neither is it procedural inthe life of nations and peoples. It is a caseof unavoidable exception. Evidence basedon conclusion is not enough, even if it issolid to make a charge against a givenparty or several parties, a state or severalstates to the extent that the one whomakes the charge declares war at the partyor parties against which charges weremade and bears the responsibility of what-ever harm might be sustained by his ownpeople and the others including death, thedestruction of possessions and the ensuingserious repercussions. It was only the U.S.administration that has made the chargeagainst a certain religion, not just a givennationality.

Let us also accept the interventions ofthose who contend that the U.S. has notsaid this, through its senior officials andwithin this limitation. In fact, some offi-cials have denied that their policy is oneof making the charge against a given reli-gion. However, we believe that the lack ofevidence to make a charge, the disrespectto the golden sound rule of proper accusa-tion which leads to the declaration of warand restricts the charge to a certain nation,states, designations and individuals, canonly be understood as a premeditatedcharge without evidence that the actionwas carried out by Moslems. This is com-plemented by free reins for the media tofloat it, to prepare the public opinion toaccept it or to be tuned to it so that any-thing opposed to it would sound like a dis-cord.

Below is the list: Afghanistan. Usamabin Laden—the Islamic Qa’ida (base)party or organization. Syria. Yemen-Alge-ria. Iraq-Lebanon-Palestine.

The list may be curtailed or enlargedaccording to the pretexts of the policy ofpower, which has found its opportunity orthe power that is looking for its opportuni-ty to declare war. Whether the items of thelist are increased or cut down, would allthis mean anything but the accusation ofMoslems, including, or rather in the fore-front of whom Arabs? Why should thiscross the minds of U.S. officials unlessthey have basically assumed themselvesand their policy to be enemies of Arabsand Moslems?

Could this charge mean anything otherthan the desire to settle old scores, all

based on the assumption that their foreignpolicies are incompatible with the Ameri-can policy, or they do not give in to theU.S.-Zionist policy vis-á-vis the world andPalestine?

Consider statements by the U.S. offi-cials who say the war would be longbecause it is aimed at several states.

Notice the blackmail or better, the terror-ism they mean and which was designed toinclude several states and parties on a listthat could be longer or shorter in accor-dance with a policy of sheer terrorism andblackmail, first and foremost, the illusionthat Arabs and Moslems and the people ofPalestine would leave the arena for theaggression of the Zionist entity and itsvile imperialism.

These charges which were made withoutconsideration and in an instantaneous waymean that the mentality of the U.S.administration has been pre-loaded, priorto the incidence, even if we apply thenorms of today and not the norms of thelaw. It has made assumption tantamount toconclusive verdict, namely that Islam,with Arabs in the lead of Moslems areenemies of the U.S.. More precisely, theU.S. on the level of its rulers has taken itas a final verdict that it is the enemy of

Arabs and Moslems. In so doing, theyhave stored the final verdict in theirminds. On this basis, they built theirpreparation in advance. On this basis too,they prepared (the mind) of the computer,which was programmed on this assump-tion, which has taken the form of a con-clusive verdict. This reminds us of the freereins given to political writers, the so-called thinkers, including past heads ofstate and ministers who the Zionist policywanted, over the last ten or fifteen years toassume that faith based on the religion ofIslam with the ensuing implication is thenew enemy of the U.S. and the West and itis the backdrop against which Americanrulers act, with the participation of someWestern rulers who came under the pres-sure and interpretations of Zionist thoughtand scheming.

Obviously, this assumption is no longera pure assumption for the purpose ofscrutiny testing and examination. It hasbecome part and parcel of conclusive ver-dicts. That is why the verdict was instanta-neous, without consideration or waitingfor the evidence to have a basis, evidenceon which the pre-supposition is based inorder to be a conclusive one. The chargehas not only been made against all gov-ernments in Islamic or Arab states but alsoagainst all Islamic peoples, including theArab nation and to all designations, par-ties, states and governments whose poli-cies do not please the U.S., whose policiesand positions are not palatable to the U.S.in particular or because they call for theliberation of Palestine and a halt to theU.S. aggression on Iraq, and adherence totheir independence and their nations’ her-itage.

Any one who is surprised by this practi-cal conclusion, allowing courteous wordsto be said on the margin of verdicts toreplace it, has to contemplate our verdict:

The U.S. has declared it is at war. It isgearing up for war since the earlymoments in the wake of the incidence, asthough it were the opportunity those con-cerned have been waiting for. It has allo-cated the necessary funds for the war, orpart of them. Have you ever heard or readin the near on far history, of a state declar-ing war before even defining who itsenemy is? The opportunity to declare thestate of war came with the incidence thatbefell it. It is not yet known whether itwas carried out by a foreign enemy or

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The U.S. has declared it is at war. It isgearing up for war since the earlymoments in the wake of the incidence, asthough it were the opportunity thoseconcerned have been waiting for. It hasallocated the necessary funds for the war,or part of them. Have you ever heard orread in the near on far history, of a statedeclaring war before even defining whoits enemy is? The opportunity to declarethe state of war came with the incidencethat befell it. It is not yet known whetherit was carried out by a foreign enemy orfrom inside. Thus, the war declared byAmerica would cease to be a reason forthe incidence. Rather, it is the incidencethat has availed the opportunity to launchthe war, which has not been a result ofthe incidence under any circumstances!

from inside. Thus, the war declared byAmerica would cease to be a reason forthe incidence. Rather, it is the incidencethat has availed the opportunity to launchthe war, which has not been a result of theincidence under any circumstances!

One might contend it is the nature of theincidence, the scale of pain the Americanofficials felt as a result of what their peo-ples suffered, the embarrassment they feltdue to the sufferings that hit the peoplethere, that prompted American rulers torush to declare war. The suffering of thepeople is not caused by the incidencealone, but by the failure of the authoritiesconcerned which have been preoccupiedby hatching conspiracies abroad, assassi-nation and sabotage operations againstworld states and freedom-loving people.They rushed to declare war and name theparties so that they would leave no optionbut to launch the war. Once again, we say,could this be a reason and ground to facil-itate the charge and the subsequent resolu-tions, why should not it be a ground forothers as well?

If the fall in the whirlwind of rage, notthe pre-meditated planning, results intowar resolutions on their senior level insidethe U.S., why should not you expectsomeone to direct his fire to it under thepressure of similar considerations or dan-ger?

Once again we say that the U.S. admin-istration and those in the West who alliedthemselves with it against Arabs andMoslems, now and in the past, or ratheragainst the world, in all the arenas thatwitnessed the scourges of the alliance, arein need to take recourse to wisdom afterthey have had power at their disposal anddeployed it to such an extent that it ceasedto frighten those who experienced it. Dig-nity, the sovereignty of the homeland andthe freedom of the sincere man is a sacredcase, along with other sacred things whichreal Moslems uphold, including Arabswho are in the lead.

If this is the practical description of thepre-mediated intentions that decided waragainst Arabs and Moslems, while theparty that took the decision waits for acover to declare a war, and may launch itagainst those whom it has been bidingtime, could there be anyone who couldavert it other than God, the Almighty?Anyone other than the will of the peoples,when they become fully aware, after they

know and fear God, after they havebelieved in Him.

“For us Allah sufficeth, and He is thebest disposer of affairs.” (Holy Quran)

Once again we say that the peoples donot believe any more the slogans of theUnited States, accept those whom itintends evil against. Even when it says itis against terrorism, the United Statesdoesn’t apply this to the World, andaccording to the International Law. Butaccording to its will to impose what itwants on the World and refuse what itthinks might be harmful to it only, andexport the other kinds of it to the World.To certify this, could the United States tellits peoples how many organizations work-ing against their own countries are exist-ing in the United States? And how manyof those, the term terrorism could beapplied to if one standard is used and notthe double standards? And how many arethose it finances overtly and covertly?How many are those accused with killingand theft in other countries are now in theUnited States? If the United States pre-sents such inventory to its peoples and tothe World, and initiated implementing onestandard and one norm on its agents andthose it calls friends. And if it starts thesame storm against the killers in the Zion-ist entity responsible of killing Palestini-ans in occupied Palestine and in Tunis andLebanon. And if it charges its own secretservices with what they committed of spe-cial actions and assassinations they bragto publish in the form of stories. Onlythen one can believe the new Americanslogans that America is trying to makethem believe. Only then it becomes legiti-mate to ask the World to do what itbelieves is useful for its security and thesecurity of the World.

It is a chance to air an opinion whosetime has come. It is also addressed to thepeoples of the U.S. and the Western peo-ple in general. Zionism has been planningfor the domination of the world since itswell-known conference it convened inBasle in 1897. Ever since, it has beenworking in this direction. It has scoredsuccesses you can feel by controllingfinance, media and commerce centers inyour countries and whoever rules in yourname, here and there, in decision-makingcenters. But its domination is not yet ful-filled to have its will absolute and final.This could only be feasible when two

heavenly faiths upheld by the biggest blocin the world are thrown into conflict. Oth-erwise, Zionism would be denied theaccomplishment of all its ambitions. Themasterminds of Zionism are, therefore,working for a clash between Christianityand Islam on the assumption that this, andonly this, could secure the chance to dom-inate the world, when new opportunitiesopen up for their domination. Could therebe any better situation than that when thestealing dog finds his household pre-occu-pied by a grief so that it could win thething it has set its eye on, the thing thatwhetted its mouth? Would the sensiblemen in the West be aware of that? Orwould Zionism outsmart them to attain itsaims?


Please be seated. Welcome. Last week,America suffered greatly. Thousands ofour citizens lost lives. Thousands werehurt. But thousands of our citizens rose tothe occasion to help.

Last week was a really horrible weekfor America. But out of our tears and sad-ness, we saw the best of America as well.We saw a great country rise up to help.

Tens of millions of dollars and thou-sands of hours and tons of food and cloth-ing have all been donated to help rebuildshattered lives. Americans’ love for Amer-ica was channeled through our nation’sgreat charities. And as President of thisgreat land, nothing made me more proud.

In the week since the attack, our com-passion and generous citizens have led thefirst phase in the war on terrorism. Theyhave sustained and strengthened the homefront. Today, I’m joined by representativesof charities which have brought relief tocitizens in New York City and Virginia,Pennsylvania. We’ve got representatives offirefighters, police officers, entrepreneurswho have helped out all across America.

We’ve got many good citizens here whorepresent the large national charities likethe American Red Cross, the SalvationArmy, and the United Way. We’ve gotfolks here in the nation’s Rose Gardenwho represent the community-based pro-grams and faith-based programs, firefight-er and police associations, local business-es, nonprofits. Large and small, these

September 11, 2001


important charitable efforts are savinglives and, as importantly, are restoringhope.

I’m also joined by Libby Pataki, the bet-ter half of the Governor of New York.Tony Carbonetti, the Chief of Staff toRudy Giuliani, and my friends and formerfellow Governors—actually, they’re Gov-ernors, I was a former governor—JimGilmore and Tom Ridge. These Governorsand their wives and the Mayor of NewYork have shown impressive leadership—impressive leadership—in the face of thechallenges that faced their cities and theirstates.

They put public agencies on full alert toprovide immediate assistance to victimsand their families; and for all those whohelped, out nation is most grateful.They’ve called on the men and women ofthe National Guard to help maintain calmand order. And we thank those who wearthe uniform as well. And they’ve led andsupported valiant rescue workers in NewYork City and northern Virginia, whosebravery is seared into our national con-sciousness.

I was honored to be able to stand amidstthe rescue workers and looked in theireyes and saw the determination that wouldmake all Americans proud. In spite oftheir exhaustion, in spite of the fact thatthey had worked themselves into a state oftotal fatigue, they still wanted to keepfighting on for their fellow brothers andsisters trapped in the rubble.

Mayor Giuliani, and Pataki, have ledNew York City through its most difficultof all days, and they have done so withclass and bravery and distinction. And weowe them a debt of gratitude. The Mayor,the Governors, all New Yorkers, havedemonstrated the very best American val-ues to a world that has been watching tosee how our nation would react.

The world watches the great countrycalled America, and they say: What willthey do? What will Americans do? Andwhat they’ve seen is the best of America.They’ve seen leadership, they’ve seencourage, and as importantly, they’ve seencompassion.

Last evening marked the start of RoshHashana. In Jewish teaching, this holy dayis the anniversary of the creation of theworld. It is a season of renewal and ofhope, and people of every faith, all acrossAmerica, embraced that spirit of renewal

and hope. Funds in New York and Washington are

providing food, clothing and financialhelp to husbands and wives and sons anddaughters who suffer mightily. Citizensnear Ground Zero in New York have pro-vided sandwiches, drinks and cleanclothes to the tired and hungry rescueworkers.

And in one of America’s greatest tradi-tions, a handful of entrepreneurs fromSpringfield, Virginia collected $600 byselling lemonade, and gave it to the RedCross.

These acts of generosity and kindnessare spreading all across America. Thereare challenges that remain for those whosuffer today; make no mistake about it.We’ve got a lot of work to do as a nation.And these good efforts, these good, chari-table, compassionate efforts need the fullsupport of Americans everywhere.

People all across the country are askinghow they can help. What can they do toprovide hope. What can they do to helpheal the wounds by helping their fellowAmericans. Well, there are many ways tocontribute. Local stores and businesses onMain Street America are collecting moneyto send to appropriate relief and helpagencies. National media organizationsare helping collect. Internet portals pro-viding an interesting opportunity for peo-ple to contribute and provide their help.

Many of the charities, themselves, wel-come donations through web sites. So Iurge my fellow Americans to continuecontributing through web sites. If you’reinterested in helping, call up one of thegreat charities of America and contribute.

Thus far, I’m proud to report throughthe web sites of our charities, Americanshave donated $55 million in seven shortdays. Some of America’s high-tech lead-ers, AOL/Time Warner and Microsoft,Amazon, Ebay, Cisco Systems and Yahoohave joined together in a private effort toencourage on-line giving so that we canfunnel resources to help our citizens inneed.

They have formed what’s called “TheAmerican Liberty Partnership.” It has aweb site called libertyunites.org. And thiswill help Americans find out how to help.If a concerned American wants to help aneighbor in need, even though the neigh-borhood might not be right next to eachother, they can get on libertyunites.org,

and find out how to help. And I urge myfellow Americans to do so.

Americans can not only make on-linedonations, they can figure out where tosend food, where to donate blood, whereto give clothes. They can find out howbest to donate their time.

Now, it’s important to realize that at thismoment, many of our charities are over-whelmed by the public response. That’sthe kind of problem we like in America.But because the portals may be jammed,because the phones may be busy, is not anexcuse for Americans not to continue tofight to help their neighbors.

And so, I ask my fellow Americans tobe patient with those charities that wanttheir help, to keep trying to give, to notlose sight of the mission. And that is,we’ll fight terrorism on all fronts. We willnot be terrorized so that their hearts arehardened.

Nobody can threaten this country. Oh,they may be able to bomb buildings andobviously disrupt lives. But we’re toogreat a nation to allow the evil-doers toaffect our soul and our spirit.

Today, I herald the soul and spirit ofAmerica with live examples of peoplewho have made a huge difference, andthose who suffer and those who hurt. Thisis a great land. It’s a great land, becauseour people are so decent and strong andcompassionate.

God bless.

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Today I am signing Senate Joint Resolu-tion 23, the “Authorization for Use of Mil-itary Force.”

On September 11, 2001, terrorists com-mitted treacherous and horrific acts of vio-lence against innocent Americans andindividuals from other countries. Civilizednations and people around the world haveexpressed outrage at, and have unequivo-cally condemned, these attacks. Thosewho plan, authorize, commit, or aid terror-ist attacks against the United States and itsinterests—including those who harbor ter-rorists—threaten the national security ofthe United States. It is, therefore, neces-sary and appropriate that the United Statesexercise its rights to defend itself and pro-tect United States citizens both at home

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and abroad. In adopting this resolution in response

to the latest terrorist acts committedagainst the United States and the continu-ing threat to the United States and its citi-zens from terrorist activities, both Housesof Congress have acted wisely, decisively,and in the finest traditions of our country.I thank the leadership of both Houses fortheir role in expeditiously passing this his-toric joint resolution. I have had the bene-fit of meaningful consultations with mem-bers of the Congress since the attacks ofSeptember 11, 2001, and I will continueto consult closely with them as our Nationresponds to this threat to our peace andsecurity.

Senate Joint Resolution 23 recognizesthe seriousness of the terrorist threat toour Nation and the authority of the Presi-dent under the Constitution to take actionto deter and prevent acts of terrorismagainst the United States. In signing thisresolution, I maintain the longstandingposition of the executive branch regardingthe President’s constitutional authority touse force, including the Armed Forces ofthe United States and regarding the consti-tutionality of the War Powers Resolution.

Our whole Nation is unalterably com-mitted to a direct, forceful, and compre-hensive response to these terrorist attacksand the scourge of terrorism directedagainst the United States and its interests.

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As we have said, and I don’t think it canbe repeated enough, this is a very newtype of conflict, or battle or campaign orwar or effort, for the United States. We aremoving in a—as a result, we’re moving ina measured manner. As we gather infor-mation, we’re preparing appropriate cours-es of action. And as I’ve suggested, theyrun across the political and economic andfinancial, military, intelligence spectrum.

It’s not a matter of a single event. We’retalking about a very broadly based cam-paign to go after the terrorist problemwhere it exists, and it exists in countriesacross the globe. As I’ve indicated, thisone network, al Qaeda, that’s receiving somuch discussion and publicity, may haveactivities in 50 to 60 countries, including

the United States. Therefore, it will not be quick and it

will not be easy. Our adversaries are notone or two terrorist leaders, or even a sin-gle terrorist organization or network. It’s abroad network of individuals and organi-zations that are determined to terrorizeand, in so doing, to deny us the veryessence of what we are: free people.

The people who committed these actsare clearly determined to try to force theUnited States of America and our valuesto withdraw from the world or to respondby curtailing our freedoms. If we do that,the terrorists will have won, and we haveno intention of doing so.

We have a choice, either to change theway we live, which is unacceptable, or tochange the way that they live, and wehave—we chose the latter. We intend toput them on the defensive, to disrupt ter-rorist networks and remove their sanctuar-ies and their support systems. Thisrequires a distinctly different approachfrom any war that we have fought before.

In the past, we were used to dealingwith armies and navies and air forces andships and guns and tanks and planes. Thisadversary is different. It does not have anyof those things. It does not have high-value targets that we can go after. Butthose countries that support them and givesanctuary do have such targets. The terror-ists do not function in a vacuum.

They don’t live in Antarctica. Theywork, they train and they plan in coun-tries. They’re benefiting from the supportof governments. They’re benefiting fromthe support of non-governmental organiza-tions that are either actively supportingthem with money, intelligence andweapons or allowing them to function ontheir territory and tolerating if not encour-aging their activities. In either case, it hasto stop.

We’ll have to deal with the networks.One of the ways to do that is to drain theswamp they live in. And that means deal-ing not only with the terrorists, but thosewho harbor terrorists. This will take along, sustained effort. It will require thesupport of the American people as well asour friends and allies around the world.

And I must say that the support of theAmerican people has been overwhelming.Indeed, the support across the globe hasbeen overwhelming. It’s notable that hun-dreds and hundreds of citizens from more

than 30 or 40 or 50 countries died in thoseattacks. So the world has a stake in this aswell. And the world grieves.

I know that all Americans, and certainlythe men and women in uniform are up tothis challenge. The terrorists who did thisin my view will be seen to have made amistake. They thought they could frightenAmericans into retreat and inaction, andthey will find that Americans have nointention of withdrawing from the worldin fear.

I’ll be happy to respond to questions.Charlie.

Q. Mr. Secretary, due probably in nosmall part to your admonition aboutreleasing classified information, nobodyin this building is saying anything aboutmovements of troops—or planes or any-thing. Do you—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Good! God blessthem.

Q. Do you plan beyond the 35,500that you identified for call-up, mostlyfor homeland defense, do you plan foror think there will be a need to call upforces for offensive operations in thiswar, as you say, on terror?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The best defenseagainst terrorists is an offense. You simplycannot batten down the hatches and try tocope with every conceivable thing any ter-rorist could imagine to do. I mean, they’realready done some unimaginable things.The only answer is to take the effort tothem where they are.

With respect to reservists, the presi-dent’s authorization that I recommended isone, as I recall, that is up to 50,000Reserve-Guard combined. [ Executiveorder ] And we have at the moment noplans beyond the 35. And it is purelygoing to be a decision as to how long wehave to do various things and what spe-cialties seem to be the most in short sup-ply. And that task is going forward. Dr.David Chu is working with the services,and they are proceeding to analyze that.

Q. Just one brief question. I realizeyou won’t discuss operations and all,but there’s been much talk aboutAfghanistan and, at the same time, justhow extremely difficult it would be to

September 11, 2001


do anything that would work inAfghanistan.

Secretary Rumsfeld. That’s true.

Q. How do you root them out ofAfghanistan? How do you find them?How do you strike them?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think that onehas to find ways to alter behavior. And asI’ve indicated, that runs across the spec-trum. You’re quite right; Afghanistan is avery poor country. It is a country that hashad—several countries have exhaustedthemselves pounding that country andfighting. And as I think I’ve mentioned, ithas a gross domestic product per capita ofsomething like $700, $800, $900 per per-son a year. So it is—there are not greatthings of value that are easy to deal with.And what we’ll have to do is exactly whatI said—use the full spectrum of our capa-bilities.

Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said that theUnited States would not be intimidated,would not be frightened by what hashappened. Yet the building in which youwork has become an armed camp. Yourown top generals were unable to gethere for hours this morning; there weretraffic jams created that would bepotential targets for terrorists well out-side of the Pentagon. It looks like theyhave succeeded, that they’re winning.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, in a sense,you’re right. Any time Americans altertheir behavior because of a clear and visi-ble threat to their lives, those that did thethreatening have achieved some portion oftheir goal. What we’ve got to do is to findways to see that those traffic jams areeliminated—and I’m sure we will, in aday or two—and to attempt to get back toas normal a situation—but as the presidentindicated, with a heightened awarenessand vigilance, because it would be naiveto think that there are no potential threats.There are.

Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, this morning—

Secretary Rumsfeld. And the inconve-nience is something that I think, for the

most part, people are willing to undergo,given the fact that it has required a signifi-cant change. If you look at the number offirefighters and the Red Cross and the Sal-vation Army and every conceivable orga-nization out there, police—trying to getthe bodies out of this building, it’s not asurprise that some of the roadways areblocked and that they’re using the parkinglot there for taking the materials from thebuilding and sifting through them and try-ing to find bodies and trying to find classi-fied material. And it is a very difficultwhole set of problems that the people aretrying to manage here, in a way thatinconveniences people to the least possi-ble way.

Q. But your own generals are nottrusted to park their cars near thebuilding because they supposedly fearthat your generals’ cars would havebombs in them?

Secretary Rumsfeld. To the extent thatthere is a heightened alert, it tends to bebecause there is intelligence that suggeststhat’s a prudent thing to do. It takes a lotof dogs to check under cars. And eventhough a car may belong to a perfectlyresponsible individual, it is not necessarilyphysically in their custody 24 hours a day.And they may not be aware of somethingthat could have been done to the vehicle.Now, if that’s the case, and the dogs arebusy doing other things, which they are, itseems to me not unreasonable. And Iwould cast it slightly differently. I wouldsay that what we’ve got here is a distinctlydifferent circumstance in the Pentagon,and the people are dealing with it, in myview, in a very professional way, and Ithink that for the most part the peopleinconvenienced are as well.

Q. Before I ask my question, I want tofollow up on Jack’s. Are you saying thatthere is credible intelligence that thePentagon is still a target of terroristattack?

Secretary Rumsfeld. No. What I’msaying is that, as the president indicated,it’s important to get back to work, and it’simportant to get about your business. Butas we know, Washington National’s notopen. Why? Well, because it is so close toso many very high-value targets that it

would not be a wise thing to do until wemanage that. People are being inconve-nienced at airports with their baggage.The baggage checks are considerablymore careful—much more careful than inthe past. It’s all of those things that arequite understandable, it seems to me.

Q. To follow up on something you saidearlier, you said that terrorist—statesthat support these terrorists do havearmies, do have navies.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Some.

Q. Right, some do. The State Depart-ment has—I forget what the list is—sixor seven identified terrorist states. Areyou this morning declaring war onthese nations that harbor terrorists?

Secretary Rumsfeld. No. What I’msaying is that the United States of Ameri-ca has been savagely attacked by terror-ists. Those terrorists live and work andfunction and are fostered and financed andencouraged, if not just tolerated, by aseries of countries on this globe. And weare saying that we think that is strikingdirectly at the way of life of the Americanpeople, and that we intend to find ways toalter that behavior.

Q. And you said this morning alsothat we have to drain the swamp. To dothat, you sometimes have to get muddy.Is the United States prepared to sus-pend or ignore some legal requirements,burden of proof, to go after people whohave long been identified as suspect ter-rorists, but the U.S. hasn’t been able toget at, because they just don’t have thekind of conclusive evidence to take tocourt?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The president hasindicated that he intends to take this attackto the terrorists. And he intends to findways to persuade the countries that areharboring terrorists to stop doing that. Ithink of it in the sense of self-defense, andthere is nothing that inhibits the UnitedStates of America from defending itself.And that is what we intend to do.

Q. Mr. Secretary, American planesdropped two targets in southern Iraqtoday, and I was wondering if you could

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elaborate, if you’ve seen any change inthe behavior of Iraqi forces since theattacks last week, or—

Secretary Rumsfeld. The action bycoalition forces in Iraq were part of a verynormal pattern that has been under waythroughout the time I’ve been in theDepartment and before.

To the extent that the Iraqi governmentcontinues to fire at coalition aircraft and tomove air defense capabilities in thoseareas where we operate, in the no-flyzones, we intend to keep taking actionagainst those capabilities—radars, com-munications systems, SAM sites, AAA,and the like—and that’s what took place.

Q. Sir, could you explain your com-ments this morning on CBS when yousaid you didn’t want to provide evi-dence to the Taliban of Osama binLaden’s involvement in this, if there isany? General Zinni in October told theSenate Armed Services Committeethat’s exactly the route he would recom-mend that people go—in presenting thisevidence so that the world can see theirguilt. Could you explain what your con-cern would be in providing—is it thatthey’d alert individuals, and—

Secretary Rumsfeld. It is a dilemma.What happens is the United States ofAmerica and our friends around the worldgather information to provide for theirnational security. There are pieces of intel-ligence information that come in that wedo in fact expose to foreign countries fromtime to time. We do it to make a persua-sive case. Sometimes we have to do it in acourt of law. We do it, for example, alsowith respect to counterproliferationefforts, where we’re trying to get countriesto stop their people from spreadingweapons of mass destruction across theglobe.

You have to be very careful in doing it,because if you do it, you are running therisk that you will compromise a source ofinformation or a method of gatheringinformation. And to the extent you com-promise a source or a method of gatheringinformation, you have damaged yourself,because we have found that when we dothat, frequently when we do that—notalways when we do that, but frequentlywhen we do it, within a relatively short

period of time, that source of informationdries up, and they find other methods ofcommunicating or other methods of pro-viding information or dealing with eachother, or that method becomes less usefulover a period of time.

Now, you have to balance your nationalsecurity interest in getting someone tostop a specific act against your nationalsecurity interest in being able to continueto gather information and know what’staking place. So it is not a simple matter.

And those are calculations that ultimate-ly get made. And it’s a balance—what areyou getting for what you’re giving up?And how satisfied are you? It’s not dis-similar from the problem when you—aspy is captured and people, instead ofprosecuting them vigorously, end up mak-ing an arrangement with them to try tofind out what they compromised, so thatyou can save people’s lives. And yet you,on the other hand, don’t punish the indi-vidual to the extent that they merit it.

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Members of the Security Council heard afull briefing by Under-Secretary-GeneralPrendergast on the political, military andhumanitarian situation in Afghanistan,including the dire consequences of Talibanrule for the Afghan people.

There is one and only one message theSecurity Council has for the Taliban:implement United Nations Security Coun-cil resolutions, in particular resolution1333, immediately and unconditionally.

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President Bush and President MegawatiSoekarnoputri of Indonesia deliveredtheir remarks at a press conference atthe White House.

President Bush. President Megawati wasjust telling me she had visited Washington

during President Kennedy’s time. It is myhonor to welcome you back to Washing-ton and to the Oval Office as President ofyour great nation.

I look forward to having a very gooddiscussion about our relations, as well aswhat we’re going to do as people wholove freedom about terrorism. And I wantto thank you very much for your strongstatements of support for the Americanpeople, and your strong statement againstterrorist activities. It meant a lot to us. Yourepresent the nation with the most Muslimpeople in the world. I’ve made it clear,Madam President, that the war against ter-rorism is not a war against Muslims, noris it a war against Arabs. It’s a war againstevil people who conduct crimes againstinnocent people.

And so, welcome to Washington, D.C. Ilook forward to a long discussion. I appre-ciate so very much your vision for yourvery important country. Welcome.

President Megawati. Thank you, Mr.President. I will speak in Indonesian. I’mvery honored to be your guest here today,even though we are in a moment of grief.I would like to express on behalf of thepeople and government of Indonesia ourdeep condolences to the American people.And we share this moment of grief withyou.

I also want to say thank you, becauseeven though you’re having a differenttime, you’re still able to meet me in thisplace which I’m quite familiar with.Thank you very much, Mr. President.

Q. Mr. President, do you have anyreason to believe Iraq is connected withthe terrorist attack? And if so, whatwould your response be?

And could I ask your guest if shecould respond to her Vice Presidentsaying that the tragedy would cleansethe sins of the United States?

President Bush. First, let me—anybodywho harbors terrorists needs to fear theUnited States and the rest of the freeworld. Anybody who houses a terrorist,encourages terrorism will be held account-able. And we are gathering all evidence onthis particular crime and other crimesagainst freedom-loving people.

And I would strongly urge any nation inthe world to reject terrorism, expel terror-

September 11, 2001


ists. I would strongly urge the Taliban toturn over the al Qaeda organizers whohide in their country. We’re—we’re on thecase. We’re gathering as much evidence aswe possibly can to be able to make ourcase to the world about all countries andtheir willingness to harbor or not harborterrorists.

Q. A specific message to Iraq?

President Bush. The message to everycountry is, there will be a campaignagainst terrorist activity, a worldwide cam-paign. And there is an outpouring of sup-port for such a campaign. Freedom-lovingpeople understand that terrorism knows noborders, that terrorists will strike in orderto bring fear, to try to change the behaviorof countries that love liberty. And we willnot let them do that.

Now, this is a campaign in whichnations will contribute in a variety ofways. Some nations will be willing to joinin a very overt way. Other nations will bewilling to join by sharing information—and information in a campaign such asthis is going to be incredibly important.It’s very important for us to be able to findwhere these people are.

There’s going to need to be a cam-paign—there needs to be a financial com-ponent of the campaign, where we need tocooperate to make sure we cut off funds,find these organizations that serve as frontgroups for funding these terrorist cells.

And so my message to all nations is welook forward to full cooperation.

Did you have a question for the Presi-dent?

Q. Yes. Could you respond, please, tothe Vice President of your country whosaid that the tragedy will cleanse—

President Megawati. After I heard andwitnessed and saw what happened, thetragic events in New York and Washing-ton, I immediately issued a statementwhich strongly condemned these attacks,which were very inhumane. And after-wards I sent a letter to President Bush,expressing my condolences. So this is theposition of my government on this issue.So it’s very clear.

Q. Mr. President, since you’vedeclared war against terrorism, there

are a number of countries who seem tobe saying, not so fast. China, in particu-lar, said that any strike must be preced-ed by irrefutable evidence. Others haveraised concerns about civilian casual-ties. So the first question is, are you nowprepared to provide such irrefutableevidence to countries, and what in yourmind is the biggest challenge that youface in trying to construct this coali-tion?

President Bush. Well, first of all, we’lldo what we need to do to achieve the firstobjective of a long campaign. And the firstobjective is to bring people to justice whowe feel like committed this particular setof atrocities, and to hold the organizationaccountable and to hold those who harborthem accountable. That’s the first objec-tive of a very long campaign.

David, I think that the real challenge forAmerica and our allies in this effort is todo a couple of things: One, condition theworld, starting with our own country, thatthis will be a different kind of battle,series of battles; that they will be foughtvisibly sometimes, and sometimes we’llnever see what may be taking place; thatthe—and that we fully understand thatsome nations will be comfortable support-ing overt activities, some nations will becomfortable supporting covert activities,some nations will only be comfortable inproviding information, others will be help-ful and only feel comfortable helping onfinancial matters. I understand that. Third-ly, as these various—as the campaignevolves, some nations may take a moreactive role than others.

The mind-set of war must change. It is adifferent type of battle. It’s a different typeof battlefield. It’s a different type of war.And that, in itself, is going to be a realchallenge for America and those othernations who understand that, becausesometimes—look, the mission is to rootout terrorist activities. And there’s a vari-ety of ways in which that can happen.

Clearly, one of our focuses is to get peo-ple out of their caves, smoke them out, getthem moving and get them—is about asplainly as I can put it. And we’re focusedon that. But we’re also focused, and werecognize that the al Qaeda organizationexists in some 60-plus countries, andwe’re beginning to work with othernations that are receptive to the notion of

fighting terrorism, and say, help us roundup these people; you can play a construc-tive role.

We fully understand that certain NGOs,nongovernmental organizations, serve asfronts, as a funding mechanism for terror-ist organizations. We expect there to beactivity on those fronts, as well.

So the challenge is to redefine the termsof the conflict, the campaign, in a waythat the leaders understand, and in a waythat the people of the world understand.There’s a certain impatience with war ofthe past. People demand a certain clarityof a specific battlefield. But this is thefirst—this is a new type of struggle. It’sreally the first series of battles in the 21stcentury.

Again I repeat, terrorism knows no bor-ders, it has no capital, but it does have acommon ideology, and that is they hatefreedom, and they hate freedom-lovingpeople. And they particularly hate Ameri-ca at this moment. But many leadersunderstand that what happened in NewYork City and Washington, D.C. couldhave easily have happened in their capital,as well.

It’s a long answer to a short question.

Q. Can I follow on one point? Do youto your mind have irrefutable evidencethat links al Qaeda, and specificallyOsama bin Laden to these attacks?

President Bush. When we take action,we will take action because we believe—because we know we’ll be on the right.And I want to remind people that therehave been terrorist activities on Americain the past, as well. And there has been—indictments have been handed down.

This is a war not against a specific indi-vidual, nor will it be a war against solelyone organization. It is a war against terror-ist activities. Our nation must do every-thing we can to protect the homeland, andwe are. The Attorney General briefs on adaily basis, as the Director of the FBI,talking about what we’re doing to do thebest we can to protect the American peo-ple from any further activity.

But the best way to make sure thatAmerica is safe, the people of Indonesiaare safe, is to find terrorism at its rootsand to root it out, to get them out of theircaves and get them moving, cut off theirfinances, and hold them accountable.

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Q. Mr. President, now that ChairmanArafat has said he was willing to fightterrorism and he wants to join yourcoalition, are you willing to talk to him?

And, President Megawati, a quickquestion is, are you able to offer yourgovernment and your people’s supportfor this coalition, or do you have thatsupport in your country?

President Bush. Let me first—I wouldhope that Chairman Arafat backs up hisstrong statement with action. We take hiswords very seriously that he is interestedin doing everything he can to reduce ter-rorism and violence in the Middle East.That was a very positive statement hemade. And I hope he stays focused onachieving the goal he stated. And so tothat end, our administration and our gov-ernment is continuing to talk to ChairmanArafat to encourage him to live up to hiswords, and at the same time, working withthe Israelis to encourage them to seize themoment.

Progress is being made. Madam Presi-dent, I said at the time, through my tears Isee opportunity. One of the opportunities Isaw was the ability not to put—not onlyfor freedom-loving nations to cometogether to say resolutely we will fight ter-rorism, but I felt like there would be—thisevent may shake up the attitudes of theMiddle East where people would end upresolving to show the world that therecould be peace there as well.

And progress is being made. And I wantto tell the American people, the Secretaryof State—even though we’re focused onwhat happened in New York and Washing-ton, D.C., we’re also very much involvedin the Middle East. And Secretary Powellwas on the phone yesterday with leadersin the Middle East, urging them to seizethis moment. And so we have a sense of—we now have a sense of optimism thatsomething positive may take place in theMiddle East.

Q. Are you able to offer the supportof your country to this coalition againstterrorism?

President Megawati. Indonesia hasalways been against violence. Anythingthat relates to violence, including acts ofterrorism, we will definitely be against it.

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President George W. Bush and PresidentMegawati Soekarnoputri today con-demned the September 11, 2001 attackson the United States and pledged tostrengthen existing cooperation in theglobal effort to combat international ter-rorism. On behalf of the 210 million peo-ple of Indonesia, President Megawatiexpressed her deepest sympathies to theAmerican people and pledged solidaritywith the United States in this hour ofgrief. Noting that the victims includedinnocent civilians of many nationalities,including an Indonesian citizen, the twoleaders agreed that these indiscriminateattacks have no place in a civilized world.

The two Presidents reaffirmed theircommitment to the principles of religiousfreedom and tolerance in relations withinand among nations. As leader of theworld’s largest Muslim population andthird largest democracy, PresidentMegawati joined President Bush in under-lining the importance of differentiatingbetween the religion of Islam and the actsof violent extremists. Emphasizing thatIslam is a religion of peace that neitherteaches hatred nor condones violence,President Megawati encouraged PresidentBush in his stated purpose of building abroad coalition across religious lines andcultures to deal with these new and dan-gerous threats. She further emphasized theimportance of taking into account theviews of the Muslim world as the UnitedStates leads an appropriate response to theevents of September 11. Noting that Islamis the fastest growing religion in the Unit-ed States, President Bush assured Presi-dent Megawati that the American peoplerespect Islam as one of the world’s greatreligions and that the United States wouldjoin hands with freedom-loving people ofall religions to combat transnational terror.


My dear countrymen, Asslam-o-Alaikum:The situation confronting the nation

today and the international crisis haveimpelled me to take the nation into confi-dence. First of all, I would like to expressheartfelt sympathies to the United Statesfor the thousands of valuable lives lost inthe United States due to horrendous actsof terrorism. We are all the more grievedbecause in this incident people from about45 countries from all over the world losttheir lives. People of all ages old, chil-dren, women and people from all andevery religion lost their lives. Many Pak-istanis also lost their lives. These peoplewere capable Pakistanis who had gone toimprove their lives.

On this loss of lives I express my sym-pathies with those families. I pray to Allahto rest their souls in peace. This act of ter-rorism has raised a wave of deep grief,anger and retaliation in the United States.Their first target from day one is Osamabin Laden’s movement Al-Qaida aboutwhich they say that it is their first target.The second target are Taliban and that isbecause Taliban have given refuge toOsama and his network. This has beentheir demand for many years. They havebeen demanding their extradition and pre-sentation before the international court ofjustice. Taliban have been rejecting this.

The third target is a long war againstterrorism at the international level. Thething to ponder is that in these three tar-gets nobody is talking about war againstIslam or the people of Afghanistan. Pak-istan is being asked to support this cam-paign. What is this support? Generallyspeaking, these are three important thingsin which America is asking for our help.First is intelligence and informationexchange, second support is the use of ourairspace and the third is that they are ask-ing for logistic support from us.

I would like to tell you now that they donot have any operational plan right now.Therefore we do not have any details onthis count but we know that whatever arethe United States’ intentions they have thesupport of the U.N. Security Council andthe General Assembly in the form of aresolution. This is a resolution for war

September 11, 2001


against terrorism and this is a resolutionfor punishing those people who supportterrorism. Islamic countries have support-ed this resolution. This is the situation asit prevailed in the outside world.

Now I would like to inform you aboutthe internal situation. Pakistan is facing avery critical situation and I believe thatafter 1971, this is the most critical period.The decision we take today can have far-reaching and wide- ranging consequences.The crisis is formidable and unprecedent-ed. If we take wrong decisions in this cri-sis, it can lead to worst consequences. Onthe other hand, if we take right decisions,its results will be good. The negative con-

sequences can endanger Pakistan’s integri-ty and solidarity. Our critical concerns,our important concerns can come underthreat. When I say critical concerns, Imean our strategic assets and the cause ofKashmir. If these come under threat itwould be a worse situation for us.

On the other hand, we can re-emergepolitically as a responsible and dignifiednation and all our difficulties can be mini-mized. I have considered all these factorsand held consultations with those whohold different opinions. I met the corpscommanders, National Security Council

and the Federal Cabinet. I interacted withthe media. I invited the religious scholarsand held discussions with them. I metpoliticians. I also invited intellectuals. Iwill be meeting with the tribal chiefs andKashmiri leaders tomorrow. This is thesame process of consultation that I heldearlier. I noted that there was difference ofopinion but an overwhelming majorityfavors patience, prudence and wisdom.Some of them, I think about ten percentfavored sentimental approach.

Let us now take a look at the designs ofour neighboring country. They offered alltheir military facilities to the UnitedStates. They have offered without hesita-tion, all their facilities, all their bases andfull logistic support. They want to enterinto any alliance with the Unites Statesand get Pakistan declared a terrorist state.They want to harm our strategic assets andthe Kashmir cause. Not only this, recentlycertain countries met in Dushanbe. Indiawas one of them. Indian representativewas there. What do the Indians want? theydo not have common borders withAfghanistan anywhere. It is totally isolat-ed from Afghanistan. In my view, it wouldnot be surprising, that the Indians want toensure that if and when the government inAfghanistan changes, it shall be an anti-Pakistan government.

It is very important that while the entireworld is talking about this horrible terror-ist attack, our neighboring country insteadof talking peace and cooperation, was try-ing hard to harm Pakistan and defameIslam. If you watch their television, youwill find them dishing out propagandaagainst Pakistan, day in and day out. Iwould like to tell India “Lay off.”

Pakistan’s armed forces and every Pak-istani citizen is ready to offer any sacrificein order to defend Pakistan and secure itsstrategic assets. Make no mistake andentertain no misunderstanding. At thisvery moment our Air Force is at highalert; and they are ready for “Do or die”Missions My countrymen! In such a situa-tion, a wrong decision can lead to unbear-able losses. What are our critical concernsand priorities? These are four;

1. First of all is the security of the coun-try and external threat.

2. Second is our economy and itsrevival.

3. Third are our strategic nuclear andmissile assets.

4. And Kashmir cause. The four are our critical concerns. Any

wrong judgement on our part can damageall our interests. While taking a decision,we have to keep in mind all these factors.The decision should reflect supremacy ofrighteousness and it should be in confor-mity with Islam. Whatever we are doing,it is according to Islam and it upholds theprinciple of righteousness. I would like tosay that decisions about the national inter-ests should be made with wisdom andrational judgement. At this moment, it isnot the question of bravery or cowardice.We are all very brave. My own responsein such situations is usually of daring. Butbravery without rational judgement tanta-mounts to stupidity. There is no clashbetween bravery and sound judgement.Allah Almighty says in the holy Quran,“The one bestowed with sagacity is theone who get a big favor from Allah”.

We have to take recourse to sanity. Wehave to save our nation from damage. Wehave to build up; our national respect.“Pakistan comes first, everything elsecomes later”. Some scholars and religiousleaders are inclined towards taking emo-tional decisions. I would like to remindthem the events of the first six years of thehistory of Islam. The Islamic calendarstarted from migration. The significanceof migration is manifested from the factthat the Holy Prophet (PBUH) went fromMakkah to Madina. He (PBUH) migratedto safeguard Islam. What was migration?God forbid, was it an act of cowardice?The Holy Prophet (PBUH) signed thecharter of Madinah (Meesaq-e-Madinah)with the Jewish tribes. It was an act ofsagacity. This treaty remained effective forsix years. Three battles were fought withnon-believers of Makkiah during this peri-od—the battle of Badr, Uhad and Khan-daq. The Muslims emerged victorious inthese battles with the non-believers ofMakkah because the Jews had signed atreaty with the Muslims.

After six years, the Jews were visiblydisturbed with the progress of Islam,which was getting stronger and stronger.They conspired to forge covert relationswith the non-believers of Makkah. Realiz-ing the danger, the Holy Prophet (PBUH)signed the treaty of Hudaibiya with theMakkhans who had been imposing warson Islam. This was a no war pact. I wouldlike to draw your attention to one signifi-

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The decision we take today can have far-reaching and wide- ranging consequences.The crisis is formidable andunprecedented. If we take wrongdecisions in this crisis, it can lead toworst consequences. On the other hand, ifwe take right decisions, its results will begood. The negative consequences canendanger Pakistan’s integrity andsolidarity. Our critical concerns, ourimportant concerns can come underthreat. When I say critical concerns, Imean our strategic assets and the causeof Kashmir. If these come under threat itwould be a worse situation for us.

On the other hand, we can re-emergepolitically as a responsible and dignifiednation and all our difficulties can be mini-mized.

cant point of this pact. The last portion ofthe pact was required to be signed by theHoly Prophet (PBUH) as MuhammadRasool Allah.

The non-believers contested that theydid not recognize Muhammad (PBUH) asthe Prophet of Allah. They demanded toerase these words from the text of thetreaty. The Holy Prophet(PBUH) agreedbut Hazrat Umar (R.A) protested againstit. He got emotional and asked the HolyProphet (PBUH) if he was not the messen-ger of God (God forbid) and whether theMuslims were not on the right path whilesigning the treaty. The Holy Prophet(PBUH) advised Hazrat Umar (R.A) notto be led by emotions as the dictates ofnational thinking demanded signing of thetreaty at that time. He (PBUH) said, thiswas advantageous to Islam and as yearswould pass by you would come to knowof its benefits. “This is exactly what hap-pened.” Six months later in the battle ofKhyber, Muslims, by the grace of Allah,again became victorious. It should beremembered that this became possiblebecause Makkhans could not attackbecause of the treaty. On 8 Hijra by thegrace of Allah glory of Islam spread toMakkah. What is the lesson for us in this?The lesson is that when there is a crisissituation, the path of wisdom is better thanthe path of emotions. Therefore, we haveto take a strategic decision. There is noquestion of weakness of faith or cow-ardice.

For Pakistan, life can be sacrificed and Iam sure every Pakistani will give his lifefor Pakistan. I have fought two wars. Ihave seen dangers. I faced them and bythe grace of Allah never committed a cow-ardly act. But at this time one should notbring harm to the country. We cannotmake the future of a hundred and fortymillion people bleak. Even otherwise it issaid in Shariah that if there are two diffi-culties at a time and a selection has to bemade it is better to opt for the lesser one.

Some of our friends seem to be muchworried about Afghanistan. I must tellthem that I and my government are muchmore worried about Afghanistan and Tal-iban. I have done everything forAfghanistan and Taliban when the entireworld is against them. I have met abouttwenty to twenty five world leaders andtalked to each of them in favor of the Tal-iban. I have told them that sanctions

should not be imposed on Afghanistan andthat we should engage them. I have beenrepeating this stance before all leaders butI am sorry to say that none of our friendsaccepted this.

Even in this situation, we are trying ourbest to cooperate with them. I sent Direc-tor General ISI with my personal letter toMullah Umar. He returned after spendingtwo days there. I have informed MullahUmar about the gravity of the situation.We are trying our best to come out of thiscritical situation without any damage toAfghanistan and Taliban. This is myearnest endeavor and with the blessings ofAllah I will continue to seek such a wayout. We are telling the Americans too thatthey should be patient. Whatever theirplans, they should be cautious and bal-anced: We are asking them to come upwith whatever evidence they have againstOsama bin Laden; What I would like toknow is how do we save Afghanistan andTaliban. And how do we ensure that theysuffer minimum losses: I am sure that youwill favor that we do so and bring someimprovement by working with the nationsof the world. At this juncture, I am wor-ried about Pakistan only. I am theSupreme Commander of Pakistan and Igive top priority to the defense of Pak-istan, Defense of any other country comeslater.

We want to take decisions in the interestof Pakistan. I know that the majority ofthe people favor our decisions. I alsoknow that some elements are trying totake unfair advantage of the situation andpromote their personal agenda andadvance the interests of their parties. Theyare poised to create dissensions and dam-age the country. There is no reason whythis minority should be allowed to holdthe sane majority as a hostage. I appeal toall Pakistanis to display unity and solidari-ty and foil the nefarious designs of suchelements who intend to harm the interestsof the country. At this critical juncture, wehave to frustrate the evil designs of ourenemies and safeguard national interests.Pakistan is considered a fortress of Islam.God forbid, if this fortress is harmed inany way it would cause damage to thecause of Islam. My dear countrymen,Have trust in me the way you reposedtrust in me before going to Agra. I did notdisappoint the nation there. We have notcompromised on national honor and

integrity and I shall not disappoint you onthis occasion either. This is firm pledge toyou. In the end before I take your leave, Iwould like to end with the prayer ofHazrat Musa (A.S)( Prophet Moses) asgiven in Sura-e-Taha: “May Allah openmy chest, make my task easier, untie mytongue so that they may comprehend myintent”.

May Allah be with us in our endeavors. Pakistan Paindabad.

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President Vladimir Putin was interviewedby German ARD Television.

Q. At this moment an increasing num-ber of signs attest that the Americanswill respond and not only respond, butalso perhaps they will really deliver anarmed strike at Afghanistan. If thisoccurs, what will be the reaction ofRussia?

President Putin. We believe that, as Ialready said, evil without a doubt must bepunished. Moreover the response to theaggression with which the United Stateshas been confronted must be prompt. We,of course, believe that the generally recog-nized international rules will be observedand the United States will consult as ittakes decisions with its allies as well: withthe direct NATO allies, with Russia andwith other leading powers of the world.That’s why the Minister of Foreign Affairsof the Russian Federation, Mr. Ivanov, isin Washington today.

Q. How far are you willing to go incooperation with the USA and withNATO if a military strike is delivered?Is it conceivable that Russia will giveconsent to the use of airfields on theCIS territory, for example, in Tajik-istan?

President Putin. You said: CIS—thismeans the Commonwealth of IndependentStates. These states are independent in thetrue sense of the word. We, of course,have certain influence, just as they havesome on us. We all come from one state—the Soviet Union—we have many ties, we

September 11, 2001


economically are present there quiteweightily, but political decisions of thiskind these states make independently.That’s the first point.

Second, as regards the possible involve-ment of Russia, we are ready to cooperatewith the United States in the struggleagainst terrorism in the broadest terms.We haven’t yet had any specific requestson this question, but security services havelong since been cooperating. The questionis, this cooperation should be taken to anew qualitative level. We are ready forthis. And, of course (I cannot fail to saythat), all of our actions must and will be infull conformity with Russian law and theinternational obligations assumed by Rus-sia and the rules of international law.

Q. Is it conceivable that, for example,Russian forces will act in this case onthe United States’ and NATO’s side, ordo you rule out such a possibility?

President Putin. You know our posi-tion, it is a principled one. The use of theArmed Forces outside the Russian Federa-tion, in the first place, calls in our countryfor a special legislative procedure andrequires endorsement by the FederalCouncil, that is the upper house of theRussian parliament.

Besides that, use of the Armed Forces inthird countries may occur only by a deci-sion of the Security Council of the UnitedNations. We have up until now observedthese rules and intend to do so. But thisdoes not mean that we cannot discussquestions of this kind and together withour partners think over a possible responsein connection with the terrorist acts.

I must say that members of the U.N.Security Council, in any case its perma-nent members, have wholly and entirelyidentified themselves with the UnitedStates and support the struggle against ter-rorism. Only yesterday, as I already said, Italked with the President of the People’sRepublic of China, who also stressed thathis country did not accept terrorism in anyof its manifestations and was willing tocooperate with the international communi-ty in the struggle against this evil, whichis becoming ever more dangerous.

Q. You said the United Nations mustdeal with this question. But won’t thatbecome a brake, that is to say, it will be

impossible to act so long as a protracteddebate goes on there, weighing up someor other positions for a long time, whilethere is the perfectly clear interest ofthe USA in using military force as soonas possible?

President Putin. I have sufficientlyclearly defined my position at the firstreaction after the terrorists dealt theirstrike against the United States. I said thatthis was a strike against the whole ofhumanity, at least against the entire civi-lized world, of which Russia considersitself a part. Therefore we regard the strikeagainst the United States in the broadestsense as a strike against the entire civi-lized world. In this sense we do not divideour interests with those of other countries,including with the interests of the UnitedStates.

I believe responses to the most mali-cious, most dangerous manifestations ofterrorism ought to be sufficiently effectiveand quick. The involvement of Russia insuch actions, I repeat, is limited to Rus-sia’s internal laws and our commitmentsto our partners. So far we have receivedno specific proposals. And, of course, wewill make our decisions, bearing in mindthe level and nature of our partnershipwith the United States and with the NATOcountries.

Q. I would like now to turn to theexample of the struggle against terror-ism, which exists in your own country, Imean Chechnya. You are operatingthere against armed terrorist groupsand here, probably, no one will objectto you now, especially in view of theevents now occurring. And yet, despitethis, I will ask you a question.

You have operated by military means,but these actions were directed alsoagainst the civilian population, amongwhom there were also many casualties.Two years on, this conflict still has notbeen resolved by military means. As itseems to us. You have still not managedto win the hearts of the peaceful popu-lation there. Does this method of actionnot mean that as a matter of fact, youare engendering new terrorism whileyou are combating the old one? I meanby acting with such means.

President Putin. The struggle against

terrorism cannot, must not and is not lim-ited to military methods, if we want toachieve positive results.

As to our plans, military plans in theCaucasus, they have been achieved. And Icannot agree with you that our militaryactions there have not led to the resultswhich we had expected. Indeed, we didn’texpect any other results. We’ve destroyedlarge bases of terrorists, have destroyedtheir organized structures, they don’t exist.We set ourselves this task, and it has beenachieved. But we never really thought thatthe very roots of this phenomenon couldbe fully eradicated there in a year and ahalf or two. That requires lots of intense,large and many-sided work. This work isassociated with improving the social-eco-nomic standard of living for the popula-tion of the North Caucasus and Chechnya,in particular. This is associated with cul-tural work, it is associated with religious-ideological work, because we must offerthe bulk of the population something otherthan the man-hating ideas being put for-ward by religious fanatics.

As for the peaceful population, I drawyour attention to the fact that we used tobe told eighteen months back we wouldnever find a single Chechen who wouldcooperate with federal forces in the slight-est way. Today a civil administration ofChechnya has been established, in eachdistrict the heads of administrations work,Chechens by nationality, and bandits keepstriking at them. As you know, many peo-ple from among the Chechen populationhave already died at the hands of bandits,including noted religious workers. All thissuggests that the population of Chechnyaunderstands what is happening there andthey are turning towards the federal center.We have no doubt on that score. Ofcourse, this requires a certain time and, ofcourse, it will require certain efforts.

The same thing, I think, we will all haveto do together internationally, the samething will have to be done against othercenters of terrorism. That we are intercon-nected, I think, today does not need beingproved. It is an obvious fact for all. Sup-port comes from certain centers and wehave to work together against those cen-ters.

Of course, with just military operationsthis cannot end. It will not lead to positiveresults, but here the cohesion of the worldcommunity is needed and effective actions

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on a whole number of issues, the first ofwhich is to deprive bandit groups and ter-rorist organizations of financial support, toexert a positive economic influence on thestate entities and on the states in whichterrorism takes place, and to cooperatewith these states in the humanitarianregard. This a whole large range of work.

Q. Essentially, maybe this cannot bedirectly compared, but we encounter ananalogous problem in Palestine. Thismeans that we see from the example ofPalestine, and you from the example ofChechnya, that matters should be led toa political solution. Did l understandyou right?

President Putin. Yes, absolutely right.

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Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov deliveredhis remarks at the Nixon Center.

This meeting is taking place in the tragicdays when the entire civilized humankindhas joined the American people in griev-ing for the victims of barbaric terroristacts in New York and Washington.

Russia itself has experienced the horrorof terrorist acts and the bitter loss of inno-cent people. Our country and other CISstates have become virtually the first tar-get for a direct strike by international ter-rorism since the end of the Cold War. Thiscan be explained. During the first yearsafter the disintegration of the SovietUnion, the internal security structureweakened, and terrorists and militantextremists did not hesitate to use this. Thisis why we were, perhaps, the first tounderstand that this tremendous threat canbe countered only through joint efforts.This is why we are not only ready for butinsist on the closest interaction with theU.S. and other members of the interna-tional community in the fight againstinternational terrorism. As PresidentVladimir Putin has said, the criminalsmust not remain unpunished.

The tragic events of the last daysundoubtedly represent a new starting pointin the development of international rela-tions. It is still difficult to make far-reach-

ing conclusions now, but one thing isclear: we need to take a fresh and realisticlook at some fundamental problems ofpeace and security in the 21st century. Themost important thing is that we have beenconfronted with all their mercilessness notby hypothetical, that can emerge ten totwenty years from now, but real threats tothe security of our countries and the livesof our citizens on a scale that none of ushas seen before.

After the end of the Cold War, the jointefforts of Russia, the U.S. and other coun-tries eliminated the threat of globalnuclear conflict. At the same time, wecould not fully overcome the psychologi-cal vestiges of the era of confrontation andits main postulate: the worse my neighborfeels, the better do I. We appeared not tobe ready to effectively counter new threatsand challenges that may explode thestrategic situation in the world now. Weoften happen to be unable to resist mili-tant extremists, separatists and other fanat-ics. Paradoxical as it may seem, the worldcommunity feels, and sometimes findsitself, less secure under the present cir-cumstances than in the era of bipolar con-frontation.

I am convinced that the main reason forthis is the lack of concerted internationalmechanisms enabling us to effectivelyrespond to new threats in the era of glob-alization. And these are, first of all, inter-national terrorism, organized crime, illegaltrafficking in drugs and weapons. Experi-ence shows that no country can fight thisevil alone. We all need mutual support andsolidarity. The international communitymust respond to the criminal actions ofterrorists and drug barons with unity anddetermination.

Russia calls for creating a Global Sys-tem for countering new threats and chal-lenges. We hope that this problem will bediscussed most seriously at the currentsession of the U.N. General Assembly inNew York.

The discussion should focus, first of all,on how to enhance our capabilities forearly detection and prevention of crimes.This will require us to create new andstrengthen existing international legalmechanisms in this field. We must makeappropriate anti-terrorist conventions fullyoperational. For example, not so long agothe U.N. adopted a convention aimed atstopping financial support to terrorists. If

it were fully operational, the possibilitiesof terrorists to organize their crimes wouldbe reduced considerably. At the sametime, it is necessary to make sure that ter-rorists do not feel safe anywhere in theworld.

However, I would like to stress that wemust counter the lawlessness of terroristsand criminals by law because historyteaches us that lawful goals can be effec-tively protected only by lawful efforts.

This is why it is so important now not toweaken but on the contrary, enhance inter-national law and the existing ample net-work of multilateral and bilateral treatiesand agreements. This is why it is so nec-essary to enhance the authority and opera-tional possibilities of international institu-tions, primarily the United Nations Orga-nization.

Globalization processes require all of usto take additional efforts in order to con-solidate the international community insolving problems facing mankind. Wemust do everything we can to prevent anew division of the world not into theWest and the East as it was during theCold War but into the North and theSouth. Unfortunately, this negative ten-dency is gaining momentum.

It is of paramount importance in this sit-uation to step up joint or concerted effortsby Russia and the U.S. in building freeand democratic, stable and safe interna-tional relations that will effectively protectlawful interests of all countries and ensuresteady growth of the world economy.

Now that the very foundation of humansecurity in our countries has been threat-ened, we as never before are convinced ofthe possibility and need to build a qualita-tively new relationship between Russiaand the U.S.. This understanding was astarting point in the negotiations betweenPresidents Vladimir Putin and GeorgeBush in Ljubljana and Genoa. It isextremely important that both Moscowand Washington clearly understand thatthe era of confrontation is behind us andthat our countries should interact witheach other, proceeding from totally newrealities of the 21st century.

The time has come to take a new deci-sive step and start building strategic rela-tions between Russia and the U.S. in theface of the challenges of the 21st century.

These strategic relations may becomeone of the underlying principles for the

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emerging international coalition calledupon to counter modern threats.

These strategic relations should helpenhance the multifaceted dialogue andinteraction between Moscow and Wash-ington on key international and regionalproblems. Our ultimate goals coincide onmost of these issues even though we oftendisagree on the methods of attaining them.

Both Russia and the U.S. seek tostrengthen international regimes of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruc-tion.

Both Russia and the U.S. are interestedin peace and calm everywhere, be it theBalkans or the Middle East.

Both Russia and the U.S. closely coop-erate in containing the threat emanatingfrom Afghanistan.

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Secretary Colin Powell and RussianForeign Minister Igor Ivanov deliveredtheir remarks after meeting inWashington, DC.

Secretary Powell. It was again a greatpleasure for me to receive my colleague,Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov, here at theState Department. This is our eighth meet-ing. We have met in Cairo, in Rome,Budapest, Brussels, Hanoi, Washingtontwice, and I have promised him that ournext meeting will be in Moscow, unlesswe happen to meet in Crawford, Texas, orsomewhere—or in Shanghai.

So it’s part of a long series of discus-sions and constant phone calls that haveallowed us to develop a solid relationship,not only between our two ministries, butbetween our two countries. And today wasno exception. We spoke about terrorism atconsiderable length. I was very pleased toreceive from the Minister expressions ofcondolence for those who lost their livesat the World Trade Center and at the Pen-tagon last week.

Deputy Secretary Armitage called mefrom Moscow this morning to also tell mewhat it was like in Moscow to have Russ-ian citizens coming by our embassy toplace flowers and candles and otherwiseremember those who lost their lives.

We had a good discussion of potentialareas of cooperation as we go after thisworldwide threat to civilization, and acomprehensive campaign where all ele-ments of national and international powermust be used: law enforcement, militaryactivity, legal actions, financial actions,anything that can be used to get at theseterrorist organizations. In the firstinstance, al-Qaida and Mr. Usama binLaden, but ultimately terrorism whereverit rears its ugly head.

We also had a full discussion of regionalissues, Iran, Iraq, Macedonia and otherareas of interest to us, and we had a gooddiscussion as well of the conversations wehave been having between our two sideson a new strategic framework. And I thinkwe are moving in the right direction. Wehave not solved the problem yet of howwe can find a new strategic framework togo forward. But I think in our conversa-tions today and the conversations thatUnder Secretary Bolton and Assistant Sec-retary Fife of the Pentagon have had withRussian military officials and DefenseMinistry officials and Foreign AffairsMinistry officials, we can begin to see away ahead that will increase stability andlead us in the direction of a new strategicframework.

So, once again, Igor, a great pleasure toreceive you, sir.

Foreign Minister Ivanov. [As translat-ed.] First of all, on behalf of the Presidentof Russia and on behalf of the entireRussian people, I would like to once againexpress sincere condolences to the peopleof the United States over the tragedywhich occurred on the 11th of Septemberin the United States. There is no doubtthat this crime, unprecedented in its scale,goes far beyond the borders of the UnitedStates.

The international terrorism has caused ablatant challenge to all civilized humanity,to all civilized world. This reaffirms onceagain the urgent necessity to join effortsof the entire international community inthe fight against new challenges andthreats, including in the first place thethreat of international terrorism.

Russia and the United States haveagreed to closely coordinate their actionsin these areas. We will be coordinating ourefforts within the framework of appropri-ate agencies as well as within the frame-

work of appropriate working groups thathave already been established and thathave already been working between theUnited States and Russia.

At the same time, we believe that it’shigh time that we established by jointefforts a global system to counteract glob-al threats and challenges. And we believethat the work on establishing such globalsystem must begin as early as today.

We also place the main focus of ournegotiations today on the preparations forthe forthcoming summit meetings betweenthe Presidents of Russia and the UnitedStates in Shanghai during the summit ofAPEC as well as the preparations of thefirst official visit of Russian PresidentPutin to the United States.

We are satisfied with the fact that therelations between Russia and the UnitedStates are gaining positive dynamics. Thishas become possible, first of all, thanks tothe summit meetings that our Presidents,the Presidents of Russia and the UnitedStates, conducted in Ljubljana and Genoa.And we are convinced that the forthcom-ing meetings between our Presidents willgive a further impetus, a further impulseto our relations.

As the Secretary of State of the UnitedStates has just pointed out, we are con-ducting intensive consultations on theentire scope of issues relating to strategicsecurity. On some of the issues, our posi-tions are becoming closer. On the otherissues, we are continuing active consulta-tions. We have agreed to continue theseconsultations to be able to report the firstresults during the forthcoming summits ofour Presidents.

We have also discussed regional con-flicts. First of all, we expressed some opti-mism in connection with a decrease oftensions, with some decrease of tension inthe Middle East. Both Russia and theUnited States are in favor of beginningdirect dialogue between Peres and Arafatto begin practical implementation of theMitchell Plan.

We have discussed also a number ofother issues on which we are closelycooperating. I would like to specificallyunderscore that the negotiations were con-ducted in an open and constructive atmos-phere. And I would like to thank personal-ly for this, Mr. Secretary of State.

Secretary Powell. Thank you very

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much. I just might add that earlier today, Ispoke to both Chairman Arafat and toPrime Minister Sharon and expressed mysatisfaction that the first 24 hours of thearrangement they made yesterday hasresulted in a significant decrease in theamount of violence in the region. Iencouraged both sides to keep moving inthis direction.

The Prime Minister advised me that hehad talked to Mr. Peres earlier with thesame message. Prime Minister Sharonnoted that, for the first time in many,many months, he has seen quiet sincemidnight of last night. And let us all hopethat we can keep this process now movingforward and it will result in an early meet-ing between Foreign Minister Peres andChairman Arafat.

We have time for just a couple of ques-tions.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can I ask you—canI ask both of you—there is obviouslyconcern, as well as support, among yourallies about the scale of any futureAmerican military action. Can youoffer any reassurance to your alliesabout what you are planning?

And Foreign Minister Ivanov, haveyou had any words of caution to add?

Secretary Powell. We are approachingthis not as a single battle to be fought bythe military but as a campaign that willinvolve all of our elements of nationalpower. And we will be discussing with ourfriends and allies in the days ahead exact-ly how we think this campaign shouldunfold.

With respect to the military componentof such a campaign, I would not of courseget into any of the details. But we knowthat there are some of our friends who arein a position to participate in such opera-tions, and others who really will just pro-vide us other kinds of support, whetherit’s diplomatic support, political support orworking with the international police andintelligence activities. So at this time, I amnot prepared to describe what the natureof any of our military planning might be.

Foreign Minister Ivanov. (As translat-ed.) As Mr. Secretary of State has alreadysaid, we have not discussed concreteissues related to possible reaction of theUnited States to these events. At the same

time, we share common position that weneed to strengthen international coopera-tion in combating international terrorism.All means must be used in the fightagainst terrorism, beginning from politicaland legal means and including, when andif necessary, use of force.

We maintain constant contacts throughour specialized services and between ourforeign ministries. We have ongoing infor-mation exchanges, and we will continue tomaintain our constant, close contact on allthese issues.

Q. You mentioned that the UnitedStates is willing to fight internationalterrorism anywhere. Does that includeChechnya? Because Russia faced inter-national terrorism much earlier thanSeptember the 11th.

And a question to the Foreign Minis-ter. (In Russian.)

Secretary Powell. We have discussedthis on many occasions. Russia is facing adifficult challenge in Chechnya and weknow it’s a challenge they must respondto, and we will do what we can to help.But, at the same time, we have alwaysencouraged our Russian colleagues towork hard to find a political solution tothis tragic conflict, and also to defendtheir interests in a way that are consistentwith human rights and other standards.But we recognize the serious challengefaced by Russia in Chechnya.

Foreign Minister Ivanov. (As translat-ed.) I have said that, in combating interna-tional terrorism, no means can be exclud-ed, including the use of force. At the sametime, so far, we have not discussed withthe United States any specific, any con-crete actions.

Q. Will you be requiring a U.N. reso-lution before joining in any militaryaction?

Secretary Powell. There is a U.N. reso-lution that was passed last week. And aswe go forward in the development of thiscampaign, if we see a need for additionalU.N. resolutions to authorize certainactions, not necessarily military actionsbut other actions such as with respect tofighting international terrorism or goingafter financial support of international ter-

rorism, we would certainly bring suchproposals to the United Nations.

Foreign Minister Ivanov. (As translat-ed.) You know, the United Nations hasalready passed a large number of docu-ments related to combating internationalterrorism. If I’m not mistaken, there are asmany documents as 12 on this issue. Webelieve that the United Nations shall con-tinue to play a leading role in joining inconcerting the efforts, in combining theefforts of the international community inthe fight against international terrorism.

Secretary Powell. We have time for justone more before the Minister has to gosee the President.

Q. Is the United States going to sendtroops to Afghanistan?

Secretary Powell. When we have decid-ed what our entire campaign plan is, toinclude any military actions we mighttake, the world will know about it. But Iam not prepared to discuss any potentialmilitary operations at this time.


We’re making good progress at the site ofthe damage there [at the Pentagon]. Therain helped and damped down some of theasbestos particles that were posing some-what of a problem. We don’t have a pre-cise date when the site will be cleared andthe FBI’s work completed and the renova-tion beginning, but they feel very goodabout it.

I’ve said before, and I’ll say it again:What we’re engaged in is something thatis very, very different from World War II,Korea, Vietnam, the Gulf War, Kosovo,Bosnia, the kinds of things that peoplethink of when they use the word “war” or“campaign” or “conflict.” We really,almost, are going to have to fashion a newvocabulary and different constructs forthinking about what it is we’re doing. It isvery different than embarking on a cam-paign against a specific country within aspecific time frame for a specific purpose.There’s no question but that the fullresources of the United States government

September 11, 2001


across the entire spectrum—from thepolitical, diplomatic, the economic, finan-cial, as well as other areas, plus military—are all going to have to be engaged. So theprogress that takes place will be some-thing that will be seen—most of it will beseen, some of it probably won’t be seen—but it will occur in different places at dif-ferent times in different ways.

The president has made clear, veryclear, that this is a—considered a directattack against the United States of Ameri-ca and our way of life. And he intends toprovide for our defense by taking theeffort to the people who are attacking theUnited States and those countries that aresupporting that, whether it’s through har-boring, financing, facilitating, or even tol-erating. Because of those differences,there’s no question but that this is going totake time. It will not be swift. It is not amarathon—it is a marathon, it’s not asprint. It is not something that is easy, it’sdifficult. And it will certainly require thepatience of all of us. And it also willrequire a lot of international support, andfortunately, that’s coming.

The attacks here in the United Stateswere, in a very real sense, an attack on theworld, in the sense that there were hun-dreds and hundreds of people from anynumber of countries—50-plus countries—that were killed in these attacks, and theworld knows that. That’s why we haveseen such an outpouring of support fromso many nations. The NATO Charter hasbeen invoked. The Rio Treaty has beeninvoked. Our alliance with Australia hasbeen invoked. And I, needless to say, wantto say that we appreciate deeply theseexpressions, powerful expressions, of sup-port.

I don’t think it can be said often enoughthat this is not an effort that is aimed atany religion or any people, particularly, oreven the people of a country. In manycases, the countries that sponsor terrorismand facilitate it are actually holding largeportions of their populations at risk. Theyare dictators. They—there are many peo-ple in those countries that do not supportthe regimes and do not favor the thingsthat regimes like that do. And so it’simportant that it be seen as an effort thatis against people who are attacking theUnited States and our way of life, and notnecessarily all of the people in thosecountries, many of whom don’t believe in

or support that. I would just add that the problem that

we’ve talked about, from the day that I’vearrived, of asymmetrical threats, of terror-ism and ballistic missiles, cruise missiles,cyberattacks, and weapons of massdestruction, are something that are frontand center to us because of the problem ofproliferation and the problem that, withthe end of the Cold War, there was arelaxation of tension, and almost anythingthat people want, they can get their handson, if they’re determined and if they havethe money.

And the weapons are of increasingpower and lethality, and it does call on allof us to recognize the importance of deal-ing with the problem of proliferation,given the reality of what we’ve seen here,with thousands of lives lost; how impor-tant counterproliferation is and seeing thatthe weapons of vastly greater power don’tcome into the hands and are not used bythe kinds of people that attacked the Unit-ed States.

Just by way of notice, the question cameup the last time how are we going to dealwith the press during this period. Weare—Torie and others are looking at howit’s been done previously. That is interest-ing and I’m sure will be useful andinstructive, but I’m sure there were somepluses and minuses. Needless to say, we’dprefer to do it right and will hope to dothat. But I think it will be different. I sus-pect it will be different, because this is adifferent set of problems. And so we’llhave to find ways that we are comfortablewith and that you are comfortable with,given the responsibilities you have.

There are a lot of rumors that runaround a building like this, and I under-stand that. And it is perfectly withineveryone’s area of responsibility to try topursue those rumors. You all know, and Iwant you to know that I know, that to theextent we respond to every one of thoseand knock down one, two, three, four, andnot knock down number five, we’ve vali-dated number five. So we’re not going toget in the business of knocking downrumors. And we simply—first of all, youdon’t have enough time in a day to runaround trying to chase all those rabbits.And, you know, 95 percent of them arewrong. The people who are involved inwhat’s going on in this building, in thekinds of things you all are interested in

are professional and aren’t talking. Andthe people that are talking are people whoeither aren’t professional or they don’tcare. And so I hope you’ll not chase toomany wrong rabbits.

And with that, I’ll stop and respond toquestions.

Yes, sir.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you spoke of a newvocabulary, so to speak, for the arsenal,the war manual, or whatever you wantto call it. Infinite Justice—there arereports that you signed a mobilizationorder for the military yesterday tobegin building up the military for thewar on terrorism. Have you talked tothe leaders, the military leaders ofTajikistan and Uzbekistan, who arequite worried about the fundamentalistmovement to the south, about coopera-tion with any U.S. military deploymentto their countries? And have theyagreed to do so?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’ve concluded,and Colin Powell and I have discussed,the—how it’s best to handle those kinds ofissues. And I’ve concluded that it’s best tolet the international relations piece of thisfundamentally be dealt with at the Depart-ment of State. There’s no question but thatthe defense establishment and the StateDepartment are talking to a lot of coun-tries, but it’s about a lot of things—talkingabout resolutions in different internationalorganizations.

We’re talking about things like clear-ances for people to move through coun-tries and do things in different countries.We’re talking about all kinds of variousother relationships that those countrieshave to countries that sponsor terrorism orto entities that sponsor terrorism.

And it’s probably best for those coun-tries—each of which has a different per-spective, their own political sensitivities—to, for the most part, announce themselvesthe extent to which they are assisting orinvolved with us in various aspects ofwhat we’re doing. There will be very fewcountries who are involved in everythingwe’re doing. There will be any number ofcountries that will be involved in a lot ofthings we’re doing. But I’m going to kindof leave that to those countries because ofthose sensitivities.

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* * * *

Q. Speaking of vocabulary, is InfiniteJustice the name of this operation? AndI ask that for a very specific reason.

Secretary Rumsfeld. I have heard thosewords. I do not know that they’ve beenadopted, and I think they’re probablyunder review.

Q. Because in talking to severalIslamic scholars, they find that nameoffensive. The only person or thing thatcan grant infinite justice, according totheir religion, is Allah.

Secretary Rumsfeld. I understand. Iunderstand. And obviously the UnitedStates does not want to do or say thingsthat create an impression on the part ofthe listener that would be a misunder-standing, and clearly that would be.

Q. So it would probably be changed?Whatever the name becomes, it likelywould not be that? Is that—

Secretary Rumsfeld. I—as I say, I haveheard that someone somewhere in someplace selected those words, and in somepreliminary aspect of things use them.Whether they will persist, given whatyou’ve said and what I was aware of, Ijust don’t know the answer, but I doubt it.I just don’t know the answer, but I doubtit.

Q. Sir, you speak of a new vocabulary,a new approach, yet what we’re wit-nessing right now I think could bedescribed in modern times as the tradi-tional reaction to a provocation, whichcertainly is to understate it. That is tosay, a fairly open display of militarypower moving to a particular region.Can we assume that this movement is aprecursor for combat coming sometimein the foreseeable future?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, there’s thatword “combat”. And the question is, whatare we really talking about combat? Arewe talking about another Gulf War? Arewe talking about Vietnam? Are we talkingabout World War II? I think I’ve—I’vetried to provide a sufficient level of detailthat would drive a person away from a tra-

ditional view of that word.

* * * *

Q. Sir, what constitutes a victory in thisnew environment. I mean, Cap Wein-berger in 1987 laid down some prettyclear rules for engaging U.S. forces. Onewas clear goals that are militarilyachievable, that you can explain thatthere’s an endgame. What’s some ofyour early thinking here in terms ofwhat constitutes victory?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’ve laid downsome guidelines for myself. The firstmonth I came here, I sat down and in fullrecognition of the importance and signifi-cance and—of committing people’s livesto risk, I sat down and set forth the kindsof things that I think ought to serve as aset of guidelines or a checklist to havethought through.

And that’s a good question, as to whatconstitutes victory. I would characterize itthis way. I think that we’re unlikely to besuccessful in changing the nature ofhuman beings. That’s for others. What weneed to do is to recognize that we live in aworld that’s a dangerous world, it’s anuntidy world, it’s a big world. We have toengage in that world as free people,because the linkages we have across thisglobe are so centrally a part of our lives,as to how we live our lives, that we haveno choice but to contribute to a morepeaceful and stable world.

It is not humanly possible, however, tothink that anyone in any country or anygroup of countries can change people’sbehavior so that people in countries acrossthe globe may—you can’t stop them fromdoing things that are unpleasant to theirneighbors or their neighboring countries.So what can you try to do in this regard?

I think what you can try to is to go afterthis worldwide problem in a way that wecan continue our way of life. That itstrikes at our way of life, and while wemay not eliminate it completely from theface of the Earth, which we surely willnot, it’s been a part of our society sincethe beginning of man, I suspect. We havebeen privileged, because of our geographyand because of our circumstance, to nothave been burdened with this type of thingpreviously.

Now, so what can you do? I think what

you can do is to go after the problem to apoint that you are satisfied that the Ameri-can people are going to be able to livetheir lives in relative freedom and have thekinds of linkages with the rest of theworld that we feel are so central to ourwell-being.

Now, it is not static, however. Becauseof the end of the Cold War and because ofthe Gulf War, which told people not tocompete with armies, navies and airforces, countries do look for asymmetricalways they can threaten the United Statesand Western countries. With proliferation,with the relaxation of tension, that prolif-eration enables people to get their handson capabilities that are increasingly pow-erful, powerful to the point that you’re nottalking about thousands, you’re talkingabout multiples of thousands of people.

And that says that this is a criticalmoment for this country and for theworld. That we have to be able to live inthis word; and to live in this world, wehave to recognize the magnitude of thethreat and the extent to which people arewilling to give their lives, as these pilotsof these airplanes did, and impose damageon us.

Now, what is victory? I say that victoryis persuading the American people and therest of the world that this is not a quickmatter that’s going to be over in a monthor a year or even five years. It is some-thing that we need to do so that we cancontinue to live in a world with powerfulweapons and with people who are willingto use those powerful weapons. And wecan do that as a country. And that wouldbe a victory, in my view.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can I follow up onthat? You’ve talked so much here todaybroadly about counterproliferation.Can you give us any of your assessmentabout, today, terrorist networks’ capa-bilities to get a hold of terrorist-levelchem/bio? Are they trying to get a holdof it? Do they have it? And I guess, tobe blunt, specifically the bin Laden net-work.

And what preparations need to bemade for U.S. troops going into thiskind of theater; what kind of threat dothey face? And what kind of challengeis posed to you by the fact, for example,that the anthrax program is in so muchtrouble?

September 11, 2001


Secretary Rumsfeld. Yeah.

Q. What are you walking into?

Secretary Rumsfeld. There are anynumber of public publications that areopen, unclassified, that are available fromthe Central Intelligence Agency, theDepartment of State, and other organiza-tions, that discuss countries that havechemical and biological and nuclear pro-grams. When you compare that list to thelist of countries that are on the list ofstates that have either been involved interrorism or who have facilitated terror-ism, harbored them, one can begin to see,“Gee, isn’t it possible that there could berelationships that would be a problem?”

So you’re right, we have to be awareand attentive that our forces—I mean, weknow that, for example, at least a coupleof countries that have used chemicalweapons against each other, and in onecase used them against their own people.

Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, this was originallydescribed to the American people andthe world as a war on terrorism. Nowyou are introducing the idea of prolifer-ation and countries that are engaged inproliferation. Are you in fact broaden-ing the characterization of the kind ofoperation that the United States isabout to undertake from terrorism toterrorism and proliferants?

And as part of that question, are youstill as deeply concerned as you everwere with Iraq and its weapons of massdestruction program and its—the dan-ger of Iraq as a proliferant?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I don’t think I’mbroadening it, in the sense that the UnitedStates of America, successive administra-tions, particularly since the end of theGulf War, have been very interested andinvolved and aggressive in trying to dealwith the problem of proliferation. Regret-tably, the success has been moderate. Butit is an important effort. It needs to beemphasized. And as the weapons growmore powerful, its importance increases.

With respect to Iraq, the United Statesof America and the United Kingdom andcoalition forces have airplanes that are atrisk every day with respect to Iraq. We

know there are no inspectors on theground. We know that there is an enor-mous appetite for powerful weapons andan aggressive attitude to their neighbors tothe South. So anyone who is not con-cerned about that combination of attribut-es, it seems to me, would not fully under-stand the situation.

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President Bush and Prime Minister TonyBlair delivered their remarks at the WhiteHouse.

President Bush. It’s my honor to wel-come my friend, and friend to America,Prime Minister Tony Blair to the WhiteHouse. I appreciate him coming to Ameri-ca in our time of need. One of the firstphone calls I got after that terrible daywas from the Prime Minister. He wasreassuring to me. He was—he showed tobe a true friend, and I appreciate that.

I’m so honored you’re here. And I lookforward to giving a speech tonight. ThePrime Minister has kindly agreed to comeand listen to it. So I’m not going toanswer any questions tonight. I’m goingto let my speech be exactly what I want tosay.

In the meantime, the Prime Minister hasagreed to say a few comments, and thentake a couple of questions from you.

Prime Minister Blair. Thank you Mr.President. It’s my honor to be here, andalso to pay tribute to your leadership atthis immensely difficult time. I was inNew York earlier today, and it’s perhapsonly when you are actually there that thefull enormity and horror of what happenedcomes home to you.

And I said then, I would like to repeat,that my father’s generation went throughthe experience of the second world war,when Britain was under attack, during thedays of the Blitz. And there was onenation and one people that, above all,stood side by side with us at that time.And that nation was America, and thosepeople were the American people. And Isay to you, we stand side by side with younow, without hesitation.

This is a struggle that concerns us all,

the whole of the democratic and civilizedand free world. And we have to do twothings very clearly; we have to bring toaccount those responsible, and then wehave to set about at every single level, inevery way that we can, dismantling theapparatus of terror, and eradicating theevil of mass terrorism in our world.

And I know that America, Britain andall our allies will stand united together inthat task. And I give you, on behalf of ourcountry, our solidarity, our sympathy andour support.

President Bush. Thank you, sir.

Q. Mr. Prime Minister, have you dis-cussed what Britain’s involvement inany military action might be?

Prime Minister Blair. Well, of course,we’ve discussed the full range of issues.Now is not the moment to go into thedetails of whatever response we make. ButI think that you can be in no doubt at allof our determination to act, to make sure,as I say, that those responsible for thisevent are brought to account. And in thetalks I had in Europe before I left, Ibelieve that sense of solidarity is echoedright round the world.

Q. Prime Minister, how are you pre-pared to go on supporting a full-scalewar—

Prime Minister Blair. I believe wehave to go on fighting terrorism as long asit takes. Because what happened on the11th of September was, of course, a brutaland horrific attack on America, but it wasa demonstration of what these people arecapable of in any part of the world. Andthe important thing to realize is that thereis no limit on what they would do that ismoral. They have no regard for the sancti-ty of human life. They don’t share the val-ues of democracy or freedom or justice.The only limits on what they do are prac-tical or technical.

And that is why it is our duty—I believethis—it is our duty to take action to makesure that at every level we can—how thesegroups are financed, how they operate,how they move about, the weapons thatthey acquire—at every single level, wehave to take the action necessary to put anend to it.

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Q. Prime Minister, the President saidtonight that countries have to choosebetween being with you or being withthe terrorists. How many countries doyou believe are making the choice to bewith terrorists? And what are the con-sequences to countries still not surewhich side they’re on?

Prime Minister Blair. Well, I just want-ed to say this to you in conclusion to thatquestion. I believe right round the worldthere is support for firm action now. And Ibelieve the coalition of support for thataction is growing. It is strengthening; it isnot diminishing. And that is the impres-sion that I have had from many of theconversations I’ve had with world leadersin all different parts of the world. Becausethis struggle is something that shouldunite people of all faiths, of all nations, ofall democratic political persuasions, and Ibelieve it will.

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President Chirac. I think there is no needfor me to say, ladies and gentlemen, howpleased I was to have this opportunity towelcome here the British Prime Ministerand to say that I was very much interestedin having this opportunity to share withhim my thoughts about my recent trip toWashington. As you know, Prime MinisterBlair is about to leave for Washington,and I think that this just gave us anotheropportunity to say that we have a commonunderstanding of the events that justoccurred in the United States and that weshare the view that we need to strengthenour efforts to fight against terrorism, thismajor threat to all our freedoms and liber-ties.

Prime Minister Blair. I would like firstof all to express my profound gratitude toPresident Chirac for having this opportu-nity of speaking to him this morning,appearing of course with his discussionswith President Bush and in particular toknow once again that we share exactly thesame sentiments on this question, we

express our solidarity with the UnitedStates of America and with the peoplethere, we recognize the need to take actionagainst those responsible and we affirmour willingness, indeed our determination,to take the measures necessary at an inter-national and indeed national level, toensure that the fight against this menaceof terrorism is successful and one of themost important and most significantaspects of what has happened in the daysfollowing those terrible attacks in theUnited States has been the strength,indeed I would say the growing strength,of the coalition right round the world,against terrorism, against the threat that itposes to all of us, and our determinationto defeat it, because that is the right andthe just thing to do.

Once again, Jacques, thank you so muchfor seeing me today and I hope very muchwithin the next few days that we demon-strate, as a world, our complete solidarityin this fight that is so important to us.

Q. The Americans have started todeploy planes for retaliation. I was won-dering whether on the French orBritish side, measures have started tobe taken for intelligence, for instance.

President Chirac. As things standtoday, I don’t believe that the Americanauthorities have made a decision as to thecorrect form of modalities of this unavoid-able retaliation, a retaliation that must beadapted and effective, and if the decisionsare made, and after talks in consultationwith us, I cannot see how France andBritain wouldn’t be involved if, as I said,it is appropriate and suited to the situation.

Prime Minister Blair. I agree entirelywith that. Obviously the question of theprecise response is a matter under discus-sion at the present time. We consider allaspects of that issue very carefully indeed,but as we have all been saying over thesepast few days, we need a response, aneffective response, against those that areresponsible for this terrible act of terror-ism, and then secondly we need to take, atan international level, and national levelindeed, the measures necessary againstthis menace, this threat of terrorism whichconcerns us all, so in respect of those twoaspects again, we work very closely withthe United States, and obviously as allies

together.

Q. Could I ask, given the last fewhours of preparation, do you nowbelieve that it is inevitable that theresponse will include a militaryresponse or, even at this late stage, isthere time for the Taliban to avert that.

Prime Minister Blair. As I said to youa moment or two ago, obviously the pre-cise nature of our response is a matterunder discussion at the present time, and Idon’t think it wise or sensible to enter intodetails of it. However, those that can assistin bringing to justice the people responsi-ble for these terrible acts of terrorismshould do so. That is very, very clear. Andthat we must take action against the peo-ple responsible is also plain and certain.So all the way through we proceed calmly,we proceed in a considered way, but witha total determination that the peopleresponsible for this act of terrorism arebrought to justice.

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President Bush welcomes the JapaneseGovernment’s September 19 announce-ment of concrete measures in the cam-paign against international terrorism.Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumiannounced a seven-point package ofactions to support the U.S. and interna-tional response to last week’s terroristattacks in New York and Washington.These steps include measures involvingJapan’s Self-Defense Forces, expandedsecurity for U.S. forces and facilities inJapan, humanitarian assistance to affectedcountries and displaced persons, measuresto support the world economy, andstrengthened international cooperation insharing information and immigration con-trol. We look forward to working withJapan as it implements its program.

The United States also appreciates the$10 million in emergency relief fundsdonated by the Government of Japan toassist those affected by the September 11attacks. Japan’s actions demonstrate itscommitment in the fight to eradicate inter-national terrorism and its compassion andsympathy for the victims of terrorism in

September 11, 2001


the United States, which included manyJapanese nationals.

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Secretary General Lord Robertson.Thank you. This has been a very valuablemeeting with the highest level representa-tive of the United States Administration tocome here to NATO Headquarters sincewe invoked Article Five last week. Mr.Armitage was not here to ask the Alliancefor anything. He was here to brief, and togive information, and we’ve had a verygood discussion about these things. TheAllies—all of NATO and the individualAllies—are determined to collectivelycontribute and cooperate with other mem-bers of the International Community tothis fight. It may be a long fight, but wehope successful fight against terrorism.But today, each of the Allies who con-tributed to the discussion underlined yetagain the firmness of the Alliance mem-bers’ solidarity with the United States atthis difficult time. A very important meet-ing has taken place. I’ll ask Mr. Armitageif he’ll speak to us briefly.

Deputy Secretary of State Armitage.Thank you Mr. Secretary General. Thankyou very much for having me. The Presi-dent and the Secretary of State of theUnited States asked me to come here forseveral purposes. The first, and I thinkmost important, is to note with great sad-ness that all but three of the membernations lost citizens in this terrible attackon the World Trade Center and the Penta-gon. And in the name of the United StatesI wanted to express condolences to thenations who lost citizens in that heinouscrime. Second, I wanted to express ourenormous admiration and appreciation forthe very rapid invocation of Article Five.This is something that gives the UnitedStates a great deal of both comfort andconfidence Mr. Secretary General. Andthird, I came here to share information: totalk about the grand coalition that Presi-dent Bush is trying to put together and tomake the point very dramatically and

graphically that this is a global war on ter-rorism. It doesn’t just stop in Afghanistan.So thank you very much for having meMr. Secretary General.

Q. My name is Boda from Czech Tele-vision. I wonder, following the newsfrom the German press, if you are orare not afraid that NATO might becomethe next target of any further attacksby the terrorists.

Secretary General Robertson. I don’tthink that you would expect me to sayanything about our security measures, butyou can be sure that we are well preparedto deal with any threat to this Headquar-ters.

Q. Klaus from ZDF. Mr. Armitage,how does NATO solidarity now materi-alize? Did you ask something new fromNATO other than Article Five?

Deputy Secretary Armitage. No. I did-n’t, as I said, come here to ask for any-thing. I came here to share with goodAllies the information we have. I did pointout that in this coalition building there is acontinuum from, on the one hand, rhetori-cal or political support for activities onthis global attack on terrorism. It runs thegamut to sharing of intelligence, sharingof financial information, perhaps over-flight rights etc. And at the far end of thecontinuum is the possibility of some mili-tary activity either together or unilaterally.But, no decisions have been made, and Ididn’t come here to request any particularthing.

Q. Mr. Armitage. Judy Dempsey fromthe Financial Times. What did you getfrom Russia while you were there?What did you tell the NAC Councilafter your meeting with Russia?

Deputy Secretary Armitage. Well Ibriefed the NAC Council about the gener-al content of my discussions with DeputyForeign Minister Trubnikov and his col-leagues, and mentioned very briefly thediscussions that Foreign Minister Ivanovhad with both Secretary Powell and withPresident Bush. The press statement thatwas issued following our meeting inMoscow indicated that the Russian Gov-ernment was prepared to give all possible

support, and I discussed that very brieflywith the NAC. Thank you.

Q. Matt Kiminski from the WallStreet Journal. What can the Euro-peans offer beyond political support?Can you go into any more details?

Deputy Secretary Armitage. If I cantalk generically—I don’t want to speakspecifically about any nation or any orga-nization—this is going to be a sustainedcampaign on terrorism. And I think it isquite clear to most, if not all, in this roomthat this is not just military in nature. Itspolitical, its economic, it will mean shar-ing of intelligence. So I think there is arole of some sort for every nation who isdisgusted by terrorism and has hadenough

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President Bush delivered the followingaddress to a Joint Session of Congressand the American People.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. President Pro Tempore,members of Congress, and fellow Ameri-cans:

In the normal course of events, Presi-dents come to this chamber to report onthe state of the Union. Tonight, no suchreport is needed. It has already been deliv-ered by the American people.

We have seen it in the courage of pas-sengers, who rushed terrorists to save oth-ers on the ground—passengers like anexceptional man named Todd Beamer.And would you please help me to wel-come his wife, Lisa Beamer, here tonight.

We have seen the state of our Union inthe endurance of rescuers, working pastexhaustion. We have seen the unfurling offlags, the lighting of candles, the giving ofblood, the saying of prayers—in English,Hebrew, and Arabic. We have seen thedecency of a loving and giving peoplewho have made the grief of strangers theirown.

My fellow citizens, for the last ninedays, the entire world has seen for itselfthe state of our Union—and it is strong.

Tonight we are a country awakened todanger and called to defend freedom. Ourgrief has turned to anger, and anger to res-olution. Whether we bring our enemies to

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justice, or bring justice to our enemies,justice will be done.

I thank the Congress for its leadership atsuch an important time. All of Americawas touched on the evening of the tragedyto see Republicans and Democrats joinedtogether on the steps of this Capitol,singing “God Bless America.” And youdid more than sing; you acted, by deliver-ing $40 billion to rebuild our communitiesand meet the needs of our military.

Speaker Hastert, Minority LeaderGephardt, Majority Leader Daschle andSenator Lott, I thank you for your friend-ship, for your leadership and for your ser-vice to our country.

And on behalf of the American people, Ithank the world for its outpouring of sup-port. America will never forget the soundsof our National Anthem playing at Buck-ingham Palace, on the streets of Paris, andat Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate.

We will not forget South Korean chil-dren gathering to pray outside ourembassy in Seoul, or the prayers of sym-pathy offered at a mosque in Cairo. Wewill not forget moments of silence anddays of mourning in Australia and Africaand Latin America.

Nor will we forget the citizens of 80other nations who died with our own:dozens of Pakistanis; more than 130Israelis; more than 250 citizens of India;men and women from El Salvador, Iran,Mexico and Japan; and hundreds ofBritish citizens. America has no truerfriend than Great Britain. Once again, weare joined together in a great cause—sohonored the British Prime Minister hascrossed an ocean to show his unity of pur-pose with America. Thank you for com-ing, friend.

On September the 11th, enemies of free-dom committed an act of war against ourcountry. Americans have known wars—but for the past 136 years, they have beenwars on foreign soil, except for one Sun-day in 1941. Americans have known thecasualties of war—but not at the center ofa great city on a peaceful morning. Ameri-cans have known surprise attacks—butnever before on thousands of civilians. Allof this was brought upon us in a singleday—and night fell on a different world, aworld where freedom itself is underattack.

Americans have many questions tonight.Americans are asking: Who attacked our

country? The evidence we have gatheredall points to a collection of loosely affiliat-ed terrorist organizations known as alQaeda. They are the same murderersindicted for bombing American embassiesin Tanzania and Kenya, and responsiblefor bombing the USS Cole.

Al Qaeda is to terror what the mafia isto crime. But its goal is not makingmoney; its goal is remaking the world—and imposing its radical beliefs on people

everywhere. The terrorists practice a fringe form of

Islamic extremism that has been rejectedby Muslim scholars and the vast majorityof Muslim clerics—a fringe movementthat perverts the peaceful teachings ofIslam. The terrorists’ directive commandsthem to kill Christians and Jews, to kill allAmericans, and make no distinctionamong military and civilians, includingwomen and children.

This group and its leader—a personnamed Osama bin Laden—are linked tomany other organizations in differentcountries, including the Egyptian IslamicJihad and the Islamic Movement of

Uzbekistan. There are thousands of theseterrorists in more than 60 countries. Theyare recruited from their own nations andneighborhoods and brought to camps inplaces like Afghanistan, where they aretrained in the tactics of terror. They aresent back to their homes or sent to hide incountries around the world to plot evil anddestruction.

The leadership of al Qaeda has greatinfluence in Afghanistan and supports theTaliban regime in controlling most of thatcountry. In Afghanistan, we see al Qaeda’svision for the world.

Afghanistan’s people have been brutal-ized—many are starving and many havefled. Women are not allowed to attendschool. You can be jailed for owning atelevision. Religion can be practiced onlyas their leaders dictate. A man can bejailed in Afghanistan if his beard is notlong enough.

The United States respects the people ofAfghanistan—after all, we are currentlyits largest source of humanitarian aid—butwe condemn the Taliban regime. It is notonly repressing its own people, it is threat-ening people everywhere by sponsoringand sheltering and supplying terrorists. Byaiding and abetting murder, the Talibanregime is committing murder.

And tonight, the United States of Ameri-ca makes the following demands on theTaliban: Deliver to United States authori-ties all the leaders of al Qaeda who hidein your land. Release all foreign nationals,including American citizens, you haveunjustly imprisoned. Protect foreign jour-nalists, diplomats and aid workers in yourcountry. Close immediately and perma-nently every terrorist training camp inAfghanistan, and hand over every terror-ist, and every person in their supportstructure, to appropriate authorities. Givethe United States full access to terroristtraining camps, so we can make sure theyare no longer operating.

These demands are not open to negotia-tion or discussion. The Taliban must act,and act immediately. They will hand overthe terrorists, or they will share in theirfate.

I also want to speak tonight directly toMuslims throughout the world. We respectyour faith. It’s practiced freely by manymillions of Americans, and by millionsmore in countries that America counts asfriends. Its teachings are good and peace-

September 11, 2001


[T]onight, the United States of Americamakes the following demands on theTaliban: Deliver to United Statesauthorities all the leaders of al Qaedawho hide in your land. Release all foreignnationals, including American citizens, youhave unjustly imprisoned. Protect foreignjournalists, diplomats and aid workers inyour country. Close immediately andpermanently every terrorist training campin Afghanistan, and hand over everyterrorist, and every person in their supportstructure, to appropriate authorities. Givethe United States full access to terroristtraining camps, so we can make sure theyare no longer operating.

These demands are not open to negotia-tion or discussion. The Taliban must act,and act immediately. They will hand overthe terrorists, or they will share in theirfate.

ful, and those who commit evil in thename of Allah blaspheme the name ofAllah. The terrorists are traitors to theirown faith, trying, in effect, to hijack Islamitself. The enemy of America is not ourmany Muslim friends; it is not our manyArab friends. Our enemy is a radical net-work of terrorists, and every governmentthat supports them.

Our war on terror begins with al Qaeda,but it does not end there. It will not enduntil every terrorist group of global reachhas been found, stopped and defeated.

Americans are asking, why do they hateus? They hate what we see right here inthis chamber—a democratically electedgovernment. Their leaders are self-appointed. They hate our freedoms—ourfreedom of religion, our freedom ofspeech, our freedom to vote and assembleand disagree with each other.

They want to overthrow existing govern-ments in many Muslim countries, such asEgypt, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan. Theywant to drive Israel out of the MiddleEast. They want to drive Christians andJews out of vast regions of Asia andAfrica.

These terrorists kill not merely to endlives, but to disrupt and end a way of life.With every atrocity, they hope that Ameri-ca grows fearful, retreating from the worldand forsaking our friends. They standagainst us, because we stand in their way.

We are not deceived by their pretensesto piety. We have seen their kind before.They are the heirs of all the murderousideologies of the 20th century. By sacrific-ing human life to serve their radicalvisions—by abandoning every valueexcept the will to power—they follow inthe path of fascism, and Nazism, andtotalitarianism. And they will follow thatpath all the way, to where it ends: in histo-ry’s unmarked grave of discarded lies.

Americans are asking: How will wefight and win this war? We will directevery resource at our command—everymeans of diplomacy, every tool of intelli-gence, every instrument of law enforce-ment, every financial influence, and everynecessary weapon of war—to the disrup-tion and to the defeat of the global terrornetwork.

This war will not be like the war againstIraq a decade ago, with a decisive libera-tion of territory and a swift conclusion. Itwill not look like the air war above Koso-

vo two years ago, where no ground troopswere used and not a single American waslost in combat.

Our response involves far more thaninstant retaliation and isolated strikes.Americans should not expect one battle,but a lengthy campaign, unlike any otherwe have ever seen. It may include dramat-ic strikes, visible on TV, and covert opera-tions, secret even in success. We willstarve terrorists of funding, turn them oneagainst another, drive them from place toplace, until there is no refuge or no rest.And we will pursue nations that provide

aid or safe haven to terrorism. Everynation, in every region, now has a decisionto make. Either you are with us, or youare with the terrorists. From this day for-ward, any nation that continues to harboror support terrorism will be regarded bythe United States as a hostile regime.

Our nation has been put on notice: Weare not immune from attack. We will takedefensive measures against terrorism toprotect Americans. Today, dozens of fed-eral departments and agencies, as well asstate and local governments, have respon-sibilities affecting homeland security.These efforts must be coordinated at thehighest level. So tonight I announce thecreation of a Cabinet-level position report-ing directly to me—the Office of Home-land Security.

And tonight I also announce a distin-guished American to lead this effort, tostrengthen American security: a militaryveteran, an effective governor, a true patri-ot, a trusted friend—Pennsylvania’s TomRidge. He will lead, oversee and coordi-nate a comprehensive national strategy tosafeguard our country against terrorism,and respond to any attacks that may come.

These measures are essential. But theonly way to defeat terrorism as a threat toour way of life is to stop it, eliminate it,

and destroy it where it grows. Many will be involved in this effort,

from FBI agents to intelligence operativesto the reservists we have called to activeduty. All deserve our thanks, and all haveour prayers. And tonight, a few miles fromthe damaged Pentagon, I have a messagefor our military: Be ready. I’ve called theArmed Forces to alert, and there is a rea-son. The hour is coming when Americawill act, and you will make us proud.

This is not, however, just America’sfight. And what is at stake is not justAmerica’s freedom. This is the world’sfight. This is civilization’s fight. This isthe fight of all who believe in progressand pluralism, tolerance and freedom.

We ask every nation to join us. We willask, and we will need, the help of policeforces, intelligence services, and bankingsystems around the world. The UnitedStates is grateful that many nations andmany international organizations havealready responded—with sympathy andwith support. Nations from Latin America,to Asia, to Africa, to Europe, to the Islam-ic world. Perhaps the NATO Charterreflects best the attitude of the world: Anattack on one is an attack on all.

The civilized world is rallying to Ameri-ca’s side. They understand that if this ter-ror goes unpunished, their own cities, theirown citizens may be next. Terror, unan-swered, can not only bring down build-ings, it can threaten the stability of legiti-mate governments. And you know what—we’re not going to allow it.

Americans are asking: What is expectedof us? I ask you to live your lives, and hugyour children. I know many citizens havefears tonight, and I ask you to be calm andresolute, even in the face of a continuingthreat.

I ask you to uphold the values of Ameri-ca, and remember why so many havecome here. We are in a fight for our prin-ciples, and our first responsibility is to liveby them. No one should be singled out forunfair treatment or unkind words becauseof their ethnic background or religiousfaith.

I ask you to continue to support the vic-tims of this tragedy with your contribu-tions. Those who want to give can go to acentral source of information, libertyu-nites.org, to find the names of groups pro-viding direct help in New York, Pennsyl-vania, and Virginia.

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76 Winter 2002

Every nation, in every region, now has adecision to make. Either you are with us,or you are with the terrorists. From thisday forward, any nation that continues toharbor or support terrorism will beregarded by the United States as a hostileregime.

The thousands of FBI agents who arenow at work in this investigation mayneed your cooperation, and I ask you togive it.

I ask for your patience, with the delaysand inconveniences that may accompanytighter security; and for your patience inwhat will be a long struggle.

I ask your continued participation andconfidence in the American economy. Ter-rorists attacked a symbol of Americanprosperity. They did not touch its source.America is successful because of the hardwork, and creativity, and enterprise of ourpeople. These were the true strengths ofour economy before September 11th, andthey are our strengths today.

And, finally, please continue praying forthe victims of terror and their families, forthose in uniform, and for our great coun-try. Prayer has comforted us in sorrow,and will help strengthen us for the journeyahead.

Tonight I thank my fellow Americansfor what you have already done and forwhat you will do. And ladies and gentle-men of the Congress, I thank you, theirrepresentatives, for what you have alreadydone and for what we will do together.

Tonight, we face new and suddennational challenges. We will come togeth-er to improve air safety, to dramaticallyexpand the number of air marshals ondomestic flights, and take new measuresto prevent hijacking. We will come togeth-er to promote stability and keep our air-lines flying, with direct assistance duringthis emergency.

We will come together to give lawenforcement the additional tools it needsto track down terror here at home. We willcome together to strengthen our intelli-gence capabilities to know the plans ofterrorists before they act, and find thembefore they strike.

We will come together to take activesteps that strengthen America’s economy,and put our people back to work.

Tonight we welcome two leaders whoembody the extraordinary spirit of all NewYorkers: Governor George Pataki, andMayor Rudolph Giuliani. As a symbol ofAmerica’s resolve, my administration willwork with Congress, and these two lead-ers, to show the world that we will rebuildNew York City.

After all that has just passed—all thelives taken, and all the possibilities and

hopes that died with them—it is natural towonder if America’s future is one of fear.Some speak of an age of terror. I knowthere are struggles ahead, and dangers toface. But this country will define ourtimes, not be defined by them. As long asthe United States of America is deter-mined and strong, this will not be an ageof terror; this will be an age of liberty,here and across the world.

Great harm has been done to us. Wehave suffered great loss. And in our griefand anger we have found our mission andour moment. Freedom and fear are at war.The advance of human freedom—thegreat achievement of our time, and thegreat hope of every time—now dependson us. Our nation—this generation—willlift a dark threat of violence from our peo-ple and our future. We will rally the worldto this cause by our efforts, by ourcourage. We will not tire, we will not fal-ter, and we will not fail.

It is my hope that in the months andyears ahead, life will return almost to nor-mal. We’ll go back to our lives and rou-tines, and that is good. Even grief recedeswith time and grace. But our resolve mustnot pass. Each of us will remember whathappened that day, and to whom it hap-pened. We’ll remember the moment thenews came—where we were and what wewere doing. Some will remember animage of a fire, or a story of rescue. Somewill carry memories of a face and a voicegone forever.

And I will carry this: It is the policeshield of a man named George Howard,who died at the World Trade Center tryingto save others. It was given to me by hismom, Arlene, as a proud memorial to herson. This is my reminder of lives thatended, and a task that does not end.

I will not forget this wound to our coun-try or those who inflicted it. I will notyield; I will not rest; I will not relent inwaging this struggle for freedom andsecurity for the American people.

The course of this conflict is not known,yet its outcome is certain. Freedom andfear, justice and cruelty, have always beenat war, and we know that God is not neu-tral between them.

Fellow citizens, we’ll meet violencewith patient justice—assured of the right-ness of our cause, and confident of thevictories to come. In all that lies beforeus, may God grant us wisdom, and may

He watch over the United States of Ameri-ca.

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Secretary Colin Powell and ChineseMinister of Foreign Affairs TangJiaxuan delivered their remarks aftertheir meeting in Washington.

Secretary Powell. Good afternoon, ladiesand gentlemen. I’m sorry we’re runninglate. We have had an excellent set of dis-cussions, which ran over because theywere so comprehensive.

It’s a pleasure to once again meet withmy colleague from Beijing. This is one ofseveral times we have met in recentmonths. And we covered the full range ofissues that affect the relationship betweenour two countries. Especially, we talkedabout, as you might expect, the Presi-dent’s upcoming visit to Shanghai andBeijing. We also discussed counter-terror-ism activity in light of the recent eventshere in Washington and New York.

The Minister told me a very movingstory about a Chinese family who hadcome to visit their children here in thiscountry, and were killed in the plane thatcrashed into the Pentagon. And he metwith those children yesterday. And it justshows how this is an international crisis.And it all has to do with the loss of inno-cent humanity. And so we agreed to coop-erate in this campaign against terrorism.

I won’t cover all the different issues.The Minister may wish to talk about oneor two more. In the interests of time, I amanxious to get the Minister over to theWhite House for his meeting with Dr.Rice and with the President.

Mr. Minister, it is a great pleasure againto welcome you here in the United States.

Foreign Minister Tang. (As translated.)Ladies and gentlemen, today my talkswith Secretary Powell were useful, con-structive and successful. Our talks coveredmany issues, many of which the Secretaryhas already briefly touched upon.

For my part, I would like to emphasizethe following two points. Firstly, bothsides agree that the upcoming visit by

September 11, 2001


President Bush to China and the importantmeetings between the two presidents willexert a significant and far-reaching impacton China-U.S. relations. The Chinese sidebelieves that the President’s visit and hismeeting between top leaders will makecontributions to continue the long-termdevelopment of our relations in a normal,constructive, and healthy fashion, as wellas continued improvement of our relationsin the future.

Secondly, both sides have already start-ed our cooperation on the anti-terrorismfield, and such cooperation will continueinto the future. Our attitude on the ques-tion of terrorism has always been clear-cutand consistent. We firmly oppose andstrongly condemn all forms of terrorism inall their evil acts, and both sides agree tocarry out even better cooperation on thisquestion in the future.

Thank you.

Secretary Powell. The Minister has toleave for the White House. I’ll come backfor just a moment, if you want me to.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the Chinese ForeignMinistry spokesman earlier this weekmade some statements that seem toindicate that China was looking for aquid pro quo, their support for the anti-terrorist activity in exchange for somesort of agreement on Taiwan whereAmerica’s support would diminishsomewhat.

Did that come up in the talks at all?

Secretary Powell. No, there was nosuggestion of a quid pro quo. In fact, bothsides recognize that this is a threat to bothcountries. They have their terrorism prob-lems, and there are terrorism problemshere in the United States. So there wasabsolutely no discussion of a quid proquo.

Q. Mr. Secretary, how can China beespecially helpful to the United States,given its geography?

Secretary Powell. It has influence inthat region. It has knowledge and informa-tion. It has intelligence that might be ofhelp to us. And our counter-terrorismexperts will be getting together next weekto explore every way in which the twosides can cooperate.

Q. Secretary Powell, could I ask youabout Iran? As you know, the BritishForeign Secretary Jack Straw is goingto be in Iran, I believe today. You havehad conversations in the last days withyour British colleagues. What messagehave you asked the British to pass on orwhat message would you like them topass on—

Secretary Powell. Well, we did talk tothe Prime Minister about Foreign MinisterStraw’s visit to Iran. We have also hadother communications from Iran throughother channels. And as I said previously,we are anxious to explore whatever oppor-tunities for cooperation there might be inthe fight against all forms of terrorism, notjust one kind of terrorism.

But I think it’s best that I let ForeignMinister Straw deliver whatever messagehe chooses to deliver after our conversa-tion, rather than discuss it here.

Q. Mr. Secretary, did Foreign Minis-ter Tang express China’s explicit sup-port on U.S. military action in thatarea, Afghanistan and on bin Laden?

Secretary Powell. I made the point tothe Foreign Minister that we would belooking at a complete campaign thatwould involve going after finances, infor-mation, intelligence, law enforcement, andmight have a military component. But wedid not get into any details of a militarycomponent, nor did I ask the ChineseGovernment what their reaction might be,or nor did they suggest to me any partici-pation. It just didn’t come up, militarycooperation.

Q. Mr. Secretary, what will it meanspecifically for, as the President says,the United States will pursue thosecountries that “harbor and aid terror-ism,” and specifically what would thatmean for those states that are alreadydesignated as sponsors of terrorism bythe State Department?

Secretary Powell. We have designatedthose as sponsors of terrorism, and theyare subject to a variety of sanctions. Sothat is one way of pursuing them. And younotice the President said, “who continueto do this.” Perhaps these states will now

come to their senses that it is not in theirinterest—now that the entire internationalcommunity is mobilized, it is not in theirinterest to continue acting in this way,because they will risk further isolation andincreasing pressure if they participate insuch activities. And hopefully the messagewill get through and they will start tochange past patterns of behavior.

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The article of the Secretary-General intoday’s paper reflects exactly the generalmood and the general will not only of theSecurity Council but certainly of thewhole membership.

We all consider that the United Nationscan and indeed must be fully engagedwith determination, and in a unanimousway, in this fight against the scourge ofterrorism.

The debate in the General Assembly on1 October will be a golden opportunity toshow again the unanimity of the member-ship of the United Nations.

The Security Council, on the very dayof the attacks against the World TradeCenter and against the Pentagon, issued astatement to the press, and on 12 Septem-ber unanimously adopted resolution1368—which is quite an ambitious text.

Before going further we wanted to bebriefed by the Legal Counsel, HansCorell, on this issue of terrorism, andHans Corell has reminded us of the stateof affairs. There are already 12 conven-tions dealing with terrorism in its differentaspects. The last one was adopted duringthe last session of the General Assemblyto fight against the financing of terrorism,and is open for signature until 31 Decem-ber. So I take this opportunity to encour-age all members of the United Nations tosign this very important convention.

Beyond these 12 conventions, HansCorell reminded us that there are two ini-tiatives under consideration by the SixthCommittee and the General Assembly:

• the first one is proposed by India. It isa global convention against terrorism;

• the second one is proposed by Russia.It is a specific convention to fight nuclear

Feature

78 Winter 2002

terrorism.There are also specialized agencies and

regional organizations which play a veryimportant role in the fight against terror-ism.

In this context we had a lively discus-sion with the Legal Counsel about the roleof the Security Council. In the past theSecurity Council has already taken actionin general terms—for example we adoptedresolution 1269—or action focusedagainst this or that State—we adopted tworesolutions on Afghanistan, the latestbeing resolution 1333.

Is there room for action beyond resolu-tion 1368 that we adopted unanimously afew days ago? This will be discussed nextweek.

How and when will we decide on that? Iwill simply recall paragraph 5 of resolu-tion 1368, which says that the Councilexpresses its readiness to take all neces-sary steps to respond to the terroristattacks of 11 September 2001 and to com-bat all forms of terrorism, in accordancewith its responsibilities under the Charterof the United Nations.

That is exactly what we are determinedto do and what we will discuss next week.

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By the authority vested in me as Presidentby the Constitution and the laws of theUnited States of America, including theInternational Emergency Economic Pow-ers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.)(IEEPA),the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C.1601 et seq.), section 5 of the UnitedNations Participation Act of 1945, asamended (22 U.S.C. 287c) (UNPA), andsection 301 of title 3, United States Code,and in view of United Nations SecurityCouncil Resolution (UNSCR) 1214 ofDecember 8, 1998, UNSCR 1267 of Octo-ber 15, 1999, UNSCR 1333 of December19, 2000, and the multilateral sanctionscontained therein, and UNSCR 1363 ofJuly 30, 2001, establishing a mechanismto monitor the implementation of UNSCR1333,

I, GEORGE W. BUSH, President of theUnited States of America, find that graveacts of terrorism and threats of terrorismcommitted by foreign terrorists, includingthe terrorist attacks in New York, Pennsyl-

vania, and the Pentagon committed onSeptember 11, 2001, acts recognized andcondemned in UNSCR 1368 of September12, 2001, and UNSCR 1269 of October19, 1999, and the continuing and immedi-ate threat of further attacks on UnitedStates nationals or the United States con-stitute an unusual and extraordinary threatto the national security, foreign policy, andeconomy of the United States, and in fur-therance of my proclamation of Septem-ber 14, 2001, Declaration of NationalEmergency by Reason of Certain TerroristAttacks, hereby declare a national emer-gency to deal with that threat. I also findthat because of the pervasiveness andexpansiveness of the financial foundationof foreign terrorists, financial sanctionsmay be appropriate for those foreign per-sons that support or otherwise associatewith these foreign terrorists. I also findthat a need exists for further consultationand cooperation with, and sharing ofinformation by, United States and foreignfinancial institutions as an additional toolto enable the United States to combat thefinancing of terrorism.

I hereby order:Section 1. Except to the extent required

by section 203(b) of IEEPA (50 U.S.C.1702(b)), or provided in regulations,orders, directives, or licenses that may beissued pursuant to this order, and notwith-standing any contract entered into or anylicense or permit granted prior to theeffective date of this order, all propertyand interests in property of the followingpersons that are in the United States orthat hereafter come within the UnitedStates, or that hereafter come within thepossession or control of United States per-sons are blocked:

(a) foreign persons listed in the Annexto this order;

(b) foreign persons determined by theSecretary of State, in consultation with theSecretary of the Treasury and the AttorneyGeneral, to have committed, or to pose asignificant risk of committing, acts of ter-rorism that threaten the security of U.S.nationals or the national security, foreignpolicy, or economy of the United States;

(c) persons determined by the Secretaryof the Treasury, in consultation with theSecretary of State and the Attorney Gener-al, to be owned or controlled by, or to actfor or on behalf of those persons listed inthe Annex to this order or those persons

determined to be subject to subsection1(b), 1(c), or 1(d)(i) of this order;

(d) except as provided in section 5 ofthis order and after such consultation, ifany, with foreign authorities as the Secre-tary of State, in consultation with the Sec-retary of the Treasury and the AttorneyGeneral, deems appropriate in the exerciseof his discretion, persons determined bythe Secretary of the Treasury, in consulta-tion with the Secretary of State and theAttorney General;

(i) to assist in, sponsor, or providefinancial, material, or technological sup-port for, or financial or other services to orin support of, such acts of terrorism orthose persons listed in the Annex to thisorder or determined to be subject to thisorder; or

(ii) to be otherwise associated withthose persons listed in the Annex to thisorder or those persons determined to besubject to subsection 1(b), 1(c), or 1(d)(i)of this order.

Sec. 2. Except to the extent required bysection 203(b) of IEEPA (50 U.S.C.1702(b)), or provided in regulations,orders, directives, or licenses that may beissued pursuant to this order, and notwith-standing any contract entered into or anylicense or permit granted prior to theeffective date:

(a) any transaction or dealing by UnitedStates persons or within the United Statesin property or interests in propertyblocked pursuant to this order is prohibit-ed, including but not limited to the mak-ing or receiving of any contribution offunds, goods, or services to or for the ben-efit of those persons listed in the Annex tothis order or determined to be subject tothis order;

(b) any transaction by any United Statesperson or within the United States thatevades or avoids, or has the purpose ofevading or avoiding, or attempts to vio-late, any of the prohibitions set forth inthis order is prohibited; and

(c) any conspiracy formed to violate anyof the prohibitions set forth in this order isprohibited.

Sec. 3. For purposes of this order:(a) the term “person” means an individ-

ual or entity; (b) the term “entity” means a partner-

ship, association, corporation, or otherorganization, group, or subgroup;

(c) the term “United States person”

September 11, 2001


means any United States citizen, perma-nent resident alien, entity organized underthe laws of the United States (includingforeign branches), or any person in theUnited States; and

(d) the term “terrorism” means an activ-ity that—

(i) involves a violent act or an act dan-gerous to human life, property, or infra-structure; and

(ii) appears to be intended—(A) to intimidate or coerce a civilian

population; (B) to influence the policy of a govern-

ment by intimidation or coercion; or (C) to affect the conduct of a govern-

ment by mass destruction, assassination,kidnapping, or hostage-taking.

Sec. 4. I hereby determine that the mak-ing of donations of the type specified insection 203(b)(2) of IEEPA (50 U.S.C.1702(b)(2)) by United States persons topersons determined to be subject to thisorder would seriously impair my ability todeal with the national emergency declaredin this order, and would endanger ArmedForces of the United States that are in asituation where imminent involvement inhostilities is clearly indicated by the cir-cumstances, and hereby prohibit suchdonations as provided by section 1 of thisorder. Furthermore, I hereby determinethat the Trade Sanctions Reform andExport Enhancement Act of 2000 (title IX,Public Law 106-387) shall not affect theimposition or the continuation of theimposition of any unilateral agriculturalsanction or unilateral medical sanction onany person determined to be subject tothis order because imminent involvementof the Armed Forces of the United Statesin hostilities is clearly indicated by thecircumstances.

Sec. 5. With respect to those personsdesignated pursuant to subsection 1(d) ofthis order, the Secretary of the Treasury, inthe exercise of his discretion and in con-sultation with the Secretary of State andthe Attorney General, may take such otheractions than the complete blocking ofproperty or interests in property as thePresident is authorized to take underIEEPA and UNPA if the Secretary of theTreasury, in consultation with the Secre-tary of State and the Attorney General,deems such other actions to be consistentwith the national interests of the UnitedStates, considering such factors as he

deems appropriate. Sec. 6. The Secretary of State, the Sec-

retary of the Treasury, and other appropri-ate agencies shall make all relevant effortsto cooperate and coordinate with othercountries, including through technicalassistance, as well as bilateral and multi-lateral agreements and arrangements, toachieve the objectives of this order,including the prevention and suppressionof acts of terrorism, the denial of financ-ing and financial services to terrorists andterrorist organizations, and the sharing ofintelligence about funding activities insupport of terrorism.

Sec. 7. The Secretary of the Treasury, inconsultation with the Secretary of Stateand the Attorney General, is hereby autho-rized to take such actions, including thepromulgation of rules and regulations, andto employ all powers granted to the Presi-dent by IEEPA and UNPA as may be nec-essary to carry out the purposes of thisorder. The Secretary of the Treasury mayredelegate any of these functions to otherofficers and agencies of the United StatesGovernment. All agencies of the UnitedStates Government are hereby directed totake all appropriate measures within theirauthority to carry out the provisions ofthis order.

Sec. 8. Nothing in this order is intendedto affect the continued effectiveness ofany rules, regulations, orders, licenses, orother forms of administrative actionissued, taken, or continued in effectheretofore or hereafter under 31 C.F.R.chapter V, except as expressly terminated,modified, or suspended by or pursuant tothis order.

Sec. 9. Nothing contained in this orderis intended to create, nor does it create,any right, benefit, or privilege, substantiveor procedural, enforceable at law by aparty against the United States, its agen-cies, officers, employees or any other per-son.

Sec. 10. For those persons listed in theAnnex to this order or determined to besubject to this order who might have aconstitutional presence in the UnitedStates, I find that because of the ability totransfer funds or assets instantaneously,prior notice to such persons of measuresto be taken pursuant to this order wouldrender these measures ineffectual. I there-fore determine that for these measures tobe effective in addressing the national

emergency declared in this order, thereneed be no prior notice of a listing ordetermination made pursuant to this order.

Sec. 11. (a) This order is effective at12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on Sep-tember 24, 2001.

(b) This order shall be transmitted to theCongress and published in the FederalRegister.

ANNEXAl Qaida/Islamic Army Abu Sayyaf Group Armed Islamic Group (GIA) Harakat ul-Mujahidin (HUM) Al-Jihad (Egyptian Islamic Jihad) Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) Asbat al-Ansar Salafist Group for Call and Combat (GSPC) Libyan Islamic Fighting Group Al-Itihaad al-Islamiya (AIAI) Islamic Army of Aden Usama bin Laden Muhammad Atif (aka, Subhi Abu Sitta,Abu Hafs Al Masri) Sayf al-Adl Shaykh Sai’id (aka, Mustafa MuhammadAhmad) Abu Hafs the Mauritanian (aka, Mahfouz Ouldal-Walid, Khalid Al- Shanqiti) Ibn Al-Shaykh al-Libi Abu Zubaydah (aka, Zayn al-Abidin Muham-mad Husayn, Tariq) Abd al-Hadi al-Iraqi (aka, Abu Abdallah) Ayman al-Zawahiri Thirwat Salah Shihata Tariq Anwar al-Sayyid Ahmad (aka, Fathi, Amral-Fatih) Muhammad Salah (aka, Nasr Fahmi NasrHasanayn) Makhtab Al-Khidamat/Al Kifah Wafa Humanitarian Organization Al Rashid Trust Mamoun Darkazanli Import-Export Company

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Following the barbaric terrorist acts inNew York and Washington on September11 this year, the world is still living underthe impression of this tragedy.

The Russian Federation has been fight-ing international terrorism for a long timenow, relying exclusively on its ownresources, and it has repeatedly urged theinternational community to join efforts.Russia’s position is unchanged: we, natu-

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rally, are still ready to make a contributionto the struggle against terror. We believethat first and foremost it is necessary togive attention to reinforcing the role ofthose international agencies and institu-tions which were established for strength-ening international security. These are theU.N. and the U.N. Security Council. It isalso necessary to energetically get downto improving the international legal frame-work so that it would make it possible to

promptly and efficiently respond to acts ofterrorism.

As for the planned anti-terrorist opera-tion in Afghanistan, we formulate ourposition as follows.

First, vigorous international cooperationbetween special services. Russia is sup-plying and intends to continue to supplythe information available to it about theinfrastructure and locations of internation-al terrorists and about the bases trainingmilitants.

Second, we are prepared to make theRussian Federation’s air space availablefor the flights-through of planes carryinghumanitarian cargo to the area of that anti-terrorist operation.

Third, we have agreed the above posi-tion with our allies from among CentralAsian nations. They share this positionand do not rule out for themselves thepossibility of making their airfields avail-able.

Fourth, Russia is also ready, if need be,to take part in international search and

rescue operations.Fifth, we will broaden cooperation with

the internationally recognized governmentof Afghanistan led by Mr. Rabbani andprovide additional support to his armedforces in the form of arms and militaryhardware supplies.

Other, more extensive forms of Russia’scooperation with the participants in theanti-terrorist operation are possible. Theextent and character of this cooperationwill directly depend on the overall leveland quality of our relations with thosecountries and on mutual understanding infighting international terrorism.

I have formed a team led by DefenseMinister of the Russian Federation SergeiIvanov to coordinate work on all the mat-ters I have outlined above. This team willcollect and analyze incoming informationand collaborate with the participants in theoperation in practical terms.

We also believe that what is happeningin Chechnya cannot be viewed out of thecontext of the fight against internationalterrorism. At the same time we understandthat these events have a history of theirown. I allow for there still being people inChechnya who have taken up arms underthe influence of false or warped values.Now that the civilized world has definedits position on fighting terror, everyoneshould define his or her position as well.This chance should also be offered tothose who have not yet laid down arms inChechnya.

That is why I offer all the participants inthe unlawful armed militias and those whocall themselves political leaders to imme-diately cease all contacts with internation-al terrorists and their organizations and tocontact official representatives of the fed-eral authorities within 72 hours to discussthe following questions: procedures forthe disarmament of these unlawful armedmilitias and groups and procedures fortheir integration in peaceful life in Chech-nya. Viktor Kazantsev, the PlenipotentiaryRepresentative of the President of theRussian Federation in the Southern Feder-al District, of which Chechnya is part, willbe authorized to make such contacts onbehalf of the federal authorities.

I would also like to use this opportunityto say a few words about my meetingtoday with the heads of the Moslem reli-gious boards of Russia. That meeting tookplace on their initiative. They have pro-

posed holding an International IslamicConference in Moscow on the theme“Islam Against Terror.” I share their con-cern over the situation taking shape in theworld. Undoubtedly, support will be givento holding the conference. I believe that itis only with the active involvement of reli-gious communities themselves that effec-tive struggle could be mounted againstreligious extremism and fanaticism, notjust Islamic but any other as well.

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President Bush. Good morning. At 12:01a.m. this morning, a major thrust of ourwar on terrorism began with the stroke ofa pen. Today, we have launched a strikeon the financial foundation of the globalterror network.

Make no mistake about it, I’ve askedour military to be ready for a reason. Butthe American people must understand thiswar on terrorism will be fought on a vari-ety of fronts, in different ways. The frontlines will look different from the wars ofthe past.

So I told the American people we willdirect every resource at our command towin the war against terrorists: everymeans of diplomacy, every tool of intelli-gence, every instrument of law enforce-ment, every financial influence. We willstarve the terrorists of funding, turn themagainst each other, rout them out of theirsafe hiding places and bring them to jus-tice.

I’ve signed an executive order thatimmediately freezes United States finan-cial assets of and prohibits United Statestransactions with 27 different entities.They include terrorist organizations, indi-vidual terrorist leaders, a corporation thatserves as a front for terrorism, and severalnonprofit organizations.

Just to show you how insidious theseterrorists are, they oftentimes use nice-sounding, non-governmental organizationsas fronts for their activities. We have tar-geted three such NGOs. We intend to dealwith them, just like we intend to deal withothers who aid and abet terrorist organiza-

September 11, 2001


We also believe that what is happening inChechnya cannot be viewed out of thecontext of the fight against internationalterrorism. At the same time we understandthat these events have a history of theirown. I allow for there still being people inChechnya who have taken up arms underthe influence of false or warped values.Now that the civilized world has definedits position on fighting terror, everyoneshould define his or her position as well.This chance should also be offered tothose who have not yet laid down arms inChechnya.

tions. This executive order means thatUnited States banks that have assets ofthese groups or individuals must freezetheir accounts. And United States citizensor businesses are prohibited from doingbusiness with them.

We know that many of these individualsand groups operate primarily overseas,and they don’t have much money in theUnited States. So we’ve developed a strat-egy to deal with that. We’re putting banksand financial institutions around the worldon notice, we will work with their govern-ments, ask them to freeze or block terror-ist’s ability to access funds in foreignaccounts. If they fail to help us by sharinginformation or freezing accounts, theDepartment of the Treasury now has theauthority to freeze their bank’s assets andtransactions in the United States.

We have developed the internationalfinancial equivalent of law enforcement’s“Most Wanted” list. And it puts the finan-cial world on notice. If you do businesswith terrorists, if you support or sponsorthem, you will not do business with theUnited States of America.

I want to assure the world that we willexercise this power responsibly. But makeno mistake about it, we intend to, and wewill, disrupt terrorist networks. I want toassure the American people that in takingthis action and publishing this list, we’reacting based on clear evidence, much ofwhich is classified, so it will not be dis-closed. It’s important as this war progress-es that the American people understandwe make decisions based upon classifiedinformation, and we will not jeopardizethe sources; we will not make the warmore difficult to win by publicly disclos-ing classified information.

And, by the way, this list is just a begin-ning. We will continue to add more namesto the list. We will freeze the assets of oth-ers as we find that they aid and abet ter-rorist organizations around the world.We’ve established a foreign terrorist assettracking center at the Department of theTreasury to identify and investigate thefinancial infrastructure of the internationalterrorist networks.

It will bring together representatives ofthe intelligence, law enforcement andfinancial regulatory agencies to accom-plish two goals: to follow the money as atrail to the terrorists, to follow theirmoney so we can find out where they are;

and to freeze the money to disrupt theiractions.

We’re also working with the friends andallies throughout the world to share infor-mation. We’re working closely with theUnited Nations, the EU and through theG-7/G-8 structure to limit the ability ofterrorist organizations to take advantage ofthe international financial systems.

The United States has signed, but notyet ratified, two international conventions,one of which is designed to set interna-tional standards for freezing financialassets. I’ll be asking members of the U.S.Senate to approve the U.N. Convention onSuppression of Terrorist Financing and arelated convention on terrorist bombings;and to work with me on implementing thelegislation.

We will lead by example. We will workwith the world against terrorism. Money isthe lifeblood of terrorist operations.Today, we’re asking the world to stop pay-ment.

Now, the Secretary of Treasury wouldlike to say a few remarks, followed bySecretary Powell, then I’ll answer a fewquestions.

Secretary O’Neill. Thank you, Mr.President. This order provides the authori-ty to block funds of terrorists and anyoneassociated with a terrorist or terrorism.The order names specific individuals andcharitable organizations that are fundingterrorist acts. Donors now will know toavoid these charities that front for terror-ists.

With the signing of this executive order,we have the President’s explicit directiveto block the U.S. assets of any domesticor foreign financial institution that refusesto cooperate with us in blocking assets ofterrorist organizations. This order is anotice to financial institutions around theworld, if you have any involvement in thefinancing of the al Qaeda organization,you have two choices: cooperate in thisfight, or we will freeze your U.S. assets;we will punish you for providing theresources that make these evil acts possi-ble.

Many of our allies around the worldhave already stepped forward to cooperatein destroying terrorism’s financial infra-structure. I will be in contact with my G-7colleagues again tomorrow to furthercoordinate our joint effort to shut down

the financial underpinnings of terrorism. Today’s executive order gives us a new

weapon to deny terrorists access to funds.The foreign terrorist asset tracking centerthat we announced last week is up andrunning, coordinating information fromamong government agencies with theexpress purpose of identifying and stamp-ing out the financial network that fundsterrorism. And we’re working with the G-7 nations, and many others, to attack allparts of a global infrastructure thatfinances these acts of evil.

Together, we will succeed in starvingthe terrorists of funding and shutting downthe institutions that support or facilitateterrorism.

Secretary Powell. Thank you, Mr. Pres-ident and Secretary O’Neill. As the Presi-dent said, the campaign has begun. We’regoing after al Qaeda. We’re going afterterrorism. And this is an indication of howwe’re going to use all the elements of ournational and international power to do it.Terrorists require a financial infrastruc-ture. They require safe-havens. Theyrequire places that will get them succorand comfort. We’re going after all of themin every way that we can.

And we’re focusing this morning on thefinancial infrastructure of terrorism. We’regoing to take this initiative into the UnitedNations and try to get additional resolu-tions that will serve similar purposes.We’re working with the European Union.We’re working with the G-7 and G-8, asSecretary O’Neill and the President havementioned. We’re going to be workingwith Congress, as the President has men-tioned, to get these two U.N. conventionsratified, and the implementing legislationin place.

I’m very, very pleased at the level ofcooperation that we are receiving fromaround the world. All civilized nations inthe world understand that the civilizedworld has to go after terrorism. The WorldTrade Center, America suffered a grievousblow. But the whole world did—somealmost 80 nations suffered losses at theWorld Trade Center. And that’s why thewhole world is joining with us. Nationssuch as the United Arab Emirates, whichdeclared the Taliban no longer welcomeand broke diplomatic relations. All ofthese are part of the campaign.

It’s a campaign that will be fought with

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persistence and with perseverance, andwill be fought until, as the President hassaid, we have prevailed and we have won.Thank you.

President Bush. Bill.

Q. Mr. President, when will you pub-lish the paper which Secretary Powellmentioned yesterday, outlining some ofthe proof that you have of the involve-ment of bin Laden and al Qaeda andothers?

President Bush. The Secretary said thathe’d be glad to talk about the paper. Letme first tell you that I gave a speech to thenation last Thursday in which I spent agreat deal of time talking about the alQaeda organization as the first terroristorganization that we’re going to deal with.And the reason I did is there is a lot ofclassified information that leads to oneperson, as well as one global terroristorganization.

But for those of you looking for a legalpeg, we’ve already indicted Osama binLaden. He’s under indictment for terroristactivity. Our war is against terrorism.Those who would conduct terrorist actsagainst the United States, those who spon-sor them, those who harbor them, thosewho challenge freedom wherever it mayexist.

And, Mr. Secretary, if you’d like tomake a comment on that.

Secretary Powell. I just might point outthat he has been under indictment for thebombings of our embassy. And as wegather information, and as we talk to ourfriends and allies around the world, and aswe get more cooperation, more informa-tion is coming in with respect to his activ-ities and the activities of this network.Most of it is classified, and as we lookthrough it, we can find areas that areunclassified and it will allow us to sharethis information with the public, we willdo so. That would be our intent. But mostof it is classified.

But there’s no question that this net-work, with this gentleman at the head—ifone can call a terrorist a gentleman, justfor purposes of illustration—this guy atthe head of this network—the chairman ofthis holding company of terrorism, is theone who is responsible.

And as we are able to provide informa-tion that is not sensitive or classified, Ithink we will try to do that in every way.

President Bush. Yes, Helen.

Q. Mr. President, how much coopera-tion are you getting from Russia? Andis Saudi Arabia going to allow us to useits air base, or aren’t you allowed totalk about it?

President Bush. Well, first, I had anhour-long discussion—nearly an hour-long discussion with President Putin onSaturday. He was very forthcoming in hiswillingness to work closely with the Unit-ed States in our efforts to battle terrorism.I was very pleased with my discussion,Helen. I found him to be a person who—first of all, understands the vision thatwe’ve entered into a new conflict in the21st century.

You need to know that when I was onAir Force One and ordered alerts—increased alert status for our troops, Presi-dent Putin was the first call I got. And hemade it clear that he would stand downtheir troops. In other words, to me it was amoment where it clearly said to me, heunderstands the Cold War is over. In thepast, as you well know, that had the Presi-dent put the—raised the DEF CON levelsof our troops, Russia would have respond-ed accordingly. There would have beeninevitable tension.

Along those—the reason I bring that upis that Vladimir Putin clearly understandsthat the Cold War is over, and that theUnited States and Russia can cooperate.We can cooperate with a new strategicarrangement. We can cooperate in the bat-tle against terrorism. We talked about a lotof areas of the world. We talked about theCentral Asian republics. And as you know,they have been forthcoming in their state-ments about their understanding of apotential campaign. And I told him Iappreciated his willingness to work withus in that area.

And so it was a very constructive dia-logue. He also understands that terroristactivity is going to require a—to fight ter-rorist activity is going to require a broadfront, and that his nation, like ours, is sub-ject to terrorist attack.

As far as the Saudi Arabians go—and,again, the Secretary can comment on this,

he’s had more recent contact with themthan I have—but they’ve been nothing butcooperative. Our dialogue has been oneof—as you would expect friends to beable to discuss issues. And my discussionwith the Foreign Minister, as well as theAmbassador, have been very positive. Andthere’s been no indication, as far as I’mconcerned, that the Saudis won’t cooper-ate once they understand exactly our mis-sion.

Secretary Powell. That’s exactly right,Mr. President. They have not turned downany requests that we have presented tothem.

Q. Mr. President, are you asking Con-gress for the power to waive militaryrestrictions on countries—on all coun-tries that help us, including those we’veconsidered as rogue nations? And, if so,why?

President Bush. No, you’re—I thinkyou’re referring to—first of all, we’vewaived the sanctions on Pakistan andIndia, as related to the Glenn Act. But Ithink you’re referring to a report that wewere going to ask for a blanket—blanketexceptions, or blanket waivers for—andthe answer is no, we’re not. That’s anerroneous report.

Q.—just case-by-case now, is thatidea, like—

President Bush. Well, where giventhe—where the law allows, I will do itcase-by-case. But we don’t intend to askCongress for a blanket waiver, as reportedin one of the journals.

Q. Mr. President, last week you con-demned the Taliban regime, and saidthat if they did not comply with yourdemands, they would share the fate ofthe terrorists. That raises the question,what is your administration and othercoalition members planning to do tomaintain stability and order in CentralAsia? Are we supporting this exiledKing, the northern insurgence, someU.N. administration? What are ourgoals there, if the Taliban are to beremoved?

President Bush. Terry, I—first of all,

September 11, 2001


we were mindful that every action couldhave a consequence. And as you know, wehave spent a lot of time and effort andfocus on Pakistan. I just talked about thewaiving of sanctions with Pakistan andIndia. We believe that will bring stabilityto that part of the world. We have talkedto other friends about how to make surethat the Musharraf presidency is a stablepresence in that part of the world.

In terms of activities withinAfghanistan, I’m not going to talk aboutthose. I will not jeopardize our mission inany way by talking about military or in-country plans. We have a responsibility asan administration to speak as candidly aswe can to the American people, but with-out jeopardizing life. And so, therefore,we will be willing to discuss that veryimportant question at an appropriate time,and now is not the appropriate time.

Q. Mr. President, to put some per-spective into all of this, how much—canyou tell us a rough estimate of howmuch the al Qaeda network is worthdomestically, and perhaps and/orworldwide?

President Bush. Well, I think in mystatement I made it clear that we don’tanticipate many assets to be frozen here inthe United States, and that most of theassets will be overseas. And one of thejobs that the Secretary of Treasury isgoing to do is to help us identify the sizeof the organization’s balance sheet.

I can’t give you a rough estimate rightnow.

Q.—hundreds of millions?

President Bush. But let’s put it thisway—enough to fund terrorist activity thatthreatens freedom. And there are—take,for example, the non-governmental orga-nizations. They run a fair amount ofmoney through their organizations, andwe’re beginning, as you can tell from thelist we’ve laid out, or will be able to tellfrom the list, that we’re beginning to setpriorities of those most egregious andtheir serving as fronts for terrorist activi-ties. I don’t know the full amount of theircash flows, but one dime of money into aterrorist activity is one dime too much.

And we know that these organizationscannot function if we’re able to—the way

they want to—if we’re able to chop offtheir monies. And we intend to do so. Andwe’ve got a big task ahead. In Europe, forexample, there are probably going to needto be some laws changed in order forthose governments to react the way weexpect them to. That’s why I said in mycomment, while we now—while the Sec-retary of Treasury now has the option ofproviding some draconian measure, wewill look at it in on a case-by-case basis.We expect there to be a complete and fulleffort to join us in affecting terrorist orga-nizations in all ways, shapes and forms.

The reason why we held this statementin the Rose Garden is it helps the Ameri-can people understand we are waging adifferent kind of war. It is a war that isgoing to take a while. It is a war that willhave many fronts. It is a war that willrequire the United States to use our influ-ence in a variety of areas in order to winit. And one area is financial.

We know there are some banks, forexample, that provide easy access moneyfor terrorist organizations. We will dealwith them. And if we can’t deal with themindividually, we will call upon our friendsto deal with them.

One of the interesting things that theSecretary can tell you—both Secretarieswill tell you—is a lot of nations and theirrepresentatives have asked, how can wehelp; what can we do to join the effort.Some nations will feel comfortable pro-viding troops. Some nations will feel com-fortable providing intelligence. Somenations will only feel comfortable helpingus wage the battle on the financial front.And that’s fine by us, because we under-stand how important it is to stop the flowof funds.

Q. Mr. President, one question on theeconomy. How concerned are you aboutconsumer confidence right now? Peopleare afraid to fly, they’re not traveling.And are you, at this point, concernedthat the economy has already dippedinto a recession?

President Bush. Well, I’m—I haven’tseen—I’m not a statistician, but I’ve gotenough anecdotal evidence to tell youthere are people hurting, and there are alittle too many layoffs. And any timesomebody loses a job in America, I’mconcerned.

And I’m concerned about the shock thishas had on our economy, and I’m con-cerned about, obviously, the effect of theairlines, for example, the weakness in theairline sector has had on the economy.That’s why I signed the bill as soon asCongress passed it, to provide some non-recourse loans to the airlines, to keepthem up and running right now.

But I want to assure the American peo-ple that the fundamentals for growth arevery strong. That which made us uniquein the world existed prior to September—that existed prior to September 11th existstoday. We’re still a nation of entrepreneursand small business vitality. We’re still anation of innovation. We’ve got a verygood tax structure.

There is no question the attacks haveaffected America, but I think when theinvestors sit back and take a hard look atthe fundamentals of the economy, they’llget back in the market. I think that con-sumers will realize life is going on. I thinkpeople appreciate the fact that our govern-ment has come together to act in a verysignificant way, to provide monies wherenecessary, for—whether it be to helprebuild New York or whether it be to pro-vide a financial basis for airlines to stay inbusiness. We’ll come out of this, and we’llcome out of it strong.

See, these terrorists thought they couldaffect the United States. They thoughtthey could diminish our soul. They juststrengthened our country. And while thenumbers aren’t going to look too good inthe short-run, we’ll be a stronger nation asa result of this. And they’ve miscalculated.They made a terrible mistake. Theythought somehow they could affect thepsyche of our country. They’re wrong.

And not only that, we’ll prove themwrong. They have roused the ire of a greatnation. And we’re going to smoke themout of their caves, and get them running.And we’re going to use every means atour disposal to do so. And this is going torequire patience and focus and disciplineon behalf of the—by the American peopleand by my administration.

No, I understand six months from nowwe’ll be sitting around talking about somestatistic, or something—maybe there willbe an argument in Congress about someissue or something like that. But theAmerican people have got to understandthat when I held up that badge, I meant it:

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this war on terrorism is my primary focus.Of course I’m concerned about peoplebeing laid off. Of course I’m concernedabout the pieces of legislation that may bestalled.

But we are talking about a campaignagainst people who hate freedom. And thelegacy that this administration and thisgeneration can leave for future generationsis a legacy that is so vital for the under-pinnings of this nation and others wholove freedom.

And so I—we’re a great nation, and theworld has seen how great we are. And youbet there are problems with our economyshort-run, but not long-run. And you betthere’s a concern about whether or notwe’ll be able to wrap up every financialinstrument used to fund terrorism.

But make no mistake about it, we’regoing after them all. And we’ll win, we’regoing to win. Terrorists are going to real-ize they can’t face down freedom. Terror-ists are going to realize they made a bigmistake, they miscalculated America. AndI think they miscalculate a lot of our alliesand friends, too. There is a determinedwill, and we accept the challenge in thisadministration.

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Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:) On the morning of September 11, 2001,

terrorists hijacked four U.S. commercialairliners. These terrorists coldly murderedthousands of innocent people on those air-liners and on the ground, and deliberatelydestroyed the towers of the World TradeCenter and surrounding buildings and aportion of the Pentagon.

In response to these attacks on our terri-tory, our citizens, and our way of life, Iordered the deployment of various com-bat-equipped and combat support forces toa number of foreign nations in the Centraland Pacific Command areas of operations.In the future, as we act to prevent anddeter terrorism, I may find it necessary toorder additional forces into these andother areas of the world, including intoforeign nations where U.S. Armed Forces

are already located. I have taken these actions pursuant to

my constitutional authority to conductU.S. foreign relations and as Commanderin Chief and Chief Executive. It is notnow possible to predict the scope andduration of these deployments, and theactions necessary to counter the terroristthreat to the United States. It is likely thatthe American campaign against terrorismwill be a lengthy one.

I am providing this report as part of myefforts to keep the Congress informed,consistent with the War Powers Resolu-tion and Senate Joint Resolution 23,which I signed on September 18, 2001. Asyou know, officials of my Administrationand I have been regularly communicatingwith the leadership and other Members ofCongress about the actions we are takingto respond to the threat of terrorism andwe will continue to do so. I appreciate thecontinuing support of the Congress,including its passage of Senate Joint Res-olution 23, in this action to protect thesecurity of the United States of Americaand its citizens, civilian and military, hereand abroad.

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I wanted to give you an update on severalissues. I think two weeks on from theattacks on the United States, it is clear tome that the coalition of support for firmaction against those responsible isstrengthening rather than weakening.

I’ve just spoken now to the JapanesePrime Minister, who in common with allG8 leaders, is determined that his countryshould play its part in defeating thisscourge of international terrorism. I alsowant to welcome specifically the latestsupport offered by President Putin of Rus-sia—a new and better relationship is beingforged with Russia and the rest of thedemocratic world, which I think all of usshould welcome. I’ve also spoken todaywith President Assad of Syria and withPrime Minister Sharon of Israel, As youknow, we have been urging both sides inthe Middle East Peace Process to resumetalks as soon as possible, so I was particu-larly pleased that Prime Minister Sharoncalled me today to say that the meeting

between Yasser Arafat and Shimon Pereswas going to go ahead.

And as the coalition builds, and as ourpreparations continue, the terrorists insideAfghanistan, and the Taliban regime thatharbors them, should not doubt the unityof the alliance being built against them, orour determination to do what is necessaryto bring those responsible to account. Ifthe regime in Afghanistan refuses to dowhat they know they should, then ourenemy’s friend also becomes our enemytoo. They have chosen to help the terror-ists; and in choosing to help the friends ofterror, they are choosing to be enemies ofours.

Our stated aim, as you know, is to bringto justice those responsible for the attacksof a fortnight ago, which killed severalthousand people, including many, manyBritish people. The Taliban regime standsin the way of that. But I also want to addthis: our fight is with that regime, not withthe people of Afghanistan. These peoplehave also suffered for years: their rightsabused, women’s rights non-existent,poverty and illness ignored, a regimewithout respect or justice for its own peo-ple. A regime founded on fear, and fundedlargely by drugs and crime.

Our fight is not with Islam. Our fight iswith a terrorist network and a regime thatsustains them in mutual support. The vastmajority of Muslims, as I’ve said manytimes many before, condemn the attacksas unreservedly as we do. The Afghansfleeing now are fleeing in fear of theirown regime every bit as much as in fear ofmilitary conflict. But military conflictthere will be unless the Taliban changeand respond to the ultimatum that hasbeen so clearly delivered to them.

They care little for human life. And theycare little for their own people. But we docare about the humanitarian plight of peo-ple in Afghanistan. That is why we havebeen discussing in the past few days, andmost recently with the Prime Minister ofJapan this morning, putting in place aproper response to the humanitarian crisisnow developing as a result of the attack ofSeptember 11. We are looking now, bothin our own account, with other countries,with the United Nations—and I spoke tothe Secretary General a short time ago—to try to do what we can to get food sup-plies both to refugees, and to those stayinginside Afghanistan. This will be particu-

September 11, 2001


larly pressing with the winter snows duein a matter of weeks. In addition we areworking on plans for the long-term.

We have already announced some extra$25 million for refugees in the region; westand ready to do more if necessary. Butthis will require a concerted effort at everysingle level of international organizationsresponsible for these issues. We are goingto help with the resources for theUNHCR, the Red Cross and other non-governmental organizations; and we aregoing to work with experts and local andinternational groups in order to providemuch-needed food and supplies.

Finally, as all countries look to theirown domestic laws, we have been lookingvery carefully at issues such as the financ-ing of terrorism, extradition laws, asylumand immigration, as well as our own spe-cific anti-terror laws. I am in no doubt ofthe need to strengthen our laws in thefight against terrorism and again, withinthe next couple of weeks, we shall beannouncing the measures that we intend totake.

Q. Prime Minister, could I ask aboutwhat you said about the Taliban gov-ernment? Can you give us any sense ofwhen this ultimatum runs out, howmuch more time—if any—they havegot? And secondly, we said similar sortsof things about the Iraqi regime, andafter the Gulf War we left them there.Is it your intention that if the Talibanfail to respond, we will remove the Tal-iban government and put an alternativegovernment into Afghanistan?

Prime Minister Blair. The way that Iwould put this is, is as follows: The Tal-iban regime know exactly what they needto do. It’s been spelt out very clearly byPresident Bush, by myself, by other worldleaders. And they could do it perfectlyeasily. And they choose not to do itbecause they are helping bin Laden andthey have helped the terror camps set upin Afghanistan for the export of terrorthroughout the world. Now, they could actat any point in time. They want to, andthey should act. In respect to the regimeitself, if they stand in the way of bringingbin Laden and those associated with himto account, then they are every bit asmuch our enemy as bin Laden himself.So, their choice is very clear; they either

change what they have been doing, behaveas they should do, and yield up the personthey know perfectly well is responsible forthis atrocity, or they will be treated as anenemy and their regime will be treated asan enemy.

Q. Prime Minister, can I just put thisto you—are you suggesting that theforces of the West have it in their powerfirst of all to remove the Taliban regimeif necessary, and is it also realistic tohope that you can track down binLaden, either capture him, or kill him?

Prime Minister Blair. We certainlyhave the power to do very considerabledamage to the Taliban regime, and anyaction that we take will be directedtowards the regime, not at the ordinarypeople of Afghanistan who are the victimsof this regime, who have been treatedappallingly and abused appallingly by thatregime. And, you wouldn’t expect me tosay a great deal about what capacity wehave to track the whereabouts of binLaden and to hunt him down, but I canassure you we will bend every singleeffort to that end.

Q. One or two things concerningIsrael for the moment, the Israeli primeminister’s sources close to him havesuggested that you actually apologizedfor what Jack Straw had said aboutPalestine. Is that the case? And also,could I ask in view of the fact that theredoes seem to be a re-evaluation hasbeen made clear both towards thehumanitarian position in Afghanistanand towards Israel and the Palestiniansas a result of this bombing, wouldn’tthe conclusion, however depressing, bethat terrorism actually works inasmuchas it re-focuses international opinion?

Prime Minister Blair. Well, there wasnever any issue of an apology being askedfor at all. What we did do, however, wasdiscuss both in the light of Jack Straw’svisit and also because of the current situa-tion, how we could move forward theMiddle East Peace Process, and I wasvery pleased that the prime minister saidthat the meeting between Simon Peres andYassir Arafat would go ahead. And, Ithink there’s a—I think this is the waythat I would put this to you. This crisis

has been so severe, and the events so trau-matic, the terrorist outrage so atrociousthat what has happened is that all aroundthe world, people are re-evaluating howthey must deal with this situation, how wemust come together and act, and there is areal sense that I have that the internationalcommunity is coming together. And awhole series of things that you might havethought of completely impossible a fewweeks ago are possible. The fact that theForeign Secretary is in Iran, with Iranhaving issued its solidarity with the peo-ple of the United States of America as aresult of this outrage. The fact that theMiddle East peace process that seemedcompletely stalled now has some hope init. The fact that I can talk to the Syrianpresident today and we can discuss thepossibility of his coming to Britain, anddiscussing what we can do jointly in theaction against terrorism. The fact thatRussia is fully behind taking actionagainst those responsible and offering itshelp and assistance to the United States ofAmerica. The fact that, as I’ve discussedwith the Japanese prime minister thismorning, that for the first time in many,many years Japan has stepped forward andsaid this is an international crisis, we wantto play a part in it though we play no partas a result of our own position, in militaryaction nonetheless, we will give logisticalsupport, we will give humanitarian sup-port, we will do what we can to assistAmerica. So, I think what is—what ishappening is that because this crisis hasbeen, as I say, so deep, and because nowthere is this real sense in the internationalcommunity that it has to come together, ifyou like, a whole lot of barriers and obsta-cles to people communicating with eachother, trying to understand each other’spoint of view are coming down and arebreaking up. And I, I mean, insofar as anygood can come out of such evil, I thinkthat is the good that is emerging from it.

Q. Could we for a moment turn to thequestion of Israel and bringing downthe barriers? You said that no questionof an apology being asked for, but inorder to smooth things over, was thereany expression of regret for any misun-derstanding that might have arisen?

Prime Minister Blair. The relationshipbetween both myself and the prime minis-

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ter of Israel and between Israel andBritain are very, very strong and, frankly,the most important thing is that we dis-cuss how we get the peace process mov-ing forward, and that’s what we did.

Q. Prime Minister, you say that if theTaliban gave up bin Laden that is theirchoice, but would it be enough for theTaliban to give up bin Laden to obviatethe need for some form of militarystrikes or, given what the Americansparticularly have said about otherstates who harbor terrorists, wouldn’tthere still be the danger that we wouldhave to take military action againstother states, or is it—is that the simpleprice of stopping the war, that we getbin Laden to justice?

Prime Minister Blair. No, I think it’svery important that I say to you that binLaden is, is one of the leading organizersand sponsors of terrorism in the world, buthe’s not the only one, and he’s not theonly one operating out of Afghanistan.There are scores of these terrorist campsin Afghanistan, and they have been helpedand supported and given succor by theTaliban regime. So, it’s not simply a ques-tion of them yielding up bin Laden, it is aquestion of them making sure that allthose responsible for terrorism are yieldedup and that those camps are closed down,and then verifiably closed down because,you know, these people have been export-ing this terror right around the world. Ofcourse what has happened on the 11th ofSeptember is an atrocity so great that ithas had naturally the impact it has, but ifyou look back in the last ten years, thereis a whole long list of terrorist acts thatthese people have carried out, fundedfrom and organized from Afghanistan.

Q. On the measures that you sayyou’re going to be introducing in a cou-ple of weeks, are you yourself convincedfor the need for identity cards?

Prime Minister Blair. In respect of allthese measures, both in respect of the lawsof extradition and how we make sure thatwe are tackling the issue properly of howwe prosecute people for terrorist crimes,these are all questions—and questions likeis, are identity cards a good idea or not—they’re questions that are under considera-

tion, but until we’ve made our delibera-tions, I think it’s as well not to speculateon them.

* * * *

Q. Can we talk about humanitarian aid,because obviously that’s something yousee as very important? Are you—wetalking about getting food supplies tothem within camps just over the borderinto Pakistan? Are we talking aboutputting aid actually dropping food sup-plies within Afghanistan? What are wetrying to do?

Prime Minister Blair. I think we’ve gotto do both. We’ve got to look, obviously,at how we help those people in camps out-side of Afghanistan, people particularlywho are fleeing over the borders and tothe countries surrounding Pak—Afghanistan such as Pakistan. But, in asense, that is an easier thing to do. I mean,that requires us to put a lot of effort andmoney into it, but at least we can reachthe people relatively easily. What we’realso looking at, however, is what help wecan get to those people actually insideAfghanistan itself. Now, even in normalcircumstances, and there aren’t many nor-mal circumstances in Afghanistan, buteven normally, they are living in abjectpoverty a lot of them and dependent onaid. And what we’ve got to make sure isthat we try and get whatever help that wecan to those people who have been dis-placed in Afghanistan at the present time,and we will do that.

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Secretary Colin Powell and EgyptianMinister of Foreign Affairs AhmedMaher delivered their remarks aftermeeting in Washington, DC.

Secretary Powell. Good afternoon, ladiesand gentlemen. It has been my pleasure tohost my dear friend and good colleague,the Foreign Minister of Egypt, MinisterMaher. We have had a good conversation,reviewing the situation in the Middle East,in light of the developments of today, with

a successful meeting between MinisterShimon Peres and Chairman Arafat. Andwe will both be working closely togetherto assist the Palestinians and the Israelis tomove forward from this new beginning.

And we have also had a good discussionof the events of September 11th, and whatwe have been doing together since then. Iexpressed my appreciation to the Ministerand, through him, to President Mubarakfor the strong words of support and for thecondolences we have received from theEgyptian people and I, in turn, extendedmy regrets to the families of the Egyptianswho were lost in the World Trade Center.

And I also expressed my appreciationfor the commitment that Egypt has madeto working with us as we move forward todeal with the scourge of terrorism. Egypt,as all of us know, is really ahead of us onthis issue. They have had to deal with actsof terrorism in recent years in the courseof their history. And we have much tolearn from them and there is much we cando together.

So I welcome my colleague and I lookforward to continued cooperation withhim, his associates, and with the EgyptianGovernment as we move forward on thiscampaign.

Mr. Minister.

Foreign Minister Maher. Thank you,Mr. Secretary. It is always a pleasure tomeet with you, even in difficult circum-stances. Because the message I broughtwas a message of reiterating our condo-lences and reiterating our solidarity—thesolidarity of the Egyptian people, Presi-dent and Government with the UnitedStates—and our determination to worktogether in the fight against terrorism.

As the Secretary said, we have sufferedfrom terrorism, and it is only normal thatwe should join any attempt to get rid ofthis scourge from which the world hassuffered and continues to suffer.

We are cooperating with the UnitedStates in many ways and we have dis-cussed this matter. We have discussed ouropinions and we exchange ideas about thebest way to do that. We believe that theUnited States, as the government of acountry that believes in law and justice,will act on the basis of a case—a goodcase—and I am sure they have a goodcase—against the culprits who committedthis horrible crime of September 11th.

September 11, 2001


We also talked about the necessity ofestablishing an international consensusaround this fight, which is manifold andwill take a long time. I explained ourideas about the international conference,which is not a substitute for the necessityto punish the culprits.

We also discussed the Middle East ques-tion and the role that the Secretary, per-sonally, and the United States Governmenthave played in bringing together the meet-ing that took place this morning betweenChairman Yasser Arafat and ShimonPeres, which was a promising meeting anddevelopment. And we both are determinedto continue to help both parties to reachthe stage where they can resume, after theimplementation of the Tenet and Mitchellrecommendations, they can resume nego-tiations on the final status negotiations.

I come out of this meeting reassured,and our friendship, as I can report to you,is as strong today as it has always been.Thank you very much.

Q. Mr. Secretary, there are many peo-ple who are arguing now, in the Penta-gon or even on the Capitol, to havemore targets, and specifically for a newmilitary campaign in the Middle Eastand other countries in the world. Whatdo you think about this?

Secretary Powell. Well, I don’t knowabout those reports. But what we arefocusing on is terrorism and going afterterrorists, not only those who are responsi-ble for this event on the 11th of Septem-ber, but who are responsible for other ter-rorist activities of a global reach.

We are not using this as a way to punishnations indiscriminately. I can assure youthat President Bush sees this as a long-term campaign that he will pursue withpatience and perseverance, in close con-sultation with our friends and allies.

Q. Mr. Secretary, with the new devel-opment in Gaza, would you like to com-ment on this new security zone in theWest Bank?

Secretary Powell. We are in discussionswith our Israeli colleagues about theirideas for security. And I think with theprogress that we have seen in today’smeeting and knowing that other meetingsare coming up, that all issues in con-

tention such as this are available to be puton the table as these meetings go forward.And we will be following that progressand taking a more active role as the meet-ings begin to one follow the other.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the President wentto the CIA today and forcefully defend-ed the job that George Tenet has beendoing. Do you feel that you are gettingthe information that you need from himto do your job?

And, Mr. Minister, could you com-ment on how Mr. Tenet is viewed inEgypt and the Middle East?

Secretary Powell. From my standpoint,George Tenet is doing an absolutely out-standing job. I consider him not only atrusted friend, but a great working col-league. He is providing to the StateDepartment all that I would expect fromthe CIA. We have excellent relationsbetween the CIA and the INR Bureau thatdoes intelligence here in the State Depart-ment. And I certainly share the President’sjudgment that Director Tenet is doing aterrific job.

Foreign Minister Maher. The onlycomment I would make about your ques-tion is to tell you that George Tenet hasmany friends in my country.

Q. Mr. Secretary, we have heard thisadministration say time and again it isnot into nation building in Afghanistan.But, clearly, if the Taliban continues tostand in the way of bin Laden and theterrorist network, is the U.S. Govern-ment going to remove the Taliban orencourage other groups withinAfghanistan to go after the Taliban? Ifso, who fills the void?

Secretary Powell. As our campaignunfolds, you will see we are going afterthe al-Qaida network, we are going afterUsama bin Laden. We are going to do it ina way that is mindful of the suffering thatis currently being inflicted upon theAfghan people. And, hopefully, a betterday is ahead for the Afghan people.

But, right now, I am not prepared to say,nor is the United States Government pre-pared to say, how they might be governedin the future or what might be the fate ofthe Taliban regime. As the President has

said in his speech and as we have saidrepeatedly, those who provide a haven orharbor this kind of terrorist organizationmust be prepared to pay consequences fortheir actions.


President Bush delivered his remarks atthe CIA headquarters in Langley,Virginia.

We are on a mission to make sure thatfreedom is enduring. We’re on a missionto say to the rest of the world, come withus—come with us, stand by our side todefeat the evil-doers who would like to ridthe world of freedom as we know it. Thereis no better institute to be working withthan the Central Intelligence Agency,which serves as our ears and our eyes allaround the world.

This is a war that is unlike any otherwar that our nation is used to. It’s a war ofa series of battles that sometimes we’ll seethe fruits of our labors, and sometimes wewon’t. It’s a war that’s going to requirecooperation with our friends. It is a warthat requires the best of intelligence. Yousee, the enemy is sometimes hard to find;they like to hide. They think they canhide—but we know better.

This is a war that not only says to thosewho believe they can disrupt Americanlives—or, for that matter, any society thatbelieves in freedom, lives—it’s also a warthat declares a new declaration, that saysif you harbor a terrorist you’re just asguilty as the terrorist; if you provide safehaven to a terrorist, you’re just as guilty asthe terrorist; if you fund a terrorist, you’rejust as guilty as a terrorist.

And in order to make sure that we’reable to conduct a winning victory, we’vegot to have the best intelligence we canpossibly have. And my report to the nationis, we’ve got the best intelligence we canpossibly have thanks to the men andwomen of the CIA.

The cooperation with Capitol Hill isunique and, I hope, lasting. I can’t tell youhow much I appreciate the work of Sena-tor Daschle and Senator Lott, SpeakerHastert and Leader Gephardt. There’sdeep concern amongst Republicans andDemocrats on Capitol Hill to do what’sright for America—is to come together to

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provide the necessary support for an effec-tive war.

And that includes making sure that theCIA is well-funded, well-staffed, has gotthe latest in technology. I believe we canwork together to make sure that that’s thecase. After all, as America is learning, theCIA is on the front line of making sureour victory will be secure.

I intend to continue to work with Con-gress to make sure that our law enforce-ment officials at home have got the toolsnecessary—obviously, within the confinesof our Constitution—to make sure thehomeland is secure; to make sure Americacan live as peacefully as possible; to makesure that we run down every threat, takeserious every incident. And we’ve got tomake sure, as well, that those who workfor the nation overseas have got the bestavailable technologies and the best toolsand the best funding possible.

There is a good spirit in Capitol Hillbecause Americans want to win. Theywant to win the first war of the 21st centu-ry. And win we must—we have no choice,we can’t relent. Now, there’s going to be atime, hopefully in the near future, wherepeople say, gosh, my life is almost nor-mal; September 11th is a sad memory, butit’s a memory.

But those of us on the front lines of thiswar must never forget September 11th.And that includes the men and women ofthe CIA. We must never forget that this isa long struggle, that there are evil peoplein the world who hate America. And wewon’t relent. The folks who conducted toact on our country on September 11thmade a big mistake. They underestimatedAmerica. They underestimated ourresolve, our determination, our love forfreedom. They misunderestimated the factthat we love a neighbor in need. Theymisunderestimated the compassion of ourcountry. I think they misunderestimatedthe will and determination of the Com-mander-in-Chief, too.

So, anyway, I was sitting around havingcoffee with George and Michael—I said, Ithink I’d like to come out to thank peopleonce again; I’d like to come out to theCIA, the center of great Americans, tothank you for your work.

I know how hard you’re working. And Ihope all the Americans who are listeningto this TV broadcast understand how hardyou’re working, too. You’re giving your

best shot, long hours, all your brainpower, to win a war that we’re going towin. And I can’t thank you enough onbehalf of the American people.

Keep doing it. America relies upon yourintelligence and your judgment. Americarelies upon our capacity to work togetheras a nation to do what the American peo-ple expect. They expect a 100 percenteffort, a full-time, no-stop effort on notonly securing our homeland, but to bring-ing to justice terrorists, no matter wherethey live, no matter where they hide. Andthat’s exactly what we’re going to do.

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Mullah Omar Mohammad, the Talibanleader, was interviewed in Pashtu for thepublicly-funded radio channel Voice ofAmerica. Following reported objectionsfrom the U.S. Deputy Secretary of Stateand senior officials of the NationalSecurity Council, the interview was notbroadcast.

Q. Why don’t you expel Osama binLaden?

Mullah Omar. This is not an issue ofOsama bin Laden. It is an issue of Islam.Islam’s prestige is at stake. So isAfghanistan’s tradition.

Q. Do you know that the U.S. hasannounced a war on terrorism?

Mullah Omar. I am considering twopromises. One is the promise of God, theother is that of Bush. The promise of Godis that my land is vast. If you start a jour-ney on God’s path, you can reside any-where on this earth and will be protected...The promise of Bush is that there is noplace on earth where you can hide that Icannot find you. We will see which one ofthese two promises is fulfilled.

Q. But aren’t you afraid for the peo-ple, yourself, the Taliban, your country?

Mullah Omar. Almighty God... is help-ing the believers and the Muslims. Godsays he will never be satisfied with theinfidels. In terms of worldly affairs, Amer-ica is very strong. Even if it were twice asstrong or twice that, it could not be strong

enough to defeat us. We are confident thatno one can harm us if God is with us.

Q. You are telling me you are not con-cerned, but Afghans all over the worldare concerned.

Mullah Omar. We are also concerned.Great issues lie ahead. But we depend onGod’s mercy. Consider our point of view:if we give Osama away today, Muslimswho are now pleading to give him upwould then be reviling us for giving himup... Everyone is afraid of America andwants to please it. But Americans will notbe able to prevent such acts like the onethat has just occurred because Americahas taken Islam hostage. If you look atIslamic countries, the people are indespair. They are complaining that Islamis gone. But people remain firm in theirIslamic beliefs. In their pain and frustra-tion, some of them commit suicide acts.They feel they have nothing to lose.

Q. What do you mean by sayingAmerica has taken the Islamic worldhostage?

Mullah Omar. America controls thegovernments of the Islamic countries. Thepeople ask to follow Islam, but the gov-ernments do not listen because they are inthe grip of the United States. If someonefollows the path of Islam, the governmentarrests him, tortures him or kills him. Thisis the doing of America. If it stops sup-porting those governments and lets thepeople deal with them, then such thingswon’t happen. America has created theevil that is attacking it. The evil will notdisappear even if I die and Osama diesand others die. The U.S. should step backand review its policy. It should stop tryingto impose its empire on the rest of theworld, especially on Islamic countries.

Q. So you won’t give Osama binLaden up?

Mullah Omar. No. We cannot do that.If we did, it means we are not Muslims...that Islam is finished. If we were afraid ofattack, we could have surrendered him thelast time we were threatened and attacked.So America can hit us again, and this timewe don’t even have a friend.

September 11, 2001


Q. If you fight America with all yourmight—can the Taliban do that? Won’tAmerica beat you and won’t your peo-ple suffer even more?

Mullah Omar. I’m very confident thatit won’t turn out this way. Please note this:there is nothing more we can do exceptdepend on almighty God. If a person does,then he is assured that the Almighty willhelp him, have mercy on him and he willsucceed.

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Secretary General Robertson deliveredhis remarks at the NATO DefenseCollege.

Before the 11th of September, 2001, whocould have foreseen such a catastrophicterrorist attack? Not even Tom Clancy. Butthe best intelligence the world can buy—not only U.S. intelligence, but every-one’s—failed to predict that it would hap-pen; or indeed, even that it could happen.

Our initial response to this attack isclear. First and foremost, we stand withour American friends in total solidarity.Throughout the past century, the UnitedStates has supported Europe in its times ofneed. Now the United States has beendealt a brutal blow. Today, America’sAllies are with her, in her time of need.The U.S. can count on its 18 NATO Alliesfor assistance and support, to deal with theimmediate effects of this crisis. NATOmembers have already offered emergencyassistance to U.S. authorities, whereverthey can help.

Even as we express our profound sym-pathy, and try to help the many, many vic-tims of this tragedy, we must also assistthe United States in finding and punishingthe culprits. That is why NATO’s mem-bers agreed that, if it is determined thatthis attack was directed from abroadagainst the United States, it shall beregarded as an action covered by Article 5of the Washington Treaty, which statesthat an attack against one or more Alliesshall be considered an attack against themall.

NATO’s essential foundation—its

bedrock—has always been Article 5, thecommitment to collective defense. Ofcourse, this commitment was first enteredinto in 1949, in very different circum-stances. But it remains as valid and essen-tial today, in the face of this new threat.With the decision to invoke Article 5,NATO’s members demonstrated, onceagain, that the Alliance is no simple talk-ing shop—it is a community of nations,united by its values and interests, andutterly determined to act together todefend them. Today, the United States’NATO allies stand ready to provide theassistance that may be required as a con-sequence of these acts of barbarism.

Now, I know you are wondering whatexactly that means, in terms of concreteaction. The answer is, it is still too soon totell. Traditional critics of U.S. policy pre-dicted a knee-jerk reaction, military forceused prematurely, incoherently and with-out effect. They were wrong. Washing-ton’s response has been measured, andmilitary capabilities have been placedsecurely in the wider context of a multi-faceted campaign against terrorism.

Our first collective priority is helping todeal with the immediate crisis. At thesame time, our intelligence services areworking together to help provide the Unit-ed States with the information it needs todetermine culpability and to find the cul-prits. Then we will consider our collectiveresponse, what form that response shouldtake, and who will participate in whatway. But through Article 5, NATO’s mem-bers have made a commitment that theywill be part of that response—and thatsolidarity alone is a powerful symbolindeed that this Atlantic community is assolid as it has every been.

We must all stand together in the face ofthis scourge, to defeat it. NATO’s mem-bers are unanimous: in this struggle too,we are united with the United States—along, I am sure, with Russia and a grow-ing coalition of countries around theworld. And I am confident that we willwin this battle.

But we must also look beyond thisimmediate crisis. Our jobs, as governmentofficials and military personnel, is notonly to deal with the challenges of today,but also to prepare for the challenges oftomorrow. And if the attacks in New York,Washington and Pennsylvania make any-thing clear, it is that tomorrow is unclear.

We must recognize that new threats, ofvery different kinds, have already crosseda threshold that should make them thefocus of serious concern. For example,terrorists are able to communicate witheach other with unprecedented communi-cations security—both because of theavailability of sophisticated encryptiontechnology and the fact that their mes-sages are buried in the overwhelming vol-ume of electronic communication in theworld today.

We can also see that attacks with mili-tary-style effectiveness can be made by adifferent kind of assailant. The attacks onthe USS Cole in Yemen, the U.S.Embassies in Nairobi and Dar Es Salaam,and now the coordinated hijack attacks inthe U.S. itself were direct hits against anation’s interests—conducted by a newkind of enemy. In the past, we might haveexpected attacks of this intensity fromother States. Yet with the spread of tech-nology, it is painfully clear that we arefacing major threats not just from so-called rogue states, but from non-stateactors as well.

To add to these complications, the Inter-net provides all the information one needsto build nuclear, biological and chemicalweapons. Missile technology, too, isbecoming ever more widespread—and asa result, ballistic missiles are posing anever-increasing danger to our societies.

The list goes on. Globalization offersour societies the opportunity to becomemore creative and prosperous; but it alsomakes them more vulnerable. Regionalconflicts will confront us with a cruelchoice between costly indifference andcostly engagement. The scarcity of naturalresources may have major economic,political, and perhaps even military ramifi-cations. And an economic downswing, anenvironmental disaster, or a regional con-flict could give migration an entirely newdimension.

* * * *

Despite the terrible attacks in the UnitedStates, we must not forget how much suc-cess we have had, over the past decade, inbuilding peace and security in the post-Cold War world. We have been successfulbecause we had the foresight to see chal-lenges coming, the capabilities to respond,and the determination to act together

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when necessary. Those are the essentialingredients for success—and as long aswe maintain our vision, our capabilitiesand our solidarity, the Alliance will con-tinue to preserve the safety of future gen-erations, in an uncertain future.

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The Security Council,Reaffirming its resolutions 1269 (1999)

of 19 October 1999 and 1368 (2001) of 12September 2001,

Reaffirming also its unequivocal con-demnation of the terrorist attacks whichtook place in New York, Washington,D.C., and Pennsylvania on 11 September2001, and expressing its determination toprevent all such acts,

Reaffirming further that such acts, likeany act of international terrorism, consti-tute a threat to international peace andsecurity,

Reaffirming the inherent right of indi-vidual or collective self- defense as recog-nized by the Charter of the United Nationsas reiterated in resolution 1368 (2001),

Reaffirming the need to combat by allmeans, in accordance with the Charter ofthe United Nations, threats to internationalpeace and security caused by terrorist acts,

Deeply concerned by the increase, invarious regions of the world, of acts ofterrorism motivated by intolerance orextremism,

Calling on States to work togetherurgently to prevent and suppress terroristacts, including through increased coopera-tion and full implementation of the rele-vant international conventions relating toterrorism,

Recognizing the need for States to com-plement international cooperation by tak-ing additional measures to prevent andsuppress, in their territories through alllawful means, the financing and prepara-tion of any acts of terrorism,

Reaffirming the principle established bythe General Assembly in its declaration ofOctober 1970 (resolution 2625 (XXV))and reiterated by the Security Council inits resolution 1189 (1998) of 13 August1998, namely that every State has the dutyto refrain from organizing, instigating,assisting or participating in terrorist acts

in another State or acquiescing in orga-nized activities within its territory directedtowards the commission of such acts,

Acting under Chapter VII of the Charterof the United Nations,

1. Decides that all States shall:(a) Prevent and suppress the financing

of terrorist acts;(b) Criminalize the wilful provision or

collection, by any means, directly or indi-rectly, of funds by their nationals or intheir territories with the intention that thefunds should be used, or in the knowledgethat they are to be used, in order to carryout terrorist acts;

(c) Freeze without delay funds and otherfinancial assets or economic resources ofpersons who commit, or attempt to com-mit, terrorist acts or participate in or facil-itate the commission of terrorist acts; ofentities owned or controlled directly orindirectly by such persons; and of personsand entities acting on behalf of, or at thedirection of such persons and entities,including funds derived or generated fromproperty owned or controlled directly orindirectly by such persons and associatedpersons and entities;

(d) Prohibit their nationals or any per-sons and entities within their territoriesfrom making any funds, financial assets oreconomic resources or financial or otherrelated services available, directly or indi-rectly, for the benefit of persons who com-mit or attempt to commit or facilitate orparticipate in the commission of terroristacts, of entities owned or controlled,directly or indirectly, by such persons andof persons and entities acting on behalf ofor at the direction of such persons;

2. Decides also that all States shall:(a) Refrain from providing any form of

support, active or passive, to entities orpersons involved in terrorist acts, includ-ing by suppressing recruitment of mem-bers of terrorist groups and eliminatingthe supply of weapons to terrorists;

(b) Take the necessary steps to preventthe commission of terrorist acts, includingby provision of early warning to otherStates by exchange of information;

(c) Deny safe haven to those whofinance, plan, support, or commit terroristacts, or provide safe havens;

(d) Prevent those who finance, plan,facilitate or commit terrorist acts fromusing their respective territories for thosepurposes against other States or their citi-

zens;(e) Ensure that any person who partici-

pates in the financing, planning, prepara-tion or perpetration of terrorist acts or insupporting terrorist acts is brought to jus-tice and ensure that, in addition to anyother measures against them, such terroristacts are established as serious criminaloffenses in domestic laws and regulationsand that the punishment duly reflects theseriousness of such terrorist acts;

(f) Afford one another the greatest mea-sure of assistance in connection withcriminal investigations or criminal pro-ceedings relating to the financing or sup-port of terrorist acts, including assistancein obtaining evidence in their possessionnecessary for the proceedings;

(g) Prevent the movement of terroristsor terrorist groups by effective border con-trols and controls on issuance of identitypapers and travel documents, and throughmeasures for preventing counterfeiting,forgery or fraudulent use of identitypapers and travel documents;

3. Calls upon all States to:(a) Find ways of intensifying and accel-

erating the exchange of operational infor-mation, especially regarding actions ormovements of terrorist persons or net-works; forged or falsified travel docu-ments; traffic in arms, explosives or sensi-tive materials; use of communicationstechnologies by terrorist groups; and thethreat posed by the possession of weaponsof mass destruction by terrorist groups;

(b) Exchange information in accordancewith international and domestic law andcooperate on administrative and judicialmatters to prevent the commission of ter-rorist acts;

(c) Cooperate, particularly through bilat-eral and multilateral arrangements andagreements, to prevent and suppress ter-rorist attacks and take action against per-petrators of such acts;

(d) Become parties as soon as possibleto the relevant international conventionsand protocols relating to terrorism, includ-ing the International Convention for theSuppression of the Financing of Terrorismof 9 December 1999;

(e) Increase cooperation and fullyimplement the relevant international con-ventions and protocols relating to terror-ism and Security Council resolutions 1269(1999) and 1368 (2001);

(f) Take appropriate measures in confor-

September 11, 2001


mity with the relevant provisions ofnational and international law, includinginternational standards of human rights,before granting refugee status, for the pur-pose of ensuring that the asylum seekerhas not planned, facilitated or participatedin the commission of terrorist acts;

(g) Ensure, in conformity with interna-tional law, that refugee status is notabused by the perpetrators, organizers orfacilitators of terrorist acts, and thatclaims of political motivation are not rec-ognized as grounds for refusing requestsfor the extradition of alleged terrorists;

4. Notes with concern the close connec-tion between international terrorism andtransnational organized crime, illicitdrugs, money-laundering, illegal arms-trafficking, and illegal movement ofnuclear, chemical, biological and otherpotentially deadly materials, and in thisregard emphasizes the need to enhancecoordination of efforts on national, subre-gional, regional and international levels inorder to strengthen a global response tothis serious challenge and threat to inter-national security;

5. Declares that acts, methods, and prac-tices of terrorism are contrary to the pur-poses and principles of the United Nationsand that knowingly financing, planningand inciting terrorist acts are also contraryto the purposes and principles of the Unit-ed Nations;

6. Decides to establish, in accordancewith rule 28 of its provisional rules ofprocedure, a Committee of the SecurityCouncil, consisting of all the members ofthe Council, to monitor implementation ofthis resolution, with the assistance ofappropriate expertise, and calls upon allStates to report to the Committee, no laterthan 90 days from the date of adoption ofthis resolution and thereafter according toa timetable to be proposed by the Com-mittee, on the steps they have taken toimplement this resolution;

7. Directs the Committee to delineate itstasks, submit a work program within 30days of the adoption of this resolution,and to consider the support it requires, inconsultation with the Secretary-General;

8. Expresses its determination to take allnecessary steps in order to ensure the fullimplementation of this resolution, inaccordance with its responsibilities underthe Charter;

9. Decides to remain seized of this mat-

ter.

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OCTOBER 1

UNITED NATIONS SECRETARY-GENERAL KOFI ANNAN

Mr. President, [Mayor Giuliani,] Distin-guished delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen,

On Friday night, the Security Counciladopted unanimously a broad resolutionaimed at targeting terrorists and those whoharbor, aid or support them. That resolu-tion requires Member States to cooperatein a wide range of areas—from suppress-ing the financing of terrorism to providingearly warning, cooperating in criminalinvestigations, and exchanging informa-tion on possible terrorist acts. I applaudthe Council for acting so swiftly toenshrine in law the first steps needed tocarry this fight forward with new vigorand determination.

Now all Member States must makegreater efforts to exchange informationabout practices that have proved effective,and lessons that have been learned, in thefight against terrorism—so that a globalstandard of excellence can be set. Theimplementation of this resolution willrequire technical expertise at the nationallevel. I encourage states that can offerassistance in this regard to do so gener-ously and without delay.

Thus far, the international communityhas been able to act with unprecedentedspeed and unity: On the 12th of Septem-ber, both the General Assembly and theSecurity Council adopted strong resolu-tions condemning the attacks and callingon all states to cooperate .in bringing theperpetrators to justice. Now, a second andmore detailed resolution has been adoptedby the Security Council, building swiftlyon the first. Today, this august Assemblymeets to deliberate its own response to theevents of 11 September.

The reason for this response andunprecedented unity is clear enough. Theterrorist attacks against the UnitedStates—resulting in the deaths of some

6,000 people from 80 countries—wereacts of terrible evil which shocked theconscience of the entire world.

But out of evil can come good. Paradox-ically, these vicious assaults on our com-mon humanity have had the effect of reaf-firming our common humanity. The veryheartlessness and callous indifference tothe suffering and grief caused to thou-sands of innocent families has brought aheartfelt response from millions of ordi-nary people all around the world, in manydifferent societies.

The task now is to build on that wave ofhuman solidarity—to ensure that themomentum is not lost, to develop a broad,comprehensive and above all sustainedstrategy to combat terrorism and eradicateit from our world.

This important meeting of the GeneralAssembly has a critical role to play inthis. It must not be merely symbolic. Itmust signal the beginning of immediate,practical and far-reaching changes in theway this Organization and its MemberStates act: against terrorism.

Today, the shock of this crime has unit-ed the world. But, Excellencies, if we areto prevent such crimes from being com-mitted again, we must stay united as weseek to eliminate terrorism. In this strug-gle, there is simply no alternative to inter-national cooperation. Terrorism will bedefeated if the international communitysummons the will to unite in a broadcoalition, or it will not, be defeated at all.The United Nations is uniquely positionedto serve as the forum for this coalition,and for the development of those stepsGovernments must now take—separatelyand together—to fight terrorism on aglobal- scale.

The global reaction to the attacks shouldgive us courage and hope that we can suc-ceed-in this fight. The sight of peoplegathering in cities in every part of theworld from every religion to mourn—andto express solidarity with the people of theUnited States—proves more eloquentlythan any words that terrorism is not anissue that divides humanity, but one thatunites it. We are in a moral struggle tofight an evil that is anathema to all faiths.Every state and every people has a part toplay. This was an attack on humanity, andhumanity must respond to it as one.

The urgent business of the UnitedNations must now be to develop a long-

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term strategy, in order to ensure globallegitimacy for the struggle ahead. Thelegitimacy ‘that the United Nations con-veys can ensure that the greatest numberof states are able and willing to take thenecessary and difficult steps—diplomatic,legal and political.- that are needed todefeat terrorism.

Excellencies,The Member States that you represent

have a clear agenda before them. It beginswith ensuring that the 12 conventions andprotocols on international terrorismalready drafted and adopted under UnitedNations auspices, are signed, ratified andimplemented without delay by all states.

Two of these conventions, in particular,can strengthen the fight against terrorism.-First, the International Convention for theSuppression of Terrorist Bombings, whichentered into force on 23 May this year;and second, the 1999 Convention for theSuppression of the Financing of Terror-ism, which so far has 44 signatories andfour ratifications. It requires eighteenadditional ratifications to enter into force,and I hope it will now be seen as a pointof honor for Member States to sign andratify this vital convention as soon possi-ble. .,.:

While no one imagines that these con-ventions—even when implemented—willend terrorism on their own, they are partof the legal framework needed for thiseffort. I wish to propose to all MemberStates that they make it their first order ofbusiness during the General Debate tosign all the conventions on terrorism, andpledge to work for their ratification andimplementation without delay.

It will also be important to obtain agree-ment on a comprehensive convention oninternational terrorism. In the post-11 Sep-tember era, no one can dispute the natureof the terrorist threat, nor the need to meetit with a global response. I understand thatthere are outstanding issues, which untilnow have prevented agreement on thisconvention. Some of the most difficultissues relate to the definition of terrorism.I understand and accept the need for legalprecision. But let me say frankly that thereis also a need for moral clarity. There canbe no acceptance of those who would seekto justify the deliberate taking of innocentcivilian life, regardless of cause or griev-ance. If there is one universal principlethat all peoples can agree on, surely it is

this.Even in situations of armed conflict, the

targeting of innocent civilians is illegal, aswell as morally unacceptable. And yet, asI have stated in my two reports on the pro-tection of civilians in armed conflict, civil-ian populations are more and more oftendeliberately targeted. Indeed, civilianshave become the principal victims of con-flict, accounting for an estimated 75 per-cent of all casualties.

This demands from all of us anincreased attention to the civilian costs ofconflict. It requires Member States to liveup to their responsibilities under interna-tional law. They must deal firmly with thereality of armed groups and other non-state actors who refuse to respect commonprinciples of human dignity.

Mr. President,It is hard to imagine how the tragedy of

11 September could have been worse. Yetthe truth is that a single attack involving anuclear or biological weapon could havekilled millions. While the world wasunable to prevent the 11 Septemberattacks, there is much we can do to helpprevent future terrorist acts carried outwith weapons of mass destruction. Thegreatest immediate danger arises from. anon-state group—or even an individual—acquiring and using a nuclear, biological,or chemical weapon. Such a weapon couldbe delivered without the need for any mis-sile or any other sophisticated deliverysystem.

In addition to measures taken by indi-vidual Member States, we must nowstrengthen the global norm against the useor proliferation of weapons of massdestruction. This means, among otheractions,

• redoubling efforts to ensure the univer-sality, verification and full implementationof key treaties relating to weapons of massdestruction, including those outlawingchemical and biological weapons and thenuclear non-proliferation treaty;

• promoting closer cooperation amonginternational organizations dealing with-these-weapons;

• tightening national legislation overexports of goods and technologies neededto manufacture weapons of mass destruc-tion and their means of delivery;

• and developing new efforts to crimi-nalize the acquisition or use of weaponsof mass destruction by non-state groups.

In addition, we need to strengthen con-trols over other types of weapons thatpose grave dangers through terrorist use.This means doing more to ensure a ban onthe sale of small arms to non-state groups;making progress in eliminating landmines;improving the physical protection of sen-sitive industrial facilities, includingnuclear and chemical plants; andincreased vigilance against cyberterroristthreats.

Mr. President,As we summon the will and the

resources to succeed in the struggleagainst terrorism, we must also care for allthe victims of terrorism, whether they arethe direct targets or other populations whowill be affected by our common effort.That is why I have launched an alert todonors about the potential need for muchmore generous humanitarian assistance tothe people of Afghanistan.

This appeal is only the most urgent partof our determination to continue to carefor those suffering from poverty, diseaseand conflict around the world. The workof the United Nations in promoting devel-opment, resolving long-standing disputes,and fighting ignorance and prejudice areeven more important today than they werebefore 11 September.

The victims of the attacks on 11 Sep-tember were, first and foremost, the inno-cent civilians who lost their lives, and thefamilies who now grieve for them. Butpeace, tolerance, mutual respect, humanrights, the rule of-law-and the globaleconomy are all among the casualties ofthe terrorists’ acts.

Repairing the damage done to the fabricof the international community—restoringtrust among peoples and cultures—willnot be easy. But just as a concerted inter-national response can make the work ofterrorists much harder to accomplish, soshould the unity born of this tragedy bringall nations together in defense of the mostbasic right—the right of all peoples to livein peace and security. This is the chal-lenge before us as we seek to eliminatethe evil of terrorism.

NEW YORK CITY MAYOR RUDOLPHGIULIANI

Thank you very much for the opportunityto speak, and for the consideration you’veshown the City in putting off your General

September 11, 2001


Session. As I explained to the SecretaryGeneral and the President of the GeneralAssembly, our City is now open, and anytime we can arrange it, we look forward tohaving your heads of state and your for-eign ministers here for that session.

On September 11th 2001, New York

City—the most diverse City in theworld—was viciously attacked in anunprovoked act of war. More than fivethousand innocent men, women, and chil-dren of every race, religion, and ethnicityare lost. Among these were people from80 different nations. To their representa-tives here today, I offer my condolences toyou as well on behalf of all New Yorkerswho share this loss with you. This was thedeadliest terrorist attack in history. It

claimed more lives than Pearl Harbor orD-Day.

This was not just an attack on the Cityof New York or on the United States ofAmerica. It was an attack on the very ideaof a free, inclusive, and civil society.

It was a direct assault on the foundingprinciples of the United Nations itself.The Preamble to the U.N. Charter statesthat this organization exists “to reaffirmfaith in fundamental human rights, in thedignity and worth of the human person...topractice tolerance and live together inpeace as good neighbors [and] to unite ourstrength to maintain international peaceand security.”

Indeed, this vicious attack places injeopardy the whole purpose of the UnitedNations.

Terrorism is based on the persistent anddeliberate violation of fundamental humanrights. With bullets and bombs—and nowwith hijacked airplanes—terrorists denythe dignity of human life. Terrorism preysparticularly on cultures and communitiesthat practice openness and tolerance. Theirtargeting of innocent civilians mocks theefforts of those who seek to live togetherin peace as neighbors. It defies the verynotion of being a neighbor.

This massive attack was intended tobreak our spirit. It has not done that. It hasmade us stronger, more determined andmore resolved.

The bravery of our firefighters, ourpolice officers, our emergency workers,and civilians we may never learn of, insaving over 25,000 lives that day—carry-ing out the most effective rescue operationin our history—inspires all of us. I amvery honored to have with me, as theirrepresentative, the Fire Commissioner ofNew York City, Tom Von Essen, and thePolice Commissioner of New York City,Bernard Kerik. [Applause]

The determination, resolve, and leader-ship of President George W. Bush has uni-fied America and all decent men andwomen around the world.

The response of many of your nations—your leaders and people—spontaneouslydemonstrating in the days after the attackyour support for New York and America,and your understanding of what needs tobe done to remove the threat of terrorism,gives us great, great hope that we will pre-vail.

The strength of America’s response,

please understand, flows from the princi-ples upon which we stand.

Americans are not a single ethnic group.Americans are not of one race or one

religion.Americans emerge from all your

nations.We are defined as Americans by our

beliefs—not by our ethnic origins, ourrace or our religion. Our beliefs in reli-gious freedom, political freedom, and eco-nomic freedom—that’s what makes anAmerican. Our belief in democracy, therule of law, and respect for human life—that’s how you become an American. It isthese very principles—and the opportuni-ties these principles give to so many tocreate a better life for themselves and theirfamilies—that make America, and NewYork, a “shining city on a hill.”

There is no nation, and no City, in thehistory of the world that has seen moreimmigrants, in less time, than America.People continue to come here in largenumbers to seek freedom, opportunity,decency, and civility.

Each of your nations—I am certain—has contributed citizens to the UnitedStates and to New York. I believe I cantake every one of you someplace in NewYork City, where you can find someonefrom your country, someone from yourvillage or town, that speaks your languageand practices your religion. In each ofyour lands there are many who are Ameri-cans in spirit, by virtue of their commit-ment to our shared principles.

It is tragic and perverse that it isbecause of these very principles—particu-larly our religious, political and economicfreedoms—that we find ourselves underattack by terrorists.

Our freedom threatens them, becausethey know that if our ideas of freedomgain a foothold among their people it willdestroy their power. So they strike outagainst us to keep those ideas from reach-ing their people.

The best long-term deterrent to terror-ism—obviously—is the spread of ourprinciples of freedom, democracy, the ruleof law, and respect for human life. Themore that spreads around the globe, thesafer we will all be. These are very power-ful ideas and once they gain a foothold,they cannot be stopped.

In fact, the rise that we have seen in ter-rorism and terrorist groups, I believe, is in

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On September 11th 2001, New YorkCity—the most diverse City in theworld—was viciously attacked in anunprovoked act of war. More than fivethousand innocent men, women, andchildren of every race, religion, andethnicity are lost. Among these werepeople from 80 different nations. To theirrepresentatives here today, I offer mycondolences to you as well on behalf ofall New Yorkers who share this loss withyou. This was the deadliest terroristattack in history. It claimed more livesthan Pearl Harbor or D-Day.

This was not just an attack on the Cityof New York or on the United States ofAmerica. It was an attack on the very ideaof a free, inclusive, and civil society.

It was a direct assault on the foundingprinciples of the United Nations itself. ThePreamble to the U.N. Charter states thatthis organization exists “to reaffirm faithin fundamental human rights, in the digni-ty and worth of the human person...topractice tolerance and live together inpeace as good neighbors [and] to uniteour strength to maintain internationalpeace and security.”

no small measure a response to the spreadof these ideas of freedom and democracyto many nations, particularly over the past15 years.

The terrorists have no ideas or idealswith which to combat freedom anddemocracy. So their only defense is tostrike out against innocent civilians,destroying human life in massive numbersand hoping to deter all of us from our pur-suit and expansion of freedom.

But the long-term deterrent of spreadingour ideals throughout the world is just notenough, and may never be realized, if wedo not act—and act together—to removethe clear and present danger posed by ter-rorism and terrorists.

The United Nations must hold account-able any country that supports or con-dones terrorism, otherwise you will fail inyour primary mission as peacekeeper.

It must ostracize any nation that sup-ports terrorism.

It must isolate any nation that remainsneutral in the fight against terrorism.

Now is the time, in the words of theU.N. Charter, “to unite our strength tomaintain international peace and security.”This is not a time for further study orvague directives. The evidence of terror-ism’s brutality and inhumanity—of itscontempt for life and the concept ofpeace—is lying beneath the rubble of theWorld Trade Center less than two milesfrom where we meet today.

Look at that destruction, that massive,senseless, cruel loss of human life—andthen I ask you to look in your hearts andrecognize that there is no room for neu-trality on the issue of terrorism. You’reeither with civilization or with terrorists.

On one side is democracy, the rule oflaw, and respect for human life; on theother is tyranny, arbitrary executions, andmass murder.

We’re right and they’re wrong. It’s assimple as that.

And by that I mean that America and itsallies are right about democracy, aboutreligious, political, and economic free-dom.

The terrorists are wrong, and in factevil, in their mass destruction of humanlife in the name of addressing allegedinjustices.

Let those who say that we must under-stand the reasons for terrorism come withme to the thousands of funerals we are

having in New York City and explainthose insane, maniacal reasons to the chil-dren who will grow up without fathers andmothers, to the parents who have had theirchildren ripped from them for no reason atall.

Instead, I ask each of you to allow meto say at those funerals that your nationstands with America in making a solemnpromise and pledge that we will achieveunconditional victory over terrorism andterrorists.

There is no excuse for mass murder, justas there is no excuse for genocide. Thosewho practice terrorism—murdering or vic-timizing innocent civilians—lose any rightto have their cause understood by decentpeople and lawful nations.

On this issue—terrorism—the UnitedNations must draw a line. The era ofmoral relativism between those who prac-tice or condone terrorism, and thosenations who stand up against it, must end.Moral relativism does not have a place inthis discussion and debate.

There is no moral way to sympathizewith grossly immoral actions. And by try-ing to do that, unfortunately, a fertile fieldhas been created in which terrorism hasgrown.

The best and most practical way to pro-mote peace is to stand up to terror andintimidation. The Security Council’s unan-imous passage of Resolution 1373, adopt-ing wide ranging anti-terrorism measuresin the international community is a verygood first step. It’s necessary to establishaccountability for the subsidizing of ter-rorism.

As a former United States Attorney, Iam particularly encouraged that the U.N.has answered President Bush’s call to cutterrorists off from their money and theirfunding. It’s enormously important. We’vedone that successfully with organizedcrime groups in America. By taking awaytheir ability to mass large amounts ofmoney, you take away their ability to haveothers carry on their functioning for them,even if they are removed, arrested, prose-cuted, or eliminated through war orthrough law enforcement. It cuts off thelife-blood of the organization. So I believethis is a very good first step.

But now it’s up to the member states toenforce this and other aspects of the reso-lution, and for the United Nations toenforce these new mechanisms to take the

financial base away from the terrorists.Take away their money, take away theiraccess to money, and you reduce theirability to carry out complex missions.

Each of you is sitting in this roombecause of your country’s commitment tobeing part of the family of nations. Weneed to unite as a family as neverbefore—across all our differences, inrecognition of the fact that the UnitedNations stands for the proposition thathuman beings we have more in commonthan divides us.

If you need to be reminded of this, you

don’t need to look very far. Just go out-side for a walk in the streets and parks ofNew York City. You can’t walk a block inNew York City without seeing somebodythat looks different than you, acts differentthan you, talks different than you, believesdifferent than you. If you grow up in NewYork City, you learn that. And if you’re anintelligent or decent person, you learn thatall those differences are nothing in com-parison to the things that unite us.

We are a City of immigrants—unlikeany other City—within a nation of immi-grants. Like the victims of the WorldTrade Center attack, we are of every race,religion, and ethnicity. Our diversity hasalways been our greatest source ofstrength. It’s the thing that renews us andrevives us in every generation—our open-ness to new people from all over theworld.

So from the first day of this attack, anattack on New York and America, and Ibelieve an attack on the basic principlesthat underlie this organization, I have toldthe people of New York that we shouldnot allow this to divide us, because thenwe would really lose what this City is allabout. We have very strong and vibrantArab and Muslim communities in NewYork City. They are an equally importantpart of the life of our City. We respecttheir religious beliefs. We respect every-

September 11, 2001


The era of moral relativism between thosewho practice or condone terrorism, andthose nations who stand up against it,must end. Moral relativism does not havea place in this discussion and debate.

body’s religious beliefs—that’s whatAmerica’s about, that’s what New YorkCity is about. I have urged New Yorkersnot to engage in any form of group blameor group hatred. This is exactly the evilthat we are confronting with these terror-ists. And if we are going to prevail overterror, our ideals, principles, and valuesmust transcend all forms of prejudice.This is a very important part of the strug-gle against terrorism.

This is not a dispute between religionsor ethnic groups. All religions, all decentpeople, are united in their desire toachieve peace, and understand that wehave to eliminate terrorism. We’re notdivided about this.

There have been many days in NewYork when I was running for Mayor, andthen since I’ve been Mayor, when I wouldhave a weekend in which I would go to amosque on Friday, and a synagogue onSaturday, and a church—sometimes twochurches—on a Sunday. And by the time Ifinished, I would say to myself, ‘I knowthat we’re through to God.’ We’re talkingto him in every language that He under-stands, we’re using every liturgy thatexists, and I know that we getting throughto the same God, even though we may bedoing it in slightly different ways. God isknown by many different names and manydifferent traditions, but identified by oneconsistent feeling, love. Love for humani-ty, particularly love for our children. Lovedoes eventually conquer hate, but it needsour help. Good intentions alone are notenough to conquer evil.

Remember British Prime MinisterNeville Chamberlain, who—armed onlywith good intentions—negotiated with theNazis and emerged hopeful that he hadachieved peace in his time. Hitler’s waveof terror was only encouraged by theseattempts at appeasement. At the cost ofmillions of lives, we learned that words—though important—are not enough toguarantee peace. It is action alone thatcounts.

For the U.N., and individual nations,decisive action is needed to stop terrorismfrom ever orphaning another child.

That’s for nations. For individuals, themost effective course of action they cantake to aid our recovery is to be deter-mined to go ahead with their lives. Wecan’t let terrorists change the way welive—otherwise they will have succeeded.

In some ways, the resilience of life inNew York City is the ultimate sign of defi-ance to terrorism. We call ourselves theCapital of the World in large part becausewe are the most diverse City in the world,home to the United Nations. The spirit ofunity amid all our diversity has never beenstronger.

On Saturday Night I walked throughTimes Square, it was crowded, it wasbright, it was lively. Thousands of peoplewere visiting from all parts of the UnitedStates and all parts of the world. Andmany of them came up to me and shookmy hand and patted me on the back andsaid, “We’re here because we want toshow our support for the City of NewYork.” And that’s why there has neverbeen a better time to come to New YorkCity.

I say to people across the country andaround the world: if you were planning tocome to New York sometime in the future,come here now. Come to enjoy our thou-sands of restaurants, museums, theaters,sporting events, and shopping...but alsocome to take a stand against terrorism.

We need to heed the words of a hymnthat I, and the Police Commissioner, andthe Fire Commissioner, have heard at themany funerals and memorial services thatwe’ve gone to in the last two weeks. Thehymn begins, “Be Not Afraid.”

Freedom from Fear is a basic humanright. We need to reassert our right to livefree from fear with greater confidence anddetermination than ever before—here inNew York City, across America, andaround the World. With one clear voice,unanimously, we need to say that we willnot give in to terrorism.

Surrounded by our friends of everyfaith, we know that this is not a clash ofcivilizations; it is a conflict between mur-derers and humanity.

This is not a question of retaliation orrevenge. It is a matter of justice leading topeace. The only acceptable result is thecomplete and total eradication of terror-ism.

New Yorkers are strong and resilient.We are unified. And we will not yield toterror. We do not let fear make our deci-sions for us.

We choose to live in freedom.Thank you, and God bless you.

RUSSIAN DEPUTY MINISTER OFFOREIGN AFFAIRS SERGEYORDZHONIKIDZE

Mr. President,The current session of the General

Assembly is taking place right in theaftermath of the tragedy which broke outin the United States on September 11. Theentire civilized world is mourning togetherwith the American people. The hearts ofRussians who know first-hand what terror-ism is like are also filled with grief for allthose who fell victim to terrorism in otherparts of the planet.

President of the Russian FederationVladimir V. Putin, in his statement madeon the very day of the tragedy, expressedsincere deep condolences to all who wereinjured and to the families of those whowere killed, and stressed that the unprece-dented terrorist aggression against theU.S. was “a brazen challenge to allhumanity.” The tragedy underscored thefact that the international community doesnot have a single day to lose. Mankind hasfound itself facing a real, not abstract,threat to the life of people, to the securityof States and to the stability of politicaland economic systems of entire nationsposed by the forces of Terrorist Interna-tional. And that threat has acquiredunprecedented proportions: innocent peo-ple from more than 60 States perished in amatter of minutes and huge economicdamage was caused, with its consequencesto be manifested yet.

All sensible people, even those who donot deal professionally with law enforce-ment issues, understand that it is onlythrough common efforts that we can putan end to terrorism on the planet. Ministerof Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federa-tion Igor S. Ivanov noted in his statementat the 56th session of the General Assem-bly that “the international community isfacing the grand task of giving an ade-quate and, what is most important, a col-lective response to the challenges of ourtime”. Terrorism is not only a dangerousbut also an insidious enemy; it takesadvantage of any weak link in the chain ofStates which fight against it. Of specialconcern are the expanding ties betweeninternational terrorism and transnationalorganized crime, illegal drug business,money laundering and illegal trafficking innuclear, chemical, biological and other

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hazardous materials. That is why we, onour part, are not only ready for but alsoinsist on the closest possible interactionamong members of the international com-munity in fighting against this scourge ofthe 21” century. The priority task is toestablish a global system to counteractnew threats and challenges, which wouldensure, among other things, the inevitablepunishment of all those responsible fororganizing and perpetrating terrorist acts.

No doubt, the key role of the universalcoordinator of the efforts of States to cre-ate such a system is to be played by theUnited Nations.

Of particular importance in the presentcircumstances is the creation of an inter-national legal framework allowing toeffectively and promptly respond to andprevent acts of terrorism. A reliable basisfor antiterrorist cooperation among Statesis provided by twelve universal conven-tions on the subject many of which wereadopted under the aegis of the U.N.. Butin our rapidly changing world this basisrequires constant improvement. In thisconnection, we expect the General Assem-bly to adopt as soon as possible the twonew instruments which are now under itsconsideration—the Convention for theSuppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorismand the Comprehensive Convention onInternational Terrorism. We should notforget that every minute separating usfrom the moment of the adoption of theabove vital documents is used by terroriststo build up their potential.

Russia, on its part, is doing its best toensure a sound international legal regimein fighting terrorism. This year our coun-try has ratified the International Conven-tion for the Suppression of TerroristBombings, the Convention for the Sup-pression of Unlawful Acts against theSafety of Maritime Navigation and theProtocol for the Suppression of UnlawfulActs against the Safety of Fixed PlatformsLocated on the Continental Shelf, thusbecoming party to an absolute majority ofuniversal antiterrorist conventions.

It is especially important for the Securi-ty Council to embark upon a substantivediscussion of international terrorism. TheCouncil gave a clear and timely expositionof its fundamental approaches and itsaction program in this field in Resolution1269, adopted on the initiative of Russia,and in Resolution 1368. No doubt, another

major milestone on the way towards eradi-cating terrorism was set last week whenthe Security Council adopted Resolution1373. For the first time ever, this resolu-tion initiated a mechanism of internationalcontrol, carried out by the Security Coun-cil, over the compliance by all States withU.N. decisions in the area of combatingterrorism. We see it as a serious steptowards an effective response to terroristthreat — especially so in what concernsshutting down its financing channels andbanning the operations of organizationsthat essentially act as terrorists’ accom-plices. It is important for this mechanismto start working efficiently as soon as pos-sible. The full and unconditional imple-mentation of measures provided for in thisdocument is a must if we are to deal apowerful blow to the forces of internation-al terrorism and deprive them of theirroots and refuge across the globe. Inaccordance with its mandate determinedby the United Nations Charter, the Securi-ty Council should keep playing an activepart in preventing the threats to interna-tional peace and security posed by terror-ism.

With respect to enhancing U.N. antiter-rorist capacity, we may not overlook theneed to strengthen relevant structures ofthe Organization’s Secretariat. In this con-text, we could discuss the prospects ofreinforcing the Terrorism PreventionBranch of the U.N. Office for Drug Con-trol and Crime Prevention in Vienna withadditional staff and financial resources.

Mr. President,We are confident that the future global

antiterrorist system should be built on thefoundation of regional and sub-regionalstructures and institutions active in thisfield. In this context, we attach greatimportance to relevant work carried outwithin the framework of the Common-wealth of Independent States. In 1999 theHeads of Governments of the CIS coun-tries signed the Treaty on CooperationAmong CIS States in Fighting Terrorismwhich forms the legal framework forinteraction among competent authoritiesin preventing, disclosing, suppressing andinvestigating terrorist attacks. The Anti-Terrorist Center established last year bythe decision of the CIS heads of states isnow in operation. The position of the CISwith regard to the September 11 tragedyand the resolute desire of the CIS member

countries to rebuff international terrorismare reflected in the joint statement by theheads of member states made on Septem-ber 28. The statement stresses, in particu-lar, the need to take concrete steps toensure the efficiency of antiterrorist mea-sures.

We expect a lot from the antiterroriststructure which is being actively formedwithin the Shanghai Organization forCooperation. We would also like toexpress our high appreciation of interac-tion in fighting international terrorismpursued within the framework of theGroup of Eight.

Mr. President,The elimination of international terror-

ism is a goal that will take a long time toachieve. However, this only means that weshould start moving towards this goalwithout delay!

Thank you.

BELGIAN PERMANENT REPRESEN-TATIVE TO THE UNITED NATIONSJEAN DE RUYT (ON BEHALF OFTHE EUROPEAN UNION)

Mr President,The terrorist attacks perpetrated in New

York, Washington D.C. and Pennsylvaniaon September 11 are an assault not onlyon the United States, but on all our open,democratic, tolerant and multiculturalsocieties. They are a challenge to the con-science of every human being. The Unioncondemns with the utmost forcefulnessthe perpetrators and sponsors of these bar-barous acts. The European Union is totallysupportive of the American Governmentand people in the face of these attacks.This condemnation is furthermore unani-mous. This has been demonstrated by theresolution 56/01 of the General Assemblyand by the resolution 1358 of the SecurityCouncil adopted the day after theseattacks. The Union and its Member Stateswill be unstinting in their efforts to helpidentify, bring to justice and punish theperpetrators, sponsors and accomplices ofthese barbarous acts. The Union willcooperate closely with the United Statesand the entire International Community tocombat international terrorism.

Terrorism, Mr President, is a real chal-lenge to the whole world. To combat itmeans also to ensure the respect ofdemocracy. The European Council, which

September 11, 2001


met in extraordinary session on 21 Sep-tember 2001, decided that the fight againstterrorism will, more than ever, be a priori-ty objective of the European Union. TheUnion will step up its action against ter-rorism through a coordinated and interdis-ciplinary approach embracing all Unionpolicies. It will ensure that that approachis reconciled with respect for the funda-mental freedoms which form the basis ofour civilization. Moreover, this fightagainst terrorism should be coupled withthe search for sustainable solutions forhuman and political dramas that consti-tutes factors of instability feeding terror-ists groups.

Mr President,The fight against terrorism will require

the broadest possible global coalition.That coalition should be formed under theaegis of the U.N., which remains the mostappropriate forum for revitalizing andstrengthening our coordinated efforts toeliminate international terrorism.

The United Nations and its specializedagencies have, in the past, successfullyelaborated a series of sectoral anti terroristconventions which, taken together, consti-tute the international legal framework forcombating terrorism. In particular, thereare 12 conventions which cover specificcategories of terrorist acts. The mostrecent instruments are the InternationalConvention for the Suppression of Terror-ist Bombings and the International Con-vention for the Suppression of the Financ-ing of Terrorism, adopted respectively in1997 and 1998.

Eradicating international terrorism willbe possible only if all countries are fullycommitted to the fight. Universal acces-sion to anti terrorist conventions is essen-tial. It is therefore essential for all coun-tries to become States Parties to theseconventions as a matter of urgency.

Mr President,The International Convention for the

Suppression of the Financing of Terrorismis especially important. Combating thefunding of terrorism is a decisive aspect ofEuropean policy on terrorism. Energeticinternational action is required to ensurethat the fight is fully effective. The Euro-pean Union will contribute to the full. Tothat end, the European Union has decidedthat all necessary measures will be takento combat any form of financing of terror-ist activities. These measures follow the

spirit of the dispositions taken in thisregard by the Security Council in its reso-lution 1373 (2001). The European Councilcalled on the Member States of the Euro-pean Union to sign and ratify, as a matterof urgency, the International Conventionfor the Suppression of the Financing ofTerrorism. Measures will be taken againstnon-cooperative countries and territoriesidentified by the financial Action Group.

Mr President,The international legal framework of

anti-terrorist conventions is solid, but itdoes contain loopholes which must beclosed. To that end, the special SixthCommittee Working Group and the AdHoc Committee established by Resolution51/210 were requested by the GeneralAssembly to elaborate a global conventionon international terrorism. The EuropeanUnion wishes to thanks India for havingtaken the initiative to present a proposal tothat end and calls upon all member Statesto work together to arrive at a satisfactoryoutcome on the unresolved questions. Itunderlines, once again, that such a com-prehensive convention should bring anadded value to the existing sectorial con-ventions, in particular by filling the gapswhile preserving their achievements TheEuropean Union also calls on the MemberStates to conclude the negotiations for thedraft Convention on the Suppression ofActs of Nuclear Terrorism.

Mr President,The United Nations Convention against

Transnational Organized Crime, conclud-ed in 2000, as well as its additional Proto-cols, are an important addition to the fightagainst terrorism. Although the Conven-tion does not specifically concentrate onterrorism, it deals with financial crime,money laundering and corruption. Thesewide-ranging provisions will without anydoubt assist the international communityin its fight against terrorism by preventingand combating criminal activity in supportof terrorism. I should like to point outhere that all the Member States of theEuropean Union have signed the Conven-tion against Transnational OrganizedCrime.

Furthermore, we take note of the adop-tion on September 6 of the Revised DraftPlans of Action for the implementation ofthe Vienna Declaration on Crime and Jus-tice, from which a chapter has been dedi-cated to specific recommendations for

action against terrorism, at national andinternational levels. We support the adop-tion of these Plans by the General Assem-bly.

Clearly, Mr President, the implementa-tion of these conventions is just as impor-tant as their ratification. The EuropeanUnion calls on all countries to take themeasures necessary to implement theseinstruments as a matter of urgency. It alsoasks the Member States of the UnitedNations to consider possible ways ofintroducing a mechanism for monitoringtheir implementation into the UnitedNations framework. We attach greatimportance to this kind of monitoringmechanism and we take note with interestof the fact that such an instrument hasbeen integrated in resolution 1373 (2001)of 28 September 2001 of the SecurityCouncil in order to ensure its full imple-mentation.

In the meantime, the European Unionconsiders it would be useful to give ahigher profile to the Secretariat’s annualreport on the status and implementation ofmultilateral, regional and bilateral agree-ments on international terrorism. TheEuropean Union intends to ask the Secre-tariat to publish that report on the UnitedNations web site.

Mr President,In addition to such efforts, the United

Nations must continue to explore otherways of combating terrorism. Until now,the emphasis has been, and quite rightlyso, on judicial cooperation in prosecutingand extraditing those guilty of terroristacts in all their aspects. Other forms ofcooperation could be envisaged orstrengthened, for instance in the field ofpreventive measures and exchange ofinformation. Furthermore, we are con-vinced that the integration of all countriesinto a fair world system of security, pros-perity and improved development is thecondition for a strong and sustainablecommunity for combating terrorism. Thefight against the scourge of terrorism willbe all the more effective if it is based onan in-depth political dialogue with allcountries and regions of the world. In thisregard, conflict prevention should morethan ever be a priority on the internationalagenda.

Mr President,The prospect of seeing terrorists acquire

means of mass destruction is amongst the

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most terrifying of all. The internationalcommunity must therefore increase itsefforts to intensify cooperation on non-proliferation arrangements for nuclear,chemical and biological weapons.

The European Union, Mr President,considers that strengthening regionalcooperation must go hand in hand withstrengthening international cooperation. Itcalls for the urgent reinforcement ofregional cooperation in the fight againstinternational terrorism. In that respect, theEuropean Council has adopted a numberof measures aimed at reinforcing Euro-pean policies to combat terrorism in vari-ous fields.

Strengthening judicial and police coop-eration is a crucial element of Europeanpolicy to combat terrorism. The Councilhas agreed to introduce a European arrestwarrant and to adopt a common definitionof terrorism. Such a warrant will replacethe existing extradition arrangementsbetween European Union Member States.The European warrant will allow wantedpersons to be handed over directly fromone judicial authority to another. Funda-mental rights and freedoms are guaran-teed. The detailed arrangements of thatagreement will be finalized in December2001.

Mr President,In parallel to strengthening judicial

cooperation, measures have also beentaken to reinforce police cooperation. Inparticular, the European Council hascalled for identification of presumed ter-rorists in Europe and of organizations sup-porting them so as to draw up a commonlist of terrorist organizations. EuropeanUnion Member States will also share withEuropol, systematically and without delay,all useful information on terrorism. WithinEuropol, a team of anti terrorism special-ists will be set up as soon as possible.

The European Council has decided thatmeasures should be taken to increase airtransport security. They will concern theclassification of weapons, the technicaltraining of crews, baggage checks, protec-tion of cockpit access, and controlling thequality of the security measures appliedby Member States. In particular, the effec-tive and uniform application of air securi-ty measures will be ensured by reciprocalchecks which will be set up without delay.

Mr President,The members of the European Council

have appealed to the international commu-nity to pursue dialogue and negotiation inall multilateral fora with a view to build-ing, in Europe and elsewhere, a worldwhere peace, tolerance and the rule of lawwill prevail. In that respect, the Councilhas stressed the need to fight any national-ist, racist or xenophobic tendencies, andrejects any attempt to equate terrorismwith the Arab and Muslim world.

The task awaiting us, Mr President, is ofutmost importance. The European Unionis convinced that we will be able, alltogether and with one voice, to pull ourefforts and will together in order to realizeour goal: to eradicate the scrounge of ter-rorism in order to preserve humanity aswell our common values and liberties,from its odious ravages.

Thank you, Mr President.

FRENCH PERMANENT REPRESEN-TATIVE TO THE UNITED NATIONSJEAN-DAVID LEVITTE

Mr. President,My delegation fully aligns itself with

the remarks made this morning by thePermanent Representative of Belgium onbehalf of the member states of the Euro-pean Union and the associated central andeastern Europe countries.

However, I would like to recall theFrench position on one or two essentialpoints.

On September 11 all the people ofFrance experienced live the horror of themonstrous attacks on New York andWashington. That day, all of them feltAmerican, reacting with an instinctive sol-idarity with a friendly people and allywith whom they felt and shared the trau-ma. But their reaction was also becausethey realized that if America could bestruck at the heart of its power, the wholeworld was threatened.

President Jacques Chirac was the firstforeign head of state to be received byPresident George Bush and the first to goto New York to the site of the catastrophe.He expressed the complete solidarity ofthe French people with the American peo-ple and his total condemnation of this“horrific attack which has both shockedand appalled the entire world.”

He reaffirmed the unfailing determina-tion of France, a country that has manytimes been victim of acts of terrorism, to

take part in the war against this scourge“which today must take on a new scaleand new priorities.”

The attacks on September 11 will have alasting and profound effect on the life andaction of the international community.

Resolute action by all our nations isrequired. The strategy to be implementedmust be global and multi-faceted. Everycountry will have to participate actively.As President Jacques Chirac said here on19 September, “It is not the combat of asingle country, it is the combat of theentire international community committedto human rights and human dignity.”

By virtue of its universal compositionand the powers it has under its Charter,the United Nations is the forum wherecountries have to mobilize, where the vari-ous elements of a coordinated response byour states must be formulated, withrespect for the aims and principlesenshrined in the Charter.

The very day of the attacks and the fol-lowing day, the Secretary-General, ourAssembly and the Security Council,through SCR resolution 1368, markedtheir determination to be one in wagingthis combat.

On the evening of Friday, 28 September,the Security Council unanimously adoptedresolution 1373. It is a resolution that willstand out in history. Through its globaland binding nature, this resolution marksthe new and ambitious path to which theCouncil has resolutely committed itself tocontribute to eradicating acts which, likethose on 11 September, constitute a threatto international peace and security. It isfor the Security Council to take, whennecessary and in accordance with theresponsibilities and prerogatives conferredon it under the Charter, the necessarymeasures to ensure respect for the obliga-tions spelled out in this resolution. To thisend, and to underline its determination toact, the Council has given itself a follow-up mechanism to ensure compliance, byall States, of the measures decided, partic-ularly in the action against the financingof terrorism. The Security Council is thusemphasizing its resolve for sustainedaction.

Our General Assembly, as evidenced inits resolution 56/1 of 12 September andour debate today, is also determined tomake its full contribution to the combatagainst terrorism. To do so, it must mobi-

September 11, 2001


lize all the mechanisms available to it, inclose consultation with the Security Coun-cil. It also falls to the Assembly, in theframework of its Sixth Committee, tocomplete, during this session, the negotia-tion of the two draft conventions on ter-rorism which are before it: the draft con-vention on nuclear terrorism presented byRussia and the draft global convention onterrorism presented by India.

The precedent of the Convention, intro-duced by France, for the suppression ofthe financing of terrorism, adopted inDecember 1999 after only one year ofnegotiation, shows that if we are reallyresolved to act, we can, together, succeedquickly in spite of the complex and sensi-tive nature of the subjects beingaddressed. France, together with its Euro-pean Union partners, will spare no effortto help our Assembly swiftly adopt thesetwo conventions.

TURKISH PERMANENT REPRESEN-TATIVE TO THE UNITED NATIONSAMBASSADOR PAMIR

Mr. President,We are meeting here today to explore

more effective ways that will strengtheninternational cooperation against thescourge of terrorism under extraordinarycircumstances. The carnage that the Unit-ed States and our civilization was subject-ed to on September 11th was beyond anydescription. I would like to take thisopportunity to express my nation’s deep-est feelings of sympathy and condolencesto the people and the Government of theUnited States of America. The UnitedStates is a very close friend and ally ofTurkey. Yet, as far as terrorism is con-cerned, I have to say that there is some-thing more to this relationship. Throughthe tumultuous years of our fight againstterrorism, the United States always stood,and at times singularly, by Turkey. Now,in their hour of need Turkey firmly standsby the United States.

Mr. President,Our own experience with terrorism has

clearly shown that this fight has two fun-damental dimensions. The first one is themoral pillar. If there were any argumentsthat terrorists might also have a defensiblecause, September 11 must have put thisforever to rest. There are no gray areas inthe fight against terrorism, nor are there

“good terrorists” and “bad terrorists.” Thisis the time for the international communi-ty as a whole and for the States individu-ally to condemn unequivocally all acts,methods and practices of terrorism ascriminal and unjustifiable, regardless oftheir motivation, in all their forms andmanifestations. Likewise, it is high timefor us to recognize that this scourge is ahuman rights violation in one of its mostblatant forms.

The second pillar is about the scope andthe effectiveness of the internationalmechanisms to combat this evil. Thisrequires us to make full use of the meansand mechanisms already in place and tobolster them in a fashion that will progres-sively establish an effective system thatwill strangle the terrorist livelihood. Thissystem needs to be of an all-encompassingnature integrating its capabilities withthose instruments utilized in the fightagainst all types of organized crime, firstand foremost being drug-trafficking, thenatural ally of terrorism.

The events no longer tolerate the slack-ening of our actions. We have to moveforward With a sense of clear purpose,and we have to move fast. The UnitedNations presents us with the global frame-work for cooperation. The threat is to ourcommon civilization and the U.N. is ourcommon house. The membership must actwith a multi-faceted agenda.

Resolution 1373 of the Security Coun-cil, adopted on 28 September 2001, is agrand step in the fight against terrorism,as it puts particular emphasis on the sup-pression of the financing of terrorism andthe elimination of all support direct orindirect- to those who commission terror-ism, and highlights the crucial aspects ofinternational cooperation needed in thisfield. We call upon all states to fullyimplement the measures included therein.

Our agenda should particularly includethe following basic elements:

• To become party to conventions andprotocols on combating terrorism. I ampleased to announce in this respect thatTurkey has also signed on 27 September2001 the International Convention for theSuppression of the Financing of Terror-ism.

• To elaborate a comprehensive conven-tion on terrorism without delay. In thisregard, I would like to draw attention tothe invaluable work being done in various

bodies within the U.N. system, in particu-lar the Ad Hoc Committee established bythe General Assembly resolution 51/210.We expect that the draft ComprehensiveConvention for Terrorism, which is underconsideration in the said Committee, beconcluded soon.

• To implement fully the bilateral,regional and multilateral anti-terrorismconventions.

• To deny safe haven to the terrorists aswell as to those who support them in anyway.

• To ensure the apprehension and prose-cution or extradition of the perpetrators ofterrorist acts.

• To dismiss the claims of political moti-vation as grounds for refusing requests forextradition.

• To recognize the fact that terrorism iscontrary to the purposes and principles ofthe United Nations, and poses a seriousthreat to international peace and security.This point has also been referred to in theSecurity Council resolution no. 1373(2001), alongside several previous GeneralAssembly resolutions. In this respect, Iwould like to recall the ongoing work forthe establishment of the InternationalCriminal Court The Court is being set upto try the most serious crimes of interna-tional concern. However, its jurisdiction,as it now stands, does not cover terroristcrimes. The Turkish delegation at the ICCPreparatory Commission, which is nowelaborating certain aspects and legalinstruments of the Court, has tabled a pro-posal for the inclusion of these crimes inits Statute. We believe that the extensionof the jurisdiction of the Court over terror-ist crimes will make our common struggleto eliminate terrorism more complete.

CUBAN PERMANENT REPRESENTA-TIVE TO THE UNITED NATIONSBRUNO RODRIGUEZ PARRILLA

Mr. President,In a speech delivered just two days ago

before one hundred thousand countrymen,President Fidel Castro stated:

“The unanimous shock suffered by allpeoples of the world on September 11,due to the insane terrorist attacks againstthe American people, has created excep-tional conditions for the eradication of ter-rorism without the need to unleash a use-less and perhaps endless war.

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“Terror has always been an instrumentof the worst enemies of Mankind bent onsuppressing and crushing the peoples’struggle for freedom. It can never be theinstrument of a truly noble and justcause.”

Later on, he went on adding:“Many seem not to have realized yet

that, on September 20, before the UnitedStates Congress, the end of independencewas decreed for every other state—with-out exceptions— as well as the end of theUnited Nations’ role.

“Cuba was the first country to speak ofthe need for an international struggleagainst terrorism just a few hours after thetragedy brought on the American peopleon September 11. We also said that: Noneof the present problems of the world canbe solved by force. [...] The internationalcommunity should build a world con-science against terrorism. [...] Only theintelligent policy of seeking strengththrough consensus and the internationalpublic opinion can decidedly uproot thisproblem [...] this unimaginable eventshould serve to launch an internationalstruggle against terrorism. ...] The worldcannot be saved unless a path of interna-tional peace and cooperation is pursued.’

“I harbor no doubts that the Third Worldcountries—I dare say almost everyone ofthem without exception, despite theirpolitical and religious differences—wouldbe willing to go alongside the rest of theworld in this struggle against terrorism asan alternative to war.

“For these people, saving peace withdignity, with independence and without awar is the cornerstone of the struggle thatwe should wage together for a truly justworld of free peoples.”

Mr. President,Instead of war, it is necessary to orga-

nize international cooperation in order tolaunch effective global actions, in accor-dance with International Law, the Charterof the United Nations and the relevantinternational conventions, based on theextraordinary power of consensus and thesovereign and united will of all States.

Cuba has expressed: “It would suffice toreturn to the United Nations Organizationthe prerogatives that it has been deprivedof and let the General Assembly, its mostuniversal and representative body, be thecenter of that fight for peace—regardlessof its limitations due to the arbitrary veto

right of the Security Council PermanentMembers, most of them also a part ofNATO—and for the eradication of terror-ism with total and unanimous supportfrom the world opinion. [... ] It is indis-pensable to return to the United Nationsits role in the attainment of peace.”

The United Nations Organization is pre-cisely the universal coalition we need tofight terrorism. No amorphous and unpre-dictable coalition, NATO or any other mil-itary organization, or group of States -no

matter how powerful it might be- couldreplace the United Nations in a global andlegitimate action against terrorism. TheUnited Nations should not give up itsfunctions or prerogatives to the imposi-tions from any country, nor should itindulgently serve hegemonic interests.

The United Nations alone can address ina deep, calm, resolute and strong way, theserious challenges of a globalized world,including terrorism as a matter of urgency.

The United Nations counts on the uni-versal involvement of States; it has a his-torical and moral authority, as well asprinciples and rules accepted by all; and itis also entitled to adopt and codify stan-dards. It can act upon all areas, and itscountless and various bodies have greatpotential.

We support the Secretary General’sstatement that: “This Organization is thenatural forum in which to build such auniversal coalition. It alone can give glob-al legitimacy to the long-term struggleagainst terrorism.”

The United Nations has even the prerog-ative to use force to defend the principleof collective security. However, thisexceptional prerogative must be used withextreme prudence and responsibility.

Mr. President,The United Nations has made great

efforts to fight terrorism, as proven by theexisting Conventions and other recentlyadopted instruments, as well as the manyresolutions adopted by the GeneralAssembly and other bodies.

To move forward, we must address -with total honesty and avoiding hegemon-ic interests or national ambitions- allforms and manifestations of terrorism inevery corner of the world, including -with-out exception- State terrorism.

The overwhelming political will ofStates to fully implement internationalinstruments must prevail without doublestandards, or political selectivity, withouttreating differently those who live in afflu-ent societies and without allowing Statesand their armed forces -especially themost powerful ones- to act in disregard oflegislation and International Law.

Mr. President,We share the calls for prudence and

moderation coming from all regions. Onecannot respond to the September 11th ter-rorist attacks with revengeful and waractions that would result in increasing vio-lence and barbaric acts, which we can’tthink of today. The solution cannot be topass legislations or decrees that authorizeextrajudicial executions, or to let Stateskill foreign citizens, or to act covertly inother countries disrespecting laws andborders, or to use force within otherStates. That would divert the world fromits purpose to eliminate terrorism, andwould mean the end of collective securitymechanisms. It would mean the rule offorce and the beginning of the end of theproclaimed rule of law.

Terrorist acts are usually carried out byextremist groups, even by individuals.Faced with an event of this nature -howev-er its seriousness- the right to self-defensemust not be invoked by a powerful Stateto unilaterally unleash a war resulting in

September 11, 2001


We share the calls for prudence andmoderation coming from all regions. Onecannot respond to the September 11thterrorist attacks with revengeful and waractions that would result in increasingviolence and barbaric acts, which wecan’t think of today. The solution cannotbe to pass legislations or decrees thatauthorize extrajudicial executions, or tolet States kill foreign citizens, or to actcovertly in other countries disrespectinglaws and borders, or to use force withinother States. That would divert the worldfrom its purpose to eliminate terrorism,and would mean the end of collectivesecurity mechanisms. It would mean therule of force and the beginning of the endof the proclaimed rule of law.

global and unpredictable effects, and thedeath of an unthinkable number of inno-cent people. Instead, that right must beexercised as the right of all to the commondefense of all. The South countries wouldeventually be the potential victims ofactions of force if we accept war under thepretext of struggling against terrorism.

Cuba supports the many ongoing initia-tives and those under discussion, whichmight contribute to U.N. actions, includ-ing those submitted by the Non-AlignedMovement, such as the call for a highlevel conference on international terror-ism, the creation of an international coop-eration center, and the negotiation of acomprehensive convention on internation-al terrorism. We are also willing to consid-er positively other initiatives that mightcontribute to the struggle against terrorismand might have the legitimacy invoked bythe Secretary General.

Mr. President,While the Security Council has made

specific efforts and adopted several resolu-tions in the past, terrorism has been anarea in which prudence has prevailed. Inthe few cases where specific acts of terror-ism have been addressed, it has been donein the direct interest of some of its Perma-nent Members.

However, Cuba asked the SecurityCouncil to act when the Cubana AircraftCU 455 was blown in flight, killing 73people on board in 1976; draft resolutionS/23990 submitted by Cuba was not evenconsidered.

I have now reviewed that draft resolu-tion once again, comparing it to the onethe Security Council adopted last Fridaynight, and I have found that although ourswas more moderate, it proposed some ofthe concepts and measures contained inthe recent one.

In its preamble, the Cuban draft consid-ered the suppression of acts of internation-al terrorism essential for the maintenanceof international peace and security;emphasized the need to deal effectivelywith terrorism; reaffirmed that every Statehad the duty to refrain from organizing,instigating, assisting, participating in andconsenting terrorist acts within its territo-ry. Our text took note that one PermanentMember of the Security Council had stat-ed that it had evidence in its possessionrelating to that act. It also took intoaccount the fact that the mastermind of

the terrorist act, Orlando Bosch, resided inthe territory of that same State, where -bythe way- he still lives in; and that theother mastermind, Luis Posada Carriles,had been doubly employed -after theappalling crime- by the Government ofthat State. The Cuban draft resolution alsourged the involvement of the Council inthe struggle against international terror-ism, invoking Chapter VII of the Charter.

The Resolution did not request the use

of force or sanctions, but simply asked theCouncil to condemn the bombing of thepassengers’ aircraft in flight; to indicatethe obligation to clarify the crime and topunish the guilty parties. It asked the Stateconcerned to provide all the informationand evidence in its possession relating tothe past and current residence of the ter-rorists who were in its territory, and toadopt effective measures to prevent its ter-ritory from being used to prepare, orga-nize and carry out terrorist acts againstCuba. And it asked the Council to keepthat matter under consideration.

After Cuba, the Permanent Memberconcerned took the floor for five minutesonly to state the following: I frankly can-not help but wonder why we are here ...By meeting today ... we lose our mostvaluable commodity: time.” And that wasthe end of the meeting.

However, the Security Council hasrecently adopted -after expedite and poor-ly transparent negotiations- a resolutionthat orders States to work on urgent leg-islative modifications, demands immediatereports and creates a sort of antiterroristgeneral staff.

The Council decides to fight terrorismin many different areas, from economicand financial areas to illicit drug traffick-

ing, border control, money-laundering,forgery of documents, traffic in explosivematerials, nuclear, chemical, biologicaland other weapons.

It also deals with issues relating totransnational organized crime, weapons ofmass destruction, communications tech-nologies, and the exchange of intelligenceinformation on individuals and entitiesthat practice terrorism.

To implement that resolution, it is nec-essary to previously identify those personsand what is to be considered a terroristact. It’s possible to imagine where thoseinterpretations will come from.

The Security Council has been pushedto give legal support to hegemonic andarbitrary decisions made by the rulingPower, which violate the Charter andInternational Law, and that trespass on thesovereignty of all States. To achieve that,it usurps once again the functions of theGeneral Assembly -the only body whoseuniversal composition and democraticmethod could legitimize such far-reachingdecisions. The Council uses the unbeliev-able method of turning into mandatory forall States some of rules contained in con-ventions against terrorism, which only theStates themselves are entitled to sign ornot.

The Security Council, a hostage of theveto right, could only exercise a selective,capricious, arbitrary and ineffective dicta-torship, instead of the moral leadershiprequired for a comprehensive struggleagainst terrorism in a globalized world.

Terrorism cannot be eliminated if someterrorist acts are condemned while othersare silenced or justified. It is an ethicalimperative, for example, to put an end tothe use of veto to prevent internationalactions from protecting the Palestinianpeople against the countless State terror-ism acts they are suffering.

It is Cuba’s opinion that any use offorce against terrorism will require explic-it and previous authorization of the Secu-rity Council, as provided by the Charter.Cuba also believes that none of the tworesolutions adopted by the Council in thewake of the September 11 attacks couldbe invoked to unleash unilateral militaryor force actions.

Despite some arbitrary methods anddecisions of the Security Council, ourcountry, as always, will cooperate in goodfaith with the Council in accordance with

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It is Cuba’s opinion that any use of forceagainst terrorism will require explicit andprevious authorization of the SecurityCouncil, as provided by the Charter. Cubaalso believes that none of the tworesolutions adopted by the Council in thewake of the September 11 attacks couldbe invoked to unleash unilateral militaryor force actions.

the Charter, and will enforce its own legis-lation adopted by our people in a sover-eign way and according to internationallaw, and which strongly and firmly oppos-es any act of terrorism, whoever its perpe-trator, as well as other serious internation-al crimes being committed in the world.

We can state so with the moral strengthgiven by the fact that our finances aretransparent and our banks do not treasureany laundered or illegitimate money; thatour institutions do no sell information ortechnology illegally or tolerate the trafficin arms or dangerous substances; and thatour borders do not protect transnationalcrime. The specific measures put forth inthe resolution adopted by the SecurityCouncil and that Cuba agrees with, mustbe applied first of all to the large banks inwhich -as everyone knows- money is laun-dered.

I must categorically state that Cuba willnever participate in any military action.

Mr. President,I have here with me today the memories

of 3478 Cubans who have died as a resultof aggressions and terrorist acts, and theclaim for justice of 2099 people who havebecome disabled as a result of those acts.

I have -among others- the memory ofFelix Garcia, a diplomat of the CubanMission to the United Nations, who wasmurdered here in New York, exactly on 11September 1980. His murderer was arrest-ed, together with Luis Posada Carriles,last November in Panama, in the midst ofan Ibero-American Summit, when, withthe purpose of assassinating PresidentFidel Castro, they were planning to blow auniversity auditorium where thousands ofstudents were expected to gather. PosadaCarriles and his group have neither beenextradited nor sanctioned. There are rea-sons to fear their escape before being sen-tenced or a total impunity.

Only in the 90’s, a total of 68 acts wereperpetrated against Cuba, 33 of whichtook place over the last five years.

Our country speaks based on the moralposition of not having committed any ter-rorist act ever, not even the attempt tokill—in an act of legitimate self-defense—the direct perpetrators and mas-terminds of abominable crimes, financedand carried out by the Cuban AmericanNational Foundation and other mobgroups in Miami against our people. How-ever, bombings, assassination attempts

against Cuban leaders and attacks againstvital targets of our economy have beenorganized with total impunity from abroadover the last few years.

Only the consideration and respect ofour people for the victims of the Septem-ber 11 attack, as well as the seriousness ofthe current situation that brings us togeth-er to seek for constructive solutions,encourage me to contribute to the spirit ofthis debate with our silence on the originsof terrorism against Cuba, by omitting thereal causes, the accomplices, the actualresponsible people, the financial flows, thevenal courts that absolve criminals and theterritories where terrorist organizationsacting against Cuba are based.

I share the hope that the September 11tragedy leads to reflection and, in linewith the desire of the U.S. people, tochanges in those policies that encourageand—in essence justify terrorism againstmy people. Terrorism against Cuba mustbe brought to an end.

I must state that, in face of impunity,Cuba has all the right to defend itselfagainst terrorism. The five Cuban youth,who are unjustly incarcerated and suffer ahumiliating treatment in Florida, do notrepent of having saved heroically the livesof Cuban and American citizens.

As President Fidel Castro stated “Cuba,with a high morale of being the countrythat has suffered the most and the longestfrom terrorist actions, the one whose peo-ple are not afraid of anything becausethere is no threat or power in the worldthat can intimidate it, claims that it isopposed to terrorism and opposed to war.

Although the possibilities are nowremote, Cuba reaffirms the need to avert awar of unpredictable consequences whosevery authors have admitted not to have theleast idea of how the events will unfold.Likewise, Cuba reiterates its willingnessto cooperate with every country in thetotal eradication of terrorism.

“Whatever happens, the territory ofCuba will never be used for terroristactions against the American people andwe will do everything within our reach toprevent such actions against that people.Today we are expressing our solidaritywhile urging to peace and calmness.

Finally, the President of our country,expressing the unanimous sentiment ofour people, stated:

Our independence, our principles and

our social achievements we will defendwith honor to the last drop of blood, if weare attacked! Thank you very much.

PALESTINIAN PERMANENTOBSERVER TO THE UNITEDNATIONS NASSER AL-KIDWA

Mr. President,During the past few sessions of the Gen-

eral Assembly, Palestine did not activelyparticipate in the debate on terrorism. Wedid not because of our belief that thePalestinian-Israeli conflict was nearing asolution, with all that necessarily impliesin terms of redefining many relevantissues. We also believed that the increasedthreat of terrorism essentially involvedsome groups inside certain states, particu-larly some Arab States, who aimed atchanging the governing system, typicallyon the basis of an extreme religious posi-tion—a phenomenon rejected and con-fronted by the entire international commu-nity. A final reason was because webelieved that international terrorism ingeneral was waning and was on its way todefeat.

Unfortunately, we were wrong and per-haps we were too optimistic. In the Mid-dle East and specifically in the OccupiedPalestinian Territory, including Jerusalem,the peace process and the situation on theground deteriorated in an extremely dan-gerous way and we witnessed the resur-facing of the accusations of terrorism andthe counteraccusations of State terrorismand war crimes against the ongoing back-ground of foreign occupation. With regardto internal terrorism, if the term is correct,it did not come to an end either, and wewitnessed clear loopholes in the collectiveinternational position aimed at putting anend to this kind of terrorism. At the sametime, international terrorism was notdefeated. Indeed, it shocked us all when itculminated in the serious tragedy and dev-astation of the 11th of September in theUnited States of America. Somehow all ofthe above might be related.

Mr. President,The Palestinian side, through President

Yasser Arafat and many other Palestinianofficials, has strongly condemned theheinous terrorist act, which took place on11 September. We have done that not onlyout of our political responsibility but alsoin line with our conscience as Muslims,

September 11, 2001


Arabs and Palestinians both Muslims andChristians. There can be no justificationwhatsoever for this horrible act.

In this regard, we again express ourheartfelt condolences to President GeorgeBush, the American Government and theAmerican people, particularly the familiesof the victims. I would also add that forus, we the family of the United Nationsand its Missions who live in New York, atleast for a while, our lives and those ofour families were impacted as was the lifeof every inhabitant of this unique city.

The Palestinian side welcomed the clearand strong international reaction againstwhat happened and for confronting thephenomenon of international terrorism.We naturally are ready to add our verymodest efforts to the international effortsaimed at bringing the perpetrators of thiscrime to justice, to prevent any reoccur-rence of what happened and to end inter-national terrorism. The United States, asthe nation that was attacked and also asthe superpower of the world, has strived toform an international coalition to wage amulti-faceted battle against internationalterrorism. A broad international coalitionis a positive development, and we call forthe use of the available forum of interna-tional work in this respect and we reaffirmas well the importance of internationallegitimacy. The United Nations, as theSecretary-General has said, can and mustplay a decisive role. We support this andcall for the full engagement of the UnitedNation organs, including the SecurityCouncil, in the upcoming battle in a con-tinuous way.

We also welcome what several officialsof the United States and the West general-ly have stated, including the clear positionindicating that this is neither a battleagainst Islam nor against Arabs. This is animportant issue, which needs constant reit-eration. There must also be a consciousand continuous resistance of any attemptsto distort such a position and push thingstowards the wrong battle. There are indeedsome forces which are trying to do justthat and there is at least one State, for itsown interest, which is trying to pushtowards widening the circle to include tar-gets that have nothing to do with the 11’of September or with the battle againstterrorist groups with global outreach.

Mr. President,We must also try to understand what

happened and to realize that a successfulbattle will require rethinking some poli-cies with political, social and economicrepercussions with the aim of achievingmore just situations everywhere. Whyexactly did the terrorists do what they didon the 11th of September? I am unable togive a decisive answer about the reasonsfor this diabolic act.

The reasons might include a rejection ofthe West with all its cultural dimensions,which is something we cannot solvethrough different policies and it has noth-ing to do with Arabism, Islam or indeedwith any logic. We, of course, firmlyreject conflict among civilization and westand for dialogue among civilization andthe nurturing of humanity on the basis ofdiversity and tolerance.

But we should not stop here. We have tolook into the negative positions and feel-ings of millions of Arabs and Muslimstowards the United States and some otherWestern States. These are positions andfeelings that grow stronger everyday, com-peting with the reasonable mainstreamand steering it towards extremism. Wehave to look into the reasons for such asituation that provides a breeding groundfor the emergence of groups and actionssuch as that which took place on the 11thof September.

The main reason may be what the ordi-nary person in the region has witnessed interms of policies regarding the issue ofPalestine over the course of almost onehundred years. It is an unbelievable storyinvolving the imposition of a gross andsevere injustice through long years ofpain, suffering, disappointment andunbearable conditions. In addition, otherthings happened in the region that cannotbe completely isolated from the Palestin-ian issue. All lead the ordinary person inthe region to conclude that the system ofvalues and the yardstick basically estab-lished by the West, even when we acceptthem, seem to be inapplicable to us,maybe because we are Arabs and we areMuslims.

We must bring all this to an end, and inparticular we must solve the issue ofPalestine in a just way, thus ending thesource of huge anger and despair in theregion.

That in itself, if achieved, is not goingto conclude the battle against internationalterrorism, but it is a necessary condition to

gain in the battle that the internationalcommunity must wage in any case.

Mr. President,Regarding what happened on the 11th of

September, the great Palestinian poetMahmoud Darwish stated in a statementsigned by several Palestinian intellectuals,“ The catastrophe that hit Washington andNew York has only one name—the Mad-ness of Terrorism. This catastrophic eventwas neither a dark science fiction film norwas it the Day of Reckoning. It was ter-rorism that is country-less, colorless, andcreedless, no matter how many names ofgods, deities and agonies of man it mayhave enlisted in order to justify itself.” Hefurther states, “Nothing, nothing can justi-fy this terrorism that melds human fleshwith iron, cement and dust. Nor can any-thing justify polarizing the world into twocamps that can never meet: one ofabsolute good, the other of absolute evil.Civilization is the result of world societiescontributing towards a global heritage.The accumulation and interaction ofwhich leads towards the elevation ofhumanity and nobility of consciousness.”

OCTOBER 2, 2001

SAUDI ARABIAN PERMANENT REP-RESENTATIVE TO THE UNITEDNATIONS FAWZI SHOBOKSHI

Mr. President,The disgraceful terrorist acts against the

United States on September 11, 2001 are,by any standard, ugly crimes. They shouldbe condemned by every person with agrain of faith, and by all peace-lovingpeoples who believe in human rights andadhere to principles and values.

Mr. President,The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, its

monarch, its government and its peoplehave condemned those criminal actswhich resulted in great losses in humanlife and tremendous destruction and dam-age to property. The Government of theKingdom of Saudi Arabia has issued adeclaration condemning this criminal actwhich is contrary to all religious valuesand civilized concepts. The Custodian ofthe Two Holy Mosques sent a message tothe President of the United States ofAmerica, in which he underlined his

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strong denunciation and condemnation ofsuch acts. He also conveyed his sincerecondolences to the families of the victimsand to the friendly American people. Heconfirmed Saudi Arabia’s solidarity withthe international community in standing inthe face of terrorism and fighting it in allits forms and manifestations. In a tele-phone conversation, H.R.H. Prince Abdul-lah Bin Abdulaziz Al-Sand, Crown Prince,First Deputy Prime Minister and Com-mander of the National Guard, conveyedhis condolences to His Excellency thePresident, and to the American people forthe victims of these painful acts of terror-ism, which are condemned and rejected byall religious faiths. H.R.H. Prince Abdul-lah expressed the full cooperation of theKingdom of Saudi Arabia with the Ameri-can Government in all its efforts to uncov-er the identities of the perpetrators ofthese criminal acts and bringing them tojustice.

Mr. President,The condemnation of these criminal acts

was not limited to the official authorities,it included all segments of Saudi society.The Grand Mufti of the Kingdom of SaudiArabia and Chairman of the Senior Ulemaaffirmed that “these explosions thatoccurred in the United States, acts ofplane hijacking, frightening peaceful peo-ple, or unjustly killing people, are formsof aggression and oppression which theLaw of Islam does not condone, but ratherconsiders them a major sin.”

The Chairman of the Supreme JudicialCouncil in the Kingdom affirmed that thisinhuman act is beyond comprehension.The scenes of this carnage were beyondwhat any Muslim mind could compre-hend. He added that “the Kingdom ofSaudi Arabia, the land of the Two HolyMosques, governed by the teachings ofIslam, condemns these brutal acts.” So, itis no wonder that the Kingdom considersit an anathema for Muslims to commitsuch deeds or protect such criminals. Headded “The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia hasdeclared, through its religious leaders, andbefore any Saudi aircraft was everhijacked, that such acts are criminal,regardless of whether the passengers wereMuslims or not. They considered suchacts oppression and that aggressionagainst people and terrorizing them arethe greatest of sins.”

Mr. President,

While my country denounces this terror-ist and inhuman act, it emphasizes theneed to avoid linking terrorist acts withany particular religion or ethnic groupwhether such linkage is made by govern-ment bodies or the news media. Such link-age will not help in effectively combatingterrorism, and is considered an affront totruth.

It feels concerned about the attempts ofsome news media and politicians to arbi-trarily accuse Islam and Muslims. Islam isabsolutely innocent of all such criminalacts which are considered violations ofIslamic values and moral principles.

It also feels deeply concerned aboutsome widespread phenomena in somesocieties which discriminate against reli-gious beliefs, especially Islamic ones.There is also the attempt to link Islam andsome negative phenomena, such as terror-ism and fanaticism; all the while forget-ting that Islam rejects terrorism andfanaticism, while promoting tolerance andcooperation.

Mr. President,The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has suf-

fered from terrorist acts in the past. There-fore, it sympathizes with what the UnitedStates is going through. The Kingdom ofSaudi Arabia has exerted all efforts for along time to combat this dangerous phe-nomenon. It has always taken appropriatemeasures on all levels. On the nationallevel, it has enacted laws that punish per-petrators of terrorist acts. Combating ter-rorism became a principal item in the cur-riculum of colleges. On the regional level,the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was amongthe first signatories of the Arab Conven-tion for Combating Terrorism, which wasadopted by the League of Arab States in1998. It also signed the Anti-TerrorismConvention of the Organization of theIslamic Conference. On the internationallevel, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabiaadhered to numerous United Nations Con-ventions about terrorism. They includedthe Convention for the Suppression ofUnlawful Acts Against the Safety of CivilAviation. It is about to join the Interna-tional Convention on Terrorist Bombings,and The Convention for the Suppressionof the Financing of Terrorism. The Gov-ernment of my country believes that join-ing anti-Terrorism conventions should beaccompanied by sincere intentions tocombat this dangerous phenomenon and

eradicate it. We call upon all memberstates to categorically condemn all terror-ist acts which constitute a grave violationof the objectives and principles of theUnited Nations, threaten internationalpeace and security and endanger friendlyrelations among States, as well as inhibitcooperation among them.

Mr. President,Concerned about this dangerous phe-

nomenon and intent on combating it, theKingdom of Saudi Arabia supports all theefforts of this organization through relatedresolutions and conventions, particularlySecurity Council Resolutions 1368 (2001)and 1373 (2001) which condemns the hor-rible terrorist attacks against the UnitedStates of America. The delegation of mycountry, in its efforts to combat this dan-gerous phenomenon, supports the conven-ing of an international conference on ter-rorism. We believe that the need is urgent,and that the time has come to convenesuch a conference. It should have as oneof its main objectives, a clear definition ofterrorism which differentiates between ter-rorism as a dangerous phenomenon thatthreatens the security and stability of theinternational community, and the right ofpeoples to struggle against and resistoccupation, according to international lawand the United Nations Charter.

Mr. President,Although the Arab and Muslim peoples

are subjected to terrorist acts, there arepernicious attempts to falsely accuseArabs and Muslims with terrorism. Somebiased media repeat unjust hearsay aboutIslamic terrorism, Islamic threats andIslamic bombs. It is as if terrorism is com-mitted only by Muslims. We have notheard that bombs have religions, and ter-rorism has religious sects. Nobody wouldrepeat such hearsay unless he/she is mali-cious, or ignorant of history. Arabs andMuslims cannot be accused of terrorismbecause a person or a group from amongthem committed terrorist acts. Terroristsare found among every sect and religion,and among all human societies. Islam pro-hibits terrorism because God Almightycannot be but just, and He prohibits injus-tice against human beings. God criminal-ized oppression and aggression againstnon-criminals. Killing the innocent is amajor sin; it is considered similar to per-version on earth and destruction of cropsand progeny. God Almighty says “Let not

September 11, 2001


the enmity and hatred of others make youavoid justice. Be just. That is nearer topiety.” Inflicting mass punishment is con-sidered by Islam an act of abomination,aggression and wickedness.

Islamic Law was cognizant of this dan-ger fourteen centuries ago. It establishedthe first complete law against terrorism.Thus, Islamic jurisprudence considersoppression and rebellion as forms of ter-rorism. The Supreme Judicial Council in

the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia imposedcapital punishment on those who committhe crimes of terrorism and sabotage. Thiswas based on God’s words in the HolyQuran: “There is the type of man whosespeech about this world’s life may dazzlethee. And he calls Allah to witness aboutwhat is in his heart. Yet is he the mostcontentious of enemies. When he turns hisback his aim everywhere is to spread mis-chief through the earth and destroy cropsand progeny but Allah loveth no mis-chief.” God Almighty says again “That ifanyone slew a person unless it be for mur-der or for spreading mischief in the land,it would be as if he slew the whole peo-ple.”

Mr. President,The Arab governments and the Arab

peoples condemn terrorism in all itsshapes and forms. This position is basedon their faith and culture. Nevertheless,the Arabs call for avoiding, any confusionbetween terrorism on the one hand and, onthe other hand, the right of peoples todefend their independence, freedom andhuman rights when they are subjected toforeign occupation and dominance, itself a

violation of international law.The general condemnation of terrorism

extends to state terrorism as practiced byIsrael continuously. Paragraph 6 of Gener-al Assembly Resolution 40/61, adopted bythe 40th Session in 1985, referred to offi-cial terrorism practiced by some states.This Resolution makes a clear distinctionbetween terrorism, which is a criminal actand an unlawful form of warfare, andarmed resistance to colonialism, racismarid foreign occupation which is a legiti-mate struggle sustained by the principle ofself-determination which is part of theLaw of Nations as embodied in the Char-ter and other international resolutions. Inparagraph 9, the resolution calls upon allmember states to work, individually andin collaboration with each other and withUnited Nations bodies, towards the grad-ual elimination of the causes of interna-tional terrorism.

Mr. President,There is no doubt that states where ter-

rorist acts take place have the right to pur-sue the wrongdoers, to arrest them and toput them on trial. The objective should beto eradicate all forms of terrorism and notrevenge. The history of terrorism shows usthat the best way to suppress it is toexplore its roots and identify the causeswhich engender it and find just solutionsto the different conflicts. What happenedin the United States places the internation-al community in a position of greatresponsibilities but terrorism was not bornon September 11, 2001. It will not beeradicated by military means or by beingtreated as a mere problem of law andsecurity. Developed armaments and newtechniques are not sufficient responseeither.

The international community is requiredto deal with terrorism, in a spirit ofresponsibility and seriousness, from all itsaspects. The best context for such actionis the United Nations which embodies theinternational community. It alone is enti-tled to define terrorism and take interna-tional decisions to fight it. Internationallaw should be the basis of dealing withterrorism and of deciding what measuresto take against it. The mere use of forcecould lead to arresting a few suspectswhile inflicting mass pain and sufferingon multitudes of innocents.

International cooperation in facing ter-rorism requires an agreed definition of the

phenomenon in legal terms in order toavoid motivations, of different interestsand objectives. All faiths and creeds mustbe respected and cannot be tarnishedunder the pretext of defending the free-dom of speech. Issues of human rightsshould not be politicized. And attempts toimpose some values on other nationswhich might contradict its beliefs andprinciples should cease. No double stan-dards should prevail in dealing with inter-national problems. Therefore, internation-al laws and legitimacy should be respect-ed.

Mr. President,Terrorism has become a universal phe-

nomenon not limited to one ethnic groupor one faith. Combating it also needs to beuniversal in nature and extent. Onlythrough a coordinated plan in the contextof the United Nations could our commonefforts bear fruit, eradicate terrorism, pro-tect the lives of the innocent, maintain thesovereignty of the states and the securityand stability of the world.

CHINESE PERMANENT REPRESEN-TATIVE TO THE UNITED NATIONSWANG YINGFAN

Mr. President,The Chinese Delegation was deeply

shocked by and strongly condemns theSeptember 11 terrorist attacks in NewYork, Washington and Pennsylvania. Theitem of Measures to Eliminate Internation-al Terrorism has been deliberated at theGeneral Assembly for quite some years.But this year, the item has become morespecial and urgent than ever before.

Terrorism, which endangers innocentlives, causes losses of social wealth andjeopardizes state security, constitutes aserious challenge to human civilizationand dignity as well as a serious threat tointernational peace and security. The inter-national community, therefore, must poolwisdom together and strengthen interna-tional cooperation against terrorism.

Mr. President,The United Nations, which is the impor-

tant forum for States to cooperate witheach other in combating terrorism, shouldplay a leading role in the internationaleffort to this end. The main organs andother relevant agencies of the UnitedNations should step up their coordinationand cooperation in preventing and com-

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The Arab governments and the Arabpeoples condemn terrorism in all itsshapes and forms. This position is basedon their faith and culture. Nevertheless,the Arabs call for avoiding, any confusionbetween terrorism on the one hand and,on the other hand, the right of peoples todefend their independence, freedom andhuman rights when they are subjected toforeign occupation and dominance, itselfa violation of international law.

bating international terrorism. The Securi-ty Council should play its due part andestablish an international anti-terrorismmechanism. Since the adoption in 1994 bythe General Assembly of the Declarationon Measures to Eliminate InternationalTerrorism, commendable progress hasbeen made in strengthening measures tocombat international terrorism, as repre-sented by the adoption of the InternationalConvention for the Suppression of Terror-ist Bombing and the International Conven-tion for the Suppression of Financing ofTerrorism as well as the on-going formu-lation of an International Convention forthe Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terror-ism and a Comprehensive Convention onInternational Terrorism. States should beencouraged to become parties as soon aspossible to the existing international anti-terrorism conventions and implementthem faithfully. More positive and con-structive efforts should be made in orderto finalize the above-mentioned two draftanti-terrorism conventions that are stillunder negotiation. States should take nec-essary measures, in accordance with theirnational laws and international obliga-tions, to cut off any financial, material,military and all other sorts of support toterrorists, be determined in bringing per-petrators of terrorist acts to justice andrefrain from supporting or tolerating themfor whatever reason or in whatever man-ner. Resolution 1373 adopted by the Secu-rity Council on September 28th should befaithfully implemented.

The fight against international terrorism,which will be a protracted as well as com-plicated task, should be guided by the Pur-poses and Principles of the Charter of theUnited Nations and other well-establishednorms of international law. An integratedapproach involving political, diplomatic,economic, legal and other means shouldbe adopted in this regard. We are stronglyagainst linking terrorism to a certain reli-gion or ethnicity. In order to eliminateinternational terrorism, efforts must bemade to address both the symptom and itsunderlying causes. In the internationalfight against terrorism, the diversity ofcivilization should be respected and theissue of development be addressed vigor-ously so as to enable people of all levelsin all countries to benefit from globaliza-tion. The international community shouldstrengthen its efforts to solve regional

conflicts in a more positive manner andseek just and reasonable solutions on thebasis of the Purposes and Principles of theU.N. Charter.

Mr. President,The Government of China firmly oppos-

es and condemns terrorism in all its formsand manifestations. It is China’s basic pol-icy to prevent and combat all terroristactivities. China has already been party tonine out of the twelve international con-ventions against terrorism and activepreparations are under way for it to jointhe two recently adopted conventions, i.e.the International Convention for the Sup-pression of Terrorist Bombing and theInternational Convention for the Suppres-sion of Financing of Terrorism. The Chi-nese Government has dedicated itself tothe promotion of regional and bilateralcooperation against terrorism and has,within the framework of the ShanghaiOrganization on Cooperation, concludedwith Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia,Tajikistan and Uzbekistan the ShanghaiConvention on Combating Terrorism, Sep-aratism and Extremism. The Chinese Gov-ernment is determined to fight resolutely,together with all other States, against ter-rorism in all its forms and manifestations.

OCTOBER 4, 2001

ISRAELI PERMANENT REPRESEN-TATIVE TO THE UNITED NATIONSYEHUDA LANCRY

Mr. President,We have gathered this week to address a

matter of the utmost urgency to the inter-national community.

On the morning of 11 September 2001,in the most devastating terror attack inhistory, a group of terrorists brought twotowering symbols of our host city crashingto the ground and wrought havoc on thestreets of New York and Washington, D.C.

This was, of course, not the first timethat civilians have been the direct target ofviolent attacks. Indeed, the deadly plagueof terrorism has posed a grave threat tointernational peace and security fordecades. But the attacks of September 11have demonstrated, in the most dramaticand catastrophic way imaginable, the dev-astation terrorism can cause, and theextent of its reach, if it is not aggressivelyconfronted wherever it may breed.

The people and the Government ofIsrael express their most profound condo-lences and heartfelt sympathy to the peo-ple of the United States and to all thosewhose lives have been affected by theseheinous attacks. We join the resoundingchorus of voices that have condemned thisevil act in the harshest terms. The terror-ists that destroyed the World Trade Centerand flattened the west side of the Penta-gon in Washington D.C., shattered notonly glass and steel, but the misconcep-tion that terrorism is confined to remoteareas of conflict and does not pose a glob-al threat of the highest order.

Mr. President,There are those who worry that terror

cannot be eliminated because it is elusive.It is true that those who are willing to sac-rifice themselves to kill others cannot bedeterred by ordinary means.

But the war on terrorism can be wonthrough the comprehensive, uncompro-mising and unrelenting determination ofthe international community.

To ensure that this campaign succeeds,we must bring the power of our economic,legal, military, and diplomatic might tobear, in a coordinated and long-term inter-national, regional and national effort.

Israel is encouraged by the recent far-reaching measures adopted by the Securi-ty Council in resolution 1373. This resolu-tion, which targets especially those whofinance terrorists and support their actions,represents a crucial step in the war on ter-rorism.

All states must act now to root out theterrorists operating in their territory andthe infrastructure that feeds them. Interna-tional mechanisms of cooperation mustcontinue to be expanded and enhanced toensure that terrorists and their supportersare held fully accountable for their crimes.This means more than adopting andenforcing international legal mechanismsto combat terrorism. It means, above all,mustering the sustained political willrequired to eradicate all terrorism compre-hensively and without compromise.

These measures must be accompaniedby a broad campaign, involving religiousleaders, educators and civil society, aimedat rooting out the incitement to hatred andviolence that creates a breeding groundwhere murderous ideologies flourish.Now, more than ever, voices of toleranceand mutual respect must be heard, in par-

September 11, 2001


ticular from political, spiritual and educa-tional leaders in positions of influence.

Terrorists must hear from their ownsocieties that they will not be tolerated.They must learn that they cannot hide.They will not find refuge. They will notbe allowed to trample upon the commonvalues of humanity.

The principles of international law, andresolutions of the Security Council and

the General Assembly, which condemn allacts of terrorism, whatever their form ormotivation, as criminal and unjustifiable,must serve as a global call to action. Ter-rorism must be fought without exception,without hesitation and without fear.

Mr. President,While most nations and peoples have

lowered their flags in solidarity withAmerica, some have raised their voices inan attempt to justify the unjustifiable andto artificially distinguish between onekind of terror and another. These apolo-gists, by purporting to identify the under-lying causes for these attacks, not onlyjustify, in effect, the heinous crimes ofSeptember 11, but they lay the moralfoundation for future attacks.

The United Nations has heard suchstatements before. We have heard thosewho claim certain types of terrorism areacceptable and that some innocent civil-ians are legitimate targets.

Mr. President,the United Nations must reaffirm today

that there is, and there can never be, a jus-tification for the calculated murder ofinnocents. Let us be clear: the indiscrimi-nate murder of innocent civilians toadvance political or religious objectives isterrorism, not matter how its apologistsseek to label it.

As the Secretary-General declared onMonday, and has emphasized on previousoccasions, “There can be no acceptance ofthose who would seek to justify the delib-erate taking of innocent civilian life,regardless of cause or grievance. If thereis one universal principle that all peoplescan agree on, surely it is this.”

Fabricating distinctions between differ-ent types of terror, though convenientlycouched in the language of noble ideals,are an unforgivable insult to the memoriesof those who have perished.

There has never been a terrorist groupthat did not believe that the ends justifythe means. These ends are typically articu-lated in terms of rights—but rights with-out any corresponding responsibilities, so-called rights which permit indiscriminatemurder with impunity, so-called rightswhich clearly defy unequivocal legalobligations and historical commitments.But the thousands of innocents butcheredin the name of these ideals tell a differentstory, and the moral of that story is clear:Terrorism is defined by what one does,not by what one does it for.

By bestowing any measure of legitima-cy on terrorist tactics, those extremistswho seek to achieve their goals throughviolence will be empowered at theexpense of leaders willing to resolve dis-putes through peaceful dialogue. If theinternational community tolerates any actof terrorism, it renders irrelevant the verymethods it has championed for the peace-ful resolution of disputes.

Mr. President,The renewed determination of the inter-

national community to combat terrorism isto be welcomed. But, at this critical junc-ture, it is essential that the alliance againstterror manages to clearly identify and rec-ognize its foe. Defeating terror means far

more than finding and punishing itsimmediate perpetrators.

Terrorists do not operate in a vacuum,but rather as part of a complex networkwhose constituent parts nourish andinspire each other, both organizationallyand ideologically. The success of a terror-ist group in wreaking havoc in one soci-ety, makes it easier for other groups tosow fear and panic elsewhere. Terroristgroups do not present a discrete series ofthreats. They are not distinct entities thatcan be toppled one by one. On the con-trary, terrorism is organic, and the attemptto tackle one branch while expressingsympathy or understanding for anotherwill only undermine our efforts.

The terrorist organism, like any organ-ism, cannot survive for long without sys-tems to sustain it. Terrorists rely on anextensive infrastructure that provides thefinancial means, the suicidal indoctrina-tion, and the murderous tools with whichto carry out attacks. And this infrastruc-ture can only exist with the assistance andthe complicity of States.

Certain regimes in the Middle East andelsewhere have granted terrorists safe har-bor, supplied them with weapons andtraining grounds, and provided the finan-cial backing for the perpetration of thou-sands of attacks on innocent civilians.Through their support, both active andtacit, these regimes have declared them-selves the allies of terrorism, and bear noless responsibility than the terrorists them-selves.

If the resources and determination of theinternational community can be galva-nized to eliminate State support for terror-ism, a decisive blow will have been struckin this battle.

But there can be no neutrality in thiseffort. Those states that fail to complywith their legal obligations to suppress ter-rorists operating in their territory are notneutral—they are collaborators and mustbe regarded as such.

Mr. President,Since its establishment, Israeli citizens

have been the targets of countless terroristattacks. This past year, Israel has beencompelled to engage in legitimate self-defense against an indiscriminate and sui-cidal terrorist campaign that erupted inblatant violation of signed agreements andwhich has claimed hundreds of innocentlives.

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Israel is encouraged by the recent far-reaching measures adopted by theSecurity Council in resolution 1373. Thisresolution, which targets especially thosewho finance terrorists and support theiractions, represents a crucial step in thewar on terrorism.

All states must act now to root out theterrorists operating in their territory andthe infrastructure that feeds them. Inter-national mechanisms of cooperation mustcontinue to be expanded and enhanced toensure that terrorists and their supportersare held fully accountable for their crimes.This means more than adopting andenforcing international legal mechanismsto combat terrorism. It means, above all,mustering the sustained political willrequired to eradicate all terrorism compre-hensively and without compromise.

The people of Israel are all too familiarwith the attempts of terrorists and theirallies to justify the murders of civilians,and blame the victims for their crimes.But in the words of the distinguishedMayor of New York who addressed us atthe outset of this debate, “The era ofmoral relativism between those who prac-tice or condone terrorism, and thosenations who stand up against it, mustend.”

History has shown that all that isrequired for evil to triumph is for goodpeople to do nothing. Standing on thesidelines, or cowering before the terroristthreat, in the naive hope that if we don’toppose terrorism we will not draw its fire,cannot be an option.

The people of the world look to theircountries to prevail over this evil. It can-not be appeased and it cannot beassuaged. The only option is to defeat it.

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Lord Robertson and Russian PresidentVladmir Putin delivered their remarks atNATO headquarters in Brussels,Belgium.

Secretary General Robertson. PresidentPutin and I have had a long conversationabout a whole series of issues of mutualinterest to Russia and to NATO. I thinkthese discussions have marked a majormilestone in NATO-Russia relationshipsand I think the two of us have acquiredthe habit of straight talking which allowsus to make our relationship the relation-ship between Russia and NATO, evermore relevant.

The recent horrifying atrocities in theUnited States I think have underlined thefact that there is far more that unitesNATO and Russia than has divided us inthe past few years. And on behalf of theNorth Atlantic Alliance I would like tooffer my profound thanks to PresidentPutin and to the Russian people for thisspontaneous way in which they havereacted to the terrible atrocity whichaffected America three weeks ago.

And what the people of the world nowexpect is decisive leadership from the

leaders of the democratic world at a timewhen their safety has become overshad-owed by international terrorism and itstentacles.

For some forty years NATO and Russiasat and glowered at each other, for anotherten years we tip-toed around each otherbut now I believe that we are entering anera where substantial and practical coop-eration is going to build a unique relation-ship between us.

Russia is a special and a major partnerof NATO and in the NATO-Russia Perma-nent Joint Council we have already estab-lished a very considerable program ofcooperation on subjects and areas thatwould have been unimaginable only a fewyears ago. And today we have identified anumber of new areas where NATO andRussia can work together only some ofthem arising out of the need to deal withthe terrorist challenge which faces all ofus equally.

Yesterday, the North Atlantic TreatyOrganization declared that the attack onthe United States of America on the 11thof September should be taken as an attackon all other 18 NATO allies. The attack atthe heart of the United States was not justan attack on the United States and mem-bers of NATO it was an attack on the val-ues that unite Russia with the countries ofthe North Atlantic Alliance and that mustmake us all the more committed to actingdecisively against those who bring suchwanton and reckless violence into theheart of any civilized city.

President Putin. [translated] I wouldlike to reiterate that the questions on theissues related to the terrorist threat were atthe center of our discussion but our dis-cussion also went far beyond that andencompassed the entire spectrum of rela-tionship between Russia and NATO. Imust say that the discussion was veryfrank and very concrete. We discussed thedevelopments in different regions of theworld and also the development of rela-tions in the partnership and intercoursebetween NATO and Russia. We haveaccumulated a wealth of experience and Ithink we could examine, explore the pos-sibility, opportunity to sew our relation-ship at least in two directions. Thisincludes our cooperation in purely politi-cal area and the enhancement to our coop-eration in the fight against international

terrorism. Secretary General did not men-tion it but I don’t think that I woulddivulge any secrets here by mentioningthat Secretary General NATO proposedsetting up a special “working body” toexamine the different dimensions of politi-cal operations among others of the quali-tative changes of the relationship betweenRussia and NATO. I find this proposalextremely good, businesslike and we sup-port it.

Q. I have a question for PresidentPutin. This morning the Americanadministration submitted a list ofrequest to all members of NATO in thefight against terrorism—have you beeninformed about that and what is yourreaction?

President Putin. I think that withinsuch an Alliance as NATO and those with-in the context of Article 5, such a requestis quite appropriate and quite a normalpractice. And quite naturally this list wassent, distributed amongst the NATO mem-bers and was not sent to Russia becauseRussia is not a NATO member. But we arefamiliar with the contents of the list of theissues and problems. There was no secretabout this list for Russia. The exchange ofinformation in the area that you men-tioned is underway as we speak betweenRussia and the United States on a bilateralbasis. At the political level we areextremely satisfied with the way thingsdevelop while at the operational level themechanisms that exist would require fur-ther improvement and refinement.

Q. Mr. President in your recentspeech in Bundestag you said that youwant that our new relationship withNATO be built, not on declarations buton the partnership, equality and mutualrespect. We would like also to hear thereiteration of this position here and wewould also like to hear a comment ofLord Robertson on this.

Second part: Could you comment onthe opposition regarding the enlarge-ment of NATO.

President Putin. I will start from thesecond part.

I have, as I recall, just answered a simi-lar question from a “Le Monde” corre-spondent during our press conference on

September 11, 2001


the results of our meeting with the Euro-pean Union. Our position with regard tothe NATO enlargement is known in princi-ple and there is no change to this position.Of course we discussed it with the Secre-tary General of NATO. And in the light ofrecent developments the following consid-erations should be absolutely clear, clear-cut for everyone.

For example, the NATO enlargementwill take place. Some new members willbe adopted into that organization. Whosesecurity will that action enhance? Whichcountry of Europe which country of theworld and citizens of which country of theworld would feel more secure? If you goto Paris or Berlin and ask a person in thestreet whether he or she would feel moresecure after the expansion of NATO,enlargement of NATO and whether thatperson from the street would feel secureagainst the threat of terrorism—theanswer most probably would be No. Ithink we should abandon this logic underwhich every time the subject matter ofNATO enlargement is discussed it createssome kind of destructive, rather than, pro-ductive argument. We should abandonthis. And with this I would like to answerthe first part of your question.

Whether Western leaders heard our sig-nals, signalling our great readiness tocooperate and interact. We have a feelingthat those signals were heeded. We willhave to see how it could be realized inpractical terms. We have felt clear changesin the position and the attitude of Presi-dent Bush which was made publicly andin no uncertain terms and we also feel thechange in the attitude and in the outlookof all the Western partners and westerncommunity after the United States Presi-dent has made his new position and newvision known. And we believe that thingsare moving towards the qualitativechanges of our relationship. Approximate-ly the same feeling I have gathered frommy meetings with my partners in theEuropean Union. And the practical pro-posals made by the Secretary General ofNATO runs in same direction and repre-sents yet another testimony that NATO isalso prepared to change the quality of ourpartnership of our interaction. We areready for this. Thank you.

Secretary General Robertson. I agreewith the President that there will be an

enlargement of NATO next year but therehas been no decision taken as to howmany countries will join the Alliance.

At the moment there is no applicationfrom Russia but what there is, is a partner-ship that is growing in importance, indepth and in relevance and that is what wemust focus on just now. It is a right of anycountry in the world to choose its ownsecurity arrangements and that rightapplies to the Russian Federation just as itapplies to any other country. But today’sdiscussion was about how we increase thequality of the unique and special partner-ship that NATO has with Russia and howto make it work better in the interest notonly of NATO and Russia but of the widerEuro-Atlantic community as well. NATOis not interested in recreating any dividinglines in the Euro-Atlantic area. What weare interested in is building up relation-ships that matter, that are based on mutualrespect, based on a grown-up attitude tothe common problems that we face. Thatis what we discussed today and that is theway we will take forward the NATO-Rus-sia relationship.

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I am grateful to you for recalling Parlia-ment on a second occasion so that theHouse can consider developments since itlast met.

Then the scale of 11 September tragedywas still unclear. Even today we do notyet know the precise numbers of thosefeared dead. But a bleak picture hasemerged: there are up to 7,000 feareddead, including many British victims andothers from 70 different countries. Manywere Muslims. It cannot be said too often:this atrocity appalled decent Muslimseverywhere and is wholly contrary to thetrue teaching of Islam. And we condemnunreservedly racist attacks on BritishMuslims here, most recently at an Edin-burgh Mosque.

These acts are without any justificationwhatever and the full force of the law willbe used against those who do them.

I pay tribute again to all those in Ameri-ca who have been involved in dealing withthe human consequences of the attacks.The rescue services and medical workers

who worked tirelessly and with devotionin the most harrowing conditions imagin-able. I pay tribute to our own consularstaff in New York and London and thefamily counsellors and MetropolitanPolice officers who have supported rela-tives of the victims. And, above all, to therelatives themselves. Those I met in NewYork, still uncertain finally of the fate oftheir loved ones, bore their grief withimmense dignity which deserves theadmiration of us all.

Since 11 September intensive effortshave taken place here and elsewhere toinvestigate these attacks and determinewho is responsible. Our findings havebeen shared and co-ordinated with thoseof our allies, and are clear.

They are:First, it was Usama Bin Laden and Al

Qaida, the terrorist network which heheads, that planned and carried out theatrocities on 11 September; Second, thatUsama Bin Laden and Al Qaida were ableto commit these atrocities because of theirclose alliance with the Taleban regime inAfghanistan which allows them to operatewith impunity in pursuing their terroristactivity. I will later today put in theLibrary of the House of Commons a docu-ment detailing the basis for our conclu-sions. The document covers the history ofUsama Bin Laden, his relations with theTaleban, what we know of the acts of ter-ror he has committed; and some of whatwe know in respect of 11 September. Ienter a major caveat, much of the evi-dence we have is intelligence and highlysensitive. It is not possible without com-promising people or security to releaseprecise details and fresh information isdaily coming in. But I hope the Housewill find it useful at least as an interimassessment. The Leader of the Oppositionand the Leader of the Liberal Democratshave seen the full basis for the documenton Privy Council terms. For myself andall other Government Ministers who havestudied the full information, we haveabsolutely no doubt that Bin Laden andhis network are responsible for the attackson 11 September. That was also the unani-mous view of the NATO members whowere taken through the full facts on 2October. Much more of the evidence inrespect of earlier atrocities can be releasedin greater detail since it is already subjectto court proceedings; and this in itself is

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powerful.Indeed, there is nothing hidden about

Bin Laden’s agenda. He openly espousesthe language of terror; has described ter-rorizing Americans as “a religious andlogical obligation”; and in February 1998signed a fatwa stating that “the killing ofAmericans and their civilian and militaryallies is a religious duty”.

As our document shows, he has beenresponsible for a number of terrorist out-rages over the past decade.

The attack in 1993 on U.S. military per-sonnel serving in Somalia—18 U.S. mili-tary personnel killed. In 1998, the bomb-ings of the U.S. Embassies in Kenya andTanzania. 224 people killed and over 4500injured. Attempted bombings in Jordanand Los Angeles at the turn of the millen-nium, thankfully thwarted. The attack onthe USS Cole nearly a year ago which left17 crew members killed and 40 injured.The attacks on 11 September bear all thehallmarks of a Bin Laden operation:meticulous long-term planning; a desire toinflict mass casualties; a total disregardfor civilian lives (including Muslims);multiple simultaneous attacks; and the useof suicide attackers.

I can now confirm that of the 19 hijack-ers identified from the passenger lists ofthe four planes hijacked on 11 September,at least three of these hijackers havealready been positively identified asknown associates of Bin Laden, with atrack record in his camps and organiza-tion. The others are being investigatedstill.

Of the three, one has also been identi-fied as playing key roles in both the EastAfrican Embassy attacks and the USSCole attack.

Since the attacks, we have obtained thefollowing intelligence: shortly before 11September, Bin Laden told associates thathe had a major operation against Americaunder preparation; a range of people werewarned to return to Afghanistan becauseof action on or around 11 September; andmost importantly, one of Bin Laden’sclosest lieutenants has said clearly that hehelped with the planning of the 11 Sep-tember attacks and has admitted theinvolvement of the Al Qaida organization.There is other intelligence we cannot dis-close of an even more direct nature indi-cating guilt.

The closeness of Bin Laden’s relation-

ship with the Taleban is also plain. Heprovides the Taleban with troops, armsand money to fight the Northern Alliance.He is closely involved with the Taleban’smilitary training, planning and operations.He has representatives in the Taleban’smilitary command structure. Forces underthe control of Usama Bin Laden havefought alongside the Taleban in the civilwar in Afghanistan.

The Taleban regime, for its part, hasprovided Bin Laden with a safe havenwithin which to operate, and allowed himto establish terrorist training camps. Theyjointly exploit the Afghan drugs trade. Inreturn for active Al Qaida support theTaleban allow Al Qaida to operate freely,including planning, training and preparingfor terrorist activity. In addition they pro-vide security for the stockpiles of drugs.

Mr Speaker, in the face of this evidence,our immediate objectives are clear. Wemust bring Bin Laden and other Al Qaidaleaders to justice and eliminate the terror-ist threat they pose. And we must ensurethat Afghanistan ceases to harbor and sus-tain international terrorism. If the Talebanregime will not comply with that objec-tive, we must bring about change in that

regime to ensure that Afghanistan’s linksto international terrorism are broken.

Since the House last met, we have beenworking ceaselessly on the diplomatic,humanitarian and military fronts.

I can confirm that we have had initialdiscussions with the U.S. about a range ofmilitary capabilities with which Britaincan help and have already responded posi-tively to this. We will consider carefullyany further requests and keep the Houseinformed as appropriate, about suchrequests. For obvious reasons I cannot dis-close the exact nature of our discussions.But I am fully satisfied they are consistentwith our shared objectives.

I believe the humanitarian coalition tohelp the people of Afghanistan to be asvital as any military action itself.

Afghanistan was in the grip of a human-itarian crisis even before the events of 11September. Four years of drought, on topof over two decades of conflict, haveforced millions of people to leave thecountry; and have left millions moredependent on international humanitarianaid.

Last week the United Nations launchedan appeal for $584 million to meet theneeds of vulnerable people in and aroundAfghanistan. The appeal covers the nextsix months.

The international community hasalready pledged sufficient funds to meetthe most immediate needs. The BritishGovernment has contributed $25 million,nearly all of which has already been allo-cated to U.N. and other agencies. We havealso made available a further $11 millionfor support for the poorest communities inPakistan, especially those most directlyaffected by the influx of refugees.

I know President Bush will shortlyannounce details of a major U.S. programof aid.

I have been in detailed consultation withthe U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan,the U.N. High Commissioner forRefugees Ruud Lubbers and other leaders.Kofi Annan has now appointed LakhdarBrahimi to be his high level coordinatorfor the humanitarian effort in and aroundAfghanistan. We will give Mr Brahimi allthe support we can, to help ensure that theU.N. and the whole of the internationalcommunity comes together to meet thehumanitarian challenge.

Action is already in hand to cope with

September 11, 2001


Since 11 September intensive effortshave taken place here and elsewhere toinvestigate these attacks and determinewho is responsible. Our findings havebeen shared and co-ordinated with thoseof our allies, and are clear.

They are: First, it was Usama Bin Laden and Al

Qaida, the terrorist network which heheads, that planned and carried out theatrocities on 11 September; Second, thatUsama Bin Laden and Al Qaida were ableto commit these atrocities because oftheir close alliance with the Talebanregime in Afghanistan which allows themto operate with impunity in pursuing theirterrorist activity. I will later today put inthe Library of the House of Commons adocument detailing the basis for our con-clusions.

additional outflows of refugees. UNHCRare working with the governments of theregion to identify sites for additionalrefugee camps. The first UNHCR flight ofrelief supplies, including tents donated bythe British Government, arrived in Iranyesterday. A second flight will depart atthe end of this week, carrying more tents,plastic sheeting and tarpaulins, so that wecan provide essential shelter for refugees.

We are also stepping up the effort to getfood into Afghanistan, before the wintersnows begin. A UNICEF convoy carryingblankets and other supplies left Peshawar

for Kabul on Tuesday. A World Food Pro-gram convoy carrying over 200 tonnes ofwheat arrived in Kabul on Monday. Fur-ther WFP convoys have left forAfghanistan from Pakistan and Turk-menistan.

We will do what we can to minimize thesuffering of the Afghan people as a resultof the conflict; and we commit ourselvesto work with them afterwards inside andoutside Afghanistan to ensure a better,more peaceful future free from the repres-sion and dictatorship that is their presentexistence.

On the diplomatic front, over the pastthree weeks the Foreign Secretary and Ihave been in intensive contact with for-eign leaders from every part of the world.In addition, the Foreign Secretary has vis-ited the Middle East and Iran. I have visit-ed Berlin, Paris and Washington for con-sultations with Chancellor Schroeder,President Chirac and President Bushrespectively. Later today I will travel toMoscow to meet with President Putin.

What we have encountered is anunprecedented level of solidarity and com-mitment to work together against terror-ism. This is a commitment that spans allcontinents, cultures and religions, rein-forced by attacks like the one on theJammu and Kashmir Assembly in Srina-gar which killed over 30 innocent people.

We have already made good progress intaking forward an international agenda.Last week the United Nations SecurityCouncil unanimously adopted resolution1373. This makes it mandatory for allstates to prevent and suppress terroristfinancing and requires the denial of safehaven to who finance, plan, support orcommit terrorist acts.

The European Union too has taken firmaction. Transport, interior, finance and for-eign ministers have all met to concert anambitious and effective Europeanresponse: enhancing police co-operation;speeding up extradition; putting an end tothe funding of terrorism; and strengthen-ing air security.

We are also looking closely at ournational legislation. In the next fewweeks, the Home Secretary intends tointroduce a package of legislation to sup-plement existing legal powers in a numberof areas. It will be a carefully-appraisedset of measures: tough, but balanced andproportionate to the risk we face. It willcover the funding of terrorism. It willincrease our ability to exclude and removethose whom we suspect of terrorism andwho are seeking to abuse our asylum pro-cedures. It will widen the law on incite-ment to include religious hatred. We willbring forward a bill to modernize ourextradition law.

It will not be a knee-jerk reaction. But Iemphasize we do need to strengthen ourlaws so that, even if necessary only in asmall number of cases, we have the meansto protect our citizens’ liberty and ournational security.

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We have also ensured, insofar as is pos-sible, that every reasonable measure ofinternal security is being undertaken. Wehave in place a series of contingencyplans, governing all forms of terrorism.These plans are continually reviewed andtested regularly and at all levels. In addi-tion, we continue to monitor carefullydevelopments in the British and Interna-tional economy. Certain sectors here andaround the world have inevitably beenseriously affected, though I repeat the fun-damentals of all the major economies,including our own, remain strong. Thereduction of risk from terrorist massaction is important also to economic con-fidence as 11 September shows. So thereis every incentive in this respect also, toclose down the Bin Laden network.

Mr Speaker, three weeks on from themost appalling act of terrorism the worldhas ever witnessed.

The coalition is strong. Military plansare robust. The humanitarian plans arefalling into place.

And the evidence against Bin Laden andhis network is overwhelming.

The Afghan people are not our enemy.For they have our sympathy and they willhave our support.

Our enemy is Usama Bin Laden and theAl Qaida network who were responsiblefor the events of 11 September. The Tale-ban regime must yield them up or becomeour enemy also. We will not act forrevenge. We will act because for the pro-tection of our people and our way of life,including confidence in our economy, weneed to eliminate the threat Bin Laden andhis terrorism represent. We act for justice.We act with world opinion behind us. Andwe have an absolute determination to seejustice done, and this evil of mass terror-ism confronted and defeated.

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British Prime Minister Tony Blair andRussian President Vladmir Putindelivered their remarks at a joint pressconference in Moscow.

President Putin. Good evening ladies andgentlemen. We would like to briefly

inform you on the results of our meeting.First of all I would like to thank verymuch the Prime Minister for his quickreaction and agreement to come toMoscow after the well known events of 11September. We consider our continuedcontacts today as a follow-on to our con-tacts with the United States, with theEuropean Community, the EuropeanUnion, and Central Asian countries. Allthose who have decided that they will beon the side of fighting terrorism all overthe world. And the fact that we have beenable so expeditiously to communicate andmeet once again proves a higher level ofrelations between the U.K. and Russia.

We have followed very carefully therecent developments in the United King-dom, the positions that have been taken bythe Prime Minister, and we believe thatwe can provide wholehearted support tothose positions. Certainly we havetouched on some of the issues of a bilater-al nature. We will continue those discus-sions later during the night and thoserelate both to the economy and other bilat-eral issues. But again, I would like torepeat that the tone of our discussion andthe relations that we have established havebeen such as to make me sure that thelevel of our relations will make it possiblefor us to address the most acute issues oftoday and first of all the problem of com-bating terrorism.

Prime Minister Blair. First of all can Iexpress my thanks to President Putin forinviting me here and for seeing me soswiftly after the telephone conversationwe had a few days ago. We have now metmany times together, and even before 11September there was a clear strengtheningof relations between our two countries andalso I believe between Russia and Europeand Russia and the United States of Amer-ica.

The events of 11 September have givenus a renewed sense of urgency. I wouldlike to pay tribute to the strength and lead-ership of President Putin at this time and Ibelieve that in part that is due to the expe-rience of people here in Russia of the dan-gers of terrorism, not least the appallingterrorist act of 1999 in which several hun-dred people lost their lives, many here inMoscow. And the fact that Russia hasshown its solidarity with the victims of 11September is a sort of tremendous sup-

port, and indeed comfort at this time. Butit is very much part of a changing set ofrelationships that is putting relationsbetween Russia and Europe, Russia andthe United States, Russia and Britain on anew footing for a new age. Today certain-ly we meet as two countries, not talking toeach other out of necessity but workingthrough problems in the spirit of friendsand true partners. And for that I thankPresident Putin again for his leadershipand the Russian people.

Q. President Putin, at one of yourprevious meetings with Mr Blair in StPetersburg you spoke at great lengthabout the danger of Islamist terrorism.I wonder if, with dreadful hindsight youthink that perhaps the West wererather negligent in taking your warningseriously and whether in particular youhave any independent contribution tomake to the evidence still disputed bymany that Osama bin Laden was actu-ally responsible for the attacks onAmerica.

President Putin. These are the sorts ofthings that we discussed with the PrimeMinister during our first meeting in StPetersburg. I don’t believe that westernleaders paid no heed or were indifferent towhat I was saying. Well indeed it is proba-bly nice to believe sometimes that a griefthat has visited your neighbor may bypassyou. And one wouldn’t want to think thatthis threat is of a global nature. And youare right, it is exactly these words that Itold to America. I believe that the UnitedKingdom cannot be blamed or rebuked ofsuch an approach. I am not saying thisbecause Prime Minister Blair is my per-sonal guest today. I am saying thisbecause he was one of the leaders with MrSchroeder who were very instrumental inmaking the adages of the western worldthought Russia more benign. And it isbecause of the efforts of these two leaders,and not theirs alone, that the West hasreceived in Russia a reliable partner that itcan deal with, co-operate in countering thecommon threat. We know that there havebeen some temporary ups and downs inthe Western economy, but I believe thatgiven our albeit limited resources we can,and should, co-operate bilaterally with theWestern countries and all those who wantto co-operate with us.

September 11, 2001


As to the Russian approach and contri-bution to the common efforts of countriesto fight terrorism, this was made public byme a few days ago in terms of ourapproach and our contribution. And thismay lead to neutralize the most odiousinternational terrorists. We don’t rule thatout. As I said we can extend our co-opera-tion in areas in excess and above thosethat I mentioned in my public statement,but this will certainly be dependent on theattitudes and position of other countries.

Q. Now it is clear that the concernsexpressed today and the actions thatmay be taken might result perhaps infurther suffering of the people inAfghanistan. How can you respond tothat?

Prime Minister Blair. First of all, Ithink it is important to recognize that wehave to take action against those responsi-ble for these terrorist atrocities, but indoing so we do not seek in any way to actagainst the Afghan people. On the con-trary, it is important that as well as anyaction that is taken in respect of bin Ladenor the Taliban regime that shelter him, weput together a humanitarian coalition also,to give help on the humanitarian side sothat the suffering of the people is mini-mized and so that those that are refugeesare taken care of and given shelter.

Prime Minister Putin. First of all tothe question whether the anti-terroristcoalition actions are going to be effective.We will be able to see that when suchactions become a reality. At that time wewill be able to make a judgement onwhether they are effective or not. Butthere is one thing that I have no doubtabout, they can be effective indeed. Theforemost condition for that is the unitingof efforts of many countries in thisendeavor and their willingness to workand combat this problem for a long time.As to the possible suffering of people thatmay occur as a result of those operations,this is something that we should certainlyreckon with. But in saying so, I would liketo draw your attention to a number of cir-cumstances.

First, the Afghan people is already suf-fering under the yoke of the terroristregime that has been imposed on it overthe course of recent years. It is already

suffering. Our principal goal is to rid theAfghan people of this suffering. It is clearthat the terrorists have made the Afghanishostages of their objectives. And thosewho will be engaged in the proposedactions will have to do their utmost, and Iam sure they will do their utmost, in orderto prevent sufferings and killings of inno-cent civilians. But if there are victims as aresult of these operations, the blame forthis should be squarely placed on the ter-rorists and not on the people who arefighting terrorism because it is the terror-ists who have made the population ahostage of their objectives. And I certainlyagree with the Prime Minister that wehave to do everything that we can in orderto provide assistance and do the rehabili-tation effort vis-á-vis the Afghan people interms of their economy, socially and in allthat we can in order to bring things to nor-mal. In other words, to provide humanitar-ian assistance in the broadest sense of theword.

Q. I would like to ask the Presidentplease what is the latest information hehas about the loss of the Siberian airlin-er and whether he is satisfied that therewas no terrorist involvement in that.

President Putin. Well the final judge-ment and conclusion about the reasonsand causes of the tragedy can only bemade by experts and specialists after verycareful study and analysis. I should tellyou that our people here in this countryhave been very expeditious in dealingwith this tragedy. We already have planesand ships on the site of the tragedy andthey are doing everything they can inorder to analyze the causes of this unfor-tunate event. Before such a thoroughexamination has been done, it would bepremature to make any judgement on thisscore. As you know, I have issued a spe-cial decision establishing a special com-mission to investigate the causes of thisaccident and the Chairman of this com-mission is our Secretary of the SecurityCouncil, Mr Rushalov [phon.] and peoplefrom other agencies. And it will be up tothem to carefully examine the facts andcome up with their conclusion.

Prime Minister Blair. Can I just addone word on that which is simply toexpress my profound sympathy to the

families of the victims of the air tragedyearlier today, and to give through Presi-dent Putin my sympathy to the Russianpeople that were victims, and obviously tothe Government and nation of Israel aswell for the lives of those they lost in thetragedy earlier today.

Q. I have a question both for PrimeMinister Blair and President Putin.First of all, how do you really assess thelevel of relations between GreatBritain—the United Kingdom—andRussia at this time. How have the recentdevelopments impacted on them? Andthe last question is, have you finishedyour work for tonight, or are you goingto continue?

President Putin. Well, I spoke aboutthat before. I can only say that the historyof our relations is quite long and certainly,as I said before, Prime Minister Blair andChancellor Schroeder were one of theforemost proponents and initiators ofexpanding and bettering our relations, as aresult of which the West has a morebenign, perhaps, look at our country. Andwe certainly understand that these areonly first steps. There is a lot to be done.There is no limit. That is the first ques-tion. And I can answer the second too. Asto whether or not we have completed ourwork for today, I can tell you that no, wehave not finished our agenda for today,and with the acceptance of the distin-guished Prime Minister, we have decidedthat we should pursue this at my homeover dinner.

Prime Minister Blair. First of all, can Isay to you that I have now had, I think,eight different meetings with PresidentPutin. We spoke together many, manytimes and I think that is a very good indi-cation of the strengthening relationship,not just between Russia and Britain, but astrong personal relationship too, which Igreatly value and I believe that somethingis happening in our world today that isimmensely important. The Cold War isover. Many of the old difficulties of thepast can be set aside. We have a realopportunity to forge new relationships andI think it is immensely important that wedo so because we face common interests,and common problems today. And whenwe are battling something like the issue of

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international terrorism, but also on manyother issues too, we need Russia there as apartner and a friend. And that is the rela-tionship today, and I welcome that andfrom the very first meeting I had withPresident Putin in St Petersburg I recog-nized someone who had the vision and theimagination to set the past aside and buildnew relationships for the future and Ithink that is very important. And the factthat we have Russia today standing along-side the other countries of the world,including the United States of America,including all the countries of Europe,including Britain and giving its strongsupport to action against acts of terrorismthat took place in the United States ofAmerica, that is living proof, visibleproof, of the changed world in which welive. And I believe that we are only at thestart of what we can gain from this newworld. We have now got to take it further,deepen it further at every single level.

Q. One more question again aboutthis aircraft. There have been somereports that this aircraft was shot downby a Ukrainian missile. Is there anyproof to that? What can you tell usabout this?

President Putin. According to theinformation received from our Ukrainiancolleagues, it is true that in the immediatevicinity of the area where the crash tookplace, some exercises were being conduct-ed. But I can tell you that all the relevantservices were immediately informed ofthat. And second that the weapons thatwere used in those exercises have suchtactical characteristics that make it impos-sible for them to reach the air corridorsthrough which this particular aeroplanewas moving and therefore they were outof reach. We did not take part in thosedefense exercises, but our observers werethere, and according to the informationreceived from our Ukrainian partnersthings are as they are and we have alreadyestablished military to military contactsbetween our Defense Ministers so I wouldask you at this point not to add any sensa-tionalism to this information but wait untilwe get the final results of the examination.

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Prime Minister Tony Blair and PresidentPervez Musharraf delivered theirremarks after meeting in Islamabad.

Prime Minister Blair. President Mushar-raf took a brave decision, and the rightdecision, to place Pakistan as a key mem-ber of the international coalition con-demning the 11th September atrocity. Hiscourage and leadership are not just a trib-ute to him but serve directly the interestsof Pakistan.

I want to make two points very clearlyat the outset. The evidence against Osamabin Laden is overwhelming and com-pelling. Several of the hijackers have beentraced directly to the al-Qu’eda terroristcamps in Afghanistan. There is no seriousdoubt that he is guilty. We will releasehere the document we have put in theBritish Parliament outlining part of thebasis for our conclusions. Any action wetake is not against the Afghan people whoare his victims too. Still less is it directedagainst Islam. This is a lie from Osamabin Laden. I want to make it clear thatIslam is a peaceful religion. The vastmajority of decent Moslems throughoutthe world, including here in Pakistan andin Britain, were appalled by the 11 Sep-tember atrocity.

Such an act which spilt the blood ofhundreds of innocent Moslems as well asothers is wholly contrary to the properteaching of the Koran. I read personallythe message of the Koran insofar as it canbe translated. And the God of the Koran ismerciful, peaceful and good. The 11th ofSeptember was an outrage against the civ-ilized values of all peoples of all faithsthroughout the world. This was not acrime against the West. It was a crimeagainst humanity. It has been condemnedtherefore by Moslems the world over.

President Musharraf and I have haddetailed and very worthwhile discussions.We have agreed that if the current Talibanregime fails to yield up bin Laden and itfalls, then its successor must be broad-based with every key ethnic grouping rep-resented, including the Pashtun, and thatPakistan has a valid interest in close

involvement with how such a successorregime might be established.

We have also agreed to restart U.K.-Pakistan defense co-operation on mea-sures for bilateral assistance and to helpthe work towards a new IMF program forPakistan, Pakistan having completed suc-cessfully the first phase of its present pro-gram. In addition we will support stronglythe European Union Trade and Co-opera-tion Agreement with Pakistan, due to befinalized on Monday. And we stand readyto help in issues like debt and support forbudgetary programs in the context of thenew IMF program that I am sure will beagreed.

In particular we have made it clear thatwe and other countries will provide theresources necessary to help Pakistan copewith the significant refugee problem on itsborders and in Pakistan. We are, as youknow, providing some $40 million to helpAfghan refugees and a further $15 millionto assist the host communities for theserefugees in Pakistan. We believe that thesolution to the humanitarian crisis is everybit as important as any action that isundertaken.

The 11th of September has changed theworld. Nations make their choices as towhether they will help in the fight againstinternational terrorism, or stand aside. Ibelieve that Pakistan has made the rightchoice. The result will be a significant andlasting strengthening of the outsideworld’s relations with Pakistan. We inBritain will play our full part, we will notwalk away. Neither will others. Finally Iwelcome the roadmap to democracy setout by President Musharraf in August.That is the right path. Britain and Pakistanhave a shared history that as you all knowgoes back many years. We are boundtogether still, not least by the almostthree-quarters of a million British citizensof Pakistani origin. Now is the time to useour past and our present friendship to helpresolve the current crisis for the improve-ment of the lot of people, not just in thisregion, but again throughout the world.Thank you.

President Musharraf. Thank you verymuch. Ladies and gentlemen, it was mypleasure and the pleasure of my govern-ment to have welcomed Prime MinisterBlair and his team to Pakistan. I wouldlike to express my gratitude to him for

September 11, 2001


having taken this journey to Pakistan andmay I also say to have initiated thisprocess of a new beginning of restoringthe contacts between our two countries.We discussed in great detail all issues ofbilateral concern. We obviously focusseda lot on the outcome of what happened,the tragic events of 11 September. I per-sonally condemn this human tragedy thatoccurred, and also condole with the Unit-ed States government on this tragedy. Weexchanged notes on the issue ofAfghanistan.

On the issue of evidence. I personallyalso, and my government feels, that thereis evidence which is leading to an associa-tion between this terrorist act and Osamabin Laden. However we are not herestanding in judgement on the details ofthis evidence. However we did I wouldsay with satisfaction, understand eachother’s concerns on the question ofAfghanistan and likely future events inAfghanistan.

Other than this, we did also discuss ourbilateral relations. I would like to expressmy gratitude to the Prime Minister for hisunderstanding of the problems being con-fronted by Pakistan and my government. Iwould also like to express my gratitude tothe Prime Minister for his generous assis-tance to us in the economic field and alsohis assurances of future assistance to Pak-istan. I am extremely grateful to youPrime Minister. And I also would like totake this opportunity of saying that Pak-istan certainly looks forward to muchhealthier, much closer, much better rela-tions with the United Kingdom in thefuture.

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President Bush delivered the followingaddress to the nation.

Good afternoon. On my orders, the UnitedStates military has begun strikes against alQaeda terrorist training camps and mili-tary installations of the Taliban regime inAfghanistan. These carefully targetedactions are designed to disrupt the use ofAfghanistan as a terrorist base of opera-tions, and to attack the military capabilityof the Taliban regime.

We are joined in this operation by ourstaunch friend, Great Britain. Other closefriends, including Canada, Australia, Ger-many and France, have pledged forces asthe operation unfolds. More than 40 coun-tries in the Middle East, Africa, Europeand across Asia have granted air transit orlanding rights. Many more have sharedintelligence. We are supported by the col-lective will of the world.

More than two weeks ago, I gave Tal-iban leaders a series of clear and specificdemands: Close terrorist training camps;hand over leaders of the al Qaeda net-work; and return all foreign nationals,including American citizens, unjustlydetained in your country. None of thesedemands were met. And now the Talibanwill pay a price. By destroying camps anddisrupting communications, we will makeit more difficult for the terror network totrain new recruits and coordinate their evilplans.

Initially, the terrorists may burrow deep-er into caves and other entrenched hidingplaces. Our military action is alsodesigned to clear the way for sustained,comprehensive and relentless operationsto drive them out and bring them to jus-tice.

At the same time, the oppressed peopleof Afghanistan will know the generosityof America and our allies. As we strikemilitary targets, we’ll also drop food,medicine and supplies to the starving andsuffering men and women and children ofAfghanistan.

The United States of America is a friendto the Afghan people, and we are thefriends of almost a billion worldwide whopractice the Islamic faith. The UnitedStates of America is an enemy of thosewho aid terrorists and of the barbaric

criminals who profane a great religion bycommitting murder in its name.

This military action is a part of ourcampaign against terrorism, another frontin a war that has already been joinedthrough diplomacy, intelligence, the freez-ing of financial assets and the arrests ofknown terrorists by law enforcement

agents in 38 countries. Given the natureand reach of our enemies, we will winthis conflict by the patient accumulationof successes, by meeting a series of chal-lenges with determination and will andpurpose.

Today we focus on Afghanistan, but thebattle is broader. Every nation has achoice to make. In this conflict, there isno neutral ground. If any governmentsponsors the outlaws and killers of inno-cents, they have become outlaws and mur-derers, themselves. And they will take thatlonely path at their own peril.

I’m speaking to you today from theTreaty Room of the White House, a placewhere American Presidents have workedfor peace. We’re a peaceful nation. Yet, aswe have learned, so suddenly and so tragi-cally, there can be no peace in a world ofsudden terror. In the face of today’s newthreat, the only way to pursue peace is topursue those who threaten it.

We did not ask for this mission, but wewill fulfill it. The name of today’s militaryoperation is Enduring Freedom. Wedefend not only our precious freedoms,but also the freedom of people every-where to live and raise their children freefrom fear.

I know many Americans feel fear today.And our government is taking strong pre-cautions. All law enforcement and intelli-gence agencies are working aggressively

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On my orders, the United States militaryhas begun strikes against al Qaedaterrorist training camps and militaryinstallations of the Taliban regime inAfghanistan. These carefully targetedactions are designed to disrupt the use ofAfghanistan as a terrorist base ofoperations, and to attack the militarycapability of the Taliban regime.

III. October 7 toNovember 13, 2001:Military Action InAfghanistan

around America, around the world andaround the clock. At my request, manygovernors have activated the NationalGuard to strengthen airport security. Wehave called up Reserves to reinforce ourmilitary capability and strengthen the pro-tection of our homeland.

In the months ahead, our patience willbe one of our strengths—patience with thelong waits that will result from tightersecurity; patience and understanding thatit will take time to achieve our goals;patience in all the sacrifices that maycome.

Today, those sacrifices are being madeby members of our Armed Forces whonow defend us so far from home, and bytheir proud and worried families. A Com-mander-in-Chief sends America’s sonsand daughters into a battle in a foreignland only after the greatest care and a lotof prayer. We ask a lot of those who wearour uniform. We ask them to leave theirloved ones, to travel great distances, torisk injury, even to be prepared to makethe ultimate sacrifice of their lives. Theyare dedicated, they are honorable; theyrepresent the best of our country. And weare grateful.

To all the men and women in our mili-tary—every sailor, every soldier, every air-man, every coastguardsman, everyMarine—I say this: Your mission isdefined; your objectives are clear; yourgoal is just. You have my full confidence,and you will have every tool you need tocarry out your duty.

I recently received a touching letter thatsays a lot about the state of America inthese difficult times—a letter from a 4th-grade girl, with a father in the military:“As much as I don’t want my Dad tofight,” she wrote, “I’m willing to give himto you.”

This is a precious gift, the greatest shecould give. This young girl knows whatAmerica is all about. Since September 11,an entire generation of young Americanshas gained new understanding of the valueof freedom, and its cost in duty and insacrifice.

The battle is now joined on many fronts.We will not waver; we will not tire; wewill not falter; and we will not fail. Peaceand freedom will prevail.

Thank you. May God continue to blessAmerica.

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The following message was firstbroadcast on the Arabic television stationAl Jazeera.

We seek refuge with the Lord of our badand evildoing. He whom God guides isrightly guided but he whom God leaves tostray, for him wilt thou find no protectorto lead him to the right way.

I witness that there is no God but Godand Mohammed is His slave and Prophet.

God Almighty hit the United States atits most vulnerable spot. He destroyed itsgreatest buildings.

Praise be to God. Here is the United States. It was filled

with terror from its north to its south andfrom its east to its west.

Praise be to God. What the United States tastes today is a

very small thing compared to what wehave tasted for tens of years.

Our nation has been tasting this humili-ation and contempt for more than 80years.

Its sons are being killed, its blood isbeing shed, its holy places are beingattacked, and it is not being ruled accord-ing to what God has decreed.

Despite this, nobody cares. When Almighty God rendered success-

ful a convoy of Muslims, the vanguards ofIslam, He allowed them to destroy theUnited States.

I ask God Almighty to elevate their sta-tus and grant them Paradise. He is the onewho is capable to do so.

When these defended their oppressedsons, brothers, and sisters in Palestine andin many Islamic countries, the world atlarge shouted. The infidels shouted, fol-lowed by the hypocrites.

One million Iraqi children have thus fardied in Iraq although they did not do any-thing wrong.

Despite this, we heard no denunciationby anyone in the world or a fatwa by therulers’ ulema [body of Muslim scholars].

Israeli tanks and tracked vehicles alsoenter to wreak havoc in Palestine, inJenin, Ramallah, Rafah, Beit Jala, andother Islamic areas and we hear no voicesraised or moves made.

But if the sword falls on the United

States after 80 years, hypocrisy raises itshead lamenting the deaths of these killers

who tampered with the blood, honor, andholy places of the Muslims.

The least that one can describe these

September 11, 2001


What the United States tastes today is avery small thing compared to what wehave tasted for tens of years.

Our nation has been tasting this humili-ation and contempt for more than 80years.

Its sons are being killed, its blood isbeing shed, its holy places are beingattacked, and it is not being ruled accord-ing to what God has decreed.

Despite this, nobody cares. When Almighty God rendered success-

ful a convoy of Muslims, the vanguards ofIslam, He allowed them to destroy theUnited States.

I ask God Almighty to elevate their sta-tus and grant them Paradise. He is theone who is capable to do so.

When these defended their oppressedsons, brothers, and sisters in Palestineand in many Islamic countries, the worldat large shouted. The infidels shouted, fol-lowed by the hypocrites.

One million Iraqi children have thus fardied in Iraq although they did not do any-thing wrong.

Despite this, we heard no denunciationby anyone in the world or a fatwa by therulers’ ulema [body of Muslim scholars].

Israeli tanks and tracked vehicles alsoenter to wreak havoc in Palestine, inJenin, Ramallah, Rafah, Beit Jala, andother Islamic areas and we hear no voicesraised or moves made.

But if the sword falls on the UnitedStates after 80 years, hypocrisy raises itshead lamenting the deaths of these killerswho tampered with the blood, honor, andholy places of the Muslims.

people is that they are morally depraved. They champion falsehood, support the

butcher against the victim, the oppressoragainst the innocent child.

May God mete them the punishmentthey deserve.

I say that the matter is clear and explic-it.

In the aftermath of this event and nowthat senior U.S. officials have spoken,beginning with Bush, the head of theworld’s infidels, and whoever supportshim, every Muslim should rush to defendhis religion.

They came out in arrogance with theirmen and horses and instigated even thosecountries that belong to Islam against us.

They came out to fight this group ofpeople who declared their faith in Godand refused to abandon their religion.

They came out to fight Islam in thename of terrorism.

Hundreds of thousands of people, youngand old, were killed in the farthest pointon earth in Japan.

[For them] this is not a crime, but rathera debatable issue.

They bombed Iraq and considered that adebatable issue.

But when a dozen people of them werekilled in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam,Afghanistan and Iraq were bombed and allhypocrite ones stood behind the head ofthe world’s infidelity—behind the Hubal[an idol worshipped by pagans before theadvent of Islam] of the age—namely,America and its supporters.

These incidents divided the entire worldinto two regions—one of faith where thereis no hypocrisy and another of infidelity,from which we hope God will protect us.

The winds of faith and change haveblown to remove falsehood from the [Ara-bian] peninsula of Prophet Mohammed,may God’s prayers be upon him.

As for the United States, I tell it and itspeople these few words: I swear byAlmighty God who raised the heavenswithout pillars that neither the UnitedStates nor he who lives in the UnitedStates will enjoy security before we cansee it as a reality in Palestine and beforeall the infidel armies leave the land ofMohammed, may God’s peace and bless-ing be upon him.

God is great and glory to Islam. May God’s peace, mercy, and blessings

be upon you.

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Secretary Rumsfeld. We’ve said sinceTuesday, September 11th that the cam-paign against terrorism will be broad, sus-tained, and that we will use every elementof American influence and power. Todaythe president has turned to direct overtmilitary force to complement the econom-ic, humanitarian, financial and diplomaticactivities which are already well under-way.

The effect we hope to achieve throughthese raids which together with our coali-tion partners we have initiated today, is tocreate conditions for sustained anti-terror-ist and humanitarian relief operations inAfghanistan. That requires that amongother things we first remove the threatfrom air defenses and from Taliban air-craft. We also seek to raise the cost ofdoing business for foreign terrorists whohave chosen Afghanistan from which toorganize their activities and for theoppressive Taliban regime that continuesto tolerate terrorist presence in those por-tions of Afghanistan which they control.

The current military operations arefocused on achieving several outcomes:

To make clear to the Taliban leaders andtheir supporters that harboring terrorists isunacceptable and carries a price. Toacquire intelligence to facilitate futureoperations against al Qaeda and the Tal-iban regime that harbors the terrorists. Todevelop relationships with groups inAfghanistan that oppose the Talibanregime and the foreign terrorists that theysupport. To make it increasingly difficultfor the terrorists to use Afghanistan freelyas a base of operation. And to alter themilitary balance over time by denying tothe Taliban the offensive systems thathamper the progress of the various opposi-tion forces. And to provide humanitarianrelief to Afghans suffering truly oppres-sive living conditions under the Talibanregime. I want to reiterate a point thatPresident Bush has made often, and thathe made again today in his remarks. [White House transcript ]

The United States has organized armedcoalitions on several occasions since the

Cold War for the purpose of denying hos-tile regimes the opportunity to oppresstheir own people and other people. InKuwait, in Northern Iraq, in Somalia,Bosnia, and Kosovo the United Statestook action on behalf of Muslim popula-tions against outside invaders and oppres-sive regimes. The same is true today.

We stand with those Afghans who arebeing oppressed by a regime that abusesthe very people it purports to lead and thatharbors terrorists who have attacked andkilled thousands of innocents around theworld of all religions, of all races, and ofall nationalities.

While our raids today focus on the Tal-iban and the foreign terrorists inAfghanistan, our aim remains muchbroader. Our objective is to defeat thosewho use terrorism and those who house orsupport them. The world stands united inthis effort. It is not about a religion or anindividual terrorist or a country. Our part-ners in this effort represent nations andpeoples of all cultures, all religions, andall races. We share the belief that terror-ism is a cancer on the human conditionand we intend to oppose it wherever it is.

The operation today involved a varietyof weapon systems and it originated froma number of separate locations. We usedland- and sea-based aircraft, surface shipsand submarines, and we employed a vari-ety of weapons to achieve our objective.

As President Bush mentioned in hisstatement, dozens of countries contributedin specific ways to this mission includingtransit and landing rights, basing opportu-nities and intelligence support. In this mis-sion we are particularly grateful for thedirect military involvement of the forcesof Great Britain.

To achieve the outcomes we seek it isimportant to go after air defense and Tal-iban aircraft. We need the freedom tooperate on the ground and in the air andthe targets selected, if successfullydestroyed, should permit an increasingdegree of freedom over time.

We have also targeted command facili-ties for those forces that we know supportterrorists elements within Afghanistan andcritical terrorist sites. President Bush hasrepeatedly emphasized that we will holdaccountable any who help terrorists aswell as the terrorists themselves.

Before I take your questions let me saythat to say that these attacks are in any

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way against Afghanistan or the Afghanpeople is flat wrong. We support theAfghan people against the al Qaeda, a for-eign presence on their land, and againstthe Taliban regime that supports them.

What took place today and what is tak-ing place in the period ahead is a part ofthe measured and broad and sustainedeffort that the president announced shortlyafter the attack on September 11th.

General Myers, the Chairman of theJoint Chiefs of Staff, will make a fewremarks before we respond to questions.

General Myers. Thank you, Mr. Secre-tary.

I know you have many questions to askso I’ll keep my comments brief.

The secretary said today our forces havebegun the initial part of military opera-tions in the war against terrorism. About15 land-based bombers, some 25 strikeaircraft from carriers, and U.S. and Britishships and submarines launching approxi-mately 50 Tomahawk missiles have struckterrorist targets in Afghanistan. The firsttarget was hit at approximately 12:30 EST(sic) [EDT] and operations continue as wespeak.

As the secretary said, these efforts aredesigned to disrupt and destroy terroristactivities in Afghanistan and to set theconditions for future military action aswell as to bring much-needed food andmedical need to the people ofAfghanistan.

I want to remind you that while today’soperations are visible, many other opera-tions may not be so visible. But visible ornot, our friends and enemies shouldunderstand that all instruments of ournational power as well as those of ourfriends and allies around the world arebeing brought to bear on this global men-ace.

We are in the early stages of ongoingcombat operations and our outstandingmen and women in uniform are perform-ing just as they’ve been trained to do, andthat is to say, superbly.

With that, ladies and gentlemen, we’reready to take your questions.

Q. Mr. Secretary, might I ask, I knowyou don’t want to give too many detailsespecially early on. You said 15 land-based bombers approximately—couldyou tell us whether B-1s, B-52s and B-

2s were used in this?

Secretary Rumsfeld. They were.

Q. B-2s were used. And did you, we’retold you hit a broad range of targets.Did you hit air bases? Did you attackTaliban jets and air bases?

Secretary Rumsfeld. As I indicated inmy remarks, it is certainly necessary ifone is going to engage in humanitarianactivities that involve the air or theground, that one would not want to try todo that as long as the Taliban had aircraftor air defense systems that could pose athreat to U.S. personnel.

Q. One brief follow-up. Were the B-2sflying round trip from the United Statesas they did in the Kosovo operations?

General Myers. Yes, they flew from thecontinental United States.

Q. Can you tell us how extensive thehumanitarian effort has been thus far,and how many C-17s’ worth of varioustypes of refugee food and blankets andmedicine are you dropping? Is theresome way to quantify it?

Secretary Rumsfeld. It started 20 or 30minutes ago and is just in its beginningstages.

Q. Can you give us some descriptionof how many tons of food and medicineyou’re trying to deliver?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We could. As Isay, it’s in the beginning stages and this isa first day. The first day was somethinglike 37,000—as I recall, 37,500. Butwhether or not that will all get delivered issomething we won’t know for a fewhours.

Q. That includes more than just food,is that correct?

Secretary Rumsfeld. It does includesome medicines and that type of thing.

Q. General Myers, can you give asense, the weapons being dropped fromthe bombers, the secretary said this isnot an attack against the Afghani peo-

ple, that would be flat wrong. That pre-supposes we’re using precision guidedweapons to avoid casualties. All three ofthose bombers you mentioned can dropthe JDAM [joint direct attack muni-tion] satellite bombs. Is that the sort ofordnance being dropped today?

General Myers. We are using, or essen-tially have at hand, all our conventionalmunitions. But you’re right, Tony, amajority of them are precision weapons,but not exclusively, because some targets,we try to match targets and weapons andtheir effects.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said and Gener-al Myers said that the raids have beenongoing now for about 2.5 hours using50 TLAMs [Tomahawk land attack mis-siles]. One would assume that there isan end to this initial phase. Can you tellus if this initial phase is going to go onmuch longer? Or is it for all intents andpurposes as on this—

Secretary Rumsfeld. It is not yet over.

Q. Mr. Secretary, was Osama binLaden targeted in this raid? And canyou give us, understanding that it’s stillearly, any preliminary assessment ofhow successful these attacks have been?

Secretary Rumsfeld. No, it’s far tooearly to try to measure success, and theanswer is no with respect to him. This isnot about a single individual. It’s about anentire terrorist network and multiple ter-rorist networks across the globe.

We would not have actual reports on thesuccess of the various attacks for sometime.

Q. Mr. Secretary, are the air dropsthat have begun, will that be a continu-ous operation or is this a one-timeeffort?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The president’sapproach to this is that it will be continu-ous, but that it will be broadly based andit will be economic and political anddiplomatic as well as military, overt andcovert. The fact that one sees a cruise mis-sile on television at one moment and doesnot at another moment ought not to sug-gest that the pressure and the President’s

September 11, 2001


approach to this is anything but continu-ous. It is continuous.

Q. The humanitarian part—I wasreferring to the air drops. Is that goingto continue?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I don’t quiteknow what continuous means. Twenty-four hour days, seven days a week? No.Unlikely. On the other hand once there isan opportunity to begin the humanitarianeffort on the ground I suppose it could becharacterized as continuous.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you give us anyidea whether or not this is, I know it’sstill ongoing, but is this essentially aone-day operation in this phase, or willit, should we expect there will be moreactivity tomorrow? And the secondpart, will the United States imposeessentially a no-fly zone overAfghanistan as it did over Bosnia andIraq in the past?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think rather thantrying to characterize what the UnitedStates is going to do on any given day inadvance, that I would prefer to say thatthis effort will continue in a variety of dif-ferent ways over a sustained period oftime, and that we intend to pursue it untilsuch time as we’re satisfied that those ter-rorist networks don’t exist. That they havebeen destroyed.

Q. A no-fly zone?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I don’t know thatI’d want to characterize it as that, althoughcertainly one would think that if one ofyour early objectives is to deal with theiraircraft and their air defense systems, itvery likely would reduce the number ofTaliban aircraft flying around overAfghanistan, I would hope. Yes.

Q. Have you seen any response so farfrom the Taliban military? Have theyflown? Have they launched anything—

Secretary Rumsfeld. It’s too early toknow.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the Taliban hasbasically [inaudible] that Osama binLaden is still alive as well asMohammed Omar. What would you say

to them about that sort of a boast?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, the Talibansince the beginning of this have beenrejected every suggestion, request ordemand made by the United States ofAmerica and the coalition partners. Theyhave established themselves as being firm-ly connected to al Qaeda and the foreignpresence in their country. They’ve made achoice. And I don’t know that there’s any-thing to say beyond that. They are whatthey are, and they’re bringing great harmto the Afghan people.

Q. Can you say anything about theNorthern Alliance? Was this coordinat-ed with them? Are they picking up anyground as a result of this? Or are theylinking up with U.S. forces? Can yougive us any sense of what’s going on onthe ground?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Sure. There are anumber of elements on the ground inAfghanistan, Afghan people in the North-ern Alliance, in the tribes in the south,even some within Taliban that do not favorOmar and do not favor the al Qaeda andwould wish they were no longer in theircountry.

Certainly our interest is to strengthenthose forces that are opposed to al Qaedaand opposed to the Taliban leadership thatis so intimately connected to them, and tostrengthen all of those forces so that theywill have better opportunities to prevailand to deal with what obviously is aregime that is enormously harmful to theAfghan people and poses threats to peopleall across this globe including the UnitedStates of America.

Q.—as you’ve said many times fromthe podium, there just aren’t that manytargets in Afghanistan. Apparently youfound some. Can you explain that? Andalso can you address what seems to besomewhat of an anomaly in this mis-sion, the idea that you’re fighting yourway in in order to drop humanitarianrelief on people. And if the people, if theplaces where you’re dropping relief, ifyou’re getting shot at there, are you notessentially dropping relief on theenemy?

Secretary Rumsfeld. First with respect

to the targets, I think I’ve said repeatedlyfrom this podium that there are not a lotof high value targets. I pointed out that theTaliban and the al Qaeda do not havearmies, navies and air forces, and that’sclear. They don’t. I’ve therefore character-ized this conflict, this campaign, this so-called war, as being notably different fromothers. And it means that what we have todo is exactly what I said in my earlierremarks. We have to create the conditionsfor a sustained effort that will assist thoseforces in the country that are opposed toTaliban and opposed to al Qaeda and wehave to do it in a variety of different ways.We have to dry up their bank accounts.We have to bring political, diplomaticpressure to bear on them. We have tobring economic pressure to bear.

And to the extent we can use overt aswell as covert activities to improve targetinformation, to gather intelligence thatwill enable us to be more precise in whatwe do, and to force people to move andchange what they’re doing, to raise thecost of what they’re doing, to attempt toreduce the number of people around theglobe who support them and finance them,all of that helps.

The fact is in this battle against terror-ism there is no silver bullet. There is nosingle thing that is going to suddenlymake that threat disappear. Ultimatelythey’re going to collapse from within andthey’re going to collapse from withinbecause of the full combination of all ofthe resources from all of the countries thatare brought to bear on these networks.That is what will constitute victory.

Q. Will you be providing arms and aircover to the opposition forces tostrengthen them and—

Secretary Rumsfeld. As I say—ourgoal is to make them more successful.Getting into exactly how we’ll do that, Ithink I’ll defer.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said a momentago, you spoke of multiple terrorist net-works in multiple countries. Is thisphase of the operation going to involvestrikes in some other places other thanAfghanistan?

Secretary Rumsfeld. As you know,we’ve had a policy here, at least during

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my tenure, where we don’t discuss ongo-ing operations and we don’t discuss intel-ligence matters.

Q. Would you please describe the Tal-iban anti-aircraft, the AAA surface-to-air missiles, and have any of the Ameri-can aircraft been damaged or broughtdown?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We have no infor-mation that any American aircraft hasbeen brought down at this moment, atleast prior to the time I walked in here. AsI believe Dick Myers has pointed out, theydo have a limited number of surface-to-airmissiles and they have more than a limitednumber of man-operated, man-mobile sur-face-to-air missiles.

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you give us asense of how many targets you’ve hit

Secretary Rumsfeld. There is no wayto discuss the outcome of this operation.

Q. Are U.S. forces on the ground inAfghanistan now? And more broadly,can you illuminate at all the so-calledless visible side of this operation?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Not really. If wewanted it to be overt, we would have dis-cussed it.

Q. My first part was, are there U.S.forces on the ground in Afghanistan?

Secretary Rumsfeld. If we had, how tophrase this so that it’s perfectly clearagain.

We have not—we’ve got—I’m disin-clined to talk about things that are inprocess, and if we had significant numbersof U.S. military on the ground, it wouldhave been known by now.

Q.—air drops, is that predicated onsome level of confidence that you’vetaken out at least some of that airdefense threat?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We certainlywould not be using air drops in portionsof the country where we were not satisfiedthat it would be safe, for humanitarianrelief purposes. We don’t discuss opera-tional activities.

Q. Can you tell us is there any plan tosend significant numbers of—

Secretary Rumsfeld. I answered thequestion before you asked it. We do notdiscuss operations.

Q. Mr. Secretary, much of the countryis at least controlled now by the Tal-iban. Does that mean, and most of therefugees actually or internally displacedpeople are in those sections of the coun-try. Does that mean that those areaswill not get the relief as quickly? Thatother non-Taliban held areas will get itmore quickly?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Certainly non-Taliban areas would get it more quickly.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can we define a lit-tle bit about the humanitarian airdrops? Are these going to be for themost part high altitude air drops? Areyou going to use pallets and para-chutes? Or just kick them out the waywe did over Kosovo and Bosnia?

General Myers. It’s more like the latter,but greatly improved. We know the effec-tiveness of those air drops was less thandesired, so between now and then theyhave been working with the deliverymeans to improve that. We think we canbe fairly effective from high altitudes, andwe’re targeting remote locations where it’sdifficult to get trucks in. This has all beencoordinated very well with USAID [U.S.Agency for International Development].

Q. To follow up, you’re not just kick-ing out the rations, though, by them-selves. They’re coming down via para-chute or some means to the ground? Orare they?

General Myers. No, the delivery modeis pretty much like you described. A littlemore sophisticated than that, but it’s notby parachute.

Q. Is there a danger imposed to thepeople on the ground that you’re tryingto help as the humanitarian aid comesin? Are you exposing them to fire? Orare these two operations wholly sepa-rate?

Secretary Rumsfeld. There is no risk tothe people on the ground that would havean interest in receiving the humanitariandrops.

Q. Mr. Secretary, were C-17s used todrop these humanitarian daily rationstoday? And if so, how many?

General Myers. There were two C-17splanned today to drop humanitarian...

Q. That was 100 percent of what wascarrying the HDRs [humanitarian dailyrations]?

General Myers. For the first day, that’scorrect.

Q. How can you drop them from ahigh altitude—I mean this is a lay per-son’s question, without using para-chutes and not destroy them?

General Myers. The system has beendesigned to do just that. And like I said,they’ve been testing ever since AlliedForce stopped. Shortly after that we begantesting to make sure we could accuratelydeliver these, and that’s been ongoing. Wehave high confidence that we’ll be able toput them where we want to put them.

Q.—so that they—

General Myers. Correct.

Q. General, do they have precisionradars that can map an area to dropwithin a certain bullseye?

General Myers. Let me just go back.We have high confidence they’ll be able todrop where the intended Afghan citizensare, and there are several ways to do that.

Q. As part of the effort today are youdropping leaflets? Have you begunradio broadcasts from Commando Soloand some of the other assets that youhave that can do directed messages tothe people who may not understandwhat you’re doing?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Yes.

Q. Mr. Secretary, are you asking sir,the (inaudible) governments or you

September 11, 2001


waiting for the defeat of Taliban?

Secretary Rumsfeld. That really is thebusiness of the Department of State. Whatwe are doing is we are attempting to helpthose and advantage those that opposeTaliban and oppose al Qaeda in that coun-try in a variety of different ways. Howthat might evolve and what that mightmean from the standpoint of the future ofAfghanistan it seems to me is a good dis-tance off, and it is not an issue that thisdepartment really is involved in.

Q. Mr. Secretary, are additional stepsbeing taken to strengthen security inthe United States in anticipation ofsome hostile retaliation for this attacktoday?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, most of thekinds of attacks that we’ve seen tend tohave been planned months and monthsand months and in some cases years inadvance. So the idea that any attack thatcould occur now, would conceivably char-acterize as in retaliation for something Ithink would be a misunderstanding of thesituation.

The United States is, as President Bushhas indicated, is on a state of heightenedawareness. The armed forces around theworld are on a state of higher alert than isnormal. The forces in the United Statesare on a higher alert than has been thenormal pattern for our forces, and the var-ious organizations that deal with lawenforcement in the United States, the FBIand state and local officials are certainlyaware that as of September 11th we haveto be sensitive to the possibility that therecan be various types of terrorist attacks inour country. As a result the president hasmarshaled a great many of the capabilitiesof the United States government includingthe military to assist in seeing that we dowhat is possible.

But the only way to deal with these ter-rorist threats is to go at them where theyexist. You cannot defend at every place atevery time against every conceivable,imaginable, even unimaginable terroristattack. And the only way to deal with it isto take the battle to where they are and toroot them out and to starve them out byseeing that those countries and those orga-nizations and those non-governmentalorganizations and those individuals that

are supporting and harboring and facilitat-ing these networks stop doing it and findthat there’s a penalty for doing it.

Q.—there were strikes in Kandaharand Kabul and there’s talk about theelectricity system going down. Are yourunning the risk of being characterizedas attacking the Afghan people ratherthan military targets?

Secretary Rumsfeld. You know, in thisworld of ours if you get up in the morningyou’re running a risk of having someonelie and someone mischaracterize what it isyou’re doing.

What the United States of America isdoing is exactly what I said. It is attempt-ing to defend the United States by takingthis battle to the terrorists that have killedthousands of Americans and that threatennot just the United States but regimesthroughout the world because they aredetermined to find ways to intimidate therest of the world and to terrorize the restof the world, and we are determined not tobe terrorized.

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We regret that diplomatic efforts to con-vince Taliban leadership to respond to theinternational demands did not succeed andnow military action has started against theTaliban regime. Pakistan did whatever itcould to convince the Taliban leadershipof the gravity of the situation and take theright decisions in the interest of theAfghan people. It remains our hope thatthe U.S. and allied action remains clearlytargeted to achieve the aims identified bythe relevant U.N. Security Council Reso-lutions and every care will be taken tominimize harm to the Afghan people whohave already suffered the ravages of con-flict for more than two decades. We alsohope that the operations will end soon anda concerted international effort will beundertaken to promote national re-concili-ation and help Afghanistan with economicreconstruction.

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As you will know from the announcementby President Bush military action againsttargets inside Afghanistan has begun. Ican confirm that U.K. forces are engagedin this action. I want to pay tribute if Imight right at the outset to Britain’s armedforces. There is no greater strength for aBritish Prime Minister and the Britishnation at a time like this than to know thatthe forces we are calling upon areamongst the very best in the world.

They and their families are, of course,carrying an immense burden at thismoment and will be feeling deep anxietyas will the British people. But we can takepride in their courage, their sense of dutyand the esteem with which they’re heldthroughout the world.

No country lightly commits forces tomilitary action and the inevitable risksinvolved but we made it clear followingthe attacks upon the United States on Sep-tember 11th that we would take part inaction once it was clear who was responsi-ble.

There is no doubt in my mind, nor inthe mind of anyone who has been throughall the available evidence, including intel-ligence material, that these attacks werecarried out by the al-Qaeda network mas-terminded by Osama bin Laden. Equally itis clear that his network is harbored andsupported by the Taliban regime insideAfghanistan.

It is now almost a month since theatrocity occurred, it is more than twoweeks since an ultimatum as delivered tothe Taliban to yield up the terrorists orface the consequences. It is clear beyonddoubt that they will not do this. They weregiven the choice of siding with justice orsiding with terror and they chose to sidewith terror.

There are three parts all equally impor-tant to the operation of which we’reengaged: military, diplomatic and humani-tarian. The military action we are takingwill be targeted against places we know tobe involved in the operation of terror oragainst the military apparatus of the Tal-iban. This military plan has been puttogether mindful of our determination todo all we humanly can to avoid civilian

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casualties. I cannot disclose, obviously, how long

this action will last but we will act withreason and resolve. We have set the objec-tives to eradicate Osama bin Laden’s net-work of terror and to take action againstthe Taliban regime that is sponsoring it.As to the precise British involvement I canconfirm that last Wednesday the U.S.Government made a specific request that anumber of U.K. military assets be used inthe operation which has now begun. And Igave authority for these assets to bedeployed. They include the base at DiegoGarcia, reconnaissance and flight supportaircraft and missile firing submarines.Missile firing submarines are in usetonight. The air assets will be available foruse in the coming days.

The United States are obviously provid-ing the bulk of the force required in lead-ing this operation. But this is an interna-tional effort as well as U.K., France, Ger-many, Australia and Canada have alsocommitted themselves to take part in theoperation.

On the diplomatic and political front inthe time I’ve been Prime Minister I cannotrecall a situation that has commanded soquickly such a powerful coalition of sup-port and not just from those countriesdirectly involved in military action butfrom many others in all parts of the world.The coalition has, I believe, strengthenednot weakened in the twenty six days sincethe atrocity occurred. And this is in nosmall measure due to the statesmanship ofPresident Bush to whom I pay tributetonight.

The world understands that whilst, ofcourse, there are dangers in acting thedangers of inaction are far, far greater. Thethreat of further such outrages, the threatto our economies, the threat to the stabili-ty of the world.

On the humanitarian front we areassembling a coalition of support forrefugees in and outside Afghanistan whichis as vital as the military coalition. Evenbefore September 11th four millionAfghans were on the move. There are twomillion refugees in Pakistan and one and ahalf million in Iran. We have to act forhumanitarian reasons to alleviate theappalling suffering of the Afghan peopleand deliver stability so that people fromthat region stay in that region. Britain, ofcourse, is heavily involved in actually

(indistinct) effort.So we are taking action therefore on all

those three fronts: military, diplomatic andhumanitarian. I also want to say verydirectly to the British people why thismatters so much directly to Britain. Firstlet us not forget that the attacks of theSeptember 11th represented the worst ter-rorist outrage against British citizens inour history. The murder of British citizens,whether it happens overseas or not, is anattack upon Britain. But even if no Britishcitizen had died it would be right to act.

This atrocity was an attack on us all, onpeople of all faiths and people of none.We know the al-Qaeda network threatenEurope, including Britain, and, indeed,any nation throughout the world that doesnot share their fanatical views. So we havea direct interest in acting in our own selfdefense to protect British lives. It was alsoan attack (indistinct) just on lives but onlivelihoods. We can see since the 11th ofSeptember how economic confidence hassuffered with all that means for Britishjobs and British industry. Our prosperityand standard of living, therefore, requireus to deal with this terrorist threat.

We act also because the al-Qaeda net-work and the Taliban regime are funded inlarge part on the drugs trade. Ninety percent of all the heroin sold on Britishstreets originates from Afghanistan. Stop-ping that trade is, again, directly in ourinterests.

I wish to say finally, as I’ve said manytimes before, that this is not a war withIslam. It angers me, as it angers the vastmajority of Muslims, to hear bin Ladenand his associates described as Islamicterrorists. They are terrorists pure andsimple. Islam is a peaceful and tolerantreligion and the acts of these people arewholly contrary to the teachings of theKoran.

These are difficult and testing timestherefore for all of us. People are bound tobe concerned about what the terroristsmay seek to do in response. I should saythere is at present no specific crediblethreat to the U.K. that we know of andthat we have in place tried and tested con-tingency plans which are the best possibleresponse to any further attempts at terror.

This, of course, is a moment of theutmost gravity for the world. None of theleaders involved in this action want war.None of our nations want it. We are a

peaceful people. But we know that some-times to safeguard peace we have to fight.Britain has learnt that lesson many timesin our history. We only do it if the cause isjust but this cause is just. The murder ofalmost seven thousand innocent people inAmerica was an attack on our freedom,our way of life, an attack on civilized val-ues the world over. We waited so thatthose responsible could be yielded up bythose shielding them. That offer wasrefused, we have now no choice so wewill act. And our determination in actingis total. We will not let up or rest until ourobjectives are met in full.

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Immediately after the 11 Septemberattacks on the United States, the SecurityCouncil expressed its determination tocombat, by all means, threats to interna-tional peace and security caused by terror-ist acts. The Council also reaffirmed theinherent right of individual or collectiveself-defense in accordance with the Char-ter of the United Nations. The States con-cerned have set their current militaryaction in Afghanistan in that context.

To defeat terrorism, we need a sustainedeffort and a broad strategy to unite allnations, and address all aspects of thescourge we face. The cause must be pur-sued by all the States of the world, work-ing together and using many differentmeans—including political, legal, diplo-matic and financial means.

The people of Afghanistan, who cannotbe held responsible for the acts of the Tal-iban regime, are now in desperate need ofaid. The United Nations has long playeda vital role in providing humanitarianassistance to them, and it is my hope thatwe will be able to step up our humanitari-an work as soon as possible.

It is also vital that the internationalcommunity now work harder than ever toencourage a political settlement to theconflict in Afghanistan. The UnitedNations is actively engaged in promotingthe creation of a fully representative,multi-ethnic and broad-based AfghanGovernment.

September 11, 2001


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Q. What is your comment on the U.S.military strike on targets inAfghanistan?

Foreign Minister Spokesman. TheChinese government opposes terrorism ofany form, and supports relevant resolu-tions passed by the U.N. General Assem-bly and the Security Council. China sup-ports activities in combating terrorism.The relevant military strikes on terrorismshould be targeted at specific objectives,so as to avoid injuring innocent civilians.China hopes that peace be resumed assoon as possible.

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President Bush. Please be seated. Thankyou all. Welcome to the White House.Today I signed an executive order creatinga new Homeland Security Office, chargedwith strengthening America’s protectionsagainst terrorism. And I’ve picked a reallygood man to lead that office. In case youhadn’t figured it out, it’s Tom Ridge.

Together, we will confront the threat ofterrorism. We will take strong precautionsaimed at preventing terrorist attacks andprepare to respond effectively if theymight come again. We will defend ourcountry; and while we do so, we will notsacrifice the freedoms that make our landunique.

The best defense against terror is a glob-al offensive against terror, wherever itmight be found. Yesterday, we openedanother front on the war on terrorism aswe began conventional military operationsdesigned to destroy terrorist trainingcamps and military installations of theTaliban government.

Secretary Don Rumsfeld, who is leadinga really fine team, will brief the countrythis afternoon. But he informed me thismorning that the military mission of yes-terday was executed as planned. And atthe same time, that our good nation

dropped over 37,000 kits of food andmedicine. This is an important part of awar already underway that is being con-ducted on many fronts.

The first shot of the war was fired sever-al weeks ago, as we began freezing bankaccounts and cutting off funding of knownterrorist organizations and front groupsthat support them. And I appreciate sovery much the Secretary of Treasury’swork, Paul O’Neill.

We’ve worked aggressively on thediplomatic front, developing a broad andstrong coalition of countries who are unit-ed with us and involved in our campaign.And Mr. Secretary Powell and his teamhave done a remarkable job of rallying thelovers of freedom to our side. Mr. Secre-tary, thank you.

Our intelligence and law enforcementagencies are working around the clockand around the world. Attorney GeneralAshcroft, and George Tenet and BobMueller are all doing a fantastic job ofmaking sure we’ve got the best intelli-gence and the best information, not onlyto protect ourselves, but to bring the evil-doers to justice.

On all efforts and all fronts, we’re goingto be ongoing and relentless as we tightenthe net of justice. This will be a long war.It requires understanding and patiencefrom the American people. Members ofmy Cabinet understand that, and I appreci-ate them all being here. These are fineAmericans, who understand the nature ofthe conflict, and are prepared to join me indoing whatever it takes to win the war, notonly for our country today, but for genera-tions to come tomorrow.

It’s an honor for me to welcome theRidge family here to the White House; theformer First Lady of Pennsylvania,Michele; and of course, Lesley andTommy, thank you all for being here andthank you for your sacrifice.

I want to thank all of Tom’s friends forcoming up from Pennsylvania. It lookslike he’s got a few who don’t live in Penn-sylvania as well. Thank you all for beinghere. I’m so appreciative that ClarenceThomas is here to swear-in Tom. I appre-ciate the Mayor of Washington, D.C.being here.

Mr. Mayor, thank you for your coopera-tion. It’s just the beginning of what weneed to do together to make sure ourNation’s Capital safe and secure. As we’ve

learned, we face new threats; and, there-fore, we need new defenses for our coun-try. And I’ve found the right man to coor-dinate that effort.

Tom Ridge has been a chief executive.He is a leader who has shown he can drawthe best out of people and out of organiza-tions. He’s a decorated combat veteran ofthe Vietnam War. He’s a patriot who hasheard the sound of battle.

He’s seen the reach of terror in a field inhis own state. He’s a man of compassionwho has seen what evil can do. I’ve givenTom and the Office of Homeland Securitya mission: to design a comprehensive,coordinated national strategy to fight ter-ror here at home.

We face a united, determined enemy. Wemust have a united and determinedresponse. The Homeland Security Officehas a series of specific goals and will havemy authority to meet them. One, take thestrongest possible precautions against ter-rorism by bringing together the best infor-mation and intelligence. In the war on ter-ror, knowledge is power.

Strengthen and help protect our trans-portation systems, our food and water sys-tems and our critical infrastructure bymaking them less vulnerable to attack.Respond effectively to terrorist actions ifthey come. The Office will coordinate fed-eral assistance with state and local efforts.America is going to be prepared.

The Office will work in conjunctionwith the new Homeland Security Council,chaired by me and made up of my Cabinetand other senior officials; the Office mis-sion will have the full attention and com-plete support of the very highest levels ofour government.

I know that many Americans at this timehave fears. We’ve learned that America isnot immune from attack. We’ve seen thatevil is real. It’s hard for us to comprehendthe mentality of people that will destroyinnocent folks the way they have. Yet,America is equal to this challenge, makeno mistake about it. They’ve roused amighty giant. A compassionate land willrise united to not only protect ourselves,not only make our homeland as secure aspossible—but to bring the evildoers to jus-tice so that our children might live in free-dom.

It’s now my honor to call ClarenceThomas up here to swear-in Tom Ridge.

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[The oath is administered.]

Director Ridge. Thank you, Mr. Presi-dent. I’m honored to join the extraordi-nary team you have assembled to leadAmerica. The attack of September 11thchanged our nation in so many ways,starting with the lives of the thousands ofvictims and their families. It changed thelives of our men and women in uniform,who are courageously defending ournation today.

It changed the course of my own state,Pennsylvania, which now has a new gov-ernor. And it changed the way we look athomeland security, defending our bordersfrom an attack and ensuring our prepared-ness should one occur.

Americans should find comfort in know-ing that millions of their fellow citizensare working every day to ensure our secu-rity at every level—federal, state, county,municipal. These are dedicated profes-sionals who are good at what they do. I’veseen it up close, as Governor of Pennsyl-vania.

But there may be gaps in the system.The job of the Office of Homeland Securi-ty will be to identify those gaps and workto close them. The size and scope of thischallenge are immense. The President’sexecutive order states that we must detect,prepare for, prevent, protect against,respond to and recover from terroristattacks, an extraordinary mission. But wewill carry it out.

I am optimistic because of your leader-ship, Mr. President, because of theunprecedented support for you throughoutthe country and among my old friends inCongress. Because we will have the verybest people working on it, and becauseour country’s shared sense of duty andmission is unprecedented.

And we will operate from a few basicprinciples. First, candor. No one should bewary of coming forward when they see aproblem. It’s the only way to define asolution. The urgency of our task dictatescandor about our challenges and confi-dence in our ability to solve them.

The second, cooperation. We must openlines of communication and support likenever before, between agencies anddepartments, between federal and stateand local entities, and between the publicand private sectors. We must be task-ori-ented. The only turf we should be worried

about protecting is the turf we stand on. Finally, as the President stated, we will

continue to secure liberty, as we securethis nation. Liberty is the most preciousgift we offer to our citizens. It’s what theterrorists fear most, what they tried todestroy on September 11th. We will workto ensure that the essential liberty of theAmerican people is protected, that terror-ists will not take away our way of life.

It’s called Homeland Security. While theeffort will begin here, it will require theinvolvement of America at every level.Everyone in the homeland must play apart. I ask the American people for theirpatience, their awareness and theirresolve. This job calls for a national effort.We’ve seen it before, whether it wasbuilding the Trans-Continental Railroad,fighting World War II, or putting a man onthe moon.

There are some things we can do imme-diately, and we will. Others will take moretime. But we will find something for everyAmerican to do. My friends in the ArmyCorps of Engineers remind me of theirmotto—Secretary Powell’s familiar withit—”The difficult, we do immediately.The impossible takes a little longer.”

That’s the attitude we need. The taskbefore us is difficult, but not impossible.With your leadership, Mr. President, andwith everyone working as one, I have nodoubt we will be up to the task.

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Secretary Donald Rumsfeld andUzbekistani President Islam Karimovdelivered their remarks after meeting inUzbekistan.

President Karimov. Ladies and gentle-men, I would like to say a few wordsabout the negotiations that we’ve had withthe Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld. Wehave discussed a lot of questions of mutu-al interest and it should be said it was avery open conversation, and we concen-trated on the issues pertaining to counter-terrorism and elimination of the mecha-nism that we call terrorism. And I fullyagree with the statement of SecretaryRumsfeld that terrorism exists well

beyond the Islamic world. And I’m verysatisfied by Secretary Rumsfeld’s state-ment that today we’re not fighting againstany one single country, not against theTaliban for that matter, but we’re fightingagainst camps and bases and infrastructureworldwide. And we welcome the decisionby President Bush to allocate a humanitar-ian package of $320 million to the Afghanpeople who are in great need of this help.As far as Uzbekistan and its fight againstterrorism are concerned, I would like totell you the following.

The first point is Uzbekistan grants itsairspace to American aircraft and heli-copters. The second point is Uzbekistan isready to upgrade and step up cooperationbetween special services for the exchangeof intelligence information. Uzbekistangives its permission and gives use of oneof its airfields and its facilities for theUnited States’ aircraft and helicopters aswell as for personnel employed in searchand rescue operations. At the momentthere is work going on on the legal docu-ment, which will formulate the mutualcommitments, and obligations, and guar-antees.

And I would like to use this opportunityto say that we have no secret deals, nocovert negotiations with the United States.As soon as this document has been formu-lated, it will be subject to public attention.It should be said that in the course ofthese three years, Uzbekistan has beenwitnessing the inhumane face of terror;therefore, we cannot afford standing aside,and we are taking part in this anti-terror-ism operation that the international com-munity called for. In conclusion, I want totell you that of course I heard about Sec-retary Rumsfeld a lot before we met, but Iam very happy to have this opportunity tomeet him personally and I am very muchimpressed by his very measured andthoughtful attitude, very serious attitude tothe range of questions that we’ve dis-cussed.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Mr. President,thank you very much. We have just com-pleted a fine discussion where I expressedthe appreciation of President Bush to thepresident for the cooperation that theyhave offered so generously and sponta-neously and their recognition of theimportance of this worldwide effort withrespect to countering terrorism. There is

September 11, 2001


no question but that the threat that terror-ists pose to the world is a real one. It’s animmediate one. And it’s one that can bedealt with only by taking the effort to theterrorists and to the countries that harborthem.

That being the case, it’s going to takethe cooperation of nations all across theworld, and certainly the support that’sbeen provided is deeply appreciated. Iwould underline the remarks made by thepresident. Not living in the immediatearea here, needless to say, we benefit notonly by the cooperation, but also by theinsights and the perspectives that the pres-ident offered. And I’ll just conclude bysaying that the effort against terrorism asthe president said is not against any coun-try. It’s not against any religion. It is pure-ly and simply an effort to find the terror-ists and see that they stop imposing thekind of damage that was imposed on theUnited States of America on September11, and which has been imposed on anumber of countries over a good manyyears. And again, I thank the president forhis graciousness, and for receiving ourdelegation on such short notice.

Q. What has the United States offeredto Uzbekistan in exchange for its coop-eration in the battle against terrorism?

Secretary Rumsfeld. There have beenno specific quid pro quos if that is whatyou are looking for. The two countrieshave met; the two countries have talked;the two countries have agreed that theproblem of terrorism is a serious one. Wehave worked out a series of arrangementsthat make sense from both of our stand-points.

President Karimov. I would like toemphasize that there has been no talk ofquid pro quos so far. I would like theRussian journalists, in particular, to takethis into account.

Q. Mr. President I would like to clari-fy on what you said. Is there just oneUzbek airfield that will be used by theUnited States in the anti-terrorist war?

President Karimov. It is true that wehave offered one airbase in Uzbekistanwith all of its land facilities to deploy alimited number of transport, cargo aircraft

and helicopters. We are against the usageof our territory for land operations againstAfghanistan. We are against the use of theterritory of Uzbezikstan for air strikesagainst Afghanistan. It is envisaged thatthis equipment will be used for humanitar-ian and search and rescue operations.

Q. Mr. President, how many Ameri-can forces will be in your country?Which airfield have you offered? Didyou agree that American Special Forceswould be allowed to operate fromUzbekistan?

President Karimov. I will start fromthe end of your question. Special Opera-tions Forces will not be deployed in theterritory of Uzbekistan. Let me repeatonce again that all facilities that we aregiving to the United States are to be usedfor humanitarian and search and rescueoperations. We are not really interested inwhat sort of air personnel will bedeployed. We leave this to the discretionof the U.S.

Q. Mr. President, you mentioned thatthe bilateral document will be signed.What sort of document is that?

President Karimov. It will be a bilater-al document which will formulate com-mitments and most importantly the guar-antees given Uzbekistan so that Uzbek-istan can defend its territory and its peo-ple. As for the guarantees themselves, thework is still in progress. It is too soon toformulate the provisions of the document.

Q. Since Uzbekistan is going to play avery important role in anti-terrorismoperations, have you already conductedany negotiations with your neighborsand have you consulted Putin? Are youready to go further than Russia in sup-plying help in these operations?

President Karimov. I would like torefer to Mr. Putin’s statements before hewent to Germany. He said that Russiaagreed with its allies in Central Asiaaccess and the use of airspace and airfieldfacilities. That’s my answer to your ques-tion. There are no contradictions in any ofthis. Or at least we believe there will beno contradictions.

Q. Mr. President, if you believe thatthe war on terrorism is important, whynot allow American Special Forces tooperate from your territory—to gostrike terrorists within Afghanistan.

President Karimov. I will answer youbriefly. We are not quite ready for this.

Q. What will be the changes in U.S.foreign policy following the attacks ofSeptember 11?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think you wouldhave to be able to predict the future toanswer that. But first I would say thatthere was no question that the circum-stances in the world have shifted. In a yearor two or three I suspect that we will seeconsiderably different arrangements thanexisted prior to September 11, because theevent is of that magnitude, and exactlyhow that will play out is unclear. The rela-tionships have been refashioned afterevery significant world event. Therefore, Iam confident that they will be in this case,even though we can’t predict exactly whatthey will be.

Q. Mr. President, you said a momentago when asked about the use of yourterritory to launch U.S. Special Forcesoffenses that you are not quite readyyet. Does that mean that this option isstill under consideration and that youmay grant that permission in thefuture?

President Karimov. My answer to thatquestion is that the United States has spe-cial arrangements with a number of coun-tries where U.S. military personnel aredeployed. These bases in these countrieshave clear-cut legal status, a very clearpurpose and they are to the mutual interestof both countries. First and foremost, theinterest of Uzbekistan is determined by itsgeographical position based on its proxim-ity to the territory, which harbors thecamps and bases of terrorists. Without get-ting into further details, I will limit myselfto the response that I made previously.Clearly, there are different points of viewon land operations, which are being dis-cussed at this time. But one has to say—and this is my personal opinion oneshould think carefully about the possibleconsequences of foreign land operations

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in Afghanistan. To answer the question, ifthis (latter decision is made?), it is up tothe strategic command of the UnitedStates—that’s my own view.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Mr. President,before I excuse myself and catch the air-plane, if I may make a very brief state-ment. Interestingly, the interest of theUnited States in Uzbekistan, it should bewell understood, precedes the events ofSeptember 11. Indeed, on my first visit toBrussels for a NATO meeting, I made it apoint to have a bilateral meeting with theminister of defense here, of Uzbekistan,because of my interest and the interest ofour country, and of course that was manymonths before the terrorist attack in NewYork and Washington. And the interest ofthe United States is of a long-standingrelationship with this country and notsomething that is focused on the immedi-ate problem alone.

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Secretary Rumsfeld. I have reported tothe president, General Myers and I have,on a number of occasions over the past 24hours, and today I’ll make some generalcomments and then General Myers willprovide a little more detail on the forcesinvolved and an early assessment of thebattle damage. I want to stress that we’restill in the early stages of evaluating theintelligence data that’s available, and wewill be continuing to do that throughoutthe day.

Yesterday we stated that our objectiveswere to begin to create the conditions forsustained anti-terrorist and humanitarianoperations. Based on our early assess-ment, we believe that we have madeprogress toward eliminating the airdefense sites that have located around thecountry. We also believe we’ve made animpact on the military airfields that weretargeted. We cannot yet state with certain-ty that we destroyed the dozens of mili-tary command-and-control and leadershiptargets we selected. Today we’ll be contin-uing to collect damage assessment andwill be striking additional targets as

September 11, 2001


I also want to stress the larger context in which these actions take place. First, these are not strikesagainst Afghanistan. Even as we conduct these strikes, we are not only engaged in a massive humanitar-ian effort for the Afghan people, but we’re reaching out to a range of Afghan groups on the ground...

Second, these strikes are part of a much larger effort against worldwide terrorism, one that will besustained and which is wide-ranging. It will likely be sustained for a period of years, not weeks ormonths... We will not stop until the terrorist networks are destroyed. To that end, regimes that harborterrorists and their training camps should know that they will suffer penalties. Our goal is not one indi-vidual, it is not one group.

Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld, October 8, 2001

appropriate, as well as being prepared toaddress emerging targets as they appear.We will continue our humanitarian air-drops today, providing much-needed reliefto the Afghan people.

So to summarize, every target was amilitary target. The reports indicating thatthere were attacks on Kabul are incorrect.The attacks were on the military targetssurrounding the city. And most of whatyou saw on television undoubtedly wasAAA coming up from the ground, notsomething going down from the air. U.S.and British forces hit some two dozen ofthe targets. All U.S. military personneland aircraft that took part in yesterday’sstrike are safe and accounted for, notwith-standing the statements by Taliban to thecontrary, which are flat untrue. We believethe humanitarian assistance flights weresuccessful, and they will continue today.

I also want to stress the larger context inwhich these actions take place. First, theseare not strikes against Afghanistan. Evenas we conduct these strikes, we are notonly engaged in a massive humanitarianeffort for the Afghan people, but we’rereaching out to a range of Afghan groupson the ground, in the North and in theSouth, as well as Afghan exiles and disaf-fected elements within the Taliban whoare opposed to Taliban’s policy of turningtheir nation into a haven for foreign terror-ists.

Second, these strikes are part of a muchlarger effort against worldwide terrorism,one that will be sustained and which iswide-ranging. It will likely be sustainedfor a period of years, not weeks ormonths. This campaign will be wagedmuch like the Cold War, in the sense thatit will involve many fronts over a periodof time and will require continuous pres-sure by a large number of countriesaround the globe. We’ll use overt andcovert military efforts as well as everydiplomatic, economic, financial and lawenforcement resource at our command.We will not stop until the terrorist net-works are destroyed. To that end, regimesthat harbor terrorists and their trainingcamps should know that they will sufferpenalties. Our goal is not one individual, itis not one group.

Finally, let me add a personal note. Hereat the Pentagon, we’ve received and arestill receiving truly wonderful supportfrom Americans of all ages who have

asked to express their thanks to, and admi-ration for, the men and women in thearmed forces. We thank them for that.Every day in my travels around the worldand here in the United States, I see themen and women in uniform. They do putthemselves at risk for all of us. They vol-untarily serve to protect so that othersmay live in freedom. And Americans cer-tainly have every right to be proud andgrateful for their service.

General Myers?


Yesterday our forces struck Taliban andterrorist targets in Afghanistan. The firsttarget, as we said yesterday, was hit atapproximately 12:30 Washington time[EDT]. And as of midnight last night, weand our British allies had struck 31 tar-gets.

Again, our day-one efforts weredesigned to disrupt and destroy terroristactivities in Afghanistan and to set theconditions for future military action and tobring food and medical supplies to theAfghan people.

I know you’re interested in the numbersof targets hit, the number of aim points,the numbers and kinds of weaponsdropped. But I think it’s important toemphasize at this point that in this kind ofwarfare against this kind of enemy, thetrue measure of effectiveness, in my opin-ion, will not necessarily be in numericalterms. Regardless of the pounds of muni-tions or the scope of the targets, yester-day’s strikes began setting the conditions,setting the conditions for future opera-tions.

We did destroy some of the terroristinfrastructure and we did begin feedingand assisting the victims of the Talibanregime.

We are generally pleased with the earlyresults, but have only preliminary battledamage assessment done at this point.Some days you’ll see more numbers thanothers, but don’t assume that fewer num-bers mean less effort or less effectiveness.We and our friends and allies are fightingterrorism using the entire range of mili-tary, economic, diplomatic and the othertools that the secretary mentioned. Thepressure will be relentless, but not alwaysquantifiable or necessarily visible.

With that said, the broad category of tar-

gets that we struck yesterday includedearly-warning radars, as we said before,ground forces, command-and-controlfacilities, al Qaeda infrastructure, and air-fields and aircraft. Again, we don’t haveany battle damage assessment products toshow you now, but when we do, we’ll pro-vide some to you.

Strikes are continuing as we speak. Weare hitting targets that are similar to thosewe did yesterday. Today we’re using about10 (sic) [five] bomber aircraft and about10 carrier-based tactical aviation assets toconduct our operations. Again today addi-tional humanitarian drops will also bemade. As these operations continue, how-ever, that is about as far as I can commentright now.

Q. General, the bomber aircraft.Were cruise—first, were ships usedtoday? And were bomber aircraft, bothbombs and cruise missiles used againtoday, as they were yesterday?

General Myers. We used—we will usesome Tomahawk missiles today fromships. And there were no cruise missilesused from the bombers.

Q. And Mr. Secretary, might I add,are U.S. and British forces attackingTaliban troop concentrations as well asair defense and airfields and othersites?

Secretary Rumsfeld. There have beensome ground forces targeted.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the issue of airsuperiority. Can you say whether or notthat’s been achieved? And do you haveany sense of whether or not the Talibanhas been cut off from communicatingwith its forces?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think it wouldbe too soon to say that the Taliban airdefenses and aircraft and airports havebeen fully disabled. That is not the case.We have not got enough battle damageassessment to answer the question, but Isuspect that when we do get it, it will findthere’s some additional work to be done.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you have about 4million hungry people in Afghanistan,according to relief organizations. And

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yesterday, according to your figures andGeneral Myers’ figures, you dropped37,500 MREs, humanitarian MREs. Isthat purely humanitarian, or is it alsopart of the psyops? Because on thehumanitarian MREs is a picture of theAmerican flag. Also you droppedleaflets, and yet most of the Afghanisoutside of the cities can’t read. What’son the leaflets?

Secretary Rumsfeld. They’re going totry to make some of them available at theappropriate time, and they include somefigures and symbols. I suppose that—Idon’t know exactly how many people arewithout food in Afghanistan, although theestimate by outsiders is probably fairlyclose. It’s a very serious situation. Notonly have the Taliban treated the people ofAfghanistan terribly, but they’ve also hada drought for several years.

It is quite true that 37,000 rations in aday do not feed millions of human beings.On the other hand, if you were one of thestarving people who got one of therations, you’d be appreciative.

Q. How many more rations are goingout today?

Secretary Rumsfeld. [to Myers] Doyou know?

General Myers. I think it’s approxi-mately the same amount as yesterday. Andwe’ll get you that answer afterwards. Itcould be a few more. [Update: About37,000 humanitarian daily rations arescheduled to be airdropped today.]

Secretary Rumsfeld. But I should add,with respect to that, that, as you know, thepresident has announced a $320 millionhumanitarian program for food and medi-cine and that the work to get that in placeis underway. And we’ll be using USAID[U.S. Agency for International Develop-ment] and the Department of State andothers to see that that begins as promptlyas possible.

Q. The World Food Program todaysaid that it has actually discontinuedaid shipments into Afghanistan as aresult of the strikes, and that’s a cutoffof about 700,000 tons of food going intoAfghanistan today. So it would appear

that there’s actually a net loss as aresult of this action. Does that concernyou at all?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I think itwould be a misunderstanding of the situa-tion. What you have is a group of people,the Taliban, that have repressed theAfghan people, contributed to their starva-tion. And to suggest that what is takingplace now is a net loss for the Afghanpeople would be a total misunderstandingof what’s taking place.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you mentioned inyour opening statement that leadershiptargets are among the targets, at leastyesterday. Could you flesh that out a lit-tle bit, describe that in any—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Sure. There’s noquestion but that we have looked at the alQaeda organization and the Omar’s orga-nization and are attempting to address thecommand-and-control capabilities of thoseorganizations.

Q. Does that mean their headquartersor their residences or—

Secretary Rumsfeld. It means a varietyof things. In some cases it might even beif we saw moving elements that constitut-ed part of their command and control.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you help usclarify something that you said theother day? You were quoted as saying,“One of the goals is to orchestrate theoverthrow of the Taliban.” Is that a U.S.goal or is that a consequence of what ishappening? What are you trying to doto the Taliban?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I said that yester-day?

Q. Well, you were quoted as saying it,which is—[inaudible]

Secretary Rumsfeld. I don’t recall say-ing it. But there is no question but that theTaliban has rejected every proposal thatthe president has made. It has closelylinked itself to the foreigners that are intheir country called the al Qaeda, who aresponsoring terrorism across the globe.They have indicated that that is their posi-

tion and that is where their position willremain.

Now, that being the case, it seems to methat it is perfectly reasonable to feel thatthe only way that the Afghan people aregoing to be successful in heaving the ter-rorist network out of their country is to besuccessful against the Omar’s—that por-tion of Taliban and the Taliban leadershipthat are so closely linked to the al Qaeda.And certainly we are working with theelements on the ground that are interestedin overthrowing and expelling that groupof people.

Q. So, therefore, the United States isalso interested in overthrowing the Tal-iban.

Secretary Rumsfeld. There’s no ques-tion but that the group of people that areclosely linked to al Qaeda, who are in theTaliban, including Omar and his lieu-tenants and that structure, are harmful tothe world and dangerous to the world andare—and that Afghanistan would be vastlybetter off were they not there.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, along those lines,Northern Alliance envoys met with NSCstaffers at the White House last week,and what they’re looking for is financialassistance as well as military assistance.And in particular, they said they’relooking for air cover for their upcomingoffensive. Will you offer them air cover?

Secretary Rumsfeld. As I have indicat-ed, the United States is interested in theelements of Afghans on the ground thathave it in their mind that they would liketo end al Qaeda’s role in Afghanistan andend the senior Taliban leadership’s role.And the Northern Alliance and the tribesin the south and other are among those.

Q. And what kind of assistance willyou give them, can you say?

Q. Mr. Secretary. Mr. Secretary, is theultimatum essentially now off the tablein the sense that at this point, you’re nolonger going to accept any kind of con-cessions from the Taliban, that it’s real-ly a military operation, period?

September 11, 2001


Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I wouldn’thold your—yeah, I don’t think I’d holdyour breath waiting for concessions fromthe Taliban.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the vehicles thatwere struck, the leadership vehicles,was that a convoy? Were they al Qaedaleaders in there? Was it Taliban lead-ers? And where was that?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I could be mistak-en, but I don’t think I said they werestruck. I said that they would be legitimatetargets.

Q. Is there any sign that any Talibanleaders have defected or they’re chang-ing sides or changing their minds, thatany of this pressure is working?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I have no solidinformation to that effect, although you dohear that. And I’m not in a position to val-idate it.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, speaking specificallyof Afghanistan, when will the missionbe over for the United States there?What will be a victory for the UnitedStates in Afghanistan?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I supposethe answer would be the same anywhereas Afghanistan because the goal is simplyto try to free the world of the threat of ter-rorism, global terrorism. And the presidenthas indicated that it strikes at our way oflife, and the only way to deal with it is notthrough simply defense but through takingthe effort to those terrorist groups. Andthat would be true—as true in Afghanistanas elsewhere.

Q. But when do you stop the attacksthen?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, of courseattacks are just one small part, these raidsare one small part of the entire effort. Thecruise missiles and bombers are not goingto solve this problem. We know that. Whatthey can do is to contribute by addingpressure, making life more difficult, rais-ing the cost for the terrorists and thosethat are supporting the terrorists, draining

their finances and creating an environmentthat is inhospitable to the people that arethreatening the world. That’s all—it is notsimple. It is not neat. It is—there is not asilver bullet, as I’ve said. It is a problemthat is going to take continuous pressureby countries across the globe gatheringintelligence, providing it to each other andseeing that we in fact over time are suffi-ciently successful that we can say thatthose terrorist networks are no longer athreat to free people.

Q. Mr. Secretary, we know that cruisemissiles and smart bombs were usingduring the Persian Gulf War. How hastechnology made them more accurate?

Secretary Rumsfeld. That’s a goodquestion.

General Myers. Probably the most sig-nificant capability that’s been added sincethe Gulf War—there are two points. Oneis, we have a lot more of them. If youremember in the Gulf War, about 10 per-cent of our munitions were what we callprecision-guided munitions. In OperationAllied Force, about 90 percent of ourmunitions were guided munitions. So wehave more of them. And the other thingwe have are our joint direct attack muni-tion, which is a Global Positioning Sys-tem, the satellite system that providesaccurate positioning to the weapon, so wecan drop in all weather conditions withoutactually seeing the ground. That’s a hugedifference from previous conflicts.

Q. So the lack of fixed mobile missileactivity, is that a result of U.S. target-ing, or is the Taliban husbanding theirfew high-altitude missiles that theyhave?

General Myers. Well, hopefully, we’llbe able to provide you some of that bombdamage assessment as we continue ouranalysis. We think it’s the former.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you say, is thereany difference between U.S. and Pak-istan in regards with the role that mustplay the Northern Alliance? BecauseGeneral Musharraf was saying that hedid not consider it fair to the Northern

Alliance to take advantage of this con-flict. What do you think about it?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, it’s not forme to characterize what his views are orwhat—my views are very clear, and theviews of our government. We are interest-ed in the Afghan people opposing the alQaeda and the Taliban leadership that areharboring the al Qaeda. And certainlyeach country in that part of the world hasviews as to how they would like that to allsort out. Our particular interest is veryclear; it is to root out the terrorists thatexist in that country. And from my stand-point, and I assume this would be theview of the country eventually, is that it’sup to the Afghan people to sort throughwhat happens thereafter.

Q. Can you—Mr. Secretary, can yousay how your military campaign isgoing to avoid the mistakes that theSoviet Union made in the 1980s whenthey got engaged in Afghanistan, in gen-eral terms?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, in generalterms, I would say that one would hopethat everyone would learn from history.And I think the circumstances are quitedifferent. We have—our only interest ishaving terrorism stopped from that coun-try and, the good Lord willing, having theAfghan people treated in a more humaneway than they have been treated by theTaliban and the al Qaeda. We hope to beable to accomplish both. And the way thatwould be accomplished would be notby—we seek no real estate, we seek noinfluence over that. It’s up to the Afghanpeople. And, I would think that over time,we’ll find out to the extent to which weare or are not successful, but I suspect thatit will be because of the help of lots ofcountries putting enough pressure on thesituation so that eventually it creates a sit-uation internally where it disintegrates andfalls apart, and the people on the groundare then able to replace something that isobviously a serious cancer on that country.

Q. Mr. Secretary, if you’re going toprovide air cover perhaps for theNorthern Alliance or perhaps the tribesin the south, and if you’re going rockthe Taliban back on its heels with theseair strikes, do you think it may be nec-

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essary or not necessary to use U.S.ground troops and just the indigenoustroops of the Northern Alliance andothers?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I wouldn’t wantto speculate on that. And—and I wouldadd that I think it’s unlikely that the airstrikes will rock the Taliban back on theirheels, as you say. They have very few tar-gets that are of high value that are man-ageable from the air. The military cam-paign from the air can be helpful. Webelieve it is being helpful. But it is a partof the broad based effort that isinvolved—the financial, and the diplomat-ic, and the economic, and the political—and I think—and the covert, all of whichare important—and I think that we oughtnot to—we have to have a clear under-standing of what is possible in a countrylike that. That country has been at war fora very long time. The Soviet Unionpounded it year after year after year.Much of the country is rubble. They havebeen fighting among themselves. They donot have high-value targets or assets thatare the kinds of things that would lendthemselves to substantial damage from theair.

What we are doing is that which isdoable in the way we’re currently doing it,and it is only a part of an overall cam-paign. And I think it’s just terribly impor-tant to underline that and emphasize it sothat people don’t go away with the mis-taken understanding that some sort of acruise missile is going to solve that prob-lem, because it isn’t. It’s going to be arange of things that will do that.

Q.—NATO is detaching or detailing anumber of AWACS planes to the UnitedStates. Are they going to be used forhomeland security? And does that meanthat there’s going to be an increase incombat air patrols over the country?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think thatthey’re—that the North Atlantic Council ismaking some decisions on that today. AndI suspect that what there will be isannouncements. [ NATO statement ] Ibelieve that the secretary general ofNATO, Lord Robertson, will be coming tothe United States sometime later thisweek.

General Myers. That’s correct.

Secretary Rumsfeld. And I suspect thathe and the president will be announcingwhat they have in mind. Certainly it is asignificant event, however.

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President Bush. It’s been my honor towelcome a great friend of America to theOval Office again. Chancellor Schroedercame to talk about our war against terror-ist activities. We had a great discussion.

First, I want to thank the Chancellor forhis solidarity with the American peopleand his strong statement of support for theAmerican people right after the evildoersstruck on September the 11th. I also wantto thank Chancellor Schroeder and theGerman people for their outpouring ofsupport for the victims.

And I also want to thank him for being asteadfast friend in a broad coalition that isdetermined to rout terrorism out where itmay exist, to not only bring the al Qaedaorganization to justice, but to declare abroad campaign against terrorists and ter-rorism all across the world.

There is no more steadfast friend in thiscoalition than Germany, and I’m proud tohave him here. We also talked about theMiddle East and the importance that bothof us recognize for that process, to getinto Mitchell as quickly as possible. TheGerman government has been very strongabout working with both parties in theMiddle East to get into Mitchell.

I assured him we’re doing the samething. There would be no better stabilizerfor our coalition than for the Mitchellprocess to begin in the Middle East. But,Mr. Chancellor, we’re so thrilled to haveyou here. Thank you for coming.

Chancellor Schroeder. Thank you verymuch, indeed, Mr. President. I obviously,very happily, came here and I’m pleasedto be here, because it is important to us toshow that very much in these difficulttimes, friendship must prevail and doesprevail. And I’m also here to express thedeepest solidarity from the German side,which is not just words being said, but it’sa fact.

We very much are in agreement aboutthe fact that this fight against terrorism,which we are all involved in by now, mustbe a very comprehensive approach,indeed. The action that is being takenright now must be added to through politi-cal measures, through diplomatic action,too.

We also find it very important to main-tain the strong degree of cohesion that wesee at this point in time within the antiter-ror alliance that has formed around theworld. We went on to agree that it wascrucially important to dry up the financingfor the terrorists, and we also find it veryimportant to highlight that the action thatis presently being taken in Afghanistan isnot at all directed against the people ofAfghanistan, it is not at all directedagainst Islam; it is far, rather, directedagainst Osama bin Laden and the veryruthless regime behind him.

We have also very strongly emphasizedhow important we find it that we do pro-vide relief for the refugees and cope withthe refugee problem that will arise. And Ican only yet again emphasize the highdegree of respect that I feel, vis-a-vis theUnited States of America and the Ameri-can President, how he has gone aboutlinking humanitarian aid and assistancewith the strike in this fantastic way he hasdone.

President Bush. Thank you, sir.

Q. Mr. President, how close are we tousing U.S. ground troops inAfghanistan? And, Mr. Chancellor,what extra commitments did you makeof German military assets today to theUnited States cause?

President Bush. Well, first I think theAmerican people are beginning to realizethat this is a unique type of war. The firstshot we took in this war against terrorismwas when we started cutting off theirmoney. And I want to thank the GermanChancellor and the German governmentfor cooperating and joining with us in notonly sharing information, but making itclear to al Qaeda and other terroristgroups, we’re going to cut you off finan-cially.

Secondly, as you know, we’ve startedconventional operations. And I believeSecretary Rumsfeld summed it up pretty

September 11, 2001


well today when he made it clear that theskies were now free for U.S. planes to flywithout being harassed in any way, andthat the missions have been successful.

And as to whether or not we will puttroops on the ground, I’m not going to tellyou. I think it’s—you’ve got to under-stand, we will not share intelligence, norwill we talk about military plans that wemay or may not have in the future.

Chancellor Schroeder. I have, and youmight remember me saying that, neverexcluded military contributions comingfrom the federal republic of Germany. Wemost obviously addressed this topic today.But as you might easily understand, itwould be entirely unhelpful to spread thistype of information. It would only helpthe enemy that we’re trying to bringdown. It is obvious that at the given pointin time, details will be discussed in allfriendship, and we’ll come to good deci-sions.

Q. Mr. President, can you tell us whatprompted you to write the memo toCongress about briefing on intelligencematters, why you think such restrictionsare appropriate? And could you alsoaddress what threat you think theselimited anthrax exposures pose moregenerally? Is it linked to terrorism atall?

President Bush. Well first, Mr. Chan-cellor, we had a—we had some securitybriefings take place up on Capitol Hill thatwere a discussion about classified infor-mation and some of that information wasshared with the press.

Chancellor Schroeder. Oh, we knowthat trouble.

President Bush. Oh, you know thattrouble, too. These are extraordinarytimes. Our nation has put our troops atrisk. And therefore, I felt it was importantto send a clear signal to Congress thatclassified information must be held dear,that there’s a responsibility that if youreceive a briefing of classified informa-tion, you have a responsibility. And somemembers did not accept that responsibili-ty, somebody didn’t. So I took it uponmyself to notify the leadership of the Con-gress that I intend to protect our troops.

And that’s why I sent the letter I sent.It’s a serious matter, Dave, it’s very seri-ous that people in positions of responsibil-ity understand, that they have a responsi-bility to people who are being put inharm’s way. I’m having breakfast tomor-row with members of Congress. I will beglad to bring up this subject.

I understand there may be some heart-burn on Capitol Hill. But I suggest if theywant to relieve that heartburn, that theytake their positions very seriously, andthat they take any information they’vebeen given by our government very seri-ously. Because this is serious businesswe’re talking about.

And the second question about anthrax,that is serious as well. I want to first tellthe American people that an incident obvi-ously came up, in the form of a sick malewho unfortunately passed away. And thelocal authorities, along with the CDC,responded very quickly.

There is a system in place to notify ourgovernment and governments in the caseof some kind of potential biological inci-dent, or chemical incident. And the systemworked. And now, the system is evenworking better, because we have, inessence, gone into the building, cleanedthe building out, taken all the samples aspossible, and are following any trail, anypossible trails.

Thus far, it looks like it’s a very isolatedincident. But any type of incident, anytype of information that comes into ourgovernment, we take very seriously.Because we understand we’re dealing withevil people. And as you know, I’veassured the American people that lifeshould go on as normal.

But they also should know, the Ameri-can people should know, that our govern-ment is doing everything we can to makeour country as safe as possible.

Q. Mr. President, the Pakistani Presi-dent says he was told that the bombingcampaign would be relatively short.How long do you think it will take? Andwhat do you say to some of these peoplein the Islamic world who are protestingthe campaign?

President Bush. Yes. Well, Steve, Idon’t know who told the Pakistani Presi-dent that. Generally, you know, we don’ttalk about military plans. And there is one

way to shorten the campaign inAfghanistan, and that’s for the—Osamabin Laden and his leadership to be turnedover so they can be brought to justice.

We will have a sustained effort. But Iwant to remind you that this is a part of alarger effort, that our war, the war of free-dom-loving people, such as the Germansand the Americans, is against terrorists asa whole. And this is one part of a largecampaign.

We, the coalition has arrested over 200people that have been associated with theal Qaeda organization. All around theworld, freedom-loving people are gather-ing information, sharing information andbringing people to justice. And what wasthe second part of your question?

Q. The Islamic protestors. What doyou say to those people?

President Bush. I say that if they thinkthat the—first of all, I think the messageof the al Qaeda organization is one of eviland hate. I understand people’s willing-ness to protest, but they should not protestthe decisions our coalition is making,because it is in the best interest of free-dom and humankind.

Q. Do you still want him dead oralive?

President Bush. Ours is a compassion-ate nation, as is Germany. We’re bothcombining our resources to help people inneed. There are thousands of starvingAfghans, because there is a Taliban gov-ernment in place that has caused starva-tion and deprivation and discrimination.And they are now housing terrorists.

And make no mistake about it: The doc-trine that says if you house a terrorist,you’re just as guilty as a terrorist, willstand. We’re making that very evident tothe world as we speak.

Q. Do you still want Mr. bin Ladendead or alive, sir?

President Bush. I want there to be jus-tice. I want there to be justice. And it’s alQaeda, but it’s anybody who feeds alQaeda, who houses al Qaeda, who encour-ages al Qaeda. Any other terrorist organi-zation that is affiliated with al Qaeda isjust as guilty, as far as I’m concerned.

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We’re very patient people. The Ameri-can people understand, and I know thatthe Chancellor understands, that this is adifferent kind of war. There’s a certainsense of fascination with previous wars inKosovo and Desert Storm, where peoplecould turn on their TV screens and seehigh-tech weaponry burrowing intobunkers and massive explosions.

This is a different type of war. Therewill be a conventional component to theconflict, but much of what takes place willnever make it onto the TV screens. Muchof the efforts that we talked about in theOval Office will be efforts that you willnever see until people are brought to jus-tice. And, therefore, there has to be a cer-tain patience. I think the American peopleare beginning to understand that.

I will assure you that the people, the ter-rorists of the world, will understand that Iam determined; and having talked with theChancellor, that he is determined, to lendthe resources of our government to bringthem to justice. If it takes one day, onemonth, one year, or one decade, we’repatient enough. Because we understandthat the actions we take together are notonly important for today, but will say tofuture chancellors, or future presidents,here is how we fight terrorism.

We also understand the actions we taketoday will make it more likely that ourchildren’s children will be able to grow upin a free world.

The first shot of the new war of the 21stcentury was fired September the 11th. Thefirst battle is being waged; but it’s onlyone of a long series of battles.

Q. Mr. President, as you noted onSunday, there’s a certain amount ofnervous anxiety in the nation—fear ofnew attacks, now that the military cam-paign has begun. Will the new Office ofHomeland Security do anything con-crete to recommend to average peoplethat they can do to protect themselves?

President Bush. Well, Bill, I thinkthe—you know, the people of Americashould go about their business, should goabout their daily lives, knowing full wellthat our government, at all levels, is doingeverything we can to disrupt any potentialaction and/or to provide the security nec-essary for people to travel, for example.

I’m briefed every single morning about

what somebody may or may not haveheard and what actions are taking place.And their government is responding asforcefully and actively as humanly possi-ble.

One of the reasons why this coalition isso important is because we share informa-tion. When Germany hears somethingabout something that may take place hereand vice-versa, we share information. Andso, we’re on high alert at the governmen-tal level.

But the American people should goabout their business. And people ought totravel. And people ought to feel comfort-able going to see the mighty HoustonAstros play. People ought to feel comfort-able going about their lives, knowing thattheir government is doing everythinghumanly possible to disrupt any potentialactivity that the evil ones may try to inflictupon us.

Q. Mr. President, when you meet withthe congressional leadership tomorrow,will you be specific about what they canand cannot relay back up to the Hill?Or, do you just expect them not to relayanything?

President Bush. Well, I’m going to talkto the leaders about this. I have talked tothem about it. I mean, when the classifiedinformation first seeped into the public, Icalled him on the phone and said, thiscan’t stand. We can’t have leaks of classi-fied information. It’s not in our nation’sinterest.

But we’re now in extraordinary times.And I was in the—when those leaksoccurred, by the way, it was right beforewe committed troops. And I knew fullwell what was about to happen. And yet, Isee in the media that somebody, or some-bodies, feel that they should be able totalk about classified information. Andthat’s just wrong. The leadership under-stands that.

And if there’s concerns, we’ll work itout. I mean, obviously I understand thereneeds to be some briefings. I want DonRumsfeld to feel comfortable briefingmembers of the Armed Services Commit-tee. But I want Congress to hear loud andclear, it is unacceptable behavior to leakclassified information when we havetroops at risk. I’m looking forward to reit-erating that message. And we will work

together. We’ve got a great relationship. Listen, the four leaders with whom I

have breakfast on a weekly basis fullyunderstand the stakes. They fully under-stand the decision I made. And they willhave gotten feedback from their members,and we will discuss it. But one thing is forcertain, I have made clear what I expectfrom Capitol Hill when it comes to classi-fied information.

Chancellor Schroeder. Let me addsomething. I hope that the German presscorps did hear it.

Q. Mr. President, do you considerRussia’s war in Chechnya to be first awar against terrorists? And has yourview on that changed since September11th?

President Bush. I’ve had very goodconversations with Vladimir Putin aboutthe war on terrorism. I know the Chancel-lor has as well. I’m, as a matter of fact,going to be meeting with the President ofRussia within two weeks, in Shanghai,and I’m looking forward to those meet-ings.

I have made it clear to him that I appre-ciate his strong statements about Ameri-ca’s efforts and the coalition’s efforts tofight terrorism where we find it. I alsomade it clear to him that he needs torespect minority rights within his country.And he listened very carefully, and I thinkhe’s appreciative that our message hasbeen consistent. From the very first con-versation I had with President Putin, Iexpressed concern about how his govern-ment was viewing the minority that exists,and how they were being treated. So myposition has been very consistent.

To the extent that there’s al Qaeda orga-nizations in his neighborhood, they needto be brought to justice as well. And welook forward to sharing information withhim, just like he’s sharing informationwith us. He is—he was one of the first—Iwill tell you an interesting story.

I was airborne on Air Force One and putour—on September 11th, and put ourtroops to a high-alert status. And one ofthe first phone calls I got through mynational security office was from VladimirPutin, announcing that he has stood histroops down, which is significant. In theold days, if we would have put our troops

September 11, 2001


on heightened alert, they would have puttheir troops on more heightened alert—which would have caused our troops to goon higher alert. And all of a sudden wewould have had a conflict, a potential con-flict out of the realm of the incident thatcaused the troops to go on alert.

So he quickly called and said, we’restanding our troops down. It’s a new atti-tude toward relationship. He understandsthe Cold War is over, and so do I—whichprovides great opportunity for not onlyAmerica, but Germany, to work with Mr.Putin for our nation’s interests and hisnation’s interests. And I think we’re goingto find a lot of common ground, one ofwhich will be to fight terrorism. But as Iexplained to him, it’s going to be hard tohave common ground if he represses thepress and/or treats minorities within hisown country in a way that the Westernworld simply doesn’t understand.

Listen, thank you all for coming. Thankyou, Chancellor, I appreciate you, sir.

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Immediately after the 11 Septemberattacks on the United States, the UnitedNations Security Council expressed itsdetermination to combat by all meansthreats to international peace and securitycaused by terrorist acts. The Council alsoreaffirmed the inherent right of individualor collective self-defense in accordancewith the Charter of the United Nations.The States concerned have set their cur-rent military action in Afghanistan in thatcontext.

Separately, last week, the GeneralAssembly concluded a very importantdebate on terrorism. And the Assembly’swork on terrorism could lead to the adop-tion of a comprehensive legal convention,adding to the existing more specializedinstruments. These resolutions and legalinstruments need to be fully implementedby all nations.

Worldwide, there is a rare sense ofunity, human solidarity and purpose thatcan serve as a lasting foundation for thefight against global terrorism. The OIC

has a central role in devising an effectivestrategy to combat terrorism, not leastbecause your Member States have them-selves suffered from terrorism. The OIChas immediately condemned the recentspecific attacks, and you have helped con-vince the international community thatIslam and terrorism are not the same,never were and never will be. Let meurge you, however, to continue this ser-vice to Islam and to Muslims everywherewho may be viewed with suspicion orhostility and need this message of theinherently peaceful and tolerant nature ofIslam to be more widely heard and accept-ed.

The people of Afghanistan, who cannotbe held responsible for the actions of theTaliban regime, are now in desperate needof aid. The United Nations has longplayed a vital role in providing humanitar-ian assistance to them, and it is my hopethat we will be able to step up our human-itarian work as soon as possible.

It is also vital that the internationalcommunity now work harder than ever toencourage a political settlement to theconflict in Afghanistan. The UnitedNations is actively engaged in promotingthe creation of a fully representative,multi-ethnic and broad-based AfghanGovernment.

For the United Nations, it is essentialthat the global response to terrorism betruly universal and not divisive. To defeatterrorism, we need a sustained effort and abroad strategy that unite all nations, andaddress all aspects of the scourge we face.

We have all been reminded of the needto address the conditions that contribute tothe growth of violence, depravity and ter-rorism. The United Nations will continueto address the ills of hatred, ignorance,conflict and poverty wherever they arefound. But every nation and every peoplehave a responsibility to contribute to thefight against terrorism by ensuring thatdifferences and disputes are resolvedthrough political means, and not throughviolence.


Prime Minister Tony Blair wasinterviewed by Al-Jazerra television.

Q. Once the tragic events took place inthe United States over New York andWashington, it seems that you havejumped on the bandwagon, assuming inone way or another, the role of MrsThatcher during 1991 when Iraq invad-ed Kuwait. Why are you so enthusiasticabout this war?

Prime Minister Blair. On 11 Septem-ber there were some 6- 7,000 innocentpeople killed in the United States ofAmerica, but they weren’t just Americancitizens. There were more British citizenskilled than in any other terrorist atrocitythan we had ever known. There were hun-dreds of Moslems killed. There werewomen and children killed. And I felt thatthis was an act of injustice that meant thatwe had to take action against those peopleresponsible.

Q. Such an action, in your British jus-tice, a person is not guilty unless provenguilty. In other words what I want tosay is that bin Laden is accused. Youare not trying to trying to perform yourjustice i.e. you want revenge ratherthan justice. Otherwise you would havebrought him to justice.

Prime Minister Blair. We don’t wantrevenge. We do want justice and of courseif the Taliban regime in Afghanistan hadyielded Osama bin Laden up and his net-work of terrorists, then they could havestood justice. But that is not what hap-pened. They refused to yield him up. Andwe know perfectly well that the al-Qu’edanetwork, and Osama bin Laden areresponsible for this. Indeed on your ownstation he made it clear that he praisedthose who carried out the attacks andthought they were the right thing to do.And I can’t understand how anybody whotruly studies the teaching of Islam and thewords of the of the message of the Korancan possibly justify the slaughter of somany thousands of innocent people, sowhen we act, it is not because we want to.It’s not because we wish to go to war, or

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have conflict. We are basically a peacefulpeople, but we have to take action againstthose who haven’t just carried out this act,but now threaten to carry out more suchacts.

Q. But some of your European part-ners, they wanted some caution ratherthan being hawkish as yourself. AllMoslems, including all the Shias, havecondemned this atrocity which tookplace in the United States and this mandoesn’t think that he represents Islam.If he is a terrorist as you say, he doesn’trepresent Islam. We know that. Butnow back to your strategy nowadays ..

Prime Minister Blair. Can I just takeyou up on one point there. The Europeans,like myself, have been extremely con-cerned that any action we take is properlytargeted. That we minimize any possibilityof civilian casualties. That is why wewaited. We didn’t strike back on theevening of

11th September or the 12th of Septem-ber. We have waited almost 4 weeks toact, and part of that is precisely in order tomake sure that we made sure that thoseattacks are targeted and against Osama binLaden and his network, against the mili-tary installations of the Taliban. Notagainst the Afghan people. Indeed, whenthis conflict is over, it is important that wegive every support to the Afghan people:humanitarian support, political support,diplomatic support, to make sure thatthose people have some sort of decentfuture, not the future of poverty andrepression that they have under the Tal-iban.

Q. You said you would be careful notto attack civilians with bombs, smartbombs and missiles. We know from his-tory that when you bombed Libya in1985-86, when you bombed Iraq in1991, Lebanon in 1982. Many civilianssuffered. But you talked about droppingbombs and food at the same time. SomeU.N. agencies are skeptical about thisstrategy or policy because they are say-ing that you are trying in a way to killthe father and feed the son. In otherwords you have two and half Afghanisagainst the regimes and at the sametime trying to appease the Moslemworld.

Prime Minister Blair. But I think youwill find that the vast majority of peoplein Afghanistan loathe being under the Tal-iban regime. They have to live in poverty.They have no basic human rights. Thewomen are treated abominably. There is asort of dictatorship that means that anyproper expression of thought is disallowedand the version of Islam that the Talibanregime and Osama bin Laden support is aversion of Islam a million miles awayfrom the reality.

Q. Isn’t it the task of the Moslemworld to see to that, not the WesternChristian world.

Prime Minister Blair. Of course, whichis precisely why we have said right at thevery outset how important it is that peopleunderstand. This is not about the Westversus Islam. Decent Moslems, millionsof them in European countries, have con-demned those acts of terrorism in NewYork and elsewhere in America with everybit as much force as any of the rest of us.And rightly too. Because again, let’s beclear, when we listen to the words ofOsama bin Laden, if he had his way, theregimes that he would replace, regimes inthe Arab world, would be like the Talibanregime in Afghanistan. Now I don’tbelieve that anyone seriously wants to liveunder that type of regime.

Q. I will just take you up on thispoint, Mr Blair. You said the Taliban, orOsama bin Laden, want to change theregimes in the Arab world. This kind ofIslamist, or Moslem, when they wereacting against their governments youconsidered them—I wanted to say free-dom fighters—but people are fightingfor injustice or political opposition. Youharbored them in your countries. Notonly that you gave them political asy-lum. Once they acted in your countries,you now consider them terrorists.

Prime Minister Blair. That really is notcorrect. Insofar as there have been peopleassociated with these groups operating inour country and other European countries,they have often been against the wishes ofthe government, but there are a wholeseries of legal procedures that have to begone through before they are extradited in

order to stand trial for offenses elsewherein the Arab world. But we have never sup-ported the type of politics and the type ofregime that people such as the Taliban andOsama bin Laden do. Because thoseregimes are repressive of people. The peo-ple, as I say, almost always live in poverty,and there is no proper respect for humanrights.

Q. I know that these people, Islamists,in your country, in France, in Germanyand other countries, they are conform-ing to the law. You introduced the Ter-rorism Act in Britain last year. But atthe same time these people in Europeare manipulating other groups in theMoslem and Arab world, and someArab governments, mainly Egypt, askedfor extradition, and you never handedanybody back.

Prime Minister Blair. I think that is aperfectly fair criticism and that is exactlywhy we are trying to act. We did last year.We tightened the law and we will tightenthe law still further.

Q. Let me move to something else.Osama bin Laden links his struggle orhis campaign to the question of Pales-tine and the Western military presencein the Gulf. Don’t you think that it istime that the West did something aboutthe Palestinian question? MainlyBritain and the United States.

Prime Minister Blair. But we do wantto do something about the Palestinianquestion. Ourselves in Britain, the rest ofEurope, the United States, we are desper-ate to see the peace process put back ontrack again. Constantly since 11 Septem-ber I have said in virtually the firstremarks I made, that this mustn’t be usedas an excuse to let the peace process in theMiddle East wither. On the contrary, whatwe should be doing is giving it addedmomentum. And of course we have todeal with the problems and the injusticethat the Palestinians suffer. Of course wehave got to deal with the conditions of thepeople living in the Gaza. We want to dothat. In my Conference speech to theLabour Party just a few days ago I saidthat the people living in the slums of Gazaare every bit as much our cause. So wehave got to make sure that we put the

September 11, 2001


peace process back together again, butthat peace process is not helped by theslaughter of innocent people through actsof terrorism in America. Those peoplewho are nothing to do with politics or anypeace process ?

Q. But in fact the Palestinian Ministersaid yesterday that he heard what binLaden said. The Palestinian Informa-tion Minister, said that it is true thatthere is oppression, terrorism, andkilling in Palestine committed daily, butthis doesn’t justify it or give cover foranybody, or any terrorist to kill civil-ians in the streets. We know that. Butyou want the peace process to work.Would you go as far as Mr Bush saidrecently that it has been always in thebackground of the Americans that thereshould be a Palestinian State. What doyou think of this American attitude? Isit a change in policy, or is it becauseyou need this alliance of Moslems andArabs against this campaign of yours?

Prime Minister Blair. No. From ourperspective in Britain we have long sup-ported the idea of a Palestinian State thatemerges from a process of negotiation andhelps the stability of all countries in theregion, including Israel. And there has gotto be peaceful co-existence in the endbetween Israelis and Palestinians. Weknow that. We for our part are prepared todo what we can in order to make sure thatthat process works. So when people, Ithink in the Arab world think that we sitthere without any concern or care for whatis happening, the suffering of people outin the Middle East. That is wrong. We docare about it, but we need to make surethat this process is put back on track, andin the end the only people that can negoti-ate this successfully are the Israelis andthe Palestinians.

Q. But your Foreign Minister a fewdays ago contradicted what you havesaid when you mentioned somethingabout the Middle East, the Arab-Israeliconflict, and Mr Jack Straw, your For-eign Secretary said, the Prime Ministermeant there should be land for thePalestinians i.e. as if you were not say-ing that there should be a PalestinianState.

Prime Minister Blair. No, I think on

the contrary what we have said, and I havejust said to you now, it has been our poli-cy for a long period of time, but it has toemerge from a process of negotiation andit has to be part of a solution that guaran-tees the security of all countries in theregion. And that is the British position. Ithink it is the United States’ position aswell. And I know from the conversationsthat I have had with President Bush thathe is anxious and wants to make sure thatthe peace process gets back on trackagain, but you know the one thing, and Ihave learned this from the Northern Ire-land peace process, I know it sounds along way away, and very different, but itis the same thing. Terrorism is never asolution. Not in the Middle East, not visit-ed upon the citizens of America.

Q. This brings me to an importantpoint which our viewers would like tohear from you Prime Minister. You aretalking about not terrorism in the Mid-dle East. Are you referring to the Israeliterrorism or to the acts of violence com-mitted by Palestinian organizationssuch as Hizbollah against Israeli occu-pation.

Prime Minister Blair. We have made itclear that we are against violence in all itsforms. It is not just in the Middle East,and it’s not just the violence that has beenvisited on the citizens of America. Thereis a capacity now for terrorists to wreakhavoc and destruction on a scale we couldnever imagine before, and I think peopleof all faiths, of all political persuasions,everyone who shares the same decentbasic values, can take a stand against thistype of terrorism.

Q. These people—Hizbollah, Hamas,Jihad Islami—they are considered free-dom fighters. They are a kind of resis-tance, as the British were helping theFrench Resistance against the Nazioccupation. So do you think these orga-nizations are terrorist organizationswhen they are fighting Israeli occupa-tion?

Prime Minister Blair. I don’t everagree with acts of terrorism. I don’t everagree with it. But I think what is impor-tant now is to make sure that we get thatprocess leading to a just and lasting peace

back on track and we can do it if insteadof the mechanics of violence and terrorwe sit down and we negotiate properly.

Q. When you are talking about vio-lence and terror, did you ever condemnthe Israeli’s disproportionate actionsagainst Palestinian civilians throwingstones, and you have Apache heli-copters, missiles, tanks hitting thePalestinians.

Prime Minister Blair. Again, you saythat, but we have actually called forrestraint on all sides in relation to this andit is important that we get it.

Q. I’m sorry, how can you comparethe victim with the aggressor.

Prime Minister Blair. Well, you see thewhole point about a situation like this isthat once you get acts of violence goingon both sides and there is conflict anddespair and there are people being killedand all that people ever see on their televi-sions screens is this funeral, succeeded bythat funeral. You will never get peace inthose circumstances. Now we learned in avery, very hard way in our Northern Ire-land peace process, in the U.K. where wehad acts of terrorism taking place here andin Northern Ireland. Literally hundreds ofpeople getting killed a year. We learnedthat the only way forward is to sit downand try and discuss, on the basis of equali-ty and justice for all people. And we cando this, and we have to do it. But the wayof doing it, which is why I think it is sowrong when people like bin Laden or theTaliban regime misuse the Palestiniancause to justify the killing of thousands ofpeople, I don’t believe that there is anydecent Palestinian that wants to see that asthe answer.

Q. Now Mr Blair, there are somequarters which are hinting that nowPhase 1 has started i.e. bombing andshelling Osama bin Laden’s headquar-ters or training camps, and the Talibanand Phase 2 is going to be against coun-tries harboring organizations fightingIsrael i.e. maybe Iran, Iraq, Syria orLebanon. Can you tell me about thisPhase 2? Is it in your books, is it on, on,on. Is it going to take place?

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Prime Minister Blair. What we madeclear right from the outset is that we needto go after those people responsible forthe 11 September atrocity. There is nodoubt at all that they are the Al-Qu’edanetwork and they are harbored by the Tal-iban regime. We then have to set aboutdismantling the network of internationalterrorism at every level. Now there will bedifferent methods chosen in different waysin order to make sure that that is done.But we cannot have a situation where ourcitizens are subject to cold-bloodedslaughter on the scale we saw on the 11thof September. So I am not getting in theposition of discussing the measures thatwe are going to take in the future, but itwill be done on the same basis as now. Inother words, building as broad a consen-sus of opinion as possible, and in that con-sensus of opinion, will stand Moslem, andChristian and people of other faiths, andArab countries as well as Westerners.

Q. Now there is a debate at the UnitedNations about terrorism, how to find aterminology for terrorism and theseorganizations which I mentioned suchas Hizbollah, Jihad Islami, Hamas,other radical organizations based inDamascus in Syria and they are consid-ered freedom fighters and they are con-sidered by you, maybe, or the Ameri-cans, as terrorists.

Prime Minister Blair. Well, some peo-ple may consider them to be freedomfighters—

Q. What do you consider them?

Prime Minister Blair. Well, if they arecarrying out acts of terrorism, as some ofthem are, and blowing up innocent civil-ians, then those are acts of terrorism, and Ithink it is to misjudge the cause of peoplefor example who want to see the Palestini-ans gain the justice that they need, I thinkit is to misjudge their cause to believe thatthat cause is advanced by acts of terror-ism. And I know, because I have these dis-cussions often with our Palestinian col-leagues, and with President Arafat andwith others that they don’t wish to pro-ceed in that way and in the end we willnever get a solution on that basis.

Q. But don’t you think that these peo-

ple are so desperate? lead them any-where. The West is not doing anythingtrying to compel Israel to move offoccupied land and these people havenothing to do but to blow themselves upand kill their enemies. And the Israelisat the same time killing left and rightcivilians.

Prime Minister Blair. But surely theright way forward is not to use a cause,however justified, as a pretext to slaugh-tering innocent people and women andchildren. And in the World Trade Centerbombing there would have been hundredsof Moslems killed in that. So how can thatpossibly be justified? I met some of thefamilies of the people that died. I met awoman who is seven months pregnantwho now, their child will never see theirfather. I met two ordinary middle-agedpeople. Very, very decent people, their oneson, their only son. He had never had any-thing to do with politics. He died. Smallchildren that died on those planes anddied in circumstances of unbelievable cru-elty. Now I refuse to believe that the vastmajority of decent Moslems anywherewould ever justify such slaughter.

Q. Now can you confirm to our listen-ers that there was—when it comes tocountries in the Middle East harboringorganizations fighting the Israelis.

Prime Minister Blair. Well I can cer-tainly can confirm that we will take actionagainst terrorism everywhere, but themethod of doing that and the way ofdoing that is something that we will dis-cuss not least with our neighbors and col-leagues in the Arab world.

Q. Finally, Mr Blair, you, the Ameri-cans, and some Middle Eastern coun-tries helped the Mujahadeen at the timeto fight the Soviets, the Russians, whenthey invaded Afghanistan in 1979. In1989 the Russians left. You left thesepeople to fight amongst themselves. Youabandoned them. Now we are trying tobring back the Northern Alliance totake part in whatever you are planningfor Afghanistan. At the same time youdid the same thing with Iraq in 1991when you liberated Kuwait and theresult was that the Iraqi people are pay-ing the price i.e. they are under sanc-

tions and about one million Iraqi chil-dren died because of famine, lack offood, and so on. Aren’t you repeatingthe same thing in Afghanistan now?

Prime Minister Blair. Well, you havegot a very fair point on Afghanistan and Iwill answer that in a moment. But let mejust say one word about Iraq. SaddamHussein is the author of the misfortunes ofthe Iraqi people. He could use as muchmoney as he wanted. Under the regime ofsanctions that is in place he could use asmuch money as he wanted for medicinesand food. He chooses not to. We areputting forward proposals in the U.N.Security Council, ourselves, now, Britainand other countries, which will allowaccess to far greater amounts of moneyprovided he allows us to inspect and makesure that he is not developing weapons ofmass destruction and it my desire is tohelp the Iraqi people, but they are notgoing to be helped—

Q. But at the same time you are try-ing to put Iraq forever under Ameri-can-British mandate. It is not a ques-tion of allowing them to buy food andso on. But they want to be free to haveto sell their oil, to do whatever theywant with it.

Prime Minister Blair. Of course, doone thing which is to use that money totransgress the United Nations SecurityCouncil Resolution on developingweapons of mass destruction. That is ouronly quarrel with what is happening inIraq and as I say we are prepared to easethat entire sanctions regime, although hecan already get billions of dollars if hewants to, to spend on food and medicine,but we are prepared to ease that regimeprovided he is prepared to give properguarantees he won’t develop theseweapons of mass destruction. Now as toyour other point—

Q. I’m sorry, our viewers would liketo hear from you. You always talk aboutweapons of mass destruction as if Iraqis the only country which has hadweapons of mass destruction. Whatabout Israel? They have weapons ofmass destruction. You don’t talk aboutthat.

September 11, 2001


Prime Minister Blair. Yes, but inrespect of Iraq, once Iraq had invadedKuwait—tried to unlawfully occupyKuwait, take Kuwait into Iraq—there wasa series of United Nations resolutions, andthere was a weapons inspection regimethat came up as a result of that. Now, allthat we are saying is that we have to makesure that he is not able to develop thoseweapons of mass destruction in breach ofthe U.N. Security Council Resolution.Now if I can just deal with the point youmake on Afghanistan, because I think it isfair point.

Q. What about the Israeli weapons ofmass destruction. Atomic bombs, andwhat have you.

Prime Minister Blair. Those should besubject, in exactly the same way. We ofcourse must make sure that in exactly thesame way as we are saying that the UnitedNations Security Council Resolutionshave to be abided by in relation to Iraq,that applies in the weapons regime inwhat the U.N. Security Council saidapplies in respect of any country. But thefact is that in respect of Iraq there are spe-cific resolutions actually directed to theweapons of mass destruction program thatSaddam Hassan has. And that is the rea-son why we have acted. But there are bil-lions of dollars. It is important that yourlisteners and viewers know this. There arebillions of dollars that Saddam Husseincould use for food and medicine for hispeople, but chooses not to.

Now, on Afghanistan, I think you makea fair point. I would say, if you don’t mindme pointing this out, I wasn’t actually ingovernment at the time, but the point thatyou make is a fair one. That is preciselywhy we have got to make sure, both withthe humanitarian help we giveAfghanistan at the moment, and then atthe end of this conflict, make sure that thesuccessor regime to the Taliban, if that iswhat comes about, is broad-based,includes all ethnic groupings and tries togive that country a decent and stablefuture so that we don’t walk away from itas we did last time.

Q. So in other words who gives youthe right to change or topple the gov-ernment in another country.

Prime Minister Blair. It shouldn’t beus who that puts together the new govern-ment. It should be

the people of Afghanistan, insideAfghanistan and those that have had toflee from Afghanistan. And I think that isthe right way to do it.

Now, can I say I have enjoyed verymuch doing this interview with you and Ithink that whatever differences there arebetween us, it is important that we carryon with this dialogue. Maybe one of theproblems that arises out of all this is thatthere has been insufficient dialoguebetween the Arab world and the West,between Islam and between people ofother faiths. And I hope that we can estab-lish a proper dialogue and maybe thatwould be some good that could emergeout of the terrible events of the 11th ofSeptember.

Q. A personal question Mr Blair, atthe end. I know that you have so manymeetings, and people are waiting out-side. I have read, I think in The Times,that you read about Islam. What do youknow about Islam?

Prime Minister Blair. Well, I do not inany shape or form pretend to be an expert,but I do read?.

Q. What do you read? What interestsyou?

Prime Minister Blair. I read the mes-sage of the Koran, insofar as it can betranslated. And I read about Islam and Ienjoy doing that. And I think that I havelearned things about the Koran that I neverknew before and I think a lot of Christianswould be interested. That is one of thereasons that I say to you that it would begood if, out of this, we had some dialogueand some more faith, and the reason Ihave to leave you now is because I amgoing to meet some religious leaders, bothMoslem and Christian and Jewish upstairsin order to discuss with them how we canbring the faiths closer together.


Secretary Rumsfeld. Good afternoon.The military campaign continued lastnight with strikes against Taliban and alQaeda military targets throughout thecountry. Chairman Myers is here and willprovide a more detailed battle damageassessment from the first night’s strikes,and an initial assessment from yesterday’sstrikes.

We have struck several terrorist trainingcamps, we’ve damaged most of the air-fields—I believe all but one, as well astheir anti-aircraft radars and launchers.And with the success of previous raids,we believe we are now able to carry outstrikes more or less around the clock, aswe wish.

In short, we’re moving along welltowards our goal of creating conditionsnecessary to conduct a sustained cam-paign to root out terrorists and to deliverthe humanitarian relief to the civilians inAfghanistan, as we are able.

We’ve seen the reports that four Afghanmen, who may have been associated witha contractor dealing with the U.N., mayhave been killed. We have no informationfrom the ground to verify this, and wehave no information that would let usknow whether it was a result of ordnancefired from the air or the ordnance thatwe’ve seen fired from the ground on tele-vision. Nonetheless, we regret a loss oflife.

Terrorists attacked and killed thousandsof innocent people in dozens of countriesof all races and religions in the UnitedStates on Tuesday, the 11th. Innocent livesare still at risk today, and will be until wehave dealt with the terrorists. If there werean easy, safe way to root terrorist net-works out of countries that are harboringthem, it would be a blessing. But there isnot. Coalition forces will continue tomake every reasonable effort to select tar-gets with the least possible unintendeddamage. But as in any conflict, there willbe unintended damage.

Let me emphasize that these are strikesagainst the Taliban and the foreign terror-ists that they’ve invited into their country,

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not the people of Afghanistan. We standwith the Afghan people, who are sufferingunder the oppressive Taliban regime andwho do not want their nation to be a basefrom which foreign terrorists wage war onthe rest of the world. We thus have a com-mon interest in ridding Afghanistan of thisterrorist presence and those who inviteand sustain and support it.

To free Afghanistan from the foreignterrorists, we continue to use every diplo-matic, economic, financial, and lawenforcement resource at our command.We’ve continued our humanitarian reliefefforts for the Afghan people, droppingsome 37,000 rations each day intoAfghanistan territory. Yesterday I indicat-ed that along with the rations, we hadbegun dropping medical supplies, butbecause we are not able to drop medicalsupplies from the same altitudes and inthe same way that we drop food, we havenot done so, and as we determine themedical needs, we will be using differentmethods to deliver those supplies.

These strikes, as I have said, are part ofa long and sustained campaign. We willnot stop until the international terroristnetworks have been dealt with.

General Myers.

General Myers. Thank you, Mr. Secre-tary. Our forces continue operationsagainst the al Qaeda network and thosewho support them. Let me give you anoverview. As of midnight last night Wash-ington time, U.S. forces struck 13 targetsyesterday, using between five and eightland-based bombers and 10 to 15 strikeaircraft. Also used about 15 Tomahawkmissiles fired from two ships and one sub-marine. And in addition, as the secretarysaid, we dropped another 37,500 humani-tarian rations.

The broad category of targets includedair fields, air defense, communicationsand, as I mentioned, the al Qaeda infra-structure and forces.

I want to show you the areas that we hiton days one and two. As you’ll see fromthe first slide, we covered many targetsthroughout the country. You’ll also noticea few targets in the vicinity of Kabul. Iwant you to know that these targets wereall outside of the town.

As seen on the next slide, day-two tar-gets were also well dispersed. We did wellin our initial strikes, damaging or destroy-

ing about 85 percent of the first set of 31targets. But as in any military operation,we were not perfect. I did howeverpromise you some damage assessment,and have some examples of targets anddamage.

The first one is a terrorist training campin southeast Afghanistan near Kandahar.As you can tell from the first photo, it’sfairly empty, but it is part of al Qaeda’sinfrastructure. Here you see the camp pre-strike, and now here is the post-strikephoto.

We also have a SAM site near the Kan-dahar airfield. The following photo showsyou the SAM destroyed.

And finally, here is an airfield at Shin-dand, Afghanistan in western Afghanistan.And you see here the results of the strike.

As we speak, of course, military opera-tions are ongoing. But as we are continu-ally updating and adapting our plans, Iwon’t have the numbers of aircraft or thetargets until the day after we complete ouraction.

So with that, ladies and gentlemen, thesecretary and I will take your questions.

Q. Mr. Secretary, could I ask, did theUnited States target the compound ofMullah Omar overnight, and perhapsbin Laden’s compound also? And theNorthern Alliance is requestingairstrike attacks against Taliban forcesarrayed against them between themand Kabul. Do you plan on launchingsuch attacks?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The question—the first question involved the—I don’t—

Q. The compound of Mullah Omar.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Right. I’m tryingto think how to respond to that. You askedalso about bin Laden’s—I don’t know thathe has a compound, as such—bin Laden.Omar has several. And I—as I recall, therewere some elements outside of one of hiscompounds that probably were targeted.

Q. And the strikes against Afghanmilitary forces arrayed against theNorthern—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Can you speak upa little?

Q. The strikes against Afghan mili-tary forces, which are now between theNorthern Alliance and Kabul.

Secretary Rumsfeld. My recollection isthere were some ground forces that weretargeted in the North, but I don’t knowthat they were directly on the line near theNorthern Alliance.

General Myers. No, but that is correct,it’s—

Q. But you have started aiding theNorthern Alliance by striking forcesarrayed against them?

General Myers. What we’re trying todo militarily, of course, is defeat the ter-rorists, the network and infrastructure thatsupports them, not particularly supportany particular element. But as we can helpwith those kind of targets and people thatcan help us, of course we’ll take thatinput.

Q. General Myers, you showed us theterrorist camp that was pretty muchleveled. But is there any indication thatthe airstrikes were able to actuallystrike at and hit some of the bin Ladenterrorist network, the operatives them-selves?

General Myers. As I said in the state-ment, the camps, Mik, were not heavilypopulated at the time we hit them. But theinfrastructure is very important to terroristtraining. Terrorists have been using—theal Qaeda network has been using thoseterrorist training camps for several years.And so we’re going to deny them theopportunity to continue to use them.

Q. But what specifically does thatdeny them? It looked like a series ofbuildings that could easily be recon-structed or they could just move theiroperation elsewhere. What does levelingthat camp that was not heavily populat-ed, what does that deny them? Whateffect does that really have?

General Myers. It’s their whole—that’swhere they have their classrooms, that’swhere they discuss their various methods.It has firing ranges and other trainingfacilities that allow them to practice. And,

September 11, 2001


of course, it takes all that away. It wouldbe like destroying Quantico, Virginia, forinstance, the training complex there. So Ithink it would have a—

Secretary Rumsfeld. I would add this.The runways that are damaged are notpermanently damaged, either. I mean, any-thing can be repaired, and they can bull-doze in and fill it over some period oftime. But all of it adds costs, all of it addstime, and all of it puts pressure on them.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, when the UnitedStates and the NATO partners tried togo after fielded forces in Kosovo, wewere not very successful, in the finalanalysis. What makes you think thatthat has changed now, that you will bemore successful?

And as you said yesterday, sincebombs and missiles will not rock theTaliban back on its heels, it seems thatif that’s true and you can’t accomplishthis by air power, somebody’s going tohave to put ground forces in, and if notours, whose?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I’m not—asyou know, I have been careful to not ruleout anything, and I have not ruled out any-thing, and nor has the president. What wehave said is that this is a different situa-tion, and it is. It is notably different in alot of respects from the things that we allare used to from the past.

The pressures that are being appliedacross the full spectrum are not as visible.But the fact of the matter is that theDepartment of Justice and associatedagencies in other countries have arrestedliterally hundreds of people and are inter-rogating them. The Department of Trea-sury, and with cooperation from nationsacross the globe, have frozen a great manybank accounts and frozen millions of dol-lars of assets that are connected to terror-ist organizations. The Department ofState, in close cooperation with friendsand nations all across the globe, has beenputting a great deal of diplomatic pres-sure, and nations have severed their rela-tionships. And I can assure you that othernations are looking to themselves and totheir circumstance and the extent to whichthey might be seen as creating an environ-

ment hospitable to terrorists and terrorism,and making adjustments in how theybehave.

The intelligence communities of a greatmany nations across the globe are receiv-ing information from all kinds of people.Now, that is not going up on a scoreboardat Wrigley Field every day showingwhat’s happening.

But it is there, and it is growing, and itis adding pressure every single day. Andwhat has been done that’s visible by theDepartment of Defense is contributing tothat. And it is not going to be any one ofthose things standing alone that’s going todetermine it, but it’s the aggregation ofthat, sustained over a period of time, thatwill in fact, we believe, prove to be suc-cessful.

Yes?

Q. Can I do a follow-up, please? Justa follow-up. Just to follow-up, please.You say you’re running out of targetsthough, Mr. Secretary, and going backto the fielded forces. What are yougoing to continue to hit?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, for onething, we’re finding that some of the tar-gets we hit need to be re-hit. Second,we’re not running out of targets,Afghanistan is.

And I would add that they are emergingas we continue. That is to say that if youfigure out a set piece before the fact,select categories of targets, make judg-ments as to which day or what periodyou’re going to hit them and you do that,and then you say that coming up now, andtomorrow, and whenever, that we will begathering additional intelligence from theground and through various intelligenceassets that will enable us to seize targetsof opportunity, and that means you haveto wait until they emerge. Now, that’s theway it is. They don’t have armies andnavies and air forces. We announced thatthe first day.

Yes?

Q. General, you said you’re not hereto help any particular element in thecountry. Why wouldn’t you be assistingthe Northern Alliance? They say theyhave 15,000 fighters against the Taliban.Is it because you’re afraid of upsettingPakistan, which is against the Northern

Alliance?

General Myers. No. And I’d rather—Imean, that starts to get into the tactics ofthe situation. As the secretary said, we’renot going to discuss the tactics. But weare trying to set the conditions inside thatcountry that terrorism will no longer besupported.

Q. Well again, they say they’re goingto mount a counter- offensive in days, ifnot a week. They’re looking for aircover. You’re saying you’re not going tosupport them in that effort?

General Myers. No, I’m not sayingthat. What I am saying is that we’re goingto try to set the conditions, and it maytake many forms. That is a possibility, butI’m not telling you we’re going to do that.

Secretary Rumsfeld. I would addthat—let there be no doubt, those ele-ments on the ground—the tribes in theSouth, the Northern Alliance, elementswithin Taliban that are anti-al Qaeda—we’re encouraging them. We would like tosee them succeed.

We would like to see them heave the alQaeda and the Taliban leadership that hasbeen so repressive, out of that country.Don’t make any mistake about that.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, the latest strikes,apparently there was some AAA [anti-aircraft artillery] aircraft fire at air-craft near Kabul. I wonder if that’s aconcern for you. You say you’re gettingsome control of the skies. Still, what isyour latest assessment of the control ofthe skies? And is that a concern?

General Myers. I think essentially wehave air supremacy over Afghanistan.There will always be the anti-aircraft fire.There’s always the possibility of thesemanned portable surface-to-air missiles.But the tactics that we’ll utilize will keepus out of their range. And so, again, Ithink we feel like we have essentially airsupremacy over Afghanistan now.

Secretary Rumsfeld. I would add that anumber of their aircraft are still availableto them, as well as helicopters.

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Q. Mr. Secretary, can we deal withthe humanitarian food situation for justa moment? The 37,000 meals in two dif-ferent aircraft on two different days, inone respect it’s a remarkable thing thatthe U.S. is doing; but the aid workerson the borders say it’s a PR gesture, it’swoefully inadequate, why not 10 planes,why not 50 planes, trying to drop morefood because the need, as you, yourself,have said, is so desperate?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The preferred wayto deliver food is not from the air, it isfrom the ground. And the president’s pro-posal to move from the $170 million thathas been invested in food for Afghan peo-ple thus far this year to a substantiallylarger effort of $320 million will be essen-tially, one would hope, a ground effort.And to do that, one has to create a situa-tion on the ground where that’s possible.And, you know, anyone looking at itunderstands that delivering from the air isnot your first choice.

Q. You said they don’t have armies,navies and air forces, but yet you saythat you have hit ground forces inAfghanistan. I’m wondering if you cangive a sense of the size of the troopmasses and—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Modest.

Q. “Modest” is—can you give a roughestimate of what modest means?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, you know,they’re in relatively small sizes, hundreds,not thousands.

* * * *

Q. But if you—if you assisted in heavingout the Taliban, does the U.S. not havesome responsibility for, not occupation,but ensuring the economic and healthand national security of Afghanistanafterwards, if you’re the ones thatheaved out the Taliban?

Secretary Rumsfeld. First of all, it’sthe United States along with other nationsthat are involved here. And because theUnited States and others that are deeplyconcerned about terrorism and the enor-

mous damage that can be done to thou-sands of human beings by terrorists,because we have that concern and we goin and root out terrorists, I don’t thinkleaves us with a responsibility to try tofigure out what kind of government thatcountry ought to have. It certainly doessuggest that we would have a humanitari-an interest in the people of that country.And—but I know—I don’t know peoplewho are smart enough from other coun-tries to tell other countries the kind ofarrangements they ought to have to governthemselves. One would hope and pray thatthey’d end up with governments thatwould provide the best possible for thepeople of those countries.

But I don’t know that we know whatthat formula is, and my guess is it’s thekind of thing that will ultimately be sortedout on the ground by Afghan people in away that’s—I would submit may verylikely be considerably more satisfactory tothem than were it to be imposed by out-siders of different cultures, different reli-gions, different continents.

* * * *

Q. I was just wondering if you have anyevidence or any suspicion that al Qaedaor the Taliban have tried to make chem-ical or biological weapons?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, without get-ting into evidence, there’s—terrorist net-works have had relationships with a hand-ful of countries. Among those handful-plus of countries are nations that haveactive chemical and biological programs.Among those countries are nations thathave tested the weaponization of chemicaland biological agents.

Q. Is Iraq one of those nations?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Oh, there’s noquestion. We have—the world knows thatIraq used chemicals on its own people, letalone on its neighbors, at a previous peri-od. Absolutely.


Well, thank you very much for that warmwelcome. I’m pleased to be back at the

FBI to unveil a new line of attack on ourwar against terrorism: the Most WantedTerrorist list.

Terrorists try to operate in the shadows.They try to hide. But we’re going to shinethe light of justice on them. We list theirnames, we publicize their pictures, we robthem of their secrecy. Terrorism has aface, and today we expose it for the worldto see.

Mr. General, thank you very much foryour leadership, your strong resolve, thevalues you espouse. I want to thank all theJustice Department folks who are heretoday.

I’m so honored to be up here with theSecretary of State. He’s doing a fabulousjob of rallying the world to our cause. AndI want to thank the State Department offi-cials who are here today, as well.

And, of course, Director Mueller, I wantto thank you and the fine men and womenof the FBI for your diligent efforts to dis-rupt and find anybody who tries to harmAmericans.

I also want to introduce Tom Ridge, theDirector of the Office of Homeland Secu-rity. Thank you for being here, Governor;as well as General Wayne Downing, theDeputy National Security Advisor forCombatting Terrorism. Thank you all forcoming.

The men on the wall here have putthemselves on the list because of greatacts of evil. They plan, promote and com-mit murder. They fill the minds of otherswith hate and lies. And by their crueltyand violence, they betray whatever faiththey espouse.

These 22 individuals do not account forall the terrorist activity in the world, butthey’re among the most dangerous: theleaders and key supporters, the plannersand strategists. They must be found; theywill be stopped; and they will be punished

This effort is part of a worldwide assaulton terror. All our allies and friends willnow be familiar with these evildoers andtheir associates. For those who join ourcoalition, we expect results. And a goodplace to start—help us bring these folks tojustice.

Eventually, no corner of the world willbe dark enough to hide in. I want to thankall the State Department employees forhelping to build an unprecedented—Imean unprecedented—coalition to standwith us for freedom. I want to thank the

September 11, 2001


American people for understanding thatwe are engaged in a new war, a war thatwill require a new way of thinking.

There is a fascination about the conven-tional aspects of the military operationsthat are taking place now, and I can under-stand that. But the American people mustunderstand that we’re making greatprogress in other fronts: that we’re haltingtheir money, that we’ve got allies aroundthe world helping us close the net. Andtoday, by shining the spotlight on the first22, it’s going to make it more likely theywill be brought to justice.

I say “the first 22” because our war isnot just against 22 individuals. Our war isagainst networks and groups, people whocoddle them, people who try to hide them,people who fund them. This is our calling.This is the calling of the United States ofAmerica, the most free nation in theworld. A nation built on fundamental val-ues that rejects hate, rejects violence,rejects murderers, rejects evil. And wewill not tire. We will not relent. It is notonly important for the homeland securityof America that we succeed, it is equallyas important for generations of Americanswho have yet be born.

Now is the time to draw the line in thesand against the evil ones. And this gov-ernment is committed to doing just that.

I also want to remind my fellow Ameri-cans as we round up the evildoers, as welook for those who might harm our fellowAmericans, we must remember not to vio-late the rights of the innocent.

Our war is not against a religion. Ourwar is against evil. There are thousands ofMuslim Americans who love America justas much as I do. And we will respect theirrights. We will not let the terrorists causedecay of the fundamental rights that makeour nation unique. As a matter of fact,what they’ll find out is that our nation hasresponded in a way they never envisioned.We’re united. People of all faiths, all reli-gions, all areas of our country are unitedin the common effort to stamp out evilwhere we find it. It is the right thing to do.It is the right course of action for ournation and the world, and I want to thankyou all for helping.

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President Bush and Lord Robertsondelivered their remarks at the WhiteHouse following a meeting.

President Bush. Lord Robertson, thankyou very much for coming. I appreciateyour friendship and I appreciate the con-sultations we just had.

I want to welcome Nick Burns, ourAmbassador to NATO and, of course, Sec-retary of State Colin Powell, as well.

Within 28 hours of the assault on Sep-tember 11th, NATO, for the first time inits 52 years of existence, invoked the Col-lective Defense Clause. It didn’t take longfor our friends to respond. A lot of thathad to do with the leadership of LordRobertson. This was an act of greatfriendship in a time of great need, and ourcountry will never forget.

Today, NATO nations are acting togeth-er in a broad campaign against terror.Britain is side by side with us inAfghanistan. The nations of NATO aresharing intelligence, coordinating lawenforcement and cracking down on thefinancing of terrorist organizations. SomeNATO members will provide logistic sup-port to military operations. And othershave offered to fight if we deem neces-sary.

And right now, in a unprecedented dis-play of friendship, NATO air surveillanceaircraft are on their way to the UnitedStates to help keep our country safe. LordRobertson, I want to thank you for that, aswell, and so do the American people. Thishas never happened before, that NATOhas come to help defend our country. Butit happened in this time of need. And forthat, we’re grateful.

Together, we’re building a very strongcoalition against terror. And NATO is thecornerstone of that coalition. But I want toremind my fellow citizens, the coalitiongoes way beyond NATO.

Russia is sharing intelligence and offer-ing strong diplomatic support. The Orga-nization of American States invoked thecollective defense clause of the RioTreaty. Japan and Korea are offering logis-tical and other support. I had a great con-

versation with Jiang Zemin of Chinaabout his desire to join us in fighting ter-rorist activities.

Military forces from Australia and NewZealand are standing by to assist in com-bat roles if needed. In Africa, the Organi-zation of African Unity has moved quicklyand strongly to condemn the attacks, andmany are offering basic services, such asoverflight and the sharing of intelligence.

In the Middle East, many nationsincluding Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabiaare offering law enforcement, intelligenceand other cooperation. In short, manynations understand what NATO expressed,that an attack on us is really an attack onlegitimate governments and on freedom.

I want to welcome again our friend tothe Rose Garden. Lord Robertson has pro-vided extraordinary leadership for anincredibly important alliance. He’s a goodScotsman, like many Americans are. Hecould have been a Texan, it seems like tome, because he is courageous, open, forth-right, and not afraid to take a stand and todo what’s right for freedom.

Lord Robertson, welcome to the RoseGarden.

Secretary General Robertson. Mr.President, thank you for these kind andgenerous words. I’ll take them back to theheadquarters of the North Atlantic TreatyOrganization, because that is the organiza-tion that you’re part of, we’re part of, andwhich has stood in solidarity over all ofthese years.

I want to pay a tribute to your leader-ship during this difficult time for yourcountry, in this difficult time for theworld, as well. We stand shoulder toshoulder in a new kind of struggle, and astruggle that we have to win.

The NATO allies, in the wake of the ter-rible atrocities of the 11th of Septemberwanted to move beyond sadness and sym-pathy, and we moved to solidarity andsupport. And that is why we invoked Arti-cle 5 of the Washington Treaty, conceivedhere in Washington in 1949 in very diffi-cult circumstances; and where the lan-guage is clear and simple, an attack onone is an attack on all of the nations of theAlliance.

NATO still represents the biggest per-manent coalition on this planet: 19 nationsin the Alliance, 27 nations in addition inthe Partnership for Peace and part of the

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Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. AndNATO is providing now, as you said, seri-ous and strong practical support to theUnited States and the U.S.-led coalitionoperations that are going on in the worldtoday, a unique contribution, politicalcohesion through Article 5; real capabili-ties, like the AWACS aircraft that will beflying over continental United States byFriday of this week; the tying-in of thepartners and the partnership, militaryinteroperability that worked so well forthe coalition in the Gulf War, and a newlook at the adaptation of forces so thatwe’re ready to deal with the threats of thefuture, just as we were able to deal withthe enemies of the past.

So the Alliance will continue to com-bine the best of America and Europe atthis difficult and troubled times.

These terrorists are not 10 feet tall, theyare not insuperable. They’re not unvan-quishable. But we are, and we can win,and we certainly will win. And I’m very,very proud that NATO and the 19 nationsof the Alliance are at the heart of a globalcoalition against the most evil criminals ofour age.

I’m very proud, Mr. President, that youthought fit to describe me as a candidatefor being a Texan. Given my background,I know that you’ve been in Scotlandbefore, and I haven’t been in Texas. ButI’ll take it as a compliment, and I believethat you could be a Scotsman, as well.Like the great Scotsmen who made thisgreat country as well, and who, at themoment, happen to be leading thisAlliance. And this Scotsman, in particular,is proud to be doing it and is determinedthat we’ll win.

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Secretary Colin Powell delivered hisremarks at the FBI Headquarters inWashington, D.C.

Thank you very much, ladies and gentle-men. It is a pleasure to be here this morn-ing. President Bush, Attorney GeneralAshcroft, Director Mueller, and my newcolleagues in government, GovernorRidge and my old war buddy WayneDowning, it is a pleasure also to have you

here this morning and to be in the pres-ence of so many of the accomplished pro-fessionals of the Justice Department andthe FBI.

The State Department is proud, Mr.President, to be part of a team that, underyour leadership, is going after thoseresponsible for the September 11th attackson America and on the world, and alsoworking to eliminate the threat posed byinternational terrorism to the civilizedworld.

The events of September 11th broughthome to us in tragic fashion the globalreach of terrorists in today’s world. Thelesson is clear: To defeat terrorists, wemust identify them, we must find them,and we must seize them wherever they arein the world doing their evil deeds or plot-ting new evil deeds.

Many of the individuals we are seekingare part of the al-Qaida leadership. Theyhave blood on their hands from September11th and from other acts against Ameri-ca—in Kenya, Tanzania and Yemen.

The effort to capture these and other ter-rorists requires a coordinated campaign,within the United States Government andwith government and law enforcementofficials in other countries. We have puttogether such a campaign and our effortsare starting to pay off. We are all workingtogether more closely. Governments arecooperating around the world. Known ter-rorists are being put behind bars.

But we are only at the beginning of along campaign. As the President said,much remains to be done. We must bepatient, but we must be persistent. And Iknow the American people understand theneed for patience and persistence.

One of the most powerful tools we havefor tracking down terrorists abroad is theState Department’s Rewards for Justiceprogram. This program offers rewards ofup to $5 million for information thatthwarts a terrorist attack on American orother interests, or brings a terrorist to jus-tice.

Rewards for Justice is, as we say in themilitary, a force multiplier. It gives us mil-lions of additional pairs of eyes and earsto be on the lookout. It puts potentialinformants in every place a terrorist mighttry to operate or to hide. And it works.Since the program’s inception in 1984, wehave paid over $8 million in 22 separatecases to people who provided information

that put terrorists in prison or preventedattacks.

One example was just touched on byBob as to how this program works. Ram-sey Yousef, the convicted mastermind ofthe 1993 attack on the World Trade Cen-ter, was also engaged in a scheme to blowup 12 commercial airliners over the Pacif-ic. But his plot was foiled when an infor-mant in Pakistan, alerted by State Depart-ment fliers describing Yousef and his rolein the bombing, turned him in.

We want to see this story repeatedeverywhere, everywhere that a terrorist isplotting against us or our interests, every-where a terrorist is hiding.

We are getting the word out about ourRewards for Justice program in fliers andother ways of reaching the public, and wehave a website that will give you all theinformation you need about this program:www.dssrewards.net. Let us know aboutit.

Ladies and gentlemen, the campaignagainst international terrorism requires usto use every tool we have: political, diplo-matic, intelligence, law enforcement,financial and military. Under the Presi-dent’s leadership, we are doing just that.Here today, diplomacy and law enforce-ment are standing side by side. United asa country, united as a people, we will besuccessful. As the President has said, wewill prevail. And the State Departmentwill play a role in this campaign and inthis war, and we truly will win.

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Prime Minister Blair and PresidentMubarak delivered their remarks after ameeting in Cairo, Egypt.

President Mubarak. I would like to wel-come today Prime Minister Tony Blair onhis visit to Egypt, which comes at animportant and a critical moment of ourintensified international effort to combatterrorism following the despicable terroristattacks against the United States on the11th of September. I discussed with thePrime Minister our past experience as acountry which has suffered repeatedlyfrom terrorism for a long time prior to the

September 11, 2001


September 11th attack. The main lessonwe learned is that we all have to be unitedand tough in dealing with those terroristorganizations and groups, all countries ofthe world, large or small, developed ordeveloping, should be committed, throughvarious ways and means in the interna-tional campaign towards the eliminationof all forms of international terrorismwherever, and by whoever, committed.

We discussed the latest developments inthe international campaign to combat ter-rorism, including the matters taken toapprehend the ... and the present and topresent them to justice. We also consid-ered the future measures to prevent therecurrence of such attacks, particularly theneed for all states to refrain from financ-ing, assisting or providing safe havens forterrorists under political or humanitarianpretext. In this regard we agreed that theinternational community should all standunited against the theories of the clash ofcivilization and against those who are try-ing to link terrorism to Islam or the Arabnations.

The Prime Minister and I also discussedthe need to urgently address the underly-ing causes of terrorism through variousmeans, including an international confer-ence under the auspices of the U.N. to beheld in due course. We also agreed on theneed to address urgently the deterioratingsituation in the Middle East peace processwhich could be used by terrorists whoseek to utilize the prevailing feeling offrustration and despair in the Arab andIslamic public opinion to justify their ter-rorist activities. In this regard I expressedto the Prime Minister our appreciation forhis position in support of establishing aPalestinian State to stand side by side withthe Israeli State, both of them fully recog-nized and living in peace as equal part-ners. We both agreed to exert our maxi-mum efforts to achieve this objective assoon as possible.

I find it appropriate at this time to reiter-ate once again our sincere condolences tothe families of the British victims of theSeptember 11th attack, and to thank thePrime Minister for his relentless efforts tomobilize an international campaignagainst terrorism so that all the genera-tions to come would live in peace andprosperity. Mr Prime Minister.

Prime Minister Blair. Thank you Mr

President and first of all can I say howgrateful I am to President Mubarak forwelcoming me here today and howpleased I am to be back in Egypt, and tothank him for his leadership at this diffi-cult time for the international community.The strength of his stand against terrorismand his support for action to bring thosewho are committing acts of terrorism tojustice is hugely appreciated, not just inmy country, but I believe throughout theworld. Thank your Mr President for that.And in part, of course, this is because ofthe suffering that has been visited uponpeople here in Egypt as a result of terror-ist acts. So the international communitystands united in its efforts to defeat inter-national terrorism in all its forms and Iwould just like to repeat these three pointsvery strongly.

The first is that whatever people may tryto do in this situation, we are determinedthat this should never be seen as a struggleof Western countries versus Islam. That isnot true, never has been true. People of allfaiths of all political persuasions. All peo-ple who support decent civilized valueseverywhere stand united against terrorism

The second thing is to say that weunderstand also how important it is tomake sure that at this moment in time,after the 11th of September atrocities thatthis should not be a reason for letting thepeace process in the Middle East declineor wither. On the contrary, we shouldmake sure that we reinvigorate it, and takeit forward. There are real issues that needto be addressed, and we intend to addressthem urgently.

And the third thing to say is this, thatwe recognize that in this situation the pur-pose of the terrorists that carried out theattack on the 11th of September was notjust to kill large numbers of innocent peo-ple, though they did that. Women andchildren, the blood of many hundreds ofMoslems was spilt, in those terribleattacks, but the purpose was not theattacks alone. The purpose was to set intrain a series of events that would dividepeople, divide people Arab and Western,divide people Moslem and other faiths,divide people across the whole of theworld. And therefore our response has gotto be to say to these people you will notdivide us at this time. We know the gamethat you are playing, we know how youare trying to use and usurp causes around

the world to gain your own ends. We willstand united in our fight to see internation-al terrorism defeated and the proper ruleof law put in place.

Q. My question is to Prime MinisterBlair. Welcome back to Egypt. You havebecome an active member in a coalitionfighting international terror. Isn’t thisinconsistent with the fact that the Unit-ed Kingdom has been granting asylumand facilities to terrorist organizationand two elements who have been con-victed of terrorist activities in theirhome countries. How would you explainthat?

Prime Minister Blair. First of all Ishould say to you that we tightened ourlaw last year in part because of the strongrepresentations made from here, and weintend to tighten our laws still further. AndI should correct one thing. We do not givesupport or help to any organizationadvancing the cause of terrorism in ourcountry, but there are gaps in our law thatit has been necessary to fill, and we intendto do that.

Q. Could I ask both Prime Ministersa little bit more about this UnitedNations Conference that has beenraised. What will its remit be, and willit include the Middle East PeaceProcess. What do you want to see inpractical terms coming from Britainand other countries, PresidentMubarak, to bring forward the MiddleEast Peace Process.

President Mubarak. When I speak forthe Conference—International Conferencefor Terrorism—I think I have alreadymentioned that maybe 10 years agobecause our experience tells us that terror-ism is going to spread all over the world.So the International Conference I am notasking to be held now, but some time afterwe have considered this problem, to seewhat measures could be taken from all thecountries of the world to get rid of terror-ism or to urge these people who will startmaking terrorism anywhere in the world.

If you are speaking about the MiddleEast problems, I think we consider, fromour point of view, from our experience inthis part of the world, that the Middle Eastproblem is one of the problems, it is a

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unique problem in the world. This prob-lem I am afraid that it may lead to muchmore generation of terrorist groups in theworld. We are dealing with the terroristsin Afghanistan, but without reaching acomprehensive settlement of the problemof the Middle East, I am afraid this willlead to a very bad future on the wholeworld and there will be no safety on ourplanet in the future.

Prime Minister Blair. As I think as thePresident has just said to you, and I totallyagree with the words that he has justexpressed, any U.N. Conference on Ter-rorism is obviously something that thePresident has raised over a long period oftime and that is important to see in thecontext obviously of the battle against ter-rorism. In respect of the Middle East, Ithink what the President is saying, and Iagree with him, is that it is important thatwe put this peace process back on track sothat there aren’t generations of peoplewho then go and abuse the Palestiniancause in order to commit acts of terrorism.But that, of course, is a separate issue.

Q. The question is for PresidentMubarak and Prime Minister TonyBlair. President Bush earlier on saidthat the United States supports theestablishment of a Palestinian State andthat this has always been a part of thevision of the U.S. Administration. Nowmy question is, and you, Mr PrimeMinister, said that we should not let thepeace process to decline. So my ques-tion is how can we transform this visioninto a number of ideas or formulas,concrete ideas on the ground, especiallythe very strong feeling in this part ofthe region that that was a tactical moveon the part of the United States and theallies in their attempts to build a strongcoalition amongst Arab and Moslemcountries.

Prime Minister Blair. The first thing Iwould like to say to you is that the expres-sion of the view by President Bush, andindeed what I have said on behalf of theU.K. is actually a long-held position. Wehave said over a long period, to work out,consider exactly how we take this processforward before discussing the variousoptions. But I have no doubt at all that itis important not just to stability in the

region, but for the stability of the world,that we see this process succeed.

And this is not simply something we aresaying because of the aftermath of the11th of September and the need to keep astrong alliance. It is something we gen-uinely believe, and this has gone back avery, very long time and I think, as I saida couple of weeks ago, if any good canever come out of an act so evil as the actof the 11th of September, if any good cancome out of it, it is that it provides a con-text in which people do the things thatthey know they should be doing, but areable to do it because what has happened isso traumatic, so serious, that it allows usto move the whole situation forward. Sowhat I am saying to you is, when the Pres-ident spoke a moment or two ago aboutthe need to deal with this issue, I think heis right and I think that the words that heis speaking will find an echo right acrossthe world. And how we do this, well thatis something we now discuss and debateamongst ourselves before we then tellpeople the way forward that we believecan be achieved. But I have no doubt at allthat it has to be done.


I have asked my Cabinet to come in andgive me a briefing on the progress thatwe’re making on the war on terrorism. Ican report to the American people we’remaking substantial progress.

First, our Secretary of State and ourdiplomats around the world have puttogether a broad coalition of nations tomake a stand against terrorists, terrorismand those who harbor terrorists. And I’mreally pleased. This coalition includes notonly our friends in Europe and SouthAmerica, but as we saw at the OIC Con-ference, the Organization of Islamic Con-ferences, many Muslim nations have takena very firm stand against terrorist activi-ties, as well.

Obviously, the Secretary of Defense andthe Defense Department has been busy. AsI said today, America is very proud of themen and women who wear the uniform;they’re proud of your leadership too, sir.We’ll leave the military briefing for thePentagon.

I had a good visit with our Secretary of

Treasury, who informed me that we’venow frozen $40 million worth of assets—Taliban and al Qaeda assets all around theworld, and we’ve just begun. We want theterrorists to know that we’re after them inall kinds of ways, and one good way tomake them ineffective is to cut off theirmoney.

The Attorney General has reported thathere at the homeland—in the homelandwe’ve interrogated over 600 people thatmay have been involved with the bomb-ings, as well as spending a great deal oftime analyzing information that could leadto the disruption of any potential attack onAmerica.

And then we discussed our legislativepriorities before the Congress goes home.One of those, of course, is an economicstimulus package that must include taxrelief that has got a positive effect on theeconomy in the short run.

But there are two other aspects to agood, strong economic stimulus package,one of which is trade promotion authority.And the other is an energy bill. Now, therewas a good energy bill passed out of theHouse of Representatives. And the reasonit passed is because members of both par-ties understand an energy bill is not onlygood for jobs, it’s important for ournational security to have a good energypolicy.

And I urge the Senate to listen to thewill of the senators and move a bill—move a bill that will help Americans findwork and also make it easier for all of usaround this table to protect the security ofthe country. The less dependent we are onforeign sources of crude oil, the moresecure we are at home.

We’ve spent a lot of time talking abouthomeland security. An integral piece ofhomeland security is energy indepen-dence. And I ask the Senate to respond tothe call to get an energy bill moving.

We have got a lot of work to do, andeverybody around this table understandsthat. We’re a patient group of people,we’re a disciplined group of people. Butone thing we’ve got in mind as well is,we’ve got the best interests of the Ameri-can people in mind. And I’m proud of thejob everybody is doing here. I want tothank you on behalf of America for yourhard work.

September 11, 2001



President Bush delivered his remarks ata press conference at the White House.

Good evening. Thank you. Good evening.I would like to report to the Americanpeople on the state of our war against ter-ror, and then I’ll be happy to take ques-tions from the White House press corps.

One month ago today, innocent citizensfrom more than 80 nations were attackedand killed, without warning or provoca-tion, in an act that horrified not only everyAmerican, but every person of every faith,and every nation that values human life.

The attack took place on American soil,but it was an attack on the heart and soulof the civilized world. And the world hascome together to fight a new and differentwar, the first, and we hope the only one,of the 21st century. A war against all thosewho seek to export terror, and a waragainst those governments that support orshelter them.

We’ve accomplished a great deal in onemonth. Our staunch friends, Great Britain,our neighbors Canada and Mexico, ourNATO allies, our allies in Asia, Russiaand nations from every continent on theEarth have offered help of one kind oranother—from military assistance to intel-ligence information, to crack down on ter-rorists’ financial networks. This week, 56Islamic nations issued a statement strong-ly condemning the savage acts of terror,and emphasizing that those acts contradictthe peaceful teachings of Islam.

All is strong and united on the diplomat-ic front. The men and women of the Unit-ed States military are doing their dutywith skill and success. We have ruined ter-rorist training camps, disrupted their com-munications, weakened the Taliban mili-tary, and destroyed most of their airdefenses.

We’re mounting a sustained campaign todrive the terrorists out of their hiddencaves and to bring them to justice. Allmissions are being executed according toplan on the military front. At the sametime, we are showing the compassion ofAmerica by delivering food and medicineto the Afghan people who are, themselves,the victims of a repressive regime.

On the law enforcement front, terroristsare being swept up in an international

dragnet. Several hundred have been arrest-ed. Thousands of FBI agents are on thetrail of other suspects here and abroad.Working with countries around the world,we have frozen more than $24 million inal Qaeda or Taliban assets.

We are aggressively pursuing the agentsof terror around the world, and we areaggressively strengthening our protectionshere at home. This week we establishedAmerica’s new Office of Homeland Secu-rity, directed by former Governor TomRidge. Americans tonight can know thatwhile the threat is ongoing, we are takingevery possible step to protect our countryfrom danger.

Your government is doing everything wecan to recover from these attacks, and totry to prevent others. We’re acting to makeplanes and airports safer, rebuild NewYork and the Pentagon. We must act tostimulate a slow economy, to help laid-offworkers. And we must fund our military.

This is a time of testing—this time oftesting has revealed the true character ofthe American people. We’re angry at theevil that was done to us, yet patient andjust in our response.

Before September 11th, my administra-tion was planning an initiative calledCommunities of Character. It wasdesigned to help parents develop goodcharacter in our children, and to strength-en a spirit of citizenship and service in ourcommunities. The acts of September 11thhave prompted that initiative to occur onits own, in ways far greater than I couldhave ever imagined. We’ve shown greatlove for our country, and great toleranceand respect for all our countrymen.

I was struck by this: that in many cities,when Christian and Jewish women learnthat Muslim women—women of cover—were afraid of going out of their homesalone, that they went shopping with them,that they showed true friendship and sup-port—an act that shows the world the truenature of America.

Our war on terrorism has nothing to dowith differences in faith. It has everythingto do with people of all faiths comingtogether to condemn hate and evil andmurder and prejudice.

One month after great suffering and sor-row, America is strong and determinedand generous. I’m honored to lead such acountry, and I know we are ready for thechallenges ahead.

And, now, I welcome your questions. Ron.

Q. Thank you, sir. You said that thethreat is ongoing, and, indeed, the dead-ly virus of anthrax was found in threeFlorida people this week. Osama binLaden’s spokesman says storms ofplanes are yet to be hijacked. Your FBIwarned just today that terrorist attackscould be happening again in the nextcouple of days.

If the FBI knows of a credible threat,can you assure the public that youwould take the precaution of lockingdown any system involved, whether it’sbuildings, airports, water systems, toprevent more deaths? And, most impor-tantly, is there anything you can say toAmericans who feel helpless to protectthemselves and their families from thenext wave of attacks, if there are moreto come? What can people do to protectthemselves?

President Bush. Sure. Today, the Jus-tice Department did issue a blanket alert.It was in recognition of a general threatwe received. This is not the first time theJustice Department have acted like this. Ihope it’s the last. But, given the attitude ofthe evildoers, it may not be.

I have urged our fellow Americans to goabout their lives, to fly on airplanes, totravel, to go to work. But I also want toencourage them by telling them that ourgovernment is on full alert. And that—thealert put out today from the JusticeDepartment was such an action.

Now, if we receive specific intelligence,where we—a credible threat that targets aspecific building or city or facility, I canassure you our government will do every-thing possible to protect the citizensaround and in, or near that facility.

And let me give you one example of aspecific threat we received. You mayremember recently there was a lot of dis-cussion about crop dusters. We receivedknowledge that perhaps an al Qaeda oper-ative was prepared to use a crop duster tospray a biological weapon or a chemicalweapon on American people. And so weresponded. We contacted every crop-dustlocation, airports from which crop dustersleave, we notified crop duster manufac-tures to a potential threat. We knew fullwell that in order for a crop duster to

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become a weapon of mass destructionwould require a retrofitting, and so wetalked to machine shops around wherecrop dusters are located. We took strongand appropriate action. And we will do soany time we receive a credible threat.

Now, the American people have got togo about their business. We cannot let theterrorists achieve the objective of frighten-ing our nation to the point where wedon’t—where we don’t conduct business,where people don’t shop. That’s theirintention. Their intention was not only tokill and maim and destroy. Their intentionwas to frighten to the point where ournation would not act. Their intention wasto so frighten our government that wewouldn’t seek justice; that somehow wewould cower in the face of their threatsand not respond, abroad or at home.

We’re both responding abroad and athome. The American people, obviously, ifthey see something that is suspicious,something out of the norm that looks sus-picious, they ought to notify local lawauthorities. But in the meantime, theyought to take comfort in knowing our gov-ernment is doing everything we possiblycan.

We’ve got a Homeland Security Officenow running, as I mentioned, headed byTom Ridge. We’re sharing intelligencewith our friends in countries from over-seas. We follow every lead. And informa-tion-sharing between the CIA and the FBIis seamless, so that the reaction to anythreat is real-time. And—but the truth ofthe matter is, in order to fully defendAmerica, we must defeat the evildoerswhere they hide. We must round them up,and we must bring them to justice. Andthat’s exactly what we’re doing inAfghanistan—the first battle in the war ofthe 21st century.

Steve.

Q. Thank you. You’ve been careful toavoid saying how long the militarystrikes in Afghanistan might take place.But can you promise to say how longAmerican—can you avoid being drawninto a Vietnam-like quagmire inAfghanistan?

President Bush. We learned some veryimportant lessons in Vietnam. Perhaps themost important lesson that I learned is thatyou cannot fight a guerrilla war with con-

ventional forces. That’s why I’veexplained to the American people thatwe’re engaged in a different type of war;one obviously that will use conventionalforces, but one in which we’ve got to fighton all fronts.

I remember saying to you all that thefirst shot in the war was when we startedcutting off their money, because an alQaeda organization can’t function withoutmoney. And we’re continuing our effortsto reach out to willing nations to disruptand seize assets of the al Qaeda organiza-tion.

We are in the process of rounding up alQaeda members around the world. Thereare al Qaeda organizations in, roughly, 68countries. And over 200 have now beenapprehended. And every time I talk to aworld leader, I urge them to continue find-ing the al Qaeda representatives and bringthem to justice.

As far as the use of conventional forces,we’ve got a clear plan, and it’s to say tothe host government that you have beengiven your—and by the way, I gave themample opportunity to turn over al Qaeda. Imade it very clear to them, in no uncertainterms, that in order to avoid punishment,they should turn over the parasites thathide in their country. They obviouslyrefused to do so. And now they’re payinga price. We are dismantling their military,disrupting their communications, severingtheir ability to defend themselves. Andslowly, but surely, we’re smoking alQaeda out of their caves so we can bringthem to justice.

People often ask me, how long will thislast? This particular battlefront will last aslong as it takes to bring al Qaeda to jus-tice. It may happen tomorrow; it may hap-pen a month from now; it may take a yearor two. But we will prevail. And what theAmerican people need to know is whatour allies know: I am determined to staythe course. And we must do so. We mustdo so. We must rid the world of terroristsso our children and grandchildren cangrow up in freedom. It is essential. It isnow our time to act. And I’m proud tolead a country that understands that.

Q. Mr. President, today, Defense Sec-retary Rumsfeld said that Osama binLaden was probably still inAfghanistan. How can the U.S. get him,dead or alive—to use words that you’ve

used recently—if we’re not entirely surewhether he’s in the country? And canwe win the war on terrorism if binLaden is not found?

President Bush. Ours is a war againstterrorism in general. Mr. bin Laden is a—is one of the worst. But as you mayremember, we published the 22 MostWanted; he’s one of 22 we’re after. Interms of Mr. bin Laden himself, we’ll gethim running. We’ll smoke him out of hiscave, and we’ll get him eventually.

But success or failure depends not onbin Laden; success or failure dependsupon routing out terrorism where it mayexist all around the world. He’s just oneperson, a part of a network. And we’reslowly, but surely, with determined fash-ion, routing that network out and bringingit to justice.

We’ve been active for a month. I intendto be giving you a briefing for as long asI’m the President. I understand this is aunconventional war. It’s a different kind ofwar. It’s not the kind of war that we’reused to in America. The Greatest Genera-tion was used to storming beachheads.Baby boomers such as myself, were usedto getting caught in a quagmire of Viet-nam where politics made decisions morethan the military sometimes. Generation Xwas able to watch technology right infront of their TV screens—you know, bur-row into concrete bunkers in Iraq andblow them up. This is a different kind ofwar that requires a different type ofapproach and a different type of mentality.

And so we’re going to slowly, but sure-ly, tighten the net on terrorists, whereverthey live. And it’s essential to do so now.It’s essential to do so now. The actions mygovernment takes, in concert with othercountries, the actions we take at home todefend ourselves will serve as a go-by forfuture presidents, or future prime minis-ters in Britain, for example, or future FBIdirectors. It is important that we stay thecourse, bring these people to justice, toshow—and show others how to fight thenew wars of the 21st century.

Helen.

Q. Mr. President, on that note, weunderstand you have advisors who areurging you to go after Iraq, take outIraq, Syria and so forth. Do you reallythink that the American people will tol-

September 11, 2001


erate you widening the war beyondAfghanistan? And I have a follow-up.

President Bush. Thank you for warningme.

Our focus is on Afghanistan, and theterrorist network hiding in Afghanistan,right now. But, as well, we’re looking foral Qaeda cells around the world. If wefind an al Qaeda cell operating, we willurge the host country to bring them to jus-tice. And we’re having some progress,we’re making progress.

We—as I mentioned, Helen, this is along war against terrorist activity. And thedoctrine I spelled out to the Americanpeople in front of Congress said not onlywill we seek out and bring to justice indi-vidual terrorists who cause harm to peo-ple, to murder people, we will also bringto justice the host governments that spon-sor them, that house them and feed them.

You mentioned Iraq. There’s no questionthat the leader of Iraq is an evil man. Afterall, he gassed his own people. We knowhe’s been developing weapons of massdestruction. And I think it’s in his advan-tage to allow inspectors back in his coun-try to make sure that he’s conforming tothe agreement he made, after he wassoundly trounced in the Gulf War. And sowe’re watching him very carefully. We’rewatching him carefully.

Your follow-up, please.

Q. It’s a little offbeat, but—

President Bush. Okay. Well, I expect anoffbeat question, frankly.

Q.—you’ve met twice in the WhiteHouse since you’ve been in office withPrime Minister Sharon. But you haverefused to meet with Yasser Arafat.Now that you envision a Palestinianstate, will you meet with Arafat and, ifso, when?

President Bush. I want to assure theAmerican people, in particular our allieswho are interested in our position in theMiddle East, that we’re spending a lot oftime dealing with the Middle East. I knowthere was some concern amongst ourallies when the September 11th—rightafter the September 11th attack, that wewould forego any responsibility we havein the Middle East. Secretary of State

Powell is doing a great job of staying incontact with both Mr. Arafat and PrimeMinister Sharon.

I have met with Prime Minister Sharon,and I’ve assured him every time we’vemet that he has no better friend than theUnited States of America. I also stated theother day that if we ever get into theMitchell process where we can start dis-cussing a political solution in the MiddleEast, that I believe there ought to be aPalestinian state, the boundaries of whichwill be negotiated by the parties, so longas the Palestinian state recognizes theright of Israel to exist and will treat Israelwith respect, and will be peaceful on herborders.

Obviously, the events of September 11thhave prevented overt diplomacy in theMiddle East—not prevented it, it justmade it—my calendar is a little crowded.On the other hand, I am very muchengaged. I have spoken to Prime MinisterSharon again. And if I am convinced thata meeting with a particular party at thispoint in time will further the process, Iwill do so. If it turns out to be an emptyphoto opportunity that creates expecta-tions that will become dashed, I won’tmeet.

I hope progress is being made. I waspleased to see that Mr. Arafat is trying tocontrol the radical elements within thePalestinian Authority. And I think theworld ought to applaud him for that. Ihope he’s taking measures necessary toreduce the violence in the Middle East, sothat we can get into the Mitchell process.

We’re working hard on the topic, Helen.It’s a very important part of our foreignpolicy.

David.

Q. Mr. President, good evening. I’dlike to ask you for a more complete por-trait of your progress so far. Can youtell the American people, specifically,what is the state of Osama bin Laden?What is the state of the al Qaeda net-work? Are they on the run? To whatextent have you been able to disrupttheir activities? Do you believe there aremembers of those cells still in the Unit-ed States capable of carrying out ter-rorist acts? And, again, do you knowwhether Osama bin Laden is dead oralive?

President Bush. Let me start back-wards. I don’t know if he’s dead or alive. Iwant him brought to justice, however. Weare following every possible lead to makesure that any al Qaeda member that couldbe in the United States is brought to jus-tice. The FBI has got thousands of agentswho are following every hint of a possibil-ity of an al Qaeda in our country. We’rechasing down the leads of—that havebeen given to us as a result of the bomb-ing. And we’re following other leads.

Let me say one thing about the FBI thatI think people find interesting. All of us ingovernment are having to adjust our wayof thinking about the new war. The mili-tary is going to have to adjust. They rec-ognize—and Secretary Rumsfeld clearlyunderstands this—that we need to havea—that we need to rethink how we con-figure our military—there’s been somestories to that effect—so that we can moreeffectively respond to asymmetricalresponses from terrorist organizations.The FBI must think differently, and Direc-tor Mueller is causing them to do so.

The FBI, as you know, spent a lot ofmanpower and time chasing—spies in apost-Cold War era. They were still chasingspies. Nothing wrong with that, except wehave a new enemy. And now, the FBI isrightly directing resources toward home-land security. It’s been an adjustment. AndI’m proud to report that Director Muellerhas adjusted quickly.

I am confident that the al Qaeda organi-zation is moving around Afghanistan.They think they might find safe haven.Not if we think they’re there. And we’vegot them on the run.

The other day, we brought to justice aperson that killed an American citizen in1986. He was charged with murder. And Imade a point of talking about that in apress conference because I wanted notonly terrorists to understand, but theAmerican people understand that we’ll bepatient, if need be, to bring them to jus-tice. We’ll find them.

And he thought this—this is an interest-ing case in Afghanistan because it’s—hethought he had hijacked a country. Heactually did for a while. He forced a coun-try to accept his radical thoughts. And itbecame a safe haven for bin Laden andthe al Qaeda organization. It’s no longer asafe haven, that’s for sure, because ourmilitary activity, David.

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148 Winter 2002

Yes, Elizabeth.

Q. Mr. President, you’ve tried veryhard to assure Americans that thecountry is safe, and yet your own VicePresident has spent most of this week ina secure location. Can you explain whythat is, and also how long that will last?

President Bush. Sure. I shook handswith the Vice President today in the OvalOffice. I welcomed him out of his securelocation. There are some times when theVice President and I will be together, andsometimes we won’t be. We take veryseriously the notion of the continuity ofgovernment. It’s a responsibility we share,to make sure that under situations such asthis, when there are possible threats facingour government, that we separate our-selves, for the sake of continuity of ourgovernment. And I was pleased to seehim. He’s looking swell.

Jim.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Sir,some critics have expressed doubtsabout trying to get nations that oncesponsored terrorism to now cooperatein the effort against terrorism. Wouldyou share your thinking with us, sir,and is it your view that every sinnershould get a chance to redeem him-self—that there is, in effect, an amnestyfor nations that once sponsored terror-ism if they will now stop and cooperatewith us?

President Bush. Of course. But ourability to affect host nations harboring ter-rorists will depend upon our determina-tion, our will, our patience. We are send-ing a signal to the world as we speak thatif you harbor a terrorist, there will be aprice to pay.

And there are nations in the world thathave expressed a desire to help. Helenmentioned Syria. The Syrians have talkedto us about how they can help in the waragainst terrorism. We take that—we takethat seriously and we’ll give them anopportunity to do so.

I’m a performance-oriented person, Ibelieve in results. And if you want to jointhe coalition against terror, we’ll welcomeyou in. I have recognized some countrieswill do things that others won’t do. All Iask is for results. If you say you want to

join us to cut off money, show us themoney. If you say you want to join us mil-itarily, like Great Britain does, do so—andthey have done so in a fashion that shouldmake the people of Great Britain proud. Ifyou’re interested in sharing intelligence,share intelligence—all ways.

I appreciate diplomatic talk, but I’mmore interested in action and results. I amabsolutely determined—absolutely deter-mined—to rout terrorism out where itexists and bring them to justice. Welearned a good lesson on September the11th, that there is evil in this world. Iknow there’s a lot of children in Americawondering what took place. I think it’sessential that all moms and dads and citi-zens tell their children we love them andthere is love in the world, but also remindthem there are evil people.

And it’s my duty as the President of theUnited States to use the resources of thisgreat nation, a freedom-loving nation, acompassionate nation, a nation that under-stands values of life, and rout terrorismout where it exists. And we’re going togive plenty of nations a chance to do so.

Terry.

Q. Back to the FBI warning of today,which was based, it said, on certaininformation that there would be retalia-tory attacks over the next several days.Given the complete generality of thatwarning, what does it really accomplish,aside from scaring people into notdoing what you’ve urged them to do—getting back to their normal lives—what should they do with it, and didyou personally approve the issuance ofthat warning?

President Bush. I’m aware of the intel-ligence that caused the warning to beissued, and it was a general threat onAmerica. And as I mentioned earlier, hadit been a specific threat, we would havecontacted those to whom the threat wasdirected.

But, Terry, I think it is important for theAmerican people to know their govern-ment is on full alert. And that’s what thatwarning showed. We take every threatseriously. And the American peopleshouldn’t be surprised that we’re issuingalerts. After all, on our TV screens theother day, we saw the evil one threaten-ing—calling for more destruction and

death in America. And so we should takethese threats seriously. And we had anoth-er threat, a general threat. Had it been spe-cific, we would have dealt with thespecifics of the threat.

I think the American people should takecomfort in the fact that their governmentis doing everything we possibly can do torun down every possible lead, and takethreats—and we take threats seriously.

I think the American people do under-stand that after September 11th, that we’refacing a different world. And they acceptthat responsibility. They accept thatresponsibility. There is, I think, some pos-itive news about the American peoplereacting to what we’re doing. The loadfactors on airplanes are increasing. Now, Irecognize certain routes have beenreduced, but nevertheless, people are get-ting back on airplanes. That’s importantthat that be the case. Hotels are gettingmore customers. That’s important for theworking people of the country.

We are getting back to normal. We’redoing so with a new sense of awareness.And the warning that went out todayhelped heighten that sense of awareness.

John.

Q. Mr. President, you’ve said onrepeated occasions that you’re not intonation-building. Yet, it appears in thiscase, given the politics of the region, itmay play a crucial role in resolving thiscrisis. Prime Minister Blair of Britainhas said that the coalition, if the Talibanfalls, will work to create a broadly-based government. I’m wondering, sir,has that become a priority of youradministration now, to devise a plan fora new government in Afghanistan? Andwhat part might King Zaher Shah playin that?

President Bush. Well, I think it’s—John, it’s a—first let me reiterate, myfocus is bringing al Qaeda to justice andsaying to the host government, you hadyour chance to deliver. Actually, I will sayit again—if you cough him up, and hispeople, today, that we’ll reconsider whatwe’re doing to your country. You still havea second chance. Bring him in. And bringhis leaders and lieutenants and other thugsand criminals with him.

I think we did learn a lesson, however,from—and should learn a lesson—from

September 11, 2001


the previous engagement in the Afghanarea, that we should not just simply leaveafter a military objective has beenachieved. That’s why—and I sent that sig-nal by announcing that we’re going tospend $320 million of aid to the Afghanpeople. That’s up from roughly $170 mil-lion this year.

I personally think that a—and I appreci-ate Tony Blair’s—and I’ve discussed thiswith him—his vision about Afghan afterwe’re successful—Afghanistan after we’resuccessful. One of the things we’ve got tomake sure of is that all parties, all interest-ed parties have an opportunity to be a partof a new government; that we shouldn’tplay favorites between one group oranother within Afghanistan.

Secondly, we’ve got to work for a stableAfghanistan so that her neighbors don’tfear terrorist activity again coming out ofthat country. Third, it would be helpful, ofcourse, to eradicate narco-trafficking outof Afghanistan, as well.

I believe that the United Nationswould—could provide the framework nec-essary to help meet those conditions. Itwould be a useful function for the UnitedNations to take over the so-called “nation-building,”—I would call it the stabiliza-tion of a future government—after ourmilitary mission is complete. We’ll partic-ipate; other countries will participate. I’vetalked to many countries will participate.I’ve talked to many countries that areinterested in making sure that the post-operations Afghanistan is one that is sta-ble, and one that doesn’t become yet againa haven for terrorist criminals.

Ken.

Q. Mr. President, I’m sure manyAmericans are wondering where all thiswill lead. And you’ve called upon thecountry to go back to business and to goback to normal. But you haven’t calledfor any sacrifices from the Americanpeople. And I wonder, do you feel thatany will be needed? Are you planning tocall for any? And do you think thatAmerican life will really go back to theway it was on September 10th?

President Bush. Well, you know, Ithink the American people are sacrificingnow. I think they’re waiting in airportlines longer than they’ve ever had before.I think that—I think there’s a certain sac-

rifice when you lose a piece of your soul.And Americans—I was standing up thereat the Pentagon today, and I saw the tearsof the families whose lives were lost inthe Pentagon. And I said in my talk therethat America prays with you. I thinkthere’s a sacrifice, there’s a certain senseof giving themselves to share their griefwith people they’ll never, maybe, ever seein their lives.

So America is sacrificing. America—Ithink the interesting thing that has hap-pened, and this is so sad an incident, butthere are some positive things devel-oped—that are developing. One is, Ibelieve that many people are reassessingwhat’s important in life. Moms and dadsare not only reassessing their marriageand the importance of their marriage, butof the necessity of loving their childrenlike never before. I think that’s one of thepositives that have come from the evildo-ers.

The evil ones have sparked an interest-ing change in America, I think—a com-passion in our country that is overflowing.I know their intended act was to destroyus and make us cowards and make us notwant to respond. But quite the oppositehas happened—our nation is united, weare strong, we’re compassionate; neigh-bors care about neighbors.

The story I talked about earlier was onethat really touched my heart, aboutwomen of cover fearing to leave theirhomes. And there was such an outpouringof compassion for people within our owncountry, a recognition that the Islamicfaith should stand side by side, hand tohand with the Jewish faith and the Christ-ian faith in our great land. It is such awonderful example.

You know, I’m asked all the time—I’llask myself a question. How do I respondto—it’s an old trick—how do I respondwhen I see that in some Islamic countriesthere is vitriolic hatred for America? I’lltell you how I respond: I’m amazed. I’mamazed that there is such misunderstand-ing of what our country is about, that peo-ple would hate us. I am, I am—like mostAmericans, I just can’t believe it. BecauseI know how good we are, and we’ve go todo a better job of making our case. We’vegot to do a better job of explaining to thepeople in the Middle East, for example,that we don’t fight a war against Islam orMuslims. We don’t hold any religion

accountable. We’re fighting evil. Andthese murderers have hijacked a great reli-gion in order to justify their evil deeds.And we cannot let it stand.

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Secretary Rumsfeld. Good afternoon.This is the end of the first week of ourinvolvement in Afghanistan from a mili-tary standpoint. And after six days ofstrikes against al Qaeda and Taliban mili-tary targets, we have disrupted their com-munications somewhat, and we have, webelieve, weakened the Taliban military,and damaged but certainly not eliminatedtheir air defense capabilities. And we haveworked over a number if not all of theirterrorist training camps. Those campshave been locations where terrorists thatare today spread across the globe havebeen trained. Threats clearly still exist.

But even as al Qaeda’s operations havebeen weakened somewhat, it is, as we allknow, but one of a number of terroristorganizations that exist in the world. For-tunately, those organizations, we believe,have also been weakened. They’ve beenweakened in the sense that there has beena very aggressive law enforcement efforttaking place simultaneously, not just bythe United States, but by any number ofcountries that are participating in the vari-ous cooperative efforts that are takingplace. We believe that we have been suc-cessful in weakening somewhat theirfinancial capabilities—not with largenumbers or large sums as yet, but increas-ing sums every day. And I believe diplo-matically we have made progress. All ofwhich contributes to the weakening of theterrorists and the terrorist networks thatexist around the world.

As the president has made very clear,our goal is to deal with terrorists; it’s todeal with terrorist networks and to dealwith those countries that harbor terrorists.And, clearly, the way we will know that iswhen Americans can go about their busi-ness here in this country and elsewherewithout being subject to terrorist attacks.Our goal is to create a situation inAfghanistan so that there are no longer

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150 Winter 2002

terrorists in the country that threaten oth-ers in the world, and that they are nottraining terrorists in their training camps.

With that, I’ll stop and be happy to letDick Myers make some remarks.


We are continuing our campaign againstterrorism, and our early missions aregoing according to our plan. We havemade a good first step in the militaryeffort destroying or damaging terroristtraining camps, disrupting communica-tions, weakening the Taliban militaryforces in Afghanistan, and damaging theirair defenses.

Yesterday U.S. forces struck in sixplanned target areas that included a train-ing facility and camp, garrison com-pounds, motor vehicle and ordnance facil-ities. That also included vehicle repairfacilities. We used approximately 15 carri-er-based tactical aircraft for those strikes,and about 10 land-based bombers. Thetargets struck were primarily troop gar-risons, military training facilities, vehiclerepair facilities, and the like.

Due to some overflight clearance prob-lems, we did not fly humanitarian airdropmissions yesterday, but those problemshave been cleared up, and we are drop-ping today or have dropped today orwill—excuse me—will drop today.

Today we have several items to showyou that depict some of our efforts. First,from Wednesday, we have a surface-to-airmissile storage site located near the Kan-dahar garrison site in southernAfghanistan. As you can see, the SAMcanisters between the berms have beendestroyed.

Next we have the Kandahar airfield. Ifyou look close in the bermed area, youwill see fighter aircraft. The craters in therunway were made on day one.

The next image shows the aircraftdestroyed. They were struck on day twoand three.

And the final image is from Wednesday.Here is a terrorist training camp in easternAfghanistan near Jalalabad. It consists ofbuildings and training areas, as well assome gun emplacements. As you can seein this photo or the next photo, the build-ings have been destroyed, as have the gunemplacements. You also see some vehiclesthat arrived after the strike.

Now I would like to show you somecamera film, gun-camera film, if you will,from Tuesday.

(To staff) Can we roll the tape, please? The first is a set of two shots from the

Kabul airfield. You can see a few transportplanes. The first of the two videos showtwo of those aircraft being destroyed.

The third video we have is from Heratairfield. You saw the photos of this yester-day. If you watch closely, you will see oneplane explode at the bottom of the video,and then the big transport plane get hitnext.

(To staff) Roll the tape, please. Military operations continue, but we are

not doing any pre-planned operationstoday as Friday is the Muslim holy day.But we do have forces available to hit anyemerging targets, so we are continuallyupdating our plans.

As we’ve said before, this will be a sus-tained effort. And many of the convention-al efforts that you see today are stage-set-ters for follow-on operations. Some ofthose efforts may be visible, but many willnot. As the president said last night, all ofus are having to adjust the way we arethinking about this new war. As for theuse of conventional forces, we have aclear plan, but you cannot fight this asym-metric threat with conventional forcesalone; it will take all the elements ofnational power and resolve to do this, andyour military is committed to doing itspart.

With that, we look forward to yourquestions.

Q. Mr. Secretary, is the suspension ofpreplanned strikes just a one-dayarrangement? And will the paceresume, as per earlier in the week, afterthis pause?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We don’t discussoperations and plans for the future.

Q. Can I do a follow-up on that,please, Mr. Secretary? For the pastmonth, you and the president have stat-ed that this is not a war against Mus-lims or Islam but a war against interna-tional terrorism. On the 17th of nextmonth, Ramadan begins, the holiestmonth of the Muslim calendar. Wouldyou discuss at all whether or not opswill take place then, or would you stand

down for part of that month, or all ofit?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think I’ll notcomment on that, what our plans are. Thereason is, I don’t want to create expecta-tions either way. I should say, in answerto—more complete answer to Bob, itwould be wrong to think that the—all ofthe aircraft from these films, that all of theaircraft have disappeared. They have not.They still have some jet fighter aircraft,they still have some transports and theystill have some helicopters.

Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, we’re getting moreand more reports of the oppositionforces gaining ground and certain Tal-iban units falling back. We have nosense from the Pentagon whether or notthat is so from your perspective. Canyou give us any sort of feel for, on theground, what these front lines are look-ing like?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, if you thinkabout it, the plan this past week has beento attempt to target al Qaeda and Talibanmilitary targets. In some instances, thosemilitary targets are in reasonably closeproximity to ground forces that oppose alQaeda and/or oppose Taliban. Needless tosay, we would not have wanted groundforces that are opposed to Taliban and alQaeda to be moving into areas where weare targeting Taliban and al Qaeda mili-tary targets.

Clearly, at some point when we feel wehave done a certain amount with respectto those Taliban and al Qaeda military tar-gets, it may very well be more appropriatefor ground forces to moving in areaswhere we previously have been bombing.

Q. Do you mean U.S. ground forces oropposition ground forces?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I was referring toforces that are on the ground.

Q. Mr. Secretary, last—well, I’ll letJack follow up. [Off mike.]

Secretary Rumsfeld. You just lost yourturn.

Q. U.S. ground forces?

September 11, 2001


Secretary Rumsfeld. No, I really—theproper way to answer it is that there are avariety of forces on the ground thatoppose al Qaeda and oppose Taliban.There are even some in Taliban thatoppose the senior elements of Taliban,the—Omar and his lieutenants that haveconnected themselves so closely to alQaeda. And it is those forces that havebeen understandably—are reasonably stat-ic in their deployments during the periodwhen we’ve been attacking the militarytargets. And at that point where we are notattacking military targets in close proximi-ty to those troops, then it’s for thosetroops to make judgments as to whether ornot they intend to take advantage of thework that’s been done for them.

Q. They are moving, apparently.That’s—my original question was, areyou seeing them move now and advancedown roads that you have not seen themadvance down?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We have beenbombing every single day for the last sixdays, and I believe the bombing is stillgoing on.

General Myers. Correct.

Secretary Rumsfeld. And I would—furthermore, it is—the visibility is not per-fect in that part of the country. There’sbeen a lot of dust in various—and I guessthe short answer is that I would be sur-prised if they’ve moved much.

Q. Mr. Secretary, last night, if Imay—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Yes. Excuse me.

Q. Last night the president gave theTaliban one more chance to cough up,as he put it, Osama bin Laden—anindication that then the U.S. might sus-pend its military activity inAfghanistan. Do you believe that theTaliban would at this point surrenderOsama bin Laden, and if not, why didthe president make that offer to them?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, it seems tome it’s perfectly consistent. What he hassaid from the outset is that the United

States of America and our coalition part-ners have an interest in Afghanistan whichis explicit: It is to end terrorism, and ter-rorists, and the terrorist network, and thetraining camps, and the people who areharboring those terrorists. That is what ourgoal is. And that is why we are doingwhat we are doing.

And if that stopped, and the terroristsweren’t there, and the terrorist networkdisappeared, and the terrorist trainingcamps were used for some other purpose,and the people who had been harboringthese terrorists, and decided that that wasa good thing for them to be doing, wereno longer there and doing that, clearly ourinterest would have been largely fulfilled.

Now, as a country we have other inter-ests from a humanitarian standpoint. Andwe might very well be interested in con-tinuing to provide food, just as we have allthis year, well before September 11th.And we would have other, more diplomat-ic interests, I should say, as opposed to amilitary interests.

Q. Do you believe there’s any chanceat this point that the Taliban will sur-render Osama bin Laden?

Secretary Rumsfeld. No.

Q. Mr. Secretary, I know you want usto hold this to one question, so I onlyhave one question for you, and then onefor General Myers.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Uh-oh. At leaststay on the topic.

Q. Before September 11, the Pentagonwas wrestling with the decision aboutwhether to invest more money into Bio-Port, the nation’s sole maker of anthraxvaccine, which so far has had difficultyproducing FDA-certified vaccine. Areyou now prepared to put—invest what-ever it takes in that facility to produce avaccine, or are you inclined to go insome other direction? And I have aquestion for General Myers.

Secretary Rumsfeld. The answer is, Ithink, that I would have to talk to Dr.David Chu and Pete Aldridge. They havebeen addressing that issue. And there wereany number of issues around that situationwhich were quite complicated, for a vari-

ety of reasons. And it has been somethingthat I—preceded us, me, here as a prob-lem for this department. And to myknowledge, those problems that have notbeen worked out. But I would have to talkto them.

Q. And General Myers, could you justclear up for us just a little bit about towhat extent the 5,000-pound bombshave been used in this campaign? Has itonly been a very—can you give anynumber—can you tell us whether theywere the laser-guided variety or satel-lite-guided variety?

General Myers. Let me just stay out ofthe tactics of it. There have been a limitednumber—I won’t give you the exact num-ber—a limited number, and they are gen-erally used when you want to penetratedeeply a hard—a hardened target. And Ithink I’ll just—

Q. Can you say whether they wereused against caves?

General Myers. Yes, they’ve been usedagainst caves.

Q. Mr. Secretary, it was announcedtoday there is an agreement withUzbekistan on basing, and in the state-ment, there was a reference to urgentconsultations. [ State Department newsrelease ] My question is, is there someimmediate Taliban threat to Uzbekistanthat prompted that call for consulta-tion?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’ve not seen that.We do know, of course, there have beenthreats to Uzbekistan for some period oftime. They live in that part of the world,it’s a tough part of the world, and therehave been terrorist groups internally andcross-border that they have had to dealwith over time. And I recall discussingthis with the president when I met withhim last week.

Q. But from the Taliban, have therebeen any movements of Taliban troopstowards Uzbekistan?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Not to my knowl-edge.

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Q. Will the basing in Uzbekistanenable you to increase the pace of youroperations, or is it just merely anexpansion of flexibility? And, in keepingwith Jamie’s tradition, can you alsoaddress the C-17 flights, the overflights.You sort of tantalized us with a bit ofinformation there, but we’re—

General Myers. On the first one—thesecond part first, there was a deconflictionissue and a flight clearance problem withthe C-17 flights yesterday. And like I said,that’s been cleared up now and we’ve got-ten good cooperation like we’ve had formost of this for those C-17 flights.

And as far as Uzbekistan goes, theyhave been very helpful in providing uswhat we need, as has the rest of theregion, for that matter. And it certainlygives us some flexibility we wouldn’thave if we weren’t cooperating with them.

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think we oughtto have a new rule: you can ask two ques-tions, and then we can pick the one wewant to answer!

Yes?

Q. The troop garrisons as a target, doyou have any—are you actually tryingto destroy numbers of Taliban troopsand their leaders? And what’s yoursense of what has been the result ofthat? There have been some reportseven that Mullah Omar might haveeven been killed. Do you have any-thing—any sense of what the result ofthat has been?

Secretary Rumsfeld. With respect tothe latter, we don’t have any informationto that effect. With respect to the first partof your question, inanimate objects are notterrorists or terrorist networks, nor doinanimate objects harbor terrorists. It ispeople that do that, and it is people thattrain terrorists. And clearly, the foreignelement that has occupied Afghanistan areindividuals who—from other countrieswho have taken up residence there andbeen the hard core of the fighters, and thehard core of the terrorists, and the hardcore of the trainers. And it clearly isabsolutely necessary to find them and rootthem out, as we’ve said repeatedly.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in all, you have been

successful with the inanimate objects,but have you had any success with thoseindividuals that you’re seeking?


Q. Can you be more specific?

Secretary Rumsfeld. It’s hard to bemore specific. The success I would char-acterize—we know that we have foundsome concentration of Taliban and alQaeda forces, and we know that they aremoving, that their life is more difficult,that the places where they have stayedhave—some of them have disappeared,that their circumstance is more costly forthem, and we get snippets of informationthat some people who have been helpfulto them are less inclined to be helpful.

Q. And what about the nerve centerof this operation? I mean, you’ve hitsome of the troops in this, but thosethat are in—making decisions and call-ing the shots—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, we’ve beenworking on that problem.

Q. Mr. Secretary, regarding the com-munication of pro- American messagesin Afghanistan, what have you beendoing—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Say that again.

Q. The communication of pro-Ameri-can messages in—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Oh, I see. Byradio—

Q. Yeah. What have you been doing,what have you been saying, and ulti-mately what’s your goal?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, the—as thekinds of things that are being communi-cated in there are through—whether it’sfor the Voice of America—anyone can lis-ten to that—the BBC—anyone can listento that. There’s also another radio stationthat’s broadcasting now, and basicallywhat it’s saying is the truth. And the truthis that the United States of America hasno quarrel with Afghanistan and theAfghan people; we have no aspirations to

reside or occupy in their country for ashort period of time even. Our interest issolely, specifically and explicitly what thepresident has said; it is to root out the ter-rorists and the people that are helpingthem, and to help the people of that coun-try get rid of the foreign invaders whohave come in and taken over a majorchunk of their country.

And, by the way, we also are anxious totry to see what we can do from a humani-tarian standpoint. And we have been doingthat all year, and we are doing it now;we’re doing it both through the normalfood channels of AID and the various non-governmental organizations and U.N.We’re doing it directly through militaryairlifts—through C-17s.

And underlining the truth that those whocontend that this has anything to do withany religion are untruthful and lying. Andthey are the people who are going aroundthe world killing innocent people.

Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, you’ve said repeat-edly in the last couple of days the Unit-ed States does not seek to influence themakeup of the future government ofAfghanistan following the Taliban. Andyet, surely by withholding specific mili-tary assistance in the form of eitherweapons or close air support from theNorthern Alliance, you are, in fact,going to influence the outcome perhapsof the next government in that theNorthern Alliance is made up primarilyof minorities, and by withholding assis-tance, you are looking to get Pashtunsin a position whereby they might alsobe able to share in power.

Secretary Rumsfeld. You’re right;regardless of what your intent is, if yourintent is to get the terrorists out, quiteapart from that intent, which is our intent,there are effects that can occur by howyou do that and the timing of how you dothat. So you’re quite correct.

To my knowledge, no one has beenwithholding any assistance from anybody.We have been trying to, and in fact, suc-cessful in a modest number of instances,to work with a variety of elements withinthe country, including the NorthernAlliance. And really, when they say“alliance” you really ought to think aboutthat word, because the implication that it

September 11, 2001


is a cohesive whole, it seems to me, needsto be analyzed a little bit. It is a variety ofelements, just as in the south there are avariety of tribes.

We are not withholding. We are interest-ed in assisting those on the ground whoare anxious to throw out the terrorists andthe Taliban and the al Qaeda, we are for.We would encourage that. And so we dohave an interest in their being successful.

Q. Mr. Secretary, yesterday youencouraged people within Taliban whoare opposed to al Qaeda to be bold. I’mwondering if there have been any signif-icant defections of either Taliban forcesor leaders since this has begun?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’m not in a posi-tion to confirm anything.

Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, you noted when youstarted that al Qaeda is just one of anumber of international terroristgroups. And I was just wondering, doyou expect the U.S. military to have towage campaigns similar to this againstother terrorist groups, or is Afghanistangoing to be a singular case?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think thatremains to be seen. There’s no questionbut that there is something distinctiveabout the situation in Afghanistan. Letyour mind run over the rest of the world,and I can’t think of anything that is pre-cisely that case. The pressure that is beingput on all across the globe is important,and there’s no doubt in my mind but thatthere will be things that will be done froma so-called military standpoint, both overtand covert, that will occur in other coun-tries, but I can’t think of anything that’son all fours with Afghanistan at themoment.

Q. Mr. Secretary?


Q. Sir, it’s been confirmed that amongthe targets that were hit was the Subur-ban vehicle that belongs to Abdullah(sic) Omar. Was that an effort to killhim?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Um. How was

that confirmed?

Q. Reliable sources.

Secretary Rumsfeld. I had the feelingthat’s what was the case.

Look, the—

Q. What was the license plate?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The United Statesis seeking out concentrations of peoplewho are involved in these terrorist activi-ties and in the terrorist training camps andin the terrorist network, and when we findthem we do try to deal with them. I’m notgoing to get into that particular case, but Ithink that people should be on notice thatit is not trees or rocks that cause terrorism.It’s people.

Q. Mr. Secretary. Not to draw a com-parable situation, but in the case ofIraq we have not had a U.N. or otherinspectors for the better part of threeyears. It’s well clear that Saddam Hus-sein wanted to continue embarking onweapons of mass destruction. It’s fairlywell established that Iraq has fosteredand encouraged terrorism. Can we saythat if all that is true, would Iraq be apossible next target for American mili-tary action?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, obviously Idon’t talk about future operations. I thinkyou’re quite right when you say that thereare a number of countries that are on theterrorist list. We all know which ones theyare. There are a number of countries thathave fostered and harbored terrorists, andwe know what those countries are. Andwe also know what the president thinksabout terrorists and terrorist networks. Butwhat kinds of decisions or judgmentwould be appropriate prospectively arecertainly well above my pay grade.

Q. You just said you’re going to havea bombing pause because it is a reli-gious holiday.

Secretary Rumsfeld. I did not.

Q. Myers did.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Someone asked aquestion to that effect.

Q. Well General Myers, is there goingto be a pause?

General Myers. No.

Q. So no pause? You said Muslimholy day.

Secretary Rumsfeld. I keep gettingquoted on things I didn’t say. It’s justamazing.

Q. No preplanned targets, I think yousaid. No preplanned targets.

Secretary Rumsfeld. And I was—okay.In fact, I was quoted by somebody hereyesterday as having said something thatDick said. We’re going to have to figureout how we—

General Myers. I kind of like that.

Secretary Rumsfeld. The situation isthis: We are going to address fixed targetsas we find them. We are going to addressemerging targets as we find them. Thingswill not be necessarily continuous. Thefact that they are something other thanperfectly continuous ought not to be char-acterized as a pause. There will be somethings that people will see. There will besome things that people won’t see. Andlife goes on. Our task is to deal with theproblem. And there are a variety of differ-ent ways to do that. And we will be tryingto utilize all the various tools that areavailable.

Q. So when the British say that thereis going to be a pause over this religiousholiday, are they speaking as part ofyour game plan, or are they off in theozone?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, they are cer-tainly not off in the ozone. They are awonderful ally and have been a close par-ticipant in this. They may very well bespeaking for themselves in this instance.But I think it would be unwise for terror-ists and terrorist networks to believe thatthey have certain periods of time that theycan do anything they wish.

We’ll make this the last question. Yes?

Q. There was a British officer quoted

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the other day saying that the currentmilitary operation could last well intonext summer. Would you agree withthat?

Secretary Rumsfeld. You know, he mayknow an awful lot more than I know.But—and he may be right. But I’m—I amvery conservative, and I just don’t know. Idon’t have any idea how long it will take.And it seems to me it’s not possible toknow, myself. And I’m kind of old-fash-ioned. I kind of like to have some basisfor saying something like that, and I don’tknow what it might be.

Q. Secretary Myers—I mean GeneralMyers, can you just outline any Britishinvolvement?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Now you givehim my title as well as my—

Q. So much for civilian—

Secretary Rumsfeld. [Laughs.]

Q. But he’s bigger than you are,Mr.—

Secretary Rumsfeld. He sure is.

Q. You’ve talked about the impor-tance of the alliance with Great Britain.We know that they launched cruise mis-siles on the first day. Have they partici-pated in any strikes since then, and canyou give us any idea of how?

General Myers. They are participatingin a variety of ways, not just with strikes,but in other meaningful ways. And they’renot the only ones participating. You know,we get a lot of support out of the region,out of the countries in the region. We haveother countries that are providing assets aswell, and it may not be that they’re pro-viding them directly for what’s going onin Afghanistan; they may provide some-where else in the world that relieves ourforces to participate in Afghanistan. Sothere is some of that action going on aswell.

Q. Have British planes dropped anybombs in Afghanistan?

General Myers. You know, I just don’twant to get into the specifics of it, but

there are British aircraft flying overAfghanistan. Let me just leave it at that.

Q. Mr. Secretary, just one on the civil-ians—

Secretary Rumsfeld. We’re all through.Thank you. Thank you very much.

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President Bush and Prime MinisterSilvio Berlusconi delivered their remarksafter a meeting at the White House.

President Bush. It’s my honor to wel-come the leader of one of our nation’sbest friends, the Prime Minister of a coun-try that has had so much to do with ournation and its development.

I’m also pleased to be able to give him alunch—after all, I had one of the bestlunches I’ve had since I’ve been the Presi-dent because of the Prime Minister. Wehad a long discussion about our mutualdesire to rout out terrorism where it mightexist. He understands as well as I under-stand that the war on terrorism will bewaged on many fronts, and I’m so pleasedwith the efforts of his government to joinwith us in disrupting the financial net-works of terrorist organizations. I’mpleased that we’re sharing intelligence.I’m pleased that the Prime Minister under-stands that al Qaeda has cells all aroundthe world and he’s more than willing towork with us to disrupt those cells, tobring people to justice. We’re makingprogress.

One reason we’re making progress isbecause we’ve got good, strong friendssuch as the Italians and the Italian govern-ment.

So, Mr. Prime Minister, welcome. It’smy honor to have you here.

Prime Minister Berlusconi. Thankyou, Mr. President, I am here, first of all,to express our great pain and sadness forthe attack on September the 11th and tosay to you if the same attack had been—had occurred on an Italian city we wouldhave felt the same pain as you are.

And also I’m here to express to you our

desire to be as close as possible and toprovide both moral and material support.

As I mentioned earlier this morning, thisattack was an attack not only against citi-zens, but also against freedom and liberty.The U.S. is the defensor of liberty all overthe world, and that’s what this attack wasabout.

Q. These anthrax attacks, sir, do youbelieve that there is any connection tobin Laden’s organization? Your VicePresident, on Friday, seemed to indicatethere may be some possible link.

President Bush. There may be somepossible link. We have no hard data yet.But it’s clear that Mr. bin Laden is a manwho is an evil man. He and his spokesmenare openly bragging about how they hopeto inflict more pain on our country. Sowe’re watching every piece of evidence.We’re making sure that we connect anydots that we have, to find out who’s doingthis. I wouldn’t put it past him, but wedon’t have hard evidence, yet.

Q. Do you have anything that pointstowards bin Laden, besides your gut?And has there been any other reports ofanthrax tainted mail being received byU.S. businesses or government officestoday?

President Bush. There has been today. Ijust talked to Leader Daschle. His officereceived a letter, and it had anthrax in it.The letter was field tested. The staffersthat have been exposed are being treated.The powder that had been field tested isnow, obviously, going to the CDC lab.

Beyond that, I don’t know more aboutit. I spoke to the Leader; he is, obviously,concerned, as am I. The key thing for theAmerican people is to be cautious aboutletters that come from somebody you maynot know, unmarked letters, letters thathave got—that look suspicious. And givethose letters and packages to local lawauthorities.

Again, the process is working; but,today, the Senate Majority Leader, hisoffice did receive a letter.

Q. Was it definitely anthrax, or just apreliminary test, do you know?

President Bush. The field test shows it

September 11, 2001


to be anthrax. Ron, there’s more testsbeing conducted as we speak. The Leaderbelieves it is anthrax, but we’ll find outmore as time goes on.

They’ve got the letter. As he said, it wasa letter that had been wrapped a lot andthat the powder was within the confines ofthe—within the envelope. It wasn’t on theoutside of the envelope, it was within theenvelope. And a staffer opened the letter.They obviously became suspicious of thematerial within the letter and immediatelycalled in for a field test. The field test wasdone, shows it to be anthrax, and then allpeople are being treated.

Q. India says it opened fire on Pak-istani positions in the Kashmir regiontoday, this just an hour or two afterSecretary Powell landed in Pakistan.How helpful is something like that?

President Bush. I haven’t see a reportyet, John. And I think it is very importantthat India and Pakistan stand down duringour activities in Afghanistan; stand down,for that matter, forever.

But I am—I need to find out more aboutthe report; I will find out more about thereport. As you noted, our Secretary ofState is in the region. One reason he’sthere is to talk to both sides about makingsure that there is no—that if there are ten-sions and, obviously, there are, that theybe reduced, that we are mindful that activ-ities around Kashmir could create issuesin that part of the region, particularly aswe’re conducting our operations inAfghanistan.

Q. Mr. President, you have mentionedthat you would—the other evening inyour press conference, that you wouldlike to see more action from the allies.And you mentioned what the U.K. isdoing. What would you say about whatItaly has done? And what was the sub-ject of your conversation? Would youlike to see something more done byItaly? And, also, from Europe, wouldyou like to see more economic actionfrom the European side to help the U.S.economy? Thank you.

President Bush. Thank you. First of all,we’re taking measures here at home to getour economy started. There is some opti-mism, as some numbers recently have

shown that consumer confidence is gettingstronger, that people are getting to get onthe airways more, that people are travel-ing. So there are some positive signs.

I hope to work with—I am workingwith Congress and hope to get a stimuluspackage that will dovetail nicely with thetax cuts we had this summer, coupled withsome of the spending measures we’vetaken since September 11th.

First of all, I’m very pleased with thecooperation and support of Italy. Theyhave been very strong from the beginning.The Prime Minister has been very, notonly supportive, but has asked how to helpin significant ways to fight terrorism.

Again, I repeat to you, this is a warthat’s going to be fought on a variety offronts. One such front will be to disruptfinancial—the finances of the terroristorganizations. And he was discussing withme some executive orders that had beentaken recently that showed Italy’s desire tobe very firm about disrupting finances.There is a sharing of information that goeson.

I’m confident that if we put out theword that we needed more help from Italythey would be more than willing to help.Each of us has a role to play. And the Ital-ian government, under this good man’sleadership, is playing a very significantrole.

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I regret the tragic loss of life caused bythe intensified conflict in Afghanistan.

Reports are emerging about casualtiesamong the Afghan civilian population, inaddition to last week’s report of the deathsof four Afghans working with the UnitedNations-supported Mine Action programin Kabul. Such reports remind us that, intimes of military action, every effort mustbe made to protect the lives and integrityof the civilian population withinAfghanistan as well as of those Afghanand other humanitarian workers still oper-ating in the country.

I have also been dismayed to receivereports that in recent days the Talibanhave harassed and beaten up nationalAfghan staff working for United Nationshumanitarian agencies. Equally disturbing,

a crowd burned down the United NationsChildren’s Funds (UNICEF) office andattacked the facilities of other UnitedNations bodies in Quetta, Pakistan.

Endangering the lives of humanitarianworkers and destroying equipment andhumanitarian supplies seriously compro-mises the ability of the United Nationsand other humanitarian actors to offerurgently needed assistance to all vulnera-ble populations.

I exhort all parties to take all possibleprecautions to minimize civilian casual-ties. As the world unites in the fightagainst international terrorism, we must,at the same time, do everything possibleto protect innocent civilian populations.


Secretary Rumsfeld. Good afternoon.The military campaign continued throughthe weekend. We’re making some progressin our efforts to create the conditions forsustained anti-terrorist operations insideAfghanistan. Chairman Myers will pro-vide some details on battle damage. Wecontinue to use all appropriate means toroot out and find and destroy al Qaeda andTaliban targets throughout the country.

In addition to the military campaign, weare continuing our humanitarian efforts onbehalf of the Afghan people. Over theweekend, we dropped another 68,000-plusrations into Afghanistan, for a total ofsome 275,000 rations since the effortbegan. This is bringing needed food tohungry Afghan people, as well as a mes-sage of friendship from the American peo-ple.

Many, if not most Afghans, I believe,want little or nothing to do with the Tal-iban, who have turned their nation into abase from which foreign terrorists wagewar on the rest of the world while theystarve or are displaced. Through leafletdrops, which began this weekend, andradio broadcasts into Afghanistan, we’reworking to make clear to the Afghan peo-ple that we support them, and we want tohelp free their nation from the grip of theTaliban and their foreign terrorist allies.

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The war is being fought on many fronts,as you know—military, humanitarian,information, diplomatic, financial, as wellas economic. All of these are critical ele-ments in a long, sustained campaign thatwill continue until we have finished thejob of rooting out terrorist networks andputting them out of the business, not justthe Taliban and the al Qaeda, but othernetworks in other nations as well.

General Myers?


As the secretary said, we did conductoperations against al Qaeda, and thosewho support them, on Saturday and Sun-day. On Saturday we struck about 17planned target areas that included terroristcamps, military training facilities, air-fields, air defenses, and command andcontrol facilities. Approximately 25 air-craft were planned for Saturday’s strikes,including about 15 carrier-based tacticalaircraft and about eight to ten long-rangebombers. Additionally, we fired approxi-mately 15 Tomahawks from both U.S. andBritish ships and submarines.

Yesterday we struck in seven plannedtarget areas that included military trainingfacilities, surface-to-air missile storagesites, garrison areas, troop staging areas,and al Qaeda infrastructure. We usedapproximately the same number of aircraftthat we used on Saturday.

We also dropped leaflets for the firsttime, and the areas are marked on the mapthat I think they’re going to put up now.And we have copies of these leaflets foreveryone afterwards.

Today we have two sets of pre- andpost-strike images to show you from facil-ities near Charkhi, Afghanistan. The firstpre-strike image is of Taliban facilitiesused to repair and store military vehicles.And in the post-strike image, you can seethat we were successful in destroying ordamaging several of these facilities. Thesecond pre-strike image depicts anotherfacility. This one was used to repair andstore both armored military vehicles andordnance. The post-strike imagery showswe had considerable success here as well.

Now I’d like to show you some camerafootage showing target destruction. Canwe roll the tape, please? The first clip heredepicts a hit on a terrorist training campconsisting of a series of buildings, bunkers

and training areas. Al Qaeda uses suchfacilities for training individual terroristsand for small-unit training. The secondclip depicts a hit on a surface-to-air mis-sile support site used for storing, main-taining and repairing missiles and theircomponents. As you can see, we hit theSAM [surface-to-air-missile]canisters herebetween the earth berms. And the finalclip shows us striking one of a number ofTaliban fighter aircraft. We continue totake out these aircraft as we find them.

Finally, I want to note that we have usedhundreds of munitions in the first week ofour visible military operation. Saturday, ofcourse, we had an unfortunate case wherewe missed the target near the Kabul air-field. Our planners, in fact, do everythingthey can to avoid such mishaps, but some-times these things, unfortunately, happen.Operations continue.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, what do your assess-ments tell you about the various reportsof civilian casualties?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The—GeneralMyers mentioned one where we believefour civilians were the unintended casual-ties of an errant missile fire. Most of theTaliban activity has been shepherdingjournalists around to things they claimcaused civilian damage. We do not haveinformation that validates any of that.Indeed, some of the numbers are ridicu-lous.

And—but I would say this, that we havebeen going after ammunition-storageareas. And on occasion, when we’ve beenhighly successful, the result has been thatthere have been a number of quite power-ful secondary explosions that haveoccurred.

And in at least one of those cases,there’s no question but that people whowere in close proximity to these isolatedammunition dumps—who very likelywere there for a good reason, because theywere a part of that activity—may verywell have been casualties.

Q. Mr. Secretary, a follow-up. SaudiArabia’s Interior minister today criti-cized these casualties and thought—Iwant to understand. You’re saying youdon’t have any confirmation on this 200

at Karam, and maybe don’t know stillabout the four U.N. workers? Is thatwhat you’re saying?

Secretary Rumsfeld. No, I think thatwe—

Q. And overall, do you feel that thiswill weaken the support that you’re get-ting for your campaign in Afghanistan?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think that weknow of certain knowledge that the Tal-iban leadership and al Qaeda are accom-plished liars; that they go on television,and they say things that we know areabsolutely not true. We know they are tak-ing journalists—to the extent there arejournalists in the area—into areas thatthey want to take them, and not into areasthat they want to go.

Now, do we have pretty good informa-tion about where the weaponry that’sbeing fired is going? You bet we do. Dowe have perfect knowledge from theground? Of course we don’t. Are we stat-ing each instance when we have reason tobelieve that there was some unintendedcasualties? Yes, we are. Will we continueto do that? Yes.

One has to keep in mind the basic, andthe basic is that thousands of people werekilled in the United States by terroristattacks. More are threatened every day.And any time that the Department ofDefense is engaged from the air or on theground, we have to know that there aregoing to be people hurt. Overwhelmingly,they will be people who we intend to hurt.On occasion, there will be people hurt thatone wished had not been. I don’t thinkthere is any way in the world to avoid thatand defend the United States from thekinds of terrorist attacks which we’veexperienced.

* * * *

Q. You began this press conference andmany other ones by saying the goalhere is to create conditions favorablefor sustained anti-terrorist operationsinside Afghanistan. Could you describewhat those conditions are?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Yes. The first, asyou’ll recall, was the desire to be able tooperate in the air in a way that advantaged

September 11, 2001


the forces on the ground, to do that giventhe non-trivial Stinger population on theground and the SAMs and the aircraft, jetaircraft as well as helicopters. The firstorder of the day was to attempt to dealwith the air defense capability that existedon the ground, and we have been diligent-ly pursuing that and have had measurablesuccess but have not completed thatassignment. We still believe there aresome SAM—at least one or more SAMsites. We still know of certain knowledgethere’s any number of Stingers andmanned portable ground-to-air missiles.

We believe there are still a number ofaircraft that we know of, and we believethere are still more of those. So that’s kindof the first thing that needed to be done.

The second thing that needed to be donewas to develop relationships and commu-nication with the forces on the ground thatdo not favor Taliban or al Qaeda or theTaliban leadership. And that process isgoing forward, and it is still incomplete, ifyou will.

And the third thing to do would be tofind ways in your communication withpeople on the ground to develop a capabil-ity to provide the much more preciseinformation as to potential targets so thatthey can be dealt with aggressively fromthe air. And that is something that isevolving and improving, but has notreached full flower, one would hope.

Q. So once all of these are achieved,then you will have your ability to carryout counterterrorism operations insideAfghanistan?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Then one wouldthink that the people on the ground wouldbe more successful against the Taliban andal Qaeda forces; that the environment forthe terrorists would be less hospitable;that people would be less inclined to besupporting them; and that they would bemore inclined to have to move and findthat their numbers are being attritted in away that is going to be discouraging forthem.

Q. Secretary Rumsfeld, do you believethat the prohibition against assassina-tion, that’s part of United States codenow, includes leadership during a mili-tary engagement?

Secretary Rumsfeld. There’s no ques-tion in my mind but—or I would not bestanding up here saying what I have beensaying, but that it is certainly within thepresident’s power to direct that in our self-defense, we take this battle to the terror-ists, and that means to the leadership andcommand-and-control capabilities of ter-rorist networks.

* * * *

Q. And to follow—to follow up—if Icould just follow up on that, sir, giventhe political price the United Statesseems to be paying in some areas of theIslamic world for these strikes, are theyworth it, when you look at whatappears to be, by comparison with pastair campaigns, a fairly limited air cam-paign?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I guess onehas to put on a scale and say how manythousands or tens of thousands of Ameri-cans or friends and allies around the worldare you willing to lose to make it worth it.

It seems to me that there have beendemonstrations, in the countries that arehaving demonstrations, well before Sep-tember 11th and well before a week ago.This is not something new.

Second, that the sizes of those demon-strations have been, relative to the popula-tions, not something that is startling.

Third, there is no question but that wehave a job to do as a country to make surethat the entire world understands that thisis not against any religion, it is not againstany country, it’s not against any people; itis against terrorists. And to the extent thatpeople who understand are unhappy aboutthe fact that we’re against terrorists, it’sjust too bad. To the extent we need to do abetter job to make sure that people are notconfused as to what this is about, then wedarn well ought to do a better job.

And to the extent there are people outaround the world actively trying to mis-lead populations into believing that this isabout a race or a religion or a people, thenthey are not telling the truth, and we needto make darn sure that we’re very clear onthat, and that all of our behavior in ourcountry and in our behavior around theworld sends not any mixed signals aboutthat, but that it is exactly and truly what Ijust said. And we can do that. Once we

start saying, gee, the people who tell liesare going to prevail and cause people todo things that are harmful to our country,therefore, we have to stop doing thingsthat would help us defend ourself againstthis, then we’re done. And we’re not goingto be done.

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President Pervez Musharraf andSecretary Colin Powell delivered theirremarks after a meeting in Islamabad,Pakistan.

President Musharraf. (In Arabic: In thename of God most merciful and compas-sionate). Ladies and gentlemen, I wel-come you to this press conference. Let mesay that we have had very useful discus-sions. The visit of the United States Secre-tary of State comes at a time of great chal-lenge for Pakistan. His presence here sym-bolizes the new, rejuvenated relationshipbetween Pakistan and the United States.We discussed a whole range of bilateralissues. The two sides agreed to worktogether in order to develop and strength-en cooperation in all possible areas.

The terrorist outrage in New York andWashington on 11th September was right-ly condemned by the whole world com-munity. The government and people ofPakistan spontaneously expressed shockand grief over the death of innocent peo-ple, offered condolences to the bereavedfamilies all over the world, and affirmedsolidarity with the American people. Wejoined the world community in offeringcooperation to bring perpetrators, organiz-ers, and the sponsors of the terroristattacks to justice.

Compliance with the relevant UnitedNations Security Council resolutions bythe Taliban government would have savedAfghanistan from the damage it is suffer-ing since 7th of October. We grieve for theinnocent victims in Afghanistan. We regretthat the Government of Afghanistan jeop-ardized the interests of millions of its ownpeople.

Our decision to support the internationalcampaign against terrorism in all its mani-festations is based on principles. The

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extraordinary session of the OIC, theOrganization of the Islamic Conference,Foreign Ministers held on the 10th ofOctober has endorsed this position takenby Pakistan. It has also denounced theminority and fringe voices that tried tocause harm to Islam and the Muslims.

I emphasized to the Secretary that theroot causes of most acts of terrorism lie inpolitical oppression and denial of justice.In order to achieve durable peace ordurable results, the current war on terror-ism must address and eliminate its rootcauses. The situation in Afghanistan pre-sents a challenge as well as an opportuni-ty. We should focus not only on combat-ing terrorism, but also on helping theAfghans establish a durable political sys-tem and the rehabilitation and reconstruc-tion of their country. We agreed thatdurable peace in Afghanistan would onlybe possible through the establishment of abroad-based multi-ethnic government rep-resenting the demographic contours ofAfghanistan freely chosen by the Afghanswithout outside interference. Former KingZahir Shah, political leaders, moderateTaliban leaders, elements from the North-ern Alliance, tribal elders, Afghans livingoutside their country, all can play a role inthis regard.

The political process needs to be placedon a fast track in order to forestall the pos-sibility of a political vacuum. It should notlag behind the fast-moving events in themilitary field nor should any attempt bemade by any warring faction to imposeitself on Afghanistan in the wake of themilitary strikes against the Taliban. Thesuccess of any political process will alsodepend on the economic conditions.Afghanistan has been destroyed by overtwo decades of conflict. The socio-eco-nomic infrastructure has been devastated.Agriculture is in ruins. Pastures have beendestroyed. Millions of mines litter thelandscape. A massive reconstruction effortis required to revive the economy.

Assistance would also be required forthe repatriation of the millions of Afghanrefugees in Pakistan and Iran and for themillions of Afghans displaced internallydue to fighting, drought, and economicdifficulties. A durable political settlement,economic reconstruction, and return ofAfghans to their country would also elimi-nate the terrorists who have found safehavens in a war-torn Afghanistan. This is

why I believe that the military campaignin Afghanistan should be short and target-ed and it should be followed immediatelyby application of viable political and eco-nomic strategies.

I briefed Secretary Powell about Pak-istan’s desire to develop tension-free rela-tions with India. I emphasized that nor-malization of relations would require thatthe Kashmir dispute is resolved in accor-dance with the wishes of the Kashmiripeople. Kashmir remains at the heart ofPakistan-India tension. We agreed on the

need for the two sides to address this andother bilateral issues with sincerity andwith a sense of purpose.

Secretary Powell informed me aboutU.S. willingness to play a helpful role inthe resolution of Pakistan-India differ-ences. We agreed that peace and stabilityin South Asia is not only in the interest ofPakistan and India but also of the entireregion and the world at large.

In the end, I would like to say that wehave ushered in an era of closer bilateralrelations between Pakistan and the UnitedStates. Thank you very much.

Secretary Powell. Thank you verymuch, Mr. President. Good afternoon

ladies and gentlemen, I am delighted to behere in Pakistan and I’ve had very excel-lent discussions with the President and hiscabinet and other colleagues in the courseof the morning and our discussions willcontinue into the afternoon. PresidentBush asked me to come to Pakistan todemonstrate our enduring commitment toour relationship with Pakistan. We arefocusing today on the terrorist threat ema-nating from Afghanistan, the al-Qaidaorganization and Usama bin Laden. Butwe didn’t stop there. We are also lookingforward to strengthening our cooperationon a full range of bilateral and regionalissues. And I made the point to the Presi-dent that this isn’t just a temporary spikein our relationship, but we believe, as aresult of the actions taken by Pakistanover the last five weeks, we’re truly at thebeginning of a strengthened relationship, arelationship that will grow and thrive inthe months and years ahead.

We have had good talks today on how tobuild on our current, excellent cooperationagainst international terrorism. The UnitedStates views that what we are buildinghere is, as I just said, is a solid foundationfor a long-term and improved relationship.I expressed our thanks to PresidentMusharraf for his bold and courageousactions as part of the global coalitionagainst international terrorism. I alsoexpressed our condolences for the manyPakistanis who were lost in the attacks onSeptember 11. It reminds us once againthat this attack in New York and theattacks in Washington and what happenedin Pennsylvania, but especially in NewYork, was an attack against the civilizedworld. Some 80 nations lost citizens inthat attack and we must always keep thatuppermost in mind. I expressed our thanksto President Musharraf for coming for-ward so quickly and recognizing that theattacks of September 11 may have takenplace on American soil, but they were infact attacks on Pakistan as well as allmembers of the civilized world.

As we met today in Pakistan—a greatMuslim nation—I reiterated that we haveno quarrel with the Islamic faith or theAfghan people. Our campaign is againstthose who pervert a great religion in theservice of evil. We also discussed how toease the plight of the Afghan refugeeswho are fleeing Taliban misrule. Pakistanhas played a leading role in receiving and

September 11, 2001


Compliance with the relevant UnitedNations Security Council resolutions bythe Taliban government would have savedAfghanistan from the damage it issuffering since 7th of October. We grievefor the innocent victims in Afghanistan.We regret that the Government ofAfghanistan jeopardized the interests ofmillions of its own people.

Our decision to support the internationalcampaign against terrorism in all its mani-festations is based on principles. Theextraordinary session of the OIC, the Orga-nization of the Islamic Conference, ForeignMinisters held on the 10th of October hasendorsed this position taken by Pakistan.It has also denounced the minority andfringe voices that tried to cause harm toIslam and the Muslims.

caring for Afghan refugees for many,many years and the United States hasbeen the largest foreign donor of humani-tarian aid. Even today as part of our mili-tary campaign, U.S. planes have beendropping badly needed food supplies tothe Afghan people.

We also discussed, as the Presidentnoted, our mutual interest in a stableAfghanistan. I shared with him and heshared with me our thoughts on how tobegin the process of rebuildingAfghanistan even as the military elementof our strategy continues and how to helpthe people of that country establish a sta-ble broad-based government, one thatdoes not harbor terrorists and one thatwelcomes refugees instead of producingthem. I also reassured Pakistan of Ameri-ca’s support and the support of the inter-national community as Pakistan joins theinternational community in this campaign.

For example, President Bush has lifted anumber of sanctions to allow us to resumecooperation with Pakistan. We have alsohelped reschedule 379 million dollars inPakistan’s bilateral debt and voted for newIMF loans. We had a very straightforwarddiscussion on the debt problem that is fac-ing Pakistan and I have told the Presidentthat I would take his strong message ofwhat needs to be done back to my col-leagues in Washington and do everythingwe can to address the debt issue withrescheduling, with respect to other activi-ties that we can take that will help Pak-istan in this time of need.

Finally, we discussed ways to promotestability in South Asia, which we all knowis a critically important part of the world.I praised President Musharraf’s recentphone call to Prime Minister Vajpayee andwe, too, believe that the Kashmir issue iscentral to the relationship and can beresolved if all parties engaged with a will-ingness to address their concerns in mutu-ally acceptable ways. Issues must beresolved through peaceful, political anddiplomatic means, not through violenceand reliance on force, but with a deter-mined respect for human rights. The cam-paign against al-Qaida and Usama binLaden and those who harbor them is ourtop priority. This is what brought me heretoday. But I am also confident that overtime we will be able to expand our coop-eration to accomplish the full range ofbilateral and multilateral issues that are of

importance to both of our nations. President Musharraf’s commitment to

return Pakistan to democracy will enhancehis effort to deepen social reform, improveeducation, and improve the lives of hispeople. We share those important andlofty goals and in the coming months theUnited States will take concrete steps tostrengthen Pakistan’s economy and furtherbroaden our commercial and trade ties.Together we can accomplish great thingsand the American people look forward tothe challenge of working with the peopleof Pakistan in those goal achievements.And I’ll be happy along with the Presidentto take a few questions.

Q. I am Saleh Zaafir, I am editor forspecial reporting, Jang. While con-demning terrorism of September 11and expressing heartfelt sympathieswith your great country, I wish to knowyour views about the struggle of theoppressed people granted by the UnitedNations Security Council againstoppressive regimes which is fairly andsternly still engaged in state terrorism.How would you differentiate such legiti-mate movements with terrorism? Myclear reference is toward dispute ofKashmir, and will you impress uponIndia to refrain from state terrorismtowards the Kashmiri people? Thankyou.

Secretary Powell. In my conversationsboth here and my conversations in India, Iwill press upon both sides as I have herealready today and it isn’t a matter ofpressing, we have a mutual view on this,that dialogue between the two sides isimportant, that terrorism has no place inthe civilized world and I have expressedmy thanks to the President for his con-demnation of terrorism with the kind thatwe saw in Srinagar on the 1st of October.Mutual respect for each other, a desire toaccommodate the aspirations of the Kash-miri people and respect for avoiding con-frontation and understanding that provoca-tion is to be avoided. But above all, thebeginning of a dialogue between the twosides is the most important thing that isneeded now. And that is the message Iwill also be taking to India.

Q. Could you please clarify the situa-tion of . . . there have been a couple of

different stories. One is the Taliban’sForeign Minister has defected, the sec-ond one is that there is an offer on thetable presented by the President lastnight to you that the Taliban are pre-pared to hand over Usama bin Laden inexchange of two or three days of haltingof the bombardment. Can you tell us ifthere is any other offer on the table thatcould resolve this?

Secretary Powell. The President did notsay that to me last night. And with respectto where the foreign minister is, I cannotconfirm where he is.

Q. Secretary Powell, what assuranceswere you able to offer PresidentMusharraf that any post-Taliban gov-ernment in Afghanistan would be onethat is friendly to Pakistan and did youmeet with the representatives who arehere representing Zahir Shah in themeeting with the Pakistani Governmentand for President Musharraf, are youprepared to support a U.S. militarycampaign in Afghanistan as long as itlasts—as long as the U.S. believes itneeds to last—in other words, is there adeadline that’s in your mind for such acampaign?

Secretary Powell. I did not meet withthe representatives of the King who arehere. With respect to your first question,in our discussions there was no doubt thatboth our common goal of seeing that thepost-Taliban government in Kabul wouldbe one that represented all the people ofAfghanistan and would be a regime thatwould obviously be friendly to all of itsneighbors, to include Pakistan. That has tobe one of our goals, otherwise we are justcreating a new situation of instability andpotential violence.

President Musharraf. On my part ofthe question, we have decided to be withthe coalition in the fight against terrorismand whatever operation is going on inAfghanistan within the parameters—with-in the three parameters which have beenenunciated—that is, the intelligence coop-eration, use of air space and logistical sup-port. And to this extent we will certainlycarry on cooperating as long as the opera-tion lasts. There are no deadlines whichhave been fixed as you’ve indicated, but

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one really hopes that the operation is shortand obviously the duration of the opera-tion is relative to the achievement of mili-tary objectives, and therefore one hopesthat military objectives are achieved andthe operation is short.

Q. President Musharraf, may I askwhat you mean by “moderate Taliban.”Is there such a thing? Mr. Secretary,does the United States agree that amoderate Taliban belongs in a newAfghanistan?

President Musharraf. Certainly thereare a lot of moderate Talibans. Yes, I cer-tainly believe so. Extremism is not inevery Taliban so one could—I wouldn’tlike to get into the details of who aremoderates, but one knows for sure thereare many moderate elements within theTaliban community.

Secretary Powell. The term “Taliban”defines the current regime but also definesa group of individuals—a group of people.And if you got rid of the regime, therewould still be those who might find thatthe teachings and the feelings and thebeliefs of that movement still very impor-tant and to the extent that they are willingto participate in the development of a newAfghanistan with everybody being repre-sented, then we would have to listen tothem or at least take them into account.You can’t export them. You can’t sendthem to another country. You can’t ethni-cally cleanse Afghanistan after this isover, but you can certainly get rid of thisparticular regime that has driven thiscountry to such devastation and seewhether those who used to be adherents ofsuch a regime are now willing to partici-pate in a different kind of governmentwhere the rights of all are respected andwhere it is accepted by the internationalcommunity.

Q. Our president has advised you orgiven the proposal that this operationagainst Afghanistan should be shortand should be target-oriented, and Pak-istan has also concerns about NorthernAlliance being included in the broad-based government that you are lookingfor. What are your comments on this?

Secretary Powell. First of all we would

like the military campaign to be as shortas possible. We have no desire to extendthe campaign beyond the achievement ofits goal. As the President said it has to beas long as necessary to achieve the mili-tary goal. With respect to the NorthernAlliance, I think we both agree that all, allelements have to be included in discus-sions of the future of Afghanistan thatwould include the Northern Alliance, andthe southern tribal leaders and all ele-ments. When you say broad based itmeans all have to have an opportunity toparticipate in how Afghanistan will begoverned in the future.

Q. President Musharraf, your countryaccording to a Gallup Poll and certainlythe symptoms on the street is verymuch against the U.S.-led campaign, 87per cent against the military strikes.How can you sustain your support ifthis does become an open-ended com-mitment and it is not short and targetedas you, and I’m sure Secretary Powell,would like it to be? What if it does takea long time as many U.S. military offi-cials have projected?

President Musharraf. First of all, Iwould like to say that the results of pollsought to be taken with a little bit of pinchof salt because it depends of how youaddress the question and you get theresults accordingly. However, having saidthat, one would like to say, certainlymajority of the people are against theoperation in Afghanistan. They would liketo see this operation to be terminated asfast as possible and that is what I wouldurge the coalition—to achieve the militaryobjectives and terminate the operation.However, one more factor that needs to betaken into account, the majority of thepeople of Pakistan are with my govern-ment’s action. That also is a result of thesame Gallup Poll that you are talking of.So maybe you have to analyze both partsand see which one features where. Thereis a degree of dichotomy in the results ofeach question.

Q. A question for Secretary Powell.You have expressed thanks for the“bold and courageous actions” as youput it of President Musharraf, at thesame time the United States has frozenthe assets of a major charity, the Rabita

charity, and there are hundreds ofschools teaching young boys in thiscountry that Usama bin Laden is ahero. How can you win a war againstterrorism if children and young menare being taught that Usama bin Ladenis a role model?

Secretary Powell. I think it’s falseteaching. What kind of a role model is itto be someone who invades another coun-try, helps destroy it, uses it for evil pur-poses and then goes out murders innocentcivilians, claims he is doing that on thebasis of his faith that provides for no suchaction on the part of anyone. So it is falseteaching. I am confident that as Pakistanmoves forward it will put in place an edu-cation system that will teach respect forall faiths, that will be balanced and will beconcerned as much about educatingyoungsters for a bright future as it willabout teaching them false lessons aboutevil people.

President Musharraf. I would like tochip in with whatever the Secretary hassaid, and I totally agree with him. I thinkthese are extremist views and these areextremist tendencies which are not wide-based at all in Pakistan, and therefore weneed to take deeper actions, long-termactions to check such extremist views.

Q. You have spoken a lot about apost-Taliban Afghanistan. How close doyou think the regime is to collapsing?

Secretary Powell. I don’t know, and Ithink it best not to speculate. I think theregime is under enormous pressure. Everyneighbor that it has, has turned against it.It is the subject of the efforts of the entireinternational community to go after itsfinances. There is also a military cam-paign being directed against it and thereare forces inside the country that are oper-ating against it. So it is under enormouspressure but I cannot tell you when thatpressure will cause it to collapse. Justcan’t put a time line on it.

Q. Do you see any anecdotal evidenceabout what you are seeing in Talibanforces?

Secretary Powell. There is anecdotalevidence that some of the leaders are

September 11, 2001


defecting and that some of the provinceshave shifted allegiance. But it doesn’t yetpaint a complete picture that I can haveconfidence in.

Q. President Musharraf, the objec-tive, you have said you would like tohave achieved it quickly to gain whatobjective? You would like the actioncarried out to be terminated quickly togain what objective?

President Musharraf. No, I wouldn’tlike to get into the details of the militaryimplementation or the military operation.But this is in the realm of the militaryaction that you certainly need to identifythe military objectives to be achieved andthen push through those objectivesthrough military action. I wouldn’t like toget into the details of what military objec-tives specifically are.

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Pursuant to the authority vested in me bysection 614(a)(1) of the Foreign Assis-tance Act of 1961, as amended, 22 U.S.C.2364(a)(1) (the “Act”), I hereby determinethat it is important to the security interestsof the United States to furnish up to $50million for Pakistan without regard to anyprovision of law within the scope of sec-tion 614(a)(1) of the Act. I hereby autho-rize the furnishing of this assistance.

You are hereby authorized and directedto transmit this determination to the Con-gress and to arrange for its publication inthe Federal Register.

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Secretary Powell and Minister Singhdelivered their remarks following ameeting in New Delhi, India.

Minister Singh. Ladies and gentlemen ofthe press, good afternoon. It’s my distinctpleasure to be here with my friend, theSecretary of State, to meet all of you. Ihad the pleasure of the occasion to meet

him very recently in Washington on the2nd of October, and I am delighted to beable to play host to him since yesterday.He leaves shortly for Shanghai, but as thePrime Minister informed the Secretary ofState, we are not treating this visit by himas a visit of the Secretary of State of theUnited States of America in lieu of a for-mal visit.

We had, I had, a very cordial, veryfrank, and very fruitful discussion with theSecretary of State yesterday where wespent just under an hour discussing issuestogether and we had a pleasant suppertogether. We covered the entire range ofissues, bilateral India, the United States ofAmerica, regional, as also global issuesand, of course, in regional, asked that cov-ering the latest developments inAfghanistan, particularly on September 11and thereafter October 2, came up for con-siderable extent of mutual discussion.

I do want to repeat that what the PrimeMinister had said when he last addressedthe Joint Session of the U.S. Congressabout India and the United States ofAmerica being natural allies. I treat myfriend Colin’s visit as part of the samedemonstration. We continue to hold thatSeptember 11 was an assault on freedom,on civilization, on democracy, and India’sstand against terrorism not simply startingfrom September 11, even before that, havebeen unequivocal and we stand shoulderto shoulder with the international commu-nity and the United States of America inour battle against this global menace.

It is my pleasure, ladies and gentlemen,to now request my friend and guest, theSecretary of State, to share his thoughtswith us. And, thereafter we are in thehands of Nirupama, and you are in herhands.

Secretary Powell. Thank you verymuch, Mr. Minister, for your warm wel-come, and Jaswant, I thank you for yourfriendship as well. It means a great deal tome. And I thank you and all of your col-leagues, especially the Prime Minister, forthe courtesies extended to me in this alltoo brief visit and I look forward toreturning at some future time and spend-ing much more time here in India.

As you have noted we are natural allies.Two great democracies who believe in acommon set of values that have servedboth of our nations well. President Bush

has made it absolutely clear that trans-forming a relationship with India and toputting it on a higher plane is one of hishighest priorities. I have found that thisview is entirely shared by Prime MinisterVajpayee and his colleagues as well.

The United States and India have aresponsibility as the world’s largest, multi-ethnic democracies to work in close part-nership with each other. The prospectshave never been brighter for our coopera-tion across a whole range of issues and wehave discussed all of these issues in thepast dozen or so hours. President Bushasked me to come here to discuss theglobal coalition against terrorism, andhow the United States and India can con-tinue our efforts over the long haul.

As an aside I might mention here andnow that we know the Prime Minister willbe coming to the United States for theUnited Nations General Assembly meet-ing in early November, and PresidentBush has extended an invitation to thePrime Minister to come to Washington onthe 9th of November for a working visitwith the President, and we look forward toreceiving the Prime Minister in Washing-ton on the 9th of November and I’m alsopleased that, of course, that invitation hasbeen accepted and I can assure you, youwill be warmly welcomed, Mr. Minister.

President Bush also asked me to conveyhis personal thanks to the Prime Ministerfor the support we have already receivedfrom India and especially Foreign Minis-ter Singh who has been in the forefront ofdeveloping and presenting those supportoffers to us over the past month. We havestood shoulder to shoulder in this fightagainst terrorism. Both the United Statesand India were quick to realize the attacksof September 11 were attacks on thewhole world. Citizens of some 80 coun-tries were among the victims, includingmany Indian citizens who remain amongthe missing. Our hearts go out to the fami-lies of those here in India who were lost,as do our heartfelt thanks to the people ofIndia for the outpouring of sympathy wehave received for our own losses in theattacks.

I want to make it clear that our focus inAfghanistan now is eradicating the AlQaida network, to end the terrorist use ofAfghanistan as a safe haven, to stop theinvasion of Afghanistan that has takenplace as a result of the presence of Al

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Qaida. We will achieve that goal. Presi-dent Bush and the international coalitionare determined, and we will persist andwe will prevail. Only after the terroristsare gone can there be a broad-based gov-ernment in Afghanistan that represents allelements of Afghan society, brings an endto fighting, lives in harmony with itsneighbors and the neighborhood that itcoexists in, begins the task of reconstruc-tion, and welcomes the refugees backhome.

My colleagues here pointed out correct-ly that the problem of terrorism is not lim-ited to Afghanistan, and I assured themthat our efforts are directed against all ter-rorism. The United States and India areunited against terrorism, and that includesthe terrorism that has been directedagainst India as well. Even before theSeptember 11 attacks, the United Statesand India were cooperating extensivelyagainst terrorism. We established a coun-terterrorism joint working group last Janu-ary for example. And now our cooperationis even more intense.

Today, Home Minister Advani and Isigned a Mutual Legal Assistance Treatythat will enhance our fight against crime.Though clearly a major focus of my triphas been on ways the United States andIndia can work together in advancing theinternational coalition against terrorism,my talks with the Prime Minister and For-eign Minister and other officials coveredmany other important issues as well. Weagreed on the far-reaching importance ofthe new Indo-U.S. relationship, which isanchored by the commitment of our lead-ers and by the friendship of our peoples. Iam confident that our relations, alreadyimproving substantially, are becoming andwill become even stronger. PresidentBush’s waiver of Glenn Amendment Sanc-tions allows the United States and India tomove forward with broader cooperationbetween the two sides.

During the course of my visit, I hadoccasion to discuss President Bush’s newstrategic framework, and I briefed thePrime Minister on our continuingexchanges with Russia on this very, veryvital subject.

And we discussed how to promote sta-bility on the subcontinent. In my talksboth here and in Pakistan, I have encour-aged the leaders in both nations to contin-ue their dialogue and to take steps to

reduce tension between them. I leaveIndia for the APEC Ministerial, confidentthat the United States and India standtogether against the scourge of interna-tional terrorism, strengthened by ourshared democratic values, and ready asnever before to work together for freedom,prosperity, and security in the region andin the world.

And finally, once again, my good friend,I thank you for the warm hospitality youhave extended to me. Thank you, Mr.Minister.

Q. How can Pakistan be part of inter-national effort to combat terrorism?Pakistan has supported terrorism inAfghanistan and Indian space and stillmaintains diplomatic ties with the Tal-iban. Shouldn’t India be attacking Pak-istan going by the logic of the UnitedStates of attacking Afghanistan?

Minister Singh. I presume that questionis addressed to me.

Secretary Powell. You can take it! Iwould not want to be inhospitable. If youwish it, it’s all yours.

I think Pakistan has made it clear inrecent weeks that they recognize thenature of the Taliban regime and they areworking with us to fight against Al Qaida,and they are working with us to see whatkind of government can be put together ina post-Taliban regime. We deplore terror-ism wherever it exists, whether it’s thekind of terrorism we saw on the 11th ofSeptember or the kind of terrorism wesaw on the 1st of October in Srinigar.And, we believe that all nations, who aretrying to move forward in a 21st centurythat I think will be shaped more and moreby democracy and the values of individualliberty and freedom, can join in this coali-tion. We welcome all those who are com-mitted to those principles and are commit-ted against terrorism.

Q. You said yesterday in Pakistan thatKashmir is a central issue betweenIndia and Pakistan, and you also saidthe aspirations of the Kashmiri peoplemust be respected. This caused someunease here in India. Do you have anycomment?

Secretary Powell. Yes, I didn’t say “a

central”. If you look carefully, I said “cen-tral” in the sense that I believe it’s animportant issue and to suggest that it isn’twouldn’t have been accurate. But it’smore important to look at the rest of mystatement, where I said we should moveforward on the basis of dialogue, on thebasis of efforts to reduce tension, to avoidviolence, and with respect to humanrights. I think that is a sound statement.The issue of Kashmir is one that has to beresolved between India and Pakistan.

The United States is a friend of both ofthose nations, to the extent that bothnations can find our efforts to be helpfulin some way or another, we will be will-ing to be helpful. But I think it is moreimportant to focus on the rest of my state-ment than that particular word which hassomehow had an article slipped in front ofit while I wasn’t looking.


Secretary Rumsfeld. Good afternoon. The military campaign continued yester-

day. Chairman Myers will provide somedetails on battle damage. We continue tomake progress in striking al Qaeda andTaliban targets across Afghanistan in thenorth and in the south, and in creatingconditions that we believe will be neces-sary for sustained anti-terror operations inthe country.

We are grateful to many nations for con-tributing to this effort. I’ll be meeting withthe Italian minister of defense this after-noon to thank him for his country’s sup-port and to discuss the way ahead. Thesupport of allies like Italy and otherfriendly countries around the world, cer-tainly including the NATO nations and theAWACS that’s now flying over the UnitedStates is critical to the success of whatwill be a long and sustained campaign toliquidate terrorist networks that threatenall of our people.

From time to time, I see references inthe press to “the coalition”—singular. Andlet me reiterate that there is no singlecoalition in this effort. This campaigninvolves a number of flexible coalitions

September 11, 2001


that will change and evolve as we proceedthrough the coming period. Let me reem-phasize that the mission determines thecoalition, and the coalition must not deter-mine the mission. As President Bush hassaid, the mission is to take the battle to theterrorists, to their networks, and to thosestates and organizations that harbor andassist terrorist networks.

A month from now, I expect someonesomewhere might report that a particularnation is not doing something or hasstopped doing something, and the specula-tion could be “Is the coalition comingapart or unraveling?”

Well, let me make clear: No singlecoalition has “raveled,” therefore, it’sunlikely to unravel. It is, as I say, a seriesof efforts that will involve differentnations at different times doing differentthings—some will be open, some will beless open. As far as we’re concerned,that’s fine. We want their help, and we’remuch more interested in their assistancethan we are in exactly how they do it.Some nations, as you know, are contribut-ing to the military effort. Others are help-ing in the financial or economic, diplo-matic fronts. Some are assisting by fillingroles that we otherwise would have to fill.

Tomorrow I’ll have a chance in Mis-souri to visit with some of the men andwomen in uniform and to thank them atWhiteman Air Force Base and the homeof the 509th bomber wing that’s flying B-2 missions over Afghanistan almost on adaily basis. Each time we report on theprogress of the war, we are talking aboutthe accomplishments of young men andwomen, brave Americans who each dayrisk their lives so that the rest of us canlive in freedom. The American people arecertainly proud of the pilots, the crews,the teams on the ground that support theseaircraft and these missions, as well as allthe men and women who are involvedhere at home and overseas. We’re gratefulfor their courage, their sacrifice, and Ilook forward to having a chance to thanksome of them tomorrow afternoon.

General Myers.


As the secretary said, we’re well into thesecond week of the military portion of ourcampaign against terrorism, and our oper-ations continue today. We’ve made

progress in destroying or degrading theTaliban infrastructure and setting the con-ditions for future operations, as well asfurthering humanitarian relief efforts.

Yesterday, U.S. forces struck in morethan a dozen target areas that included ter-rorist camps and forces; Taliban militaryfacilities, including missile, vehicle andarmor maintenance and storage sites; air-fields; troop deployment and garrisonareas; and command and control facilities.

We used tactical aircraft, primarily carri-er based, although we did use a smallnumber of F-15Es that operated fromfacilities in the region. And we employeda few long-range bombers. We also usedthe AC-130 gunship again yesterday. Thecarrier, USS Theodore Roosevelt, recentlyarrived on station in the region, and heraircraft participated in yesterday’s strikes.

We completed four more C-17 humani-tarian airdrop missions yesterday, deliver-ing approximately 53,000 rations, andbringing the total number of rations toover 450,000. And we dropped leaflets intwo separate locations in northeasternAfghanistan, and we continued our Com-mando Solo radio broadcast missions inconjunction with yesterday’s operations.

We have three video clips to showtoday. In the first clip, we see a headquar-ters building at the Kabul deployment areain central Afghanistan. This facility con-sists of buildings, training and firingranges, vehicle maintenance and storagefor central Taliban corps. As you can see,the weapon hits the center of the head-quarters building.

The second clip shows an armored vehi-cle in the open and the Kandahar barracksin southern Afghanistan, one of the train-ing facilities and garrisons for the Talibanforces.

And the final clip shows a Taliban secu-rity post in southern Afghanistan. This isan example of a target within an engage-ment zone, as we discussed yesterday, andthe target, a tank, is in a defensive posi-tion and is struck with a single weapon.

Finally, I’d like to talk directly to thetroops that, as the secretary said, are sup-porting this effort so well, and to theAmerican people.

I firmly believe that this is the mostimportant tasking the U.S. military hasbeen handed since the second World War.And what’s at stake here is no less thanour freedom to exist as an American peo-

ple. So there’s no option but success. Weowe it to our families, and to the familiesof peace-loving nations to prevail in thisfight.

So, to every soldier, sailor, airman,Marine and Coast Guardsman and DODcivilian, and our allies and friends, I saylet’s stay ready, let’s stay focused. Ourvictory will be the nation’s victory; in asense, it will be the world’s victory, or forsure, those who love freedom.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, as you break downthe Taliban’s military capability, andother parts of the U.S. government arelooking for a way to create something,and you keep referring to the “post-Tal-iban era”, is the Pentagon prepared tocontinue to go about its business even ifthere is not any kind of organizedpower-sharing organization inAfghanistan? You’re going to continueto pursue al Qaeda, Osama bin Laden,regardless whether or not there is chaoson the ground in Afghanistan? Can youhelp us with your vision of—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, of course,that is kind of a hypothetical questionassuming the worst. First of all, I don’tknow how you would characterize howAfghanistan has been doing in the last fiveyears.

So you have to realize what the base is.It was a nation that was pummeled by theSoviet Union. It’s a nation that’s been incivil war. It’s a nation where people arestarving. It’s a nation where much ofmajor cities are rubble. It’s a nation wherethere has been substantial out-migrationwithin the country and outside the coun-try. So, to suggest that it was a happy situ-ation, of course, would not be correct, asyou know well.

The situation on the ground is what it is.Our task is to go in and get the terroristnetworks and end that threat fromAfghanistan. That’s the Department ofDefense. The interest of the United States,of course, is much broader. We’re a nationthat cares about human beings. It’s not anaccident that we were the largest foodprovider in that country prior to Septem-ber 11th, and there’s no question but thatthe United States would have an interestin helping a post- Taliban Afghanistan

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because we do care about the Afghan peo-ple.

How that might shake out, how it mightevolve, whether or not the U.N. or someother multinational organization mighthave a role, I have no idea. And those arethings that would have to be thoughtthrough, and thoughtful, caring peoplewill be involved in that.

Q. Would it be safe to say that yourmission, as you define it, is going to con-tinue to focus and continue to operateregardless of what the post-Talibanworld looks like? You’re going afteryour targets whether there is a coalitiongovernment, power sharing, or chaos.You’re focused like a laser on what youneed to do.

Secretary Rumsfeld. I don’t know thatI understand the question, but there’s noquestion but the president has asked us,the government of the United States andour friends and allies around the world togo after terrorist networks, and we intendto do that. There’s also no question but thesituation in Afghanistan has been a terri-bly difficult one for years and years andyears. And there’s also no question butthat the United States and other nationswould want to try to make that better anddo what we could to assist them at thatpoint where Taliban and al Qaeda havebeen dealt with. And I don’t know how Ican answer it better than that.


Prime Minister Tony Blair delivered hisremarks at a press conference for Arabjournalists.

Good afternoon everyone. Thank you verymuch indeed for coming here this after-noon, and can I give a particular welcometo our friends and colleagues from theArab and Muslim media that are heretoday. I would like to say to you that weintend to hold regular briefings, both fromour press people and also an opportunityto question myself from time to time, sothat we try and get the right dialogue andcommunication going between us. And Iwould like, if I might, just to say before

taking your questions to say about a fewwords about the conduct of the militarycampaign at the present time and the rea-sons why we are acting as we are.

Ever since 11 September when over6,000 innocent people died in the worstterrorist atrocity the world has known,people have understood that we have totake action. We did not act straight away.We considered carefully, we deliberated.We tried to make sure that the action thatwe took was targeted on those responsibleand I want to stress one thing very, veryclearly indeed, and I know I have said thismany times before, but I think it is worthrepeating. This is, and never has been, astruggle between the West and the Arabworld or the West and Islam. I do notbelieve that those that committed the actsof 11 September represent in any shape orform the true faith of Islam, or the truespirit of the teaching of the Koran. And farmore important than my saying that, Ithink that sentiment has been echoed byMuslims the world over, by clerics andscholars of Islam, and by the vast majorityof people in the Arab world too.

We also know, as well, of the deep senseof injustice that there is in many parts ofthe Arab world about the situation in theMiddle East and, as you will know frommy meeting with Yasser Arafat earlier thisweek, we are doing what we can to makesure that the Middle East Peace Process isstarted again, so that we can give someproper opportunity for people to live inpeace. Of course this comes against abackground of again a deteriorating secu-rity situation, the assassination of theIsraeli Tourism Minister, the killing of ayoung girl today, simply shows theabsolute need for restraint on all sides andfor those people, the vast majority ofwhom believe in peaceful coexistence, toretake control of

this process, to drive out the extremes ofviolence and disorder and make sure thatwe can bring about a situation in whichIsraelis and Palestinians live side by sidein peace, which in end is the only futureprospect for the region.

So we are trying to make progress onthose issues too. But we believed follow-ing the 11 September and believe passion-ately now, that we had no alternative butto take action against the terrorist networkof the Al-Qu’eda and

against the Taliban regime in

Afghanistan that gives them shelter, andsupport and help. Now that military actionis precise, it is targeted. It has alreadydestroyed much of the military infrastruc-ture and capability of the Taliban regime.It has also destroyed many of the terroristcamps of the Al-Qu’eda. There will befurther action that we are considering tak-ing, again targeted. There is support forthe Northern Alliance being given andthere is the continued weakening of theTaliban regime.

We only took this action though, Iwould remind you, after having given anultimatum to the Taliban regime to yieldup those responsible for the 11th Septem-ber or face the consequences. And it wasseveral weeks after 11 September whenwe took action, that ultimatum havingbeen ignored.

We are also working as hard as we pos-sibly can on the humanitarian side of this.We have now pledged some $700 million.The money is there available in order tohelp people both on the borders ofAfghanistan and to make sure that we getsufficient food going into Afghanistan.Now there are formidable difficultiesthere. We know that. But the World FoodProgram and the other agencies are work-ing hard in order to get the thousands oftons of food we require into Afghanistanto help people there. And I do emphasizeto people that the main difficulty we havein those circumstances is the refusal of theTaliban regime to co-operate with thatprocess, the fact that many of the U.N.workers who have to go in and work thereare worried about their own security, as aresult of what the Taliban do, the fact thatthe Taliban have actually seized matériel,and equipment and sites belonging to theU.N., and I would also counsel a greatdeal of caution too in believing all the var-ious messages that the Taliban put outabout what is happening insideAfghanistan. For example claims of 400civilian deaths. This is the Taliban view. Ithas not been independently verified in anyway at all. You have the example just ashort time ago of a village that was sup-posed to have been bombed by allied war-planes, and in fact it was the infrastructureclose to a significant military capability ofAl-Qu’eda and the Taliban and so all theway through we need to treat with verygreat caution some of the reports thatcome out of Afghanistan when the authors

September 11, 2001


of those reports are the Taliban regime.I make one other point to you as well,

that I believe that the coalition of supportremains strong right round the world. Ithink people understand the necessity fortaking action. The alliance in Europe, inthe Arab world, in the Muslim world,however greatly people desire for thisaction to be brought swiftly to an end,they do understand the need for action tobe taken, and we are working hard withcountries in the region, and indeedthrough the United Nations, to make surethat in a situation where Afghanistan isruled by a regime that is a successor to theTaliban, it is broad-based, it includes allthe potential main ethnic groupings, and itgives at least some hope of a proper andpeaceful future for the people ofAfghanistan. After all, they have been vic-tims of conflict for many, many decadesnow. And if there is good that can emergeafter the terrible events that have hap-pened since 11 September, it is an attemptboth to put in place a regime that will lookafter people there, and is broadly repre-sentative, and then the commitment fromourselves and others to help in the processof reconstruction.

This is a testing time. In fact I believethat the next few weeks will be the mosttesting time. But we are on course, ontrack, to achieve the goals that we set out.We took this action with very great reluc-tance. We took it because we had nooption but to make sure that those thatperpetrated the terrible atrocity of 11 Sep-tember are stopped from doing this again.That is in the interests not just of peoplein the United States of America, or indeedpeople in Britain, but in the interests ofpeople throughout the world. Too manypeople have suffered for too long underthe scourge of this international terrorismand so with whatever reluctance we beganthis action we will see it through, and wewill succeed in it.

Q. What does it take to stop thebombing. Would we wait until the Tal-iban is toppled and you get bin Laden,or this would go on for good?

Prime Minister Blair. Well the mostimportant thing, obviously, is that weachieve the objectives we set out, which isto bring bin Laden and the Al-Qu’eda net-work to justice, to close down the terrorist

camps, and the Taliban regime have cho-sen to side with them. But I believe thatthe situation would be greatly altered, ofcourse, if the present Taliban regime werenot in place.

Q. The man on the street in the Arabworld is a bit suspicious about the sud-den interest by the West in the MiddleEast Peace Process and about justice tothe Palestinians. What can you say tothis man on the street who linksbetween the attacks on 11 Septemberand the sudden surge of interest in theMiddle East Peace Process. It was dueto that that you are suddenly listeningand looking at the injustices in the Mid-dle East.

Prime Minister Blair. The first thing tosay to you is that nothing could every pos-sibly justify the 11 September attacks. Noinjustice could justify killing and slaugh-tering thousands of innocent people. Butthe second thing is, and I want to say thisvery, very directly to people in the Arabworld, it is simply not the case that wehave suddenly discovered an interest inthis process. The Tenet Plan, the MitchellPlan, were born out of our interest in thisway before 11 September. When I sawYasser Arafat on Monday, it was theeleventh meeting I have had with him as

Prime Minister. Now there are not manyHeads of Government I have had

that many meetings with. We work onthis constantly, but what has happenedsince 11 September is a renewed sense ofurgency to push this process on. And arenewed sense also that if there is anylasting good that can come out of evil, itis to try and make sure that we deal withsome of these sources of tension and con-flict.

And I believe, and in part I confess toyou, governed by my work with theNorthern Ireland Peace Process, in the endlet us come to the simple realities. Thesimple realities are one, that Israel existsand will exist and should and is entitled tosecurity and confidence in its own securi-ty, and secondly that the Palestinian peo-ple deserve a just and peaceful future intheir own state. Now those are the twofixed points of this whole conflict. Therest is to find our way to those fixedpoints, through negotiation and discus-sion, through necessary compromise and

debate, and it is not that we suddenly havediscovered an interest in the Middle EastPeace Process. We have been dedicated tothat throughout. But it is that we knownow that at least as the world looks at allits relationships and how it reconfiguresthem, there is a chance, if we seize themoment, of getting people to realize thatthose two fixed points, a secure Israel,confident in its security, a PalestinianState with justice for the Palestinian peo-ple, that is achievable, if we have the willto achieve it.

* * * *

Q. How happy are you with the co-operation you are getting from theMuslim world and how worried are youon the protests going on in differentMuslim countries, as you have been toIndia and Pakistan recently. Howhappy you are with the meetings and—... but there are reports that there havebeen shellings and there is a chance ofwar in the sub-continent as well, sowhat is your reaction and what extraactions will you take?

Prime Minister Blair. Well I think themost important thing is that people in theArab and Muslim world understand whywe are acting. The last time I was engagedin military action of this nature was inKosovo, protecting hundreds of thousandsof innocent refugees that were in factMuslims against ethnic cleansing beingundertaken by a dictatorial regime in acountry that was in fact a Christian coun-try. And I think that it is important thatpeople in the Muslim world understandthat for us, this is a matter of justice. If6,000 people are murdered in downtownNew York on 11 September, we have toact, and if we don’t act, especially whenthese people are threatening more suchacts, then we would not be looking afterour own people properly, or the widerinterests of the world, and I think that yesof course there will be people who will goout and protest. Though our experiencehere in this country, and I am sure it is nottotally different in the Arab and Muslimworld, is that you have always got to becareful not to confuse the people out inthe street protesting with the whole of thepopulation. There are many people whonever go out and protest, but they still

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have their views, and usually their viewsare more moderate than the people out onthe street.

I think the one message that is soimportant to get across to people is thatwhat bin Laden and the Taliban regimerepresent is a form of Islam that is notshared by the vast majority of Muslims.Certainly any Muslims I have spoken to.And secondly, that what they want to seeis Taliban-type regimes all over the Mid-dle East and elsewhere. And those regimesare repressive, dictatorial, brutal in theirtreatment of women, and usually regimesthat end up being economically disastrousas well. I think if you were to ask mostpeople in Arab and Muslim countries, doyou want that type of regime in our coun-try, they would say no. So I think that isthe message that we need to get across,and I think the support from the Arab andMuslim world is there. But there is adebate and an argument that is going on inmany of the countries from which youcome, and my answer to that is, which isone of the reasons why you are here and Iam speaking to you, is to say let’s get outthere and tell people exactly why we areacting, what it is that we believe in anddispel some of the myths and misconcep-tions, frankly lies, that are put out by Tal-iban or extremist propaganda.

* * * *

Q. Why did you say that you believethat the next few weeks will be the mosttesting time?

Prime Minister Blair. Because we arein a situation now where we are taking themilitary action, where we are stepping upthat action as necessary in order toachieve our objectives, where we are cop-ing with the humanitarian situation inAfghanistan—a crisis that well pre-dates,of course, the 11th September—andbecause it is important, as we get underway with the military action that weanswer the legitimate questions and con-cerns that people have. So this is alwaysthe testing time, if you like, but it isimportant that we hold firm. We have tosee this through. We have to make sure, inthe interests not just of our own countriesbut of world stability, that we close downthese terrorist networks, that we strike afundamental blow against those that are

seeking to use methods of terror to gainends they cannot gain by proper democrat-ic means and that is a battle worth fight-ing, and we are fighting it.

Q. Prime Minister, in terms ofaddressing the underlying causes of ter-rorism and what you called injustices inthe Middle East, are you considering anew way of dealing with Iraq?

Prime Minister Blair. In relation toIraq, we have been trying to get a newregime for sanctions in respect of Iraq fora long period of time because, again, webelieve the Iraqi people are victims ofSaddam Hussein. We believe that hisregime has meant a huge weakening of theprosperity and security of people there,and we are anxious to get as much helpthrough to people in Iraq, whilst notallowing Saddam Hussein to developweapons of mass destruction, which hedesires to do, and therefore threaten thestability of the entire region, given hisrecord in invading Kuwait and trying toannex it, so we have been trying to workon that. And that pre-dates 11 September.What I would again say to you, and thisagain is a myth that is put out. Sometimespeople say the Iraqi people are suffering,their children are suffering because foodand medical supplies cannot get throughto Iraqi people. Saddam Hussein has theexpress permission of the United Nations,under the existing regime, to get as muchmoney for food and medical supplies ashe needs from oil revenues. He could lit-erally have billions of dollars flowing intothose two areas if he wished to do so. Hechooses not to do so, and it is important torealize that all the way through what wehave been trying to do is to give him theopportunity, if he was prepared to take it,to feed his people properly, to treat themmedically, whilst not allowing him to usethe billions of dollars of oil revenue as ameans of acquiring chemical, biologicaland nuclear weapons of mass destruction,and we know perfectly well that he wantsto do that. If he could do it, he would doit.

Q. You seem totally obsessed just withwhat bin Laden’s people are doing inAfghanistan, but there was a dreadfulmassacre of 40 Kurds in the safe havenof Northern Iraq by people affiliated to

the Taliban, their throats cut, theirheads chopped off. And yet nothing hasbeen said about this.

Prime Minister Blair. In one sense youare right. Those are disgusting and terribleacts of terrorism as well, but I think whatthat underscores is the need to go to thevery center of these operations, and thefact is the people that have then leftAfghanistan, and effectively been export-ed as mechanisms of terror right rounddifferent parts of the world, have beentrained and schooled in these mechanismsof terror in Afghanistan. So that is why itis important that we act there.

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The following joint statement was issuedfollowing the meeting between PresidentBush and President Putin in Shanghai.

The President of the United States and thePresident of Russia categorically rejectand resolutely condemn terrorism in all itsforms and manifestations, regardless ofmotive. The Presidents stress that the bar-baric act of terrorism committed in theUnited States on September 11, 2001 rep-resents a crime against all humanity.

The Presidents note that terrorismthreatens not only the security of the Unit-ed States and Russia, but also that of theentire international community, as well asinternational peace and security. Theybelieve that terrorism poses a direct threatto the rule of law and to human rights anddemocratic values. It has no foundation inany religion, national or cultural tradi-tions, and it only uses them as a cover forits criminal goals.

The Presidents agree that every effortmust be undertaken to bring the perpetra-tors to justice, while protecting the rightsand welfare of civilians. They stress thatthe fight against terrorism requires theunity of the entire international communi-ty to counter new challenges and threatson the basis of international law and thefull use of the United Nations and otherinternational organizations.

The Presidents call for all states to joina sustained global coalition to defeat inter-national terrorism. Nations must make use

September 11, 2001


of diplomatic, political, law enforcement,financial, intelligence, and military meansto root out terrorists and their sponsorsand bring them to justice.

The Presidents emphasize that the cur-rent situation in Afghanistan is a directconsequence of the policies pursued bythe Taliban, which turned that country intoan international center of terrorism andextremism. They reaffirm that the UnitedStates and Russia are ready to cooperateclosely with the United Nations to pro-mote a post-conflict settlement inAfghanistan that would provide for theformation of a representative, broad-basedgovernment capable of ensuring therestoration of a peaceful Afghanistan thatmaintains good relations with countries ofthe region and beyond it.

The leaders of the two countries viewU.S.-Russian cooperation as a critical ele-ment in the global effort against terrorism.They reaffirm their personal commitmentand that of their two countries to fight thisdeadly challenge through active coopera-tion and coordination, both bilaterally andwithin the framework of internationalinstitutions.

The Presidents note with satisfaction thefruitful cooperation between the UnitedStates and Russia in the United Nationsand the U.N. Security Council, in theNATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council,and in the G-8. They also instruct theirgovernments to reinforce bilateral cooper-ation throughout the U.S.-Russia WorkingGroup on countering terrorist and otherthreats emanating from Afghanistan.

The Presidents agree that the financial,communications, and logistics networks ofterrorist organizations must be destroyed.They call upon all nations without excep-tion to take measures to block access ofterrorist organizations to financialresources, to enhance law enforcementtools to combat terrorism, and to strength-en procedures to stop the transit of terror-ists and their material within and betweencountries. They stress the importance ofspeedy ratification and implementation ofexisting international counterterrorismconventions.

The two Presidents are resolved toadvance cooperation in combating newterrorist threats: nuclear, chemical andbiological, as well as those in cyberspace.They agreed to enhance bilateral and mul-tilateral action to stem the export and pro-

liferation of nuclear, chemical and biolog-ical materials, related technologies, anddelivery systems as a critical componentof the battle to defeat international terror-ism.


General Myers. Just quickly, operationsare ongoing in our campaign against ter-rorism and are proceeding according toour plan.

I’ll give you a synopsis of our weekendactivity. On Saturday, U.S. forces struck insix planned target areas that included air-fields and air defenses, command and con-trol facilities, and terrorist forces andcamps. We used a total of about 90 strikeaircraft, with about 85 of them tacticaljets, primarily off our carriers. Theremainder were long-range bombers.

We continued our humanitarian airdropmission Saturday, with four C-17s deliver-ing approximately 52,000 rations.

On Sunday we struck in eight plannedtarget areas that included airfields, com-mand and control facilities, and Talibanforces deployed and in garrisons. Weused, again, about 85 strike aircraft onSunday, with about 75 tactical aircraft,principally from carriers, and the balancelong-range bombers.

We flew additional airdrop missions onSunday, with four more C- 17s, and thatbrings our total of rations delivered to dateto about 700,000.

We dropped leaflets on Saturday inthree locations in northeasternAfghanistan and on Sunday in three morein the North, South, and West. We alsoflew our Commando Solo radio broadcastmissions, in conjunction with the Saturdayand Sunday operations.

We’ve got some videotape for you now,and I’ll show you a couple of clips whichdepict air operations from the weekend.All are similar in that they depict strikeson Taliban armored forces. These clips arepretty representative of a great deal of thestrikes in the past two days, as our opera-tions involved a greater emphasis on field-ed Taliban forces, rather than fixed struc-

tures. These should speed by pretty quick-ly.

The first is from yesterday. It’s a hit ona Taliban tank set up in the defensive posi-tion and trying to find cover in a wadi inwestern Afghanistan, near Herat.

The second clip from Saturday shows ahit on a Taliban armored vehicle set up ata security outpost in the Kandahar mili-tary training facility and deployment area.

Finally, also from Saturday, here’s a hiton an armored vehicle positioned in arevetment in the southern plains ofAfghanistan near Kandahar.

Once again, I’d like to say, you are see-ing visible military operations that arefocused on Afghanistan. But this is a waragainst global terrorism, and you are see-ing a very visible element of the military,yet other things are being done by otherelements of our government. And I’m notgoing to go into those specific elementsagain, but things are going on besideswhat you see here on these videotapes,plus we’re getting great contributionsfrom allies and friends in a variety ofways that we’re very happy about.

We’re now ready to take your questions.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Charlie?

Q. Mr. Secretary, have you found outanything on how you respond to thecharges from the Taliban that U.S. jetsbombed a hospital near Herat, killingperhaps more than a hundred people?And adding to that, are U.S. forces nowdirectly—directly—attacking Talibanforces protecting both Kabul andMazar-e Sharif?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The Taliban havesaid they have shot down at least two heli-copters, which is false. They have not.They have indicated that they have cap-tured some Americans, which is false.They have not. And we have absolutely noevidence at all that would suggest that thatallegation that you cited is correct.

Q. (Off mike.)

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’m sure it’s not.But I don’t have the kind of informationthat I do on the other situations.

Q. And on the attacks on the Talibanforces protecting—

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Secretary Rumsfeld. It’s true. TheUnited States has been engaged in variousair activities that have addressed Talibanand al Qaeda forces for the most part inthe North, some north of Kabul, and somenorth—en route to, yes, Mazar-e Sharif.

General Myers. On the hospital, Char-lie, we are—as the secretary said, we’renot quite as certain about that yet, sowe’re going to continue to look. The lastthing we want to do is cause any civiliancasualties. So we’re still looking. Wedon’t have the evidence yet. We’ll spendsome time to figure out what the groundtruth is, if we can do that.

Q. General—

Secretary Rumsfeld. The other thingyou should say is when you see these con-stant reports in the press and the televisionthat the United States and coalition forcesare bombing Kabul or bombing Kandahar,99 percent of the time it’s just not true.Most of the effort is outside of thosecities, and to the extent it is inside the city,it is on a military target that has beencarefully selected.

Q. General Myers, from a military-strategy point of view, what is the sig-nificance of the timing of moving nowtoward the Taliban fielded forces inthose two areas?

General Myers. Let me say first—I’lltalk about the timing in just a minute. Butin a general way: This is not a linear war;this is not a sequential war. To think aboutthis in terms of phases, as we have otherconflicts—we’ve just got to clear ourminds of that. We are fighting an enemythat uses asymmetric means, so we’regoing to use all means available to us—some asymmetric, some very convention-al. You saw that today on the clips.

We have a notion of things we wouldlike to happen, but it’s not in the sequen-tial sense or this linear sense that ourbrains tend to work in. We’ve been work-ing this very hard, ourselves, to accommo-date our thinking so we can be agile, moreflexible in our responses. This is toughwork, but don’t think about it in terms ofphasing—in “once we’re done with thebombing campaign, now it’s the ground

campaign”—that is not how this is goingto go.

So, in that regard, it’s just simply as wesaid: Now we’re starting to work on someTaliban targets that are arrayed out in thefield against folks that we would like tohelp. And that’s what we’re about.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you believe thatthe recent anthrax mailings are thework of al Qaeda, and do you have anyidea what the source of this anthraxmight be?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I don’t. And no.

Q. General Myers, can you tell us,please: Have you been able to analyzeany of the material that was recoveredby the Rangers in the weekend action atKandahar and the complex? Are youable to share any of that with us at thispoint?

General Myers. It certainly hasn’tcome to our attention whether we’ll beable to share it or not. It remains to beseen. Part of it is just the laborious task ofgoing through and translating it. Andtranslators are at a premium for all thegovernment agencies today. So it’ll takesome time.

Q. General, I wanted you to takeanother crack at this tragedy question.You tried, using terms like “linear” and“not sequential or linear.” In layman’slanguage, could you give a sense howthe strategy unfolding over the last twoweeks is different than, say, going to theGulf War or NATO’s attacks againstthe Serbs in ‘99?

General Myers. Well, I think the GulfWar is a perfect example, where we triedto set conditions with the air war, and thenwe had a ground component that went inand finished the job. You shouldn’t thinkof this in those terms.

What we talk about right now, for themost part, is a very conventional piece ofthis problem. It’s much broader than that.It includes—we’ve talked about this—itincludes almost every agency and depart-ment in this government, and we’re allinterconnected in ways that we probably

haven’t been. The closest analogy wouldbe the drug war. But things aren’t going tohappen in a linear sense.

Q. I’m talking military, though, notwith Treasury or Justice—

General Myers. Well, I know you’retalking military, Tony, but that’s the wholepoint: This is a different kind of conflict.This is asymmetric warfare. We have touse all the instruments of national power.The president has been pretty clear onthis. The secretary has talked about it atlength. And that’s what we’re talkingabout here. Much, much different.

* * * *

Q. Can we return to the NorthernAlliance and your sense of timing,which I—it baffles me that you are nowhitting certain troops that they’ve beenbegging you to hit for several weeks,and you seem to be indicating there isno sense that you are now ready to havethem advance. Is the United States nowready to have the Northern Allianceadvance toward Kabul because you aretaking down these front-line troops?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, first, let meparse that question a little bit.

Q. It’s just one question.

Secretary Rumsfeld. The impressionthat you have left by the question is thatit’s true that they have been begging us forweeks—several weeks, to be precise, Ithink—to hit the troops in front of them.That, to my knowledge, is not true.

First of all, there is no “they” in singu-lar. The Northern Alliance is a group ofseparate elements that have somewhatconsistent interests, but, on the other hand,they also have competing and conflictinginterests. And they do not always agreewith each other as to what should be done.

You will find that throughout this effort,you will be hearing, I suppose via cellphone, from people who are talking topeople on the ground in the various fac-tions that comprise the Northern Alliance,as well as in the south. And people will besaying things that they believe will advan-tage them—not only vis-a-vis Taliban andal Qaeda, but also vis-a-vis some of their

September 11, 2001


fellow Northern Alliance forces or fac-tions, if you will.

The United States and the coalitionforces have, for a period of days, beenseeking out concentrations of Taliban andal Qaeda fighters. We have had unevensuccess. To the extent we have excellentground-to-air coordination, the successimproves. To the extent that some of theforces move forward against Taliban andal Qaeda forces, our success improvesbecause it flushes them.

I have heard the same stories you have.But the correct answer is the one I’ve justgiven. We are happy and eager and willingto do what we can to help seek out anddestroy the Taliban and al Qaeda forces.

Q. Mr. Secretary—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Excuse me.Excuse me. He asked another piece of thequestion, which I believe was: Are wenow ready to allow the forces to move?We have been ready and we certainly areready to have the alliance forces move,both north and south.

Q. And that is an indication that someof the other political pieces of the puz-zle, which I understand are not yourproblem on the one hand, but are yourproblem—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Sure.

Q.—because we’re part of the same—you are part of the same government—those pieces are beginning to fall intoplace?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The pieces arebeing worked on, but I think it would pre-mature to say they’re falling into place.There are a lot of people who are workingon them. The reality is that we believevery strongly that the threat to the worldhas not disappeared, and that the soonerthe al Qaeda and Taliban forces are dealtwith, the sooner the threat will begin tomoderate. And therefore, we’re not hold-ing back at all.

Q. Is there—

Secretary Rumsfeld. And to the extentthe other pieces have not quite fallen intoplace, we’ll keep working on those.

* * * *

Q. The leader of Pakistan, Mr. Mushar-raf, has asked that the bombing stopwhen Ramadan begins in a couple ofweeks. What’s your reaction to that? Isthere anything you can say from thispodium to assure him or other allies,Muslim allies in the region, who havesimilar concerns?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I would say twothings. First, that we have great respect forthe views and concerns of the many coun-tries that are cooperating in this effort.And as I have said on a number of occa-sions, the sensitivities and the perspectivesvary from country to country.

We also have to recognize two otherthings. One is that there continue to beterrorist threats in this world, and thesooner we deal with this problem, the lesslikely it is that you’re going to have addi-tional terrorist attacks. And third, historyis replete with instances where Muslimnations have fought with—among them-selves or with other countries during vari-ous important holy days for their religionand it has not inhibited them historically.

Q. General, last week there was a lotof focus toward the end of the week onthe situation around Mazar-e Sharif.You’ve talked—you and the secretaryhave talked about U.S. air strikes in theNorth. And yet the Northern Alliancedoesn’t seem to have been able to takeadvantage of the air strikes aroundMazar-e Sharif to move closer to thetown. Could you talk about the situa-tion there and why, if there have beenthe American air strikes there, theNorthern Alliance hasn’t been able tomake progress?

General Myers. Well, I think our viewis that—and I’ll piggyback off what thesecretary said about that overall situationin the North with the Northern Alliance,that this is a confederation of variousgroupings. We think they’re outnumbered,for one reason. So that impacts how fastthey can move. And I would say that’sprobably the biggest factor. But I wouldalso just piggyback again on what the sec-retary said. I think that that’s starting tocome to a head and we may see some

progress in that area here in the not-too-distant future.

* * * *

Q.—without in any way impugningyour promise that you’re not going tonot tell the truth to us, do you worry,however, that by withholding so muchinformation and by withholding somuch access, that may undermine thecredibility, ultimately, of the UnitedStates government’s story of what’sgoing on?

Secretary Rumsfeld. First of all, we’renot withholding so much information. Iam admittedly withholding some informa-tion that I think would put American livesat risk, or would jeopardize the effortwe’re engaged in. But in terms of sayingit’s a lot, it isn’t. The press in this—this isa very open society, and the press knows,you know, almost as much as exists andalmost as soon as it exists. And the ideathat there is some great iceberg downthere that’s not known, below water, it’sjust not surprising that people wouldimagine that, since they know, by our owntestimony, that there are things they do notknow, and therefore they imagine theworst or the biggest or the most. But it’sjust not true. The press does know theoverwhelming portion.

And you will find that we will be uni-formly honest from this podium—not justRumsfeld, but Myers and everyone elsethat we send down here, to the best of ourknowledge.

And to the extent we make a mistake,we’ll come down the next day and clean itup.

But clearly, we do not want to under-mine the effort, and it strikes me that howthe press handles this new conflict willalso contribute to the success of it.


It’s been my honor to brief key membersof the Senate and the House on our trip tothe Far East. It was a very successful trip,in that we were able to have an honestdialogue about the need to fight terror.

And the 21 nations—20 other nationsrepresented there agreed with our country,

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and they appreciate our determination tofight and win the war against terror. Theyunderstand that an attack on Americacould have been an attack on them. Andthe cooperation was very strong and veryevident and I am most grateful.

And I am most grateful for the opportu-nity to share with the members of theHouse and the Senate this essential—and Iwant to, first, thank Chairman Biden andChairman Hyde and the other membershere for standing solidly with the adminis-tration to formulate and conduct a foreignpolicy that’s in the best interest of ourcountry.

It is oftentimes said that when it comesto foreign policy, partisanship stops, andthat’s exactly what has happened here atthis table. I’ve had a lot of discussionswith both Chairmen up to now and I willcontinue having discussions with the lead-ers of the House and the Senate, becausewhether you’re Republican or Democrat,we all want to win this war.

I’d be glad to answer a couple of ques-tions.

Q. Sir, is the White House underattack now? The latest anthrax case?

President Bush. Well, there is no ques-tion that evildoers are continuing to try toharm America and Americans. Today, at aremote facility, we detected some anthrax.And just like at the Congress, our govern-ment is responding very quickly.

We’re working hard to find out who isdoing this and bring them to justice. We’realso working to develop measures neces-sary to protect American citizens andpostal workers. All of us around this tablegrieve when we hear the fact that a citizenhas lost a life. Two postal workers passedaway and our hearts are with their fami-lies, our prayers are with their loved ones.And the evil ones continue.

* * * *

Q. Mr. President, have you or the VicePresident been tested for anthrax? Andwhat is your sense of this latest develop-ment, sir? For the most part, theseattacks have been aimed at prominentpeople and prominent places. Is it yoursense that the real purpose here is tosow fear and confusion in the Americanpublic?

President Bush. First of all, I don’thave anthrax. It’s hard for Americans toimagine how evil the people are who aredoing this. We’re having to adjust ourthinking. We’re a kind nation, we’re acompassionate nation, we’re a nation ofstrong values and we value life. And we’relearning people in this world want to ter-rorize our country by trying to take life.

They won’t succeed. This country is toostrong to allow terrorists to affect the livesof our citizens. I understand people areconcerned, and they should be. But theyneed to know our government is doingeverything we possibly can to protect thelives of our citizens—everything. We’rewaging an aggressive campaign overseasto bring al Qaeda to justice.

Today, I’ve—in working with the Post-master General—got our OMB to allocate$175 million for immediate relief, imme-diate safety at post offices around thecountry. This is what he requested, hethinks this is what is necessary to assurethe post office employees that they will beas safe as possible. And we’re going tospend that money.

Our health care workers are workingaround the clock to help people in needand I will tell you that I think not only arethey doing a good job, I think they proba-bly saved a lot of lives by their quickaction. And I’m proud of how quickly andhow hard they’re working.

The object of terrorism is to try to forceus to change our way of life, is to force usto retreat, is to force us to be what we’renot. And that’s—they’re going to fail.They’re simply going to fail. I want toassure my fellow Americans that ourdetermination—I say “our,” I’m talkingabout Republicans and Democrats here inWashington—has never been stronger tosucceed in bringing terrorists to justice,protecting our homeland. Because whatwe do today will affect our children andgrandchildren. This is our calling. This isthe time for us to act in a bold way, andwe are doing just that.

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President Pervez Musharraf wasinterviewed by Larry King on CNN.

Q. Mr. President, the other day theSecurity Chief of the Taliban saidMusharraf is our enemy and the nexttarget in due time. Does this give youany cause for concern?

President Musharraf. Well, it doescause concern, but not much. We havejoined the coalition as a matter of princi-ple and we will stick to our decision.

Q. So nothing that they say will affectyou or be fearful for your family?

President Musharraf. No, I do notthink so. As I said it is a cause of someconcern, but it is not such that one shouldover worry about it.

Q. Was it a difficult decision for you,Mr. President to support the interna-tional anti terror campaign?

President Musharraf. Yes, it was. Iwill have to admit it because of thedomestic sentiments as opposed to therequirements of action in Afghanistanagainst the terrorists. But we took a veryconsidered opinion and I know that a vastmajority of the country is supportingwhatever decision I have taken. Although,it was a difficult decision, but we took theright decision.

Q. You had previously supported theTaliban, Mr. President. What promptedyou to change that policy?

President Musharraf. Well, the envi-ronment changed. As I have always beensaying policies are made in accordancewith the environment that is prevailing.Before the 11th of September, the envi-ronment was totally different. After the11th of September, however, the environ-ment changed drastically. Therefore, therequirement was for adjusting the policiesin accordance with the ground realities.

Q. What Mr. President, is the extentof your country’s support to the United

September 11, 2001


States effort. Will it be limited to pro-viding air bases, airspace and intelli-gence support. Are the United Statestroops welcome in Pakistan?

President Musharraf. As I have enun-ciated a number of times, we have assuredour participation in the coalition as far asthe exchange of intelligence information,use of airspace and provision of logisticsupport is concerned. Now we are operat-ing within these parameters and giving thesupport as promised.

Q. Would the Pakistani troops, do youthink, be involved?

President Musharraf. No, I would notlike the Pakistani troops to get involvedacross the border in Afghanistan. And theyare not involved at all.

Q. And the meeting with the Secre-tary of State Colin Powell last week.Would you call that meeting successful?

President Musharraf. I will call it verysuccessful.

Q. Would you agree to a new broadbased government in Afghanistan. Andwould you tell us how you view thatgovernment?

President Musharraf. I have been lay-ing down four parameters for such a gov-ernment. Firstly, we must ensure the unityand stability of Afghanistan and thenbring peace into Afghanistan. Secondly, tohave a broad based multi-ethnic govern-ment, representative of all the ethnicgroups, taking into account the ethniccomposition of Afghanistan. Thirdly, wemust not ever be seen to be imposing apolitical solution on the Afghans. Weshould be seen facilitating a solution.Therefore, the solution needs to be inaccordance with the wishes of the peopleof Afghanistan. Lastly, being a Pakistani, Iwould certainly like to have a friendlyAfghanistan on our Western border. Sowithin these four parameters, one needs tocrystallize the political dispensation thatone would like to have in Afghanistan.

Q. What role do you see for the north-ern Alliance?

President Musharraf. Well, they are apart of Afghanistan. They are Pushdowns.They are very much a part of Afghanistanand they have a role to play as far as theirethnic composition is concerned. As Ihave already said, we are for a broadbased government and a multi-ethnic gov-ernment in accordance with the ethniccomposition of Afghanistan. So certainlyevery Afghan has a role to play in a futuregovernment in Afghanistan.

Q. What has the United States, Mr.President, promised you in return?They have lifted sanctions and they arehelping you to pay down some debtsand some other matters?

President Musharraf. First of all, letme say that we did not get involved in adeal, initially, when we decided to be apart of the coalition. There was no suchdeal that was agreed upon. However,being our coalition partner, they do under-stand the problems and the difficultiesbesetting us. So the sanctions have alreadybeen lifted and we are grateful for that.We are also in the process of negotiatingthe economic assistance that Pakistan canget, not only from the United States, butalso from the European Union and theother countries who have been assisting usin the past. We are negotiating for an eco-nomic package to assist Pakistan out of itsproblems.

Q. How could you describe, Mr. Presi-dent, your relationship right nowbetween your country and the TalibanGovernment. You have diplomatic rela-tions. How would you describe this bal-ance?

President Musharraf. Well, we dohave diplomatic relations withAfghanistan. The Afghan Embassy ishere, representative of the Taliban. So tothat extent, we have diplomatic relationsand contact with them. However, I wouldlike to say that under present circum-stances, physical contact is not there at all.So our relations are totally in cold storage.

Q. In the press conference with theSecretary of State Colin

Powell you said you hoped that theoperation in Afghanistan will be short,it will not last a long time. Do you think

that it will really be short?

President Musharraf. Well, the dura-tion of the operation is dependent on theachievement of certain objectives. Anymilitary operation has to clearly identifywhat exactly are the military objectives.One is supposed to achieve those objec-tives before bringing the operation to anend. But one does sincerely hope that theobjectives are achieved and the militaryoperation is short. That is what one wouldlike to hope. And I would again like to saythat we really hope and one shouldattempt at achieving the military objec-tives as fast as possible so that the militaryoperation comes to an end soon.

Q. Are those objectives clear to you?

President Musharraf. Well, to my mili-tary mind, although, I have not really dis-cussed it in such detail, yes, these objec-tives are really clear to me.

Q. You have said the United Statesshould first take out the Taliban LeaderMullah Umar. By first do you meanthat it should be before Osama binLaden?

President Musharraf. Well, this isattributed to me in one interview, a sup-posed interview that I gave. This was notan interview at all. This was an informaldiscussion where I did discuss the militaryaspects just informally and let me reiter-ate, any military operation has to identifythe center of gravity first, and then setmilitary objectives to achieve that particu-lar center of gravity. So, to that extent, onewould not really like to discuss whetherOsama bin Laden happens to be the centerof gravity of the operation in Afghanistanor not. To that extent, I did informallyvoice my views and I do stick to thoseviews.

Q. General, have you ever met Osamabin Laden?

President Musharraf. Never. I havenever met him. I would like to say herethat this campaign may have some affectsin the Muslim world. One would hope andwish that this campaign comes to an endbefore the Holy month of Ramadan andone would hope for restraint during the

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month of Ramadan because this wouldcertainly have some negative effects in theMuslim world.

Q. In all of the Muslim World, theMuslims would have tough time duringthis holiest part of the year?

President Musharraf: I think so, it willcertainly have some negative affects.

Q. Have you received any assurancesthat there would not be any action dur-ing Ramadan?

President Musharraf. Well, I have notgot any such assurance. But, as I havesaid, the month of Ramadan is about amonth away, perhaps less than a month, Iwould say. One hopes that the militaryobjectives, as I have said, do get achievedwithin this duration so that the operationcomes to an end.

Q. What is the feeling, Mr. President,in your country about the UnitedStates. I know there have been somesides that have lodged protests. We haveseen them and there have been somemilitant groups that are opposed to theUnited States. What are the generalfeelings in Pakistan about America?

President Musharraf. Well, if youwant a very frank answer, the feelingswere good before, I would say when wewere together, fighting the Soviets inAfghanistan. But after the Soviets weredefeated in Afghanistan, Pakistan was leftin the lurch. Everyone left us alone. Therewas a sense of betrayal or a sense of aban-donment which was being felt by everyPakistani. It will take sometime to over-come this feeling that exists in Pakistan,commonly.

Q. Therefore, it will cause you prob-lems politically supporting the UnitedStates since there is that feeling ofbetrayal?

President Musharraf. Yes, that is thecause of the problem. I know that the vastmajority has support for me. But my prob-lem arises when the same fraternal feel-ings do not exist with the United States asthey existed in 1980s when we were fight-ing a war in Afghanistan, together. That

feeling is not there which is causing a bitof confusion in the minds of the Pakista-nis. On the one side they are with me andwith my government, on the other side,this support to the American action inAfghanistan which is expected from thePakistanis has confused them. They arenot sure how to reconcile with these twoacts.

Q. Have you discussed any of thiswith President Bush and by the way, doyou speak to President Bush on a regu-lar basis?

President Musharraf. Well, I have spo-ken to him twice. I don’t speak to him ona regular basis. I have told him of the real-ity on ground here in Pakistan, but not insuch a great detail. But I did give it in agreat detail to the Secretary of State, ColinPowell.

Q. Therefore, you do have fears thathaving been abandoned once in thepast, this may happen again when theoperation ends in Afghanistan and theygo to some other place?

President Musharraf. Yes, indeed. Thatis one of the prime topics that is beingdiscussed all over Pakistan. There is afeeling that we may be abandoned againafter our support to the United States andtheir coalition. Well, I feel and I reallyvery sincerely hope that this does notrecur and the promise that we have gotfrom the United States materializes. Itappears that they have realized the folliesof the past and I am very hopeful that itwill not recur. It will not be in Pakistan’sinterest and the larger interest of the Unit-ed States, specially, in relation to the geo-strategic importance of this region.

Q. What would you think if Americatook the attack further and went intoIraq?

President Musharraf. Well, frankly atthis moment, with the kind of sentimentsthat prevail in the Muslim world, I don’tthink it will be very productive. It willcertainly increase the opposition towardsthe United States.

Q. How are you handling the refugeesproblem. How many are coming from

across the border?

President Musharraf. This is causing agreat concern to us. Hundreds of thou-sands of refugees want to cross over intoPakistan. And our Ulema is that wealready have about 2.5 million refugeeshere in Pakistan. And you can comparethis when you think of a country like Aus-tralia not prepared to accept even 200refugees. So an economically weak coun-try like Pakistan cannot really acceptrefugees over this great figure of 2.5 mil-lion. Now the problem that arises is howto accommodate more and in this regardwe have been dealing with the UNHCRand our point of view has always beenthat we must establish camps across theborder in Afghanistan and all assistance tothe refugees must be given over there sothat the people go back to Afghanistaninstead of settling them over here. Ourcountry already comprises of 140 millionpeople. We only hope that with jointefforts with the UNHCR, we can resolvethis problem. Pakistan is prepared toaccept the aged, the children, the womenand the injured. But we cannot open theflood gates for all the refugees.

Q. Pakistan and India both havenuclear weapons, we all know that. Doyou fear if fundamentalists took controlin your area of the world, they wouldhave use of those bombs. How well arethey protected?

President Musharraf. These thoughtsare around the world, specially, in theWest. Let me tell you these thoughts arewith those who do not really understandthe reality of Pakistan, internally. First ofall, let me say that all our nuclear assetsand the strategic assets are in very safehands. We have evolved an excellent com-mand and control system. There is noquestion of their falling into the hands ofany fundamentalists. Let me also tell youthat Pakistan is a moderate Islamic coun-try and I mean every word of it. No reli-gious extremist party has even won anysize able number of seats in any electionsin Pakistan. Even now, when we had theselocal elections, let me tell you that thecandidates who had support from the reli-gious parties, not numbered even two percent of the total who were elected. Pak-istan is a moderate Islamic country and

September 11, 2001


there is no question of any fundamental-ists getting hold of our strategic assets.

Q. Do you expect to resolve the dis-pute between Pakistan and India overKashmir?

President Musharraf. You cannot clapwith one hand. I am trying my best. Youneed to ask this question across the borderfrom Prime Minister Vajpayee.

Q. And what could you tell us aboutthe helicopter crash in Pakistan inwhich two U.S. soldiers were killed andthree others injured?

President Musharraf. Well, this hap-pened at one of the bases which we haveprovided to the United States for thelogistic support. This was a routine acci-dent. It had nothing to do with reactionfrom any side.

Q. Mr. President, finally, are you opti-mistic or pessimistic about this wholeterrorist situation. Do you think thecoalition can succeed or do you havegenuine worries?

President Musharraf. Well, actionagainst terrorism does not start and end inAfghanistan. I would agree with PresidentBush when he said that operation will belong. I presume he is talking of the opera-tions and the campaign against terrorismin its entire complexity. That will not endwith the termination of operation inAfghanistan. One has to persist to elimi-nate terrorism from around the world.

Q. Thank you so much, Mr. Presi-dent: Thank you for the time. Weappreciate it a great deal.

President Musharraf. Thank you verymuch, Larry. It was a pleasure, positively.

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I am pleased Congress has reached anagreement on counterterrorism legislationthat will give our law enforcement offi-cials the tools and resources necessary todisrupt, weaken, and defeat terrorists. Ilook forward to signing this strong biparti-

san plan into law so that we can combatterrorism and prevent future attacks.

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Secretary Colin Powell delivered hisremarks to the House InternationalRelations Committee.

Mr. Chairman, let me congratulate youand the members of the Committee forthis hearing today, to show that the peo-ple’s House is at work, the People’s repre-sentatives are at work, the American gov-ernment is solid and at work. We are cau-tious, we are taking necessary precautions.But we will not be frightened, we will notbe afraid to do the business that the peoplehave sent us all here to do. And I canassure you that is also the attitude withinthe Administration and especially the atti-tude within your State Department.

I have been traveling around a bit lately,India, Pakistan, Shanghai, and a numberof other places, and I can also report toyou that the men and women of theDepartment of State are hard at work,serving under rather arduous circum-stances these days, with the same kind ofthreats that we see here on Capitol Hilland other parts of town. And I think I justneed to report to you that you should beproud of the great job that your diplomatsin action are doing for the American peo-ple.

Mr. Chairman, I would also like tothank this Committee and, frankly, theentire Congress for the support that youhave provided to the President’s effortssince the 11th of September. It means agreat deal to us. And, not only that, itsends a signal to the world that we areunified. We are unified under PresidentBush’s leadership. We are unified to pur-sue those who are responsible for the trag-ic events of September 11th. That day isseared into all of our souls, it is a day wewill never forget.

But we came out of that day with a deepresolve, to make sure that those who areresponsible for that day will pay for it,will be brought to justice or, as the Presi-dent said, will have justice brought tothem.

To that end, the President has undertak-

en a campaign to go after them. It is acampaign that has many dimensions to it,financial attacks, law enforcement attacks,intelligence attacks, military attacks. It isa campaign that is being waged not onlyby the United States but by a broad inter-national coalition that has come together.And the reason this coalition has cometogether so quickly and so successfully isthat everybody who has joined this coali-tion realizes that what happened in theUnited States on the 11th of Septemberand especially what happened in NewYork was not just an attack against Ameri-ca, was not just an attack against NewYork, it was an attack against civilization.It was an attack against the world commu-nity. Some 80 nations lost citizens in theWorld Trade Center, and all of thosenations have joined us in the counter-attack, the campaign to go after thoseresponsible.

But the President understood right away,within 24 hours, that it could not just be acampaign against the perpetrators who areclearly the al-Qaida organization led byUsama bin Laden. It had to be against allforms of terrorism. It had to be a broad-based campaign that brought all of themembers of the international communitytogether once and for all to go after thisscourge that exists on the face of the earth,this scourge that is targeted against civi-lization, this scourge that is targetedagainst the democratic way of life, thedemocratic way of doing things.

As Mr. Lantos said, it has nothing to dowith Iraqi sanctions, it has nothing to dowith our presence in the Persian Gulf. Weare there to defend Muslims, to defendMuslims from other Muslims. So our pur-pose there is noble, is an attack againstwho we are, our value systems, our beliefin the dignity of the individual, our beliefin democracy, our belief in the free enter-prise system—that is what it is an attackagainst. And it is not an attack that wasdelivered against us in the name of faith.It is a violation of the faith of Islam. It is aviolation of every known faith that anyman or woman believes in, and we mustnot let Usama bin Laden make this falseclaim.

We cannot also let him make the claimthat somehow he is doing it in the name ofthe Palestinian people or betrodden Mus-lims. He lifted not a finger, he gave not adollar of the wealth that he had to help his

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fellow Muslims or to help the people whoare suffering in the Middle East. Instead,he used his money for the worst sorts ofpurposes, to go out and murder innocentcivilians. And we must not let him getaway with delivering a message that isdifferent from that simple message.

As the President has said, he is an evil-doer, he must be punished as an evildoer.And there are many terrorist organizationsaround the world that are similarly moti-vated. And we have to go after them wher-ever we find them.

The first phase of this campaign againstterrorism is after Usama bin Laden and al-Qaida, and wherever al-Qaida existsthroughout the world, not just inAfghanistan. And I now come to the factthat we put this rather incredible coalitiontogether. There are some who have said,well, isn’t the coalition a burden? Doesn’tthe coalition in some way constrain thePresident of the United States?

The answer: it does not constrain him inthe slightest. As we pulled this coalitiontogether, we made sure that the Presidentretained all of his constitutional authority,for obviously when you have a coalition,you have to be considerate of the interestsof all the members of the coalition. But inbeing considerate of the interests of all themembers of the coalition, the President inno way gave away any of his authority toact as he saw fit and may see fit in thefuture to protect American interests.

Second point with respect to the coali-tion. Without this coalition, we wouldn’tbe able to wage this campaign. We would-n’t be able to conduct this war. If we’regoing after the financial systems of theseorganizations, you can’t do it just by your-self. You need all the nations that havefinancial systems that are relevant to comein to this coalition so we can work togeth-er.

If you’re going to go after the intelli-gence infrastructure that he uses so wecan get inside of that intelligence system,then you have to use all the intelligencesystems of the coalition members. If youwant to deliver a military strike againstUsama bin Laden and al-Qaida and theTaliban regime, you need a coalition to dothat. You need people who will go intobattle with you, you need people who willgive you overflight, you need people whowill support you. And the President hasbeen absolutely marvelous, in my judg-

ment, in pulling such a coalition together.I will make one final point about this

coalition. It was hard to stop it. Once peo-ple saw what happened on the 11th ofSeptember, they weren’t just sittingaround waiting for us to beg them to comeinto a coalition arrangement. Within 24hours, NATO had acted, invoking ArticleV. Within 48 hours, the U.N. had acted,passing a Security Council resolution andthen a General Assembly resolution. Andas we really got ourselves mobilized, theycame in one after the other, the ANZUSTreaty invoked, the Rio Pact invoked,organizations around the world wanting tobe a part of this. The OAS and recentlythe Organization of the Islamic Confer-ence, 56 Islamic nations coming togetherjust two weeks ago. We were worriedabout it. Would they come out with some-thing that might be troublesome for us.Instead, they came out with a strong, pow-erful statement that said what Usama binLaden and his associates did on the 11thof September was wrong, was representa-tive of no faith, was not representative ofthe faith of Islam and was a desecration.And they understood the necessity foraction against such terrorists and suchkinds of activity.

And so this is a coalition that is in theinterests of our goals and objectives. It isa coalition that people have suggested,well, it will start to fray, it will start tobreak up. Well, it’s been six weeks now;it’s getting stronger.

The President just came back from a tripto Shanghai where he met with APEC, theAsian Pacific Economic CooperationOrganization. And 21 Asian Pacificnations came together and, in their finaldeclaration, gave the President a strong,strong show of support, all united. Allwant to cooperate with the financial piece,the economic piece, the intelligence piece,the law enforcement piece, securing ourborders. How do we look at visas, how dowe look at people traveling around. And anumber of them came forward and said,we want to be a part of the military orga-nization. In fact, my colleague, DonRumsfeld, was having as much difficultyfiguring out how to use all the militarysupport that has been offered to him as hehas in applying those who were already inthe field.

We have also had a number of nationsthat have come forward and said, look, we

are with you in the whole strategy thatyou have laid out, not just to get al-Qaidaand Usama bin Laden and Afghanistan,but what happens after that, after the Tal-iban is defeated and they’re no longerthere. We want to be a part of that effortthat puts in a new system, a new govern-ment for the Afghan people, a broad-basedgovernment, representing all elements ofAfghan society, we want to be a part ofthat, the U.N. wants to be a part of that.We know that may require some peace-keepers or others to go in to help this newgovernment get up and running and start-ed, and we are working with the U.N. andall interested nations in that regard.

We are working with the different ele-ments of Afghan society in the great Dias-pora that is around the world, workingwith the King in Rome, working with oth-ers, talking to all of the countries that arewithin the neighborhood to make sure thatwe have a sense of what everybody wouldlike to do. Nations are coming forwardwith humanitarian aid, to make sure thatwe get what we need into Afghanistan asthe winter approaches. That is perhaps oneof our most difficult challenges at themoment.

Nations are also coming in and saying,once we get a new government in placethat is representative of all the people ofAfghanistan, we want to stay there inorder to help build the country, perhapsfor the first time. Not just rebuild, butbuild for the first time to give hope to thepeople of Afghanistan.

We are also working hard, Mr. Chair-man, to deal with the public diplomacyaspects of this crisis. We want to get themessage out that Usama bin Laden is evil,his action is evil. One of the problems wehave is that out in the street, as they say,below the level of government, there are anumber of citizens in Muslim countrieswho look at us as the aggressor. We’re notthe aggressor; we have never gone toattack any Islamic country. We have nevergone to invade any Muslim people. Wehave never gone to subject them; we havegone to the Gulf to rescue Kuwait fromIraq. We are there as a force for stability, aforce that protects the people of theregion. And we have to do a better job atmaking our case, and we are hard at workdoing that.

I also must say, Mr. Chairman, that eventhough I am now a diplomat and no longer

September 11, 2001


Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Icannot help but view what my colleaguesin uniform are doing and view it with thegreatest of admiration. We all should be soproud of what the wonderful men andwomen entrusted to our care by the Amer-ican people are doing over the skies ofAfghanistan and some on the ground. Andwe must also be very thankful for theforces of other nations that are participat-ing with us in all of this.

The humanitarian challenge I touchedon earlier is a difficult one and we areworking with the United Nations, theWorld Food Program and all of the neigh-boring countries to make sure we can doeverything possible to get the tonnages in.And also, as you noted, Secretary Rums-feld and my colleagues in the Pentagonare also hard at work dropping in suppliesfrom the air in order to provide someemergency support. And as we get furtherinto the season, we might find that that airbridge has an even more important role toplay.

I just would conclude, Mr. Chairman, bysaying that this is a noble cause that weare all embarked upon. And it is a causethat we must prevail in, we must be per-sistent, we must be patient. This isn’t abattle that is going to be won suddenlyone day. It is going to be a campaign, abattle, a war that is going to continue. Andpeople have asked me, how will we knowwhen we have been successful? How willwe know when we have won?

And we will have won when we are liv-ing in security again, when we are beingcautious about how we travel and theother things we do in our daily lives, butwhen we are once again secure in ourhomes, secure in our cities, secure in ourofficial buildings here in Washington andelsewhere around the country, and whenwe get back to that America that we allknow and love so well, we are not threat-ened by this kind of terrorism. And whenwe also help other nations around theworld to get rid of the terrorist threats thatthey face. That is when we know we willhave been successful.

I believe we will be successful becausethe cause is just. It is a correct battle tofight at this time. And because I know thatunder President Bush’s leadership, we willapply the resources, the will and the deter-mination to that challenge and I am quiteconfident we will enjoy the support of the

American Congress, the American peopleand the members of our coalition as wemove forward.


President Bush delivered his remarks ata signing ceremony for H.R. 3162, the“USA Patriot Act.”

Today, we take an essential step in defeat-ing terrorism, while protecting the consti-tutional rights of all Americans. With mysignature, this law will give intelligenceand law enforcement officials importantnew tools to fight a present danger.

I commend the House and Senate forthe hard work they put into this legisla-tion. Members of Congress and their staffsspent long nights and weekends to get thisimportant bill to my desk. I appreciatetheir efforts, and bipartisanship, in passingthis new law.

I want to thank the Vice President andhis staff for working hard to make surethis law was passed. I want to thank theSecretary of State and the Secretary ofTreasury for being here, both of whomlead important parts of our war againstterrorism. I want to thank Attorney Gener-al John Ashcroft for spending a lot of timeon the Hill to make the case for a bal-anced piece of legislation. I want to thankthe Director of the FBI and the Director ofthe CIA for waging an incredibly impor-tant part on the two-front war—one over-seas, and a front here at home.

I want to thank Governor Tom Ridge forhis leadership. I want to thank the mem-bers of Congress who are here on thestage, the Leaders, on this impressiveeffort. Senator Hatch and Senator Leahyand Senator Sarbanes and Senator Grahamand Senator Reid.

I also want to thank RepresentativePorter Goss, LaFalce, Oxley, and Sensen-brenner for their hard work. And I want towelcome the men and women of lawenforcement who are here in the WhiteHouse with us today, as well.

The changes, effective today, will helpcounter a threat like no other our nationhas ever faced. We’ve seen the enemy, andthe murder of thousands of innocent,unsuspecting people. They recognize nobarrier of morality. They have no con-science. The terrorists cannot be reasoned

with. Witness the recent anthrax attacksthrough our Postal Service.

Our country is grateful for the couragethe Postal Service has shown during thesedifficult times. We mourn the loss of thelives of Thomas Morris and JosephCurseen; postal workers who died in theline of duty. And our prayers go to theirloved ones.

I want to assure postal workers that ourgovernment is testing more than 200postal facilities along the entire Easterncorridor that may have been impacted.And we will move quickly to treat andprotect workers where positive exposuresare found.

But one thing is for certain: These ter-rorists must be pursued, they must bedefeated, and they must be brought to jus-tice. And that is the purpose of this legis-lation. Since the 11th of September, themen and women of our intelligence andlaw enforcement agencies have beenrelentless in their response to new andsudden challenges.

We have seen the horrors terrorists caninflict. We may never know what horrorsour country was spared by the diligent anddetermined work of our police forces, theFBI, ATF agents, federal marshals, Cus-tom officers, Secret Service, intelligenceprofessionals and local law enforcementofficials, under the most trying conditions.They are serving this country with excel-lence, and often with bravery.

They deserve our full support and everymeans of help that we can provide. We’redealing with terrorists who operate byhighly sophisticated methods and tech-nologies, some of which were not evenavailable when our existing laws werewritten. The bill before me takes accountof the new realities and dangers posed bymodern terrorists. It will help law enforce-ment to identify, to dismantle, to disrupt,and to punish terrorists before they strike.

For example, this legislation gives lawenforcement officials better tools to put anend to financial counterfeiting, smugglingand money-laundering. Secondly, it givesintelligence operations and criminal oper-ations the chance to operate not on sepa-rate tracks, but to share vital informationso necessary to disrupt a terrorist attackbefore it occurs.

As of today, we’re changing the lawsgoverning information-sharing. And asimportantly, we’re changing the culture of

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our various agencies that fight terrorism.Countering and investigating terroristactivity is the number one priority for bothlaw enforcement and intelligence agen-cies.

Surveillance of communications isanother essential tool to pursue and stopterrorists. The existing law was written inthe era of rotary telephones. This new lawthat I sign today will allow surveillance ofall communications used by terrorists,including e-mails, the Internet, and cellphones.

As of today, we’ll be able to better meetthe technological challenges posed by thisproliferation of communications technolo-gy. Investigations are often slowed bylimit on the reach of federal search war-rants.

Law enforcement agencies have to get anew warrant for each new district theyinvestigate, even when they’re after thesame suspect. Under this new law, war-rants are valid across all districts andacross all states. And, finally, the new leg-islation greatly enhances the penalties thatwill fall on terrorists or anyone who helpsthem.

Current statutes deal more severely withdrug-traffickers than with terrorists. Thatchanges today. We are enacting new andharsh penalties for possession of biologi-cal weapons. We’re making it easier toseize the assets of groups and individualsinvolved in terrorism. The governmentwill have wider latitude in deportingknown terrorists and their supporters. Thestatute of limitations on terrorist acts willbe lengthened, as will prison sentences forterrorists.

This bill was carefully drafted and con-sidered. Led by the members of Congresson this stage, and those seated in the audi-ence, it was crafted with skill and care,determination and a spirit of bipartisan-ship for which the entire nation is grateful.This bill met with an overwhelming—overwhelming agreement in Congress,because it upholds and respects the civilliberties guaranteed by our Constitution.

This legislation is essential not only topursuing and punishing terrorists, but alsopreventing more atrocities in the hands ofthe evil ones. This government willenforce this law with all the urgency of anation at war. The elected branches of ourgovernment, and both political parties, areunited in our resolve to fight and stop and

punish those who would do harm to theAmerican people.

It is now my honor to sign into law theUSA Patriot Act of 2001.


Today I had the first official meeting ofthe Homeland Security Council—Gover-nor—that has been chaired by—when I’mnot here, by Governor Ridge. And as youcan see, I’ve assembled many of the mem-bers of my administration here, seniormembers of the administration, becauseour task is to do everything we can to pro-tect the American people from any threatwhatsoever.

The American people are beginning tounderstand that we fight a two-front waragainst terror. We fight in Afghanistan,and I appreciate so very much the effortsof our men and women who wear the uni-form. And we fight it at home here, tomake sure America is as safe is possible.

Along these lines, we’ve set up a foreignterrorist tracking task force to make surethat the Land of the Free is as safe as pos-sible from people who might come to ourcountry to hurt people. We welcome legalimmigrants and we welcome people com-ing to America. We welcome the processthat encourages people to come to ourcountry to visit, to study, and to work.

What we don’t welcome are people whocome to hurt the American people. And,so, therefore, we’re going to be very dili-gent with our visas and observant with thebehavior of people who come to thiscountry.

As an example, if a person applies for astudent visa and gets that visa, we want tomake sure that person actually goes toschool; in other words, if they’re using thevisas for the intended purpose.

The American people need to know thatwe’re doing everything we possibly can toprevent and disrupt any attack on Ameri-ca, and that we’re doing everything wecan to respond to attacks. And I’m proudof the public health workers, people thatreport to Tommy Thompson’s agency,about their hard work. They’re workinghours on hours. And I believe that liveshave been saved as a result of their dili-gent efforts.

Be glad to answer a couple of questions.

Fournier, then Dave, then Stretch.

Q. Mr. President, thank you. Yester-day, there was quite a bit of talk onCapitol Hill about the need for groundtroops to step up the military actionanother notch; Senator McCain, Sena-tor Dodd, among others. Do you thinkthe American public is ready for a sig-nificant number of ground troops inAfghanistan?

President Bush. I the most importantthing that the American people realize isthat we’re steady and determined andpatient, that we’ve got a strategy in placeto bring al Qaeda to justice, and at thesame time make it clear that any nationwhich harbors terrorists will be heldaccountable for their decisions. And weare implementing our strategy. And weappreciate any suggestions people mayhave.

But the strategy we have at the timeright now is to use our military to disman-tle Taliban defenses, use our military todestroy al Qaeda training bases, and towork with troops that now exist on theground to fulfill our mission. And I ampleased with the progress we’re making.

And I’m really pleased with the fact thatthe American people are patient. Theyrealize this is a war the likes of whichthey have never seen before. And, there-fore, they are rooting on their governmentand the men and women who wear theuniform. They understand that it’s goingto take a while to achieve our objective,and I appreciate that patience.

Q. Sir, since so many of the hijackerswere in the country legally, do you planto crack down on student visas or polit-ical asylum cases, things of that sort?

President Bush. Well, we plan on mak-ing sure that if a person has applied for astudent visa, they actually go to college ora university. And, therefore, we’re goingto start asking a lot of questions thatheretofore have not been asked.

We’re going to tighten up the visa poli-cy. That’s not to say we’re not going to letpeople come into our country; of coursewe are. But we’re going to make sure thatwhen somebody comes, we understandtheir intended purpose and that they fulfillthe purpose that they—on their applica-

September 11, 2001


tion. You bring up a very good point, Steve.

And that is, that sometimes, people comehere with no intention to fulfill their pur-pose. And when we find those, they willbe escorted out of the United States.

Q. Mr. President, a couple of weeksago the FBI issued an alert indicatingthat within several days the countrycould be attacked by terrorists again.Does the government still believe andhave information to support the notionthat Osama bin Laden is planning asecond wave of attacks, and do youbelieve that all of the resources nowdedicated to the anthrax situationreduce the country’s level of prepared-ness?

President Bush. We believe that thecountry must stay on alert, that there is—that our enemies still hate us. Our enemieshave no values that regard life as precious.They’re active, and therefore, we’re con-stantly in touch with our law enforcementofficials to be prepared.

Now, having said that, the Americanpeople must go about their lives. And Irecognize it’s a fine balance. But theAmerican people also understand that theobject of any terrorist activity is to causeAmericans to abandon their lifestyles.

Every American is a soldier, and everycitizen is in this fight. And I am proud ofour country. Our country is united andstrong, and we’re prepared. We’ve gotample resources to fight the war on thehome front on many fronts. And part ofour purpose of being here is to make surethat those resources are well organizedand that fit into a strategy that this admin-istration is designing.


Secretary Rumsfeld. Good afternoon. Over the weekend, the campaign began

its fourth week, I guess its 22nd day, ascoalition forces continued strikes againstTaliban and al Qaeda targets throughoutAfghanistan. As the first weeks of this

effort proceed, it bears repeating that ourgoal is to—is not to reduce or simply con-tain terrorist acts, but our goal is to dealwith it comprehensively. And we do notintend to stop until we’ve rooted out ter-rorist networks and put them out of busi-ness, not just in the case of the Talibanand the al Qaeda in Afghanistan, but othernetworks as well. And as I’ve mentioned,the al Qaeda network crosses some 40,50-plus countries. The task is to keep at ituntil Americans can go about their liveswithout fear.

As we’ve said from the start of the cam-paign, this will not happen overnight. It isa marathon, not a sprint. It will be years,not weeks or months. The Americans, asyou know, do not seek war. We did notseek this war; it was thrust upon us. It is amatter of self-defense. And the only wayto defend against terrorist acts is to takethe battle to the terrorists. It was thrustupon us. And we love liberty and we needto do whatever it will take to defend it.

We know that victory will not comewithout a cost. War is ugly. It causes mis-ery and suffering and death, and we seethat every day. And brave people givetheir lives for this cause, and, needless tosay, innocent bystanders can be caught incrossfire. Every time General Myers and Istand before you at this podium, we’reasked to respond to Taliban accusationsabout civilian casualties, much of itunsubstantiated propaganda.

On the other hand, there are instanceswhere in fact there are unintended effectsof this conflict, and ordnance ends upwhere it should not. And we all know that,and that’s true of every conflict.

As a nation that lost thousands of inno-cent civilians on September 11th, weunderstand what it means to lose fathersand mothers and brothers and sisters andsons and daughters. But let’s be clear: nonation in human history has done more toavoid civilian casualties than the UnitedStates has in this conflict. Every singleday, in the midst of war, Americans risktheir lives to deliver humanitarian assis-tance and alleviate the suffering of theAfghan people.

We did not start the war; the terroristsstarted it when they attacked the UnitedStates, murdering more than 5,000 inno-cent Americans. The Taliban, an illegiti-mate, unelected group of terrorists, startedit when they invited the al Qaeda into

Afghanistan and turned their country intoa base from which those terrorists couldstrike out and kill our citizens.

So let there be no doubt; responsibilityfor every single casualty in this war, bethey innocent Afghans or innocent Ameri-cans, rests at the feet of Taliban and alQaeda. Their leaderships are the ones thatare hiding in mosques and using Afghancivilians as human shields by placing theirarmor and artillery in close proximity tocivilians, schools, hospitals, and the like.When the Taliban issue accusations ofcivilian casualties, they indict themselves.

Our task is to put pressure on them. It’sto dry up their finances. It’s to continuethe arrests and the interrogations. It’s tomake sure we gather every conceivablescrap of information and intelligence thatwe can. It’s to continue to force them tomove from cave to cave, from tunnel totunnel. It’s to continue providing humani-tarian assistance, and it is to find and seethat we stop the al Qaeda and Taliban mil-itary and leadership, to keep them fromcontinuing their terrorist acts.

Let there be no doubt; it will end in thecomprehensive defeat of the Taliban andthe al Qaeda and the terrorist networksoperating throughout the world that threat-en our people and our way of life.

We are patient, we’re determined andwe’re committed.

General Myers.

General Myers. Operations in the cam-paign against terrorism continue, and weare continuing our efforts to furtherdegrade Taliban and terrorist forces, par-ticularly those deployed in the northagainst opposition forces. The number ofpreplanned target areas involving adver-sary forces and infrastructure have ebbedsomewhat over the past few days, with ourstrikes increasingly occurring in engage-ment zones around the region.

Yesterday we struck in six planned tar-get areas, principally in the north andnortheast around Mazar-e Sharif andKabul. These included terrorist and Tal-iban command-and-control elements, Tal-iban air defenses, and military forces bothin garrison and deployed. But, as I indi-cated, we’re also very active againstnumerous targets and engagement zones,as well. We used about 65 strike aircraftyesterday, including about 55 tactical air-craft off our carriers; between four and six

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land-based tactical aircraft and about thesame number of bomber aircraft. We areapproaching the 1 million mark in termsof humanitarian daily rations airdroppedinto Afghanistan. Two C-17s deliveredyesterday about 34,000 rations in theNorth, for a total of approximately now960,000 delivered to date. We also flewour Commando Solo broadcast missionsyesterday and dropped leaflets in theNorth.

We have pre- and post-strike imagery ofa Taliban military- maintenance supportfacility located outside of Kabul. In thepre-strike, you can see a maintenance-and-support building, as well as a militaryvehicle parking and holding areas, and ofcourse, as you can see in the post-strike,we hit pretty hard on Friday.

Also from Friday’s operations, we havetwo video clips of hits of deployed Tal-iban forces. The first shows a hit on anarmored vehicle seeking cover in a wadinear Mazar-e Sharif. This vehicle is partof the Taliban Fifth Corps that is attempt-ing to defend Mazar-e Sharif from North-ern Alliance attacks.

The second video involves a couple ofemergent targets, a tank and an anti-air-craft emplacement, which were identifiedin one of that day’s engagement zones.From the explosions, it appears AAA wasdamaged, while the tank was destroyed.

And finally, from Saturday’s operations,this clip depicts a direct hit on a Talibanmilitary facility on the Somali plain northof Kabul. This highlights our continuingefforts to reduce Taliban infrastructure andto keep it from being regenerated.

Before we move to questions, I want toemphasize that our operations are on trackwith General Franks, the commander inchief of Central Command’s overall cam-paign plan. I’m not going to get intodetails about that plan, but I’ll point outthat once again, the models from previouscampaigns, like Allied Force and DesertStorm and any expectations based on themmade by pundits are not really relevant tothis plan and our asymmetric warfare onterrorism.

Of course we’ve got some visible formsof this, that comes in the form of airstrikes, and are advancing toward provid-ing the basis for other efforts, both visibleand some invisible. And we’ll proceed at atime and place of our choosing.

With that, we’re ready for questions.

Charlie?

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, when this campaignbegan, you said at that podium that ourmission was then two-fold, to destroythe al Qaeda and the Taliban. And nowas we enter the fourth week of the aircampaign, many military experts in andout of this building say that the air waris not doing either.

How would you respond to that? Andalso, if the military experts are correctin saying that large forces, groundforces have to be put in place, not justcommando raids, without giving awayany operational security, do you agreethat that has to be done?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I’m notgoing to agree to anything that we aren’tdoing, simply because we’re thinkingabout things. It would be unwise and cer-tainly unhelpful for me to prejudge whatwe might do prospectively. There are mili-tary experts on every conceivable side ofevery conceivable issue in these types ofthings, and that’s understandable and fair.But it is not for anyone in a position ofresponsibility to be speculating aboutwhat we might do next.

Q. But the first part of the question,how would you respond to those whosay that the air campaign is not success-ful?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I would saythat it depends on what your measure is.In my view, the fact that the air campaignhas done a very good job of reducingdown the threat from the ground—it hasnot eliminated it, we know that there stillare Stingers and we know there are proba-bly still some SAMs and we know thereare probably still a few MiG aircraft andsome helicopters—but in terms of beingable to operate over the country, there’s noquestion but that a good deal has beenaccomplished to enable us to then proceedwith the second phase. And the secondphase is to create the conditions for a sus-tained effort against al Qaeda and the Tal-iban.

Now, what does that mean? It meansthat we now are able to supply humanitar-ian assistance. We’re now able to supply

ammunition and various other supplies.We’re able to get considerably better tar-geting information from the ground todaythan we had been previously. We’re ableto provide support to the forces that areopposing the Taliban and al Qaeda in amanner that is considerably more effectivethan had been the case previously whenthe targeting information was ether lack-ing or imprecise. So I would say thatthose who suggest what you suggestedprobably ought to step back and think,well, three weeks, not bad to have accom-plished those things and to put in placethat capability for the period ahead.

General Myers. Can I just add just tothat?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Sure.

General Myers. I think it will help youunderstand that, as the secretary said,we’re pretty much on our plan.

And we are in the driver’s seat. We areproceeding at our pace; we are not pro-ceeding at the Taliban’s pace or al Qaeda’space. We can control that, and we are con-trolling it in a way that I think is rightalong with our plan that we set out, thatCentral Command set out, some time ago.

Now we’ll make adjustments as we goalong, and of course there is the—in thefog of war, things happen that you don’texpect. But in the truest sense, this isour—we’re setting conditions. They’recertainly not setting conditions for us.

Yes?

Q. And yet the two of you seem to bedefending against the criticisms of nowand the last several days—criticismsand questions and skepticism that havecome up in the last several days aboutthe military operation, three weeks in.Do you believe that you’ve now, interms of public—the public image, havegone into a defensive posture?

Secretary Rumsfeld. (Laughs.) Not atall. If you think about it, three weeks is arelatively short period of time. There is noquestion but that there are—that there isan appetite for events on the part of themedia and the press, and we see it con-stantly. You’ve got to meet 24-hour newsschedules, and that’s not easy.

In terms of the people, the American

September 11, 2001


people, I sense that there’s a good deal ofpatience and understanding of the difficul-ty of the task. We’ve said that from thevery beginning. I’ve stood out here andsaid exactly that there’s no silver bullet;that it is a marathon, not a sprint; that isgoing to take years, not weeks or months.I don’t know how anyone could be clearer.And I think the American people have apretty good center of gravity on that, and Ihave a lot of confidence in them. And Idon’t think that you’ll find that there’s thatkind of criticism. Indeed, I suspect thereisn’t.

And what has to take place is going tohave to take place in ways that are notseen, in many instances, and it is constantpressure. If you put pressure on peopleand they have to keep moving, they’re notable to be effective in exporting terrorism.If you dry up their money, they’re notgoing to be as effective. If you arrest someof their people and interrogate them, andget scraps of information, and put them injail, they’re not going to be as effective. Itis something, as we’ve said, that is moreakin to draining the swamp bit by bit thanit is to some sort of a major massed landbattle or sea battle or air battle.

They are not going to be there. And to the—as the general said, to the

extent anyone in this room or anywhere inthe country has an expectation level thatthey want to take a template from a priorconflict and put it down on this conflict,they are going to be sorely disappointed.It won’t fit. This is different. This is verydifferent.

Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, aren’t you con-cerned that—you say you want to drainthe swamp, but aren’t you concernedthat the more there are collateral dam-age and civilian casualties, the moreyou’re going to perhaps create newrecruits for al Qaeda and new recruitsfor the Taliban?

Secretary Rumsfeld. There has neverbeen a conflict where people have notbeen killed, and this is the case here.There is ordnance flying around fromthree different sources. It’s flying aroundfrom us, from the air down; it’s flyingaround from the al Qaeda and the Talibanup, that lands somewhere and kills some-body when it hits; and there’s opposition

forces and al Qaeda forces that areengaged in shooting at each other.

Now in a war, that happens. There isnothing you can do about it. We lost 5,000people in this country—plus. And we needto stop people, terrorists, from doing that.They’re the ones that started this conflict.They’re the ones that imposed great dam-age on the Afghan people. They’re theones—the al Qaeda—that have invadedAfghanistan with a foreign presence thatought not to be there at all.

Do I think that that is a worthy cause?You bet I do. And will we stick to it? Youbet.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you mentioned ear-lier about the damage caused to the Tal-iban. Could you elaborate a little bitmore on how you see the damage that’sbeen inflicted in Afghanistan on alQaeda, and whether or not some ofthem have been killed or some of theleaders have been eliminated?

Secretary Rumsfeld. There’s no ques-tion but that Taliban and al Qaeda people,military, have been killed. We’ve seenenough intelligence to know that we’vedamaged and destroyed a number oftanks, a number of artillery pieces, a num-ber of armored personnel carriers, and anumber of troops.

Are there leaders mixed in there? Yes.At what level? Who knows? They’re mid-dle to upper high. But to our knowledge,none of the very top six, eight, 10 peoplehave been included in that number.

Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you talk—youtalked about supplying ammunition tothe Northern Alliance. Could you bemore specific? And are you looking atgiving any sort of larger weaponry ofany kind to the Northern Alliance aswell?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We have—withrespect to the latter, we’ve not gotten tothat point.

With respect to the former, I can be spe-cific. What we do is—any number ofthese elements that comprise the NorthernAlliance and some others express a needfor ammunition. We then try to find theammunition that fits their weapons, andthen we take it in. The problem is, you

drop it, with chutes—we don’t have air-fields that we’re using at the presenttime—you drop it with parachutes—and itgets down on the ground. And it takes along time to get it from there into aweapon. They’re moving them frequent-ly—not with vehicles, but with horses anddonkeys and mules. And it takes time toget them unpacked and moved out towhere the people are.

And so you might—we might be able toanswer a call for ammunition one day, andtwo or three days later those people stillhave not managed to get that distributionsystem to work in a way to get it where itbelongs.

* * * *

Q. General Myers, could you explainhow it was that U.S. aircraft hit thatRed Cross warehouse complex a secondtime, after there had been quite exten-sive communication with the Red Crossabout its location?

General Myers. Well, there—

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think yourname’s General Myers.

General Myers. Yeah. I heard that here;I don’t—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Oh—(chuckles)—

General Myers.—(chuckles)—I’ll takeit, though.

Obviously, that’s quite disturbing. Andwe do not have an explanation at thispoint. It is something that General Franksat Central Command is investigating verythoroughly. It should not have happened.And—

Q. Can you say it was human error?What does the term “human error”mean now?

General Myers. Well, we don’t knowyet on why that target complex was notwiped off any target list after the laststrike. So—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Apparently, it is awarehouse complex, and apparently noone was killed, although it is correct thatit was hit a second time, and there may

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have been some Red Cross material still inthat warehouse.

Q. Well, if I could just follow up onthat, military officials have suggested tome that it wasn’t a mistake—in fact,that the food, once it had fallen into thepossession of the Taliban, became,quote, “fair game,” and that the mis-take was issuing a press release on Fri-day saying that it was an accident. Canyou clarify that at all?

General Myers. I—all I can say is thatwe know the Taliban use food as aweapon; that’s clear. But it is—to myknowledge; it’s certainly not true thatthat’s why that warehouse was struck.That’s not true. I will wait until GeneralFranks comes back with his investigationto give you the final answer on that, butthat’s not the answer.

* * * *

Q. General Myers, when you talk aboutasymmetric warfare, can you explain alittle bit what you mean, in terms ofhow that will play out in the potentialuse of ground forces? When you saythis isn’t Desert Storm, does that meanyou’re ruling out the use of divisionalarmy units, entire tens and hundreds ofthousands of ground troops?

General Myers. Well, as the secretaryhas said, we are not ruling out anything.We’re going to use the full spectrum ofour—we have the potential to use the fullspectrum of our conventional capabilities.The one thing we will not do, though, isspeculate on what we’re going to use inthe future. We think there are ways to useour forces in this kind of war.

And by the way, we are focused onAfghanistan, but as the secretary said, thisis global in nature and there are lots ofother things going on as well, not just themilitary piece. The military piece is clear-ly the most visible right now, but it’s notthe only thing going on. So when I talkabout asymmetrical warfare, that’s part ofwhat I’m talking about, this—all theinstruments of national power workingtogether. But also, it’s not going to befrontal assaults, left hooks, those sorts ofthings. It’s going to—it’ll be much differ-ent than that. Does that rule out putting

thousands of troops on the ground for aspecific objective? No, it doesn’t. Does itsay we’re going to do that? No, it doesn’tsay that either.

Q. How do you address, then, some-one like Senator McCain, who shouldunderstand, then, what it is you’re talk-ing about, who keeps coming back say-ing you’re going to have to use groundtroops there. That tends to push thisexpectation flow against your argu-ment.

General Myers. We’ve made no argu-ments for or against that. There’s nothingwrong with Senator McCain or anyoneelse offering their views, and certainlyhe’s a knowledgeable person. But we’venot argued for or against anything pub-licly. Indeed, what we’ve done is discuss awhole host of things privately.

Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, you’ve often saidthat it will take years to root out andeliminate all the cells, all the terroristcells of al Qaeda located in 50, 60 coun-tries around the world. Over the week-end, it’s reported that the Philippinemilitary has begun an offensive againstAbu Sayyaf, a terrorist organizationwith known connections to al Qaeda.It’s also known that recently a couple ofdozen U.S. advisers went into thePhilippines. Can you say to what extentthe U.S. is involved in that Philippineoperation, and whether any U.S. mili-tary are directly involved in any cam-paign against Abu Sayyaf?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think probablygenerally the way to characterize it is thatwe were asked by the Philippine govern-ment, as we are with dozens and dozensof countries across the globe from time totime, to have some American militarypeople offer some advice and assessmentas to the kind of problem that the Philip-pines have been faced with, and it’s a seri-ous problem for them. And as you pointout, it’s not an isolated cell, it’s a cellthat’s connected to terrorists across theworld. And I think that’s probably the bestway to characterize it.

General Myers. Yes, sir. We havetrained in the past some of their units in

counterterrorism, and we are assessingthat again.

Secretary Rumsfeld. As you know, wedo this with literally dozens and dozens ofcountries. It’s part of the so-called“engagement plan” that the United Statesmilitary’s been involved—

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, please clarify if thecampaign will continue throughout theRamadan or Muslim holidays, and alsowhat is the reaction or any advice fromthe Muslim or Arab countries, includ-ing Pakistan?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, every coun-try has different sensitivities, and everycountry—of course, we value their coop-eration and we listen carefully to theadvice. The history of warfare is that ithas proceeded right through Ramadanyear after year after year after year. TheNorthern Alliance fought the Taliban forthe last five plus years. Middle East warshave gone on during Ramadan. Therehave been any number of conflictsbetween Muslim countries and betweenMuslim countries and non-Muslim coun-tries throughout Ramadan. Needless tosay, the Taliban and al Qaeda are unlikelyto take a holiday. And given the fact thatthey have killed thousands of Americansand people from 50 or 60 other countries,and given the fact that they have sworn tocontinue such attacks, we have an obliga-tion to defend the American people, andwe intend to work diligently to do that.

* * * *

Q. Sir, could you talk a little bit moreabout the goal of the campaign? Mr.Secretary, you’ve said earlier that thegoal is to allow Americans to walkaround without fear of terrorism. Itseems slightly unrealistic to me becauseterrorism is a tactic and an extremelyuseful one against a country like theUnited States where you can’t take it onmilitarily.

So is that something that you can everpromise the American people?

Secretary Rumsfeld. You can’t promiseit, but you can certainly work towards it.

September 11, 2001


And will you ever eliminate every terror-ist? No. I’ve pointed out here that humanbeings are human beings; they’re going tobehave badly from time to time, fromplace to place. To the extent peoplebehave badly against people within theirown countries, that is one kind of misbe-havior. To the extent they are organizedsystematically across the globe and haveas their design intimidating the UnitedStates and terrorizing people and killingtens of thousands of Americans, thenthat’s something quite different, and thatwe do need to deal with.

Yes?

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, you had always saidthat one of the goals also is to persuadethose in the Taliban to switch sides. Iwonder, with the execution of Haq lastweek, is that a setback for you in thateffort? And also, are you concentratingmore on hoping the Northern Alliancewill take greater steps?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I keep com-ing back to it—the Northern Alliance is acollection of groups of people that haveforces. And there are others in the countrythat are not the Northern Alliance. Inoticed somebody wrote that we wereencouraging the Northern Alliance to takeKabul. We—actually, I said—I think Isaid—I hope I said that we are anxious tohave all the forces on the ground moveforward and take whatever they can takeaway from the Taliban and the al Qaeda.We’re not making judgments about that.

The—our hope is that they’ll be suc-cessful. Our hope is that they will worktheir way into the major cities and themajor airports, and create an environmentthat’s a lot more pleasant for the Afghanpeople, so that they can get food in tothem and they can start living a decentlife.

Q. And on Haq—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Clearly he was,among other Afghans, a person whoopposed Taliban. And it’s certainly regret-table that he was killed. Interesting, Idon’t see an awful lot of hand wringingabout how he was murdered and assassi-nated about five minutes after they cap-

tured him. In the Taliban—if that’s aprocess that is typical of them, it certainlyis not admirable.

Yes?

Q. General Myers, I had a question. Iunderstand that the Central Commandin Tampa has created a coalition coordi-nation center with representativesfrom—military representatives from 12coalition countries, and I was wonder-ing if you could tell us what exactly is itthat they’re doing in support of theUnited States?

General Myers. What they’re doingdown there is coordinating those othercountries that have volunteered support.And those aren’t the only countries, by theway, but they’re the ones that apply pri-marily to the Central Command area ofresponsibility. And what they’re doingdown there is coordinating their contribu-tions, and it can range all the way from awar-fighting contribution to some sort ofsupport contribution in terms of logisticsto chemical and biological units that couldgo forward and help protect other forcesthat are forward deployed in the Gulf. It’sthe entire gamut. And they’re there to dothat. I might add that, if you’ve seen thelist, that we have several Muslim countriesas well as some other allies in the regionand outside the region.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you’ve said that theAmerican people—that the center ofgravity for the American people is defi-nitely behind the strategy that hasevolved. Quite clearly out in the region,to name three, Egypt, Pakistan, andSaudi Arabia, we’re beginning to hearfrom the very top leadership quite a bitof discomfort in the way the campaignis being conducted and the length of it.Is this going to alter your thinking atall? I know you’ve said from time totime that the coalition is not going todistract the United States from its goal.But when these top leaders, criticalAmerican friends, speak like this, is italtering your game plan, or do you justgo straight ahead?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Clearly, anyonelistens to friends and important nations.

They have a set of problems that are dis-tinctive to their circumstance and their

neighborhood, and we do of course listento them.

The problem is that the United Statesfaces very serious threats from terrorists,and they—threats involve very powerfulweapons that can kill lots of people. Andit is our task, as Americans, to work withall of those countries on the face of theEarth who can help us in various ways tosee that we go after that threat and stop it.And that’s what we’re doing, and that’swhat we intend to do.

Q. Mr. Secretary—


Q. Undeterred by their concerns?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Interested in theirconcerns and reflecting those concernsfrom time to time. But we have a big task,and we are hard at it, and we intend tocontinue it.

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In the name of God the Merciful, theCompassionate,

Once again we address a letter to all thepeoples and governments of the West,including the United States.

Peace be upon those who expect a greet-ing of peace from us, or upon those whoanswer it by saying : and peace be uponyou too (wa Alaikum Asalam).

The world focused its full attention onthe analysis and follow up of the events oflast September, but those who made an in-depth analysis may have not been themajority of the people. Nevertheless, itseems to us that they have, now, increasedin number. The number of officials inpower who are looking into the depth ofwhat happened, its motives or reasons,and its results and effects, has alsoincreased. Their number and way of con-duct, at the time of the event, wasdeplorable for those who are not awarethat not everyone is capable of a deepcontemplation of major events or complexcircumstances, just as not many people arecapable of dreaming of what is better.

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Now that the emotions have relativelycalmed down in the heart and spirit ofthose who applauded the event, or thosewho condemned it, I say that, the role ofleaders should be played, with their peo-ple’s support, on the basis of the descrip-tion and the role of their responsibilities.One of the most important qualities of anyleader is saving other from death not bymarking the dark ditches on the road, butalso by preventing those who do not seethe marks from falling into the abyss.Then comes the quality of exaltation, orascendancy of the people he is in chargeof, along with their potential thought andaction. The danger that may threaten anypeople or nation, does not call upon thepeople in charge to lead the way againstthis danger only, but also to analyze itsreasons in view of abating them, or treat-ing those reasons radically, to eliminatethem so that they would never surgeagain.

I am sorry to say that the generalapproach in this direction is still weak, sofar. Western governments are the first inthis phenomena of weakness. Some voiceshave risen on the part of some peoples,journalists, writers, and, in a very restrict-ed way, the voices of those who arepreparing themselves, in the shadow, toreplace the rulers there. Nevertheless, thelatter are still hesitant voices that dealwith the situation in the light of the bal-ance of interests of the posts they expectto occupy, and of the influence of the cen-ters of power. As for the United States, thehope in the awareness of its people isgreater than it is in its Administrations, ifthe people could see the facts as they are,unless these Administrations are set freefrom the conclusive influence of Zionism,and other centers of influence which servetheir own interests that are associated withtheir well-known goals.

The events of September 11, and thefollowing reaction of people in rage, orthose who took advantage of the situation,including waging the aggression onAfghanistan on the basis of suspicions,and the accompanying insinuations andstatements by the media or by American,and non-American leaders, have shownthat this vast world can be set on fire by aspark coming from the West, even if thatspark comes all the way from across theAtlantic. Naturally, setting something onfire is easier than extinguishing it, and

because deeds of virtue exalt the soul andthe being, while evil deeds downgradethem, the latter become easier to commitfor those who are tempted to do so.

On the basis of this realistic image, theentire world needs to be saved from thedeep abyss it is being push into by theU.S., and the likes of the U.S., whetherthey are states, individuals, or organiza-tions. In fact, now that we know the limitsof how American rulers conduct them-selves in crisis, the U.S. itself needs to besaved by the world while it is savingitself. Otherwise, the world will be pulleddown by the weight of the U.S. whilefalling down to the bottom of a deep pitfrom which it will not be able to come outuntil that pit is filled with blood andtragedies, not to mention those who willsuffocate because they cannot swim.

As we said before to those wholaunched aggressions on us, including theU.S., in and before Um-Almarik (themother of the battles), the world, like Iraqand its Arab nation, needs steadfastness toface the aggression, make it miss its tar-gets. It must not allow the U.S. to be vic-torious. The victory of the U.S. and itsallies over Iraq would conceal the oppos-ing attitude and analysis, and would notallow it to emerge again for a long time.In fact, the U.S. is in no need for addition-al vanity and arrogance, but if it everdefeated Iraq, God forbid, it wouldacquire an additional vanity that wouldpush it to a higher level of vanity, whichwould bring it closer to not farther fromthe abyss.

Yes, vanity needs to be confronted, andthe oppressor needs to be confronted, justas those who find it easy to commit evildeeds and throw embers at people, need tobe confronted. On the basis of what wesaid about Iraq while confronting aggres-sions, the world now needs to abort theU.S. aggressive schemes, including itsaggression on the Afghan people, whichmust stop.

Again we say that when someone feelsthat he is unjustly treated, and no one isrepulsing or stopping the injustice inflict-ed on him, he personally seeks ways andmeans for lifting that justice. Of course,not everyone is capable of finding the bestway for lifting the injustice inflicted onhim. People resort to what they think isthe best way according to their own ideas,and they are not all capable of reaching

out for what is beyond what is available toarrive to the best idea or means.

To find the best way, after having foundtheir way to God and His rights, thosewho are inflicted by injustice need not tobe isolated from their natural milieu, or beignored deliberately, or as a result of mis-appreciation, by the officials in thismilieu. They should, rather, be reassuredand helped to save themselves, and theirsurroundings. It is only normal to say thatpunishment is a necessity in our world,because what is a necessity in the otherworld must also be necessary in our worldon Earth. But, the punishment in the otherworld is fair and just, and the prophetsand messengers of God (peace be uponthem all) conducted punishment andcalled for it in justice, and not on the basisof suspicions and whims. Hence, any pun-ishment conducted by man must be justand convincing. I think, that you, oftencriticize those whom you criticize in orderto weaken them, by saying that they useemergency laws, and what emergencylaws, by western standards, cannot be ageneral rule. But now, unlike what youused to say about those whom you accuseof being dictators and despots, we seedozens of emergency laws and measuresadopted by the governments of the West,with the U.S. in the forefront, after facingone painful event.

Do you know how many painful events,larger and more dangerous than that ofSeptember 11 in U.S., were inflicted uponcountries and peoples whom you used toaccuse of being non-democratic?! Thisfact alone, is an example that should bepondered upon by the governments andpeoples of the West, but it is not our mainsubject here.

Once again, we say that, injustice andthe pressure that results from it on peoplelead to explosions. As explosions are notalways organized, it is to be expected thatthey may harm those who make them andothers. The events of September 11,should be seen on this basis, and on thebasis of imbalanced reactions, on the partof governments accused of being democ-ratic, if the Americans are sure that thesewere carried out by people from abroad.

To concentrate not on what is important,but rather on what is the most important,we say again that after having seen thatthe flames of any fire can expand to coverall the world, it first and foremost, needs

September 11, 2001


justice based on fairness. The best andmost sublime expression of this is in whatwe have learned from what God the AlMighty ordered to be, or not to be. If wedisagree in the essence of this, then ourcriticism should be, that we should notprevent others from getting or enjoyingwhat we want for ourselves, and that weshould not adopt double standards, by giv-ing others what we do not want or refusefor ourselves. Everybody must be awarethat no one who has a fortune can be safein the middle of a society of hungry peo-ple. His problem would be greater if hehad made his fortune by exploiting thosehungry people, and at their expense. Thesecond Caliph in the state of Islam, UmarIbin Alkhatab (God be pleased with him)ordered the suspension of the punishmentof cutting the hand of a thief in the year ofRemada (drought) despite the fact that thispunishment in clearly stipulated in theHoly Quran. He did so, because he wasaware, by his sense of a believer, the cor-rect standards of Faith may be shakenwhen a man or his family are hungry, andalso because he believed that hunger ismore aggressive than the act of stealing,and that saving a man’s life was moreimportant than saving somebody’s proper-ty. Hence, he froze a holy rule (Sharia).Have the people of our present timelearned this lesson, so that they can live inpeace and security? Or do the parties con-cerned think that the security they wantfor themselves, will be achieved by ampli-fying the killing, intimidation, and starva-tion of others?!

We have heard in the news, recently,that American officials think that thesource of anthrax is probably the U.S.itself. Is this conclusion or informationjust a tactic to divert the attention of thosewho were terrorized to hear that BinLaden is the source of anthrax, and to hearinsinuations to other accusations, thatmany Americans think that they shouldnot persist in harming the people he caresfor, because that would push him to astronger reaction in this way or by othermeans? Or have they done this to divertattention from the incompetence of Amer-ican official bodies in the events of Sep-tember 11, and they find now that theyhave achieved their goal and consequently,the act and the actors should be buried?!

Anyhow, this and other things show thatweapons of mass destruction become a

burden on their owners and on humanity,if they were not absolutely necessary forself-defense and defending their countries.

Hence, instead of getting themselvesand the world busy with the so-called anti-missiles shield so that they drain theirbudget, and the budgets of other nations,as well as the pockets of American tax-payers, they should be busy in eliminatingthe weapons of mass destruction in theU.S. first, and then or at the same time, inother parts of the world. It goes withoutsaying, that the West, including the U.S.,are the ones who first built the weapons ofmass destruction i.e. nuclear, biological,and chemical weapons. It was the West,and the U.S. in the first place, who usedthese weapons. The events of September,and the what Americans themselves saidthat the anthrax came from the U.S., clear-ly show the importance of world co-opera-tion, on the basis of a binding agreementto get rid of the burden and the threat ofthe weapons of mass destruction, as a firststep that might stimulate other steps, ifinjustice and aggression contracted. Theutmost threat to humanity, and to the peo-ples of the U.S., is the American weaponsof mass destruction, along with the similarweapons of the Zionist entity, and alongor after it, the similar weapons of othercountries.

As the U.S. is across the Atlantic, it isthe first country to be asked to make suchan initiative in order to confirm its credi-bility. And because the Zionist entityusurps and occupies Arab territories, andholy places, oppresses the Arabs andinjures their human feelings, and as blun-ders are expected from it, and the reactionof the oppressed people is to be expected,it becomes necessary to disarm the Zionistentity of these weapons.

At that moment, and when the U.S. isreally willing to disarm itself of theseweapons, we do not think that anyone of asound mind would stay out of the frame-work of such a practical plan.

It is then, that the U.S. will adopt a bal-anced attitude toward the world, and willfind the path of wisdom. The world willdeal with it in respect and love, when theysee love and respect in Americans rela-tions with them. The world, includingU.S., will live in peace, and not on thebrink of an abyss. The surveillance of theprevailing security, will be based on a sortof real solidarity: the solidarity of brave

and just men, and not the solidarity basedon intimidation and fear of the powerful,or which serves interests or creates oppor-tunities.

I pray to God the Al-Mighty that I haveconveyed the message, and let God be mywitness.

God is the greatest.God is the greatest.

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Prime Minister Tony Blair and PresidentAssad of Syria held a press conferencefollowing their meeting in Damascus.

President Assad. (via interpreter) I amwelcoming Mr. Tony Blair, the PrimeMinister of Britain and the accompanyingdelegation in Syria and I would like toindicate that it is the first visit of seniorBritish officials at this level since theindependence of Syria in the 1940s andcertainly before then, decades before then,and this has many indications and manyimportances and many meanings and itindicates the development of the relationsbetween Syria and Great Britain.

Despite the fact that the visit is veryshort the talks were very rich and we hadtime to discuss many issues and many top-ics. We agreed on many of the analysesthat we discussed in the talks and therewere many points of understanding andthere was also some points that eachundertook to the other.

The main issues that we discussed dur-ing these talks, of course we concentratedon the issue of terrorism and the peaceprocess and the Middle East, of course.We talked quickly about the bi-lateralrelations and we agreed to consolidatethese relations through the ideas whichwere discussed between Syrian andBritish officials whether in Syria or inBritain. As for the issue of terrorism, therewas a sound condemnation of what hadtaken place on 11 September in the UnitedStates and, I think this goes without say-ing, I don’t think there is any country inthe world that would say it agrees withterrorism. It is a principle for all countries.But the condemnation that Syria hasannounced was not only a result of what

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had taken place on 11 September, but it isan outcome of our principles, all the prin-ciples throughout our history in Syria,social principles, it was an outcome to ourreligious principles that are here in ourArab region, whether as Arabs or as Mus-lims or as Christians. It is a result of oursuffering from terrorism, especially duringthe mid-1970s and the consequent period,and of course, at the same time, we differ-entiated—and I personally differentiat-ed—between resistance and terrorism andbetween Islam and terrorism. There is adifference between resistance as a socialright, as a religious right, it’s a legal right,and it is a right that is safeguardedthrough the United Nations’ resolutions.Of course Islam and all holy religionshave the same source and they were sentto people by the same God. These reli-gions were not sent for war but they weresent for peace and for the combating ofterrorism.

We talked about the root causes of ter-rorism and I mentioned many causes. ButI mentioned particularly one importantcause of terrorism and it is a reason thatmany citizens in the Arab or Muslimregions feel; it is a feeling of the differ-ence and the human value between the cit-izen in this region and the human valuesof the citizen in the West. Especially asterrorism is there for a long time in Syria,since 1985, the late President Hafez Al-Assad sent Syrian senior officials to West-ern European countries to ask for conven-ing an international conference to combatterrorism. So the issue of combating ter-rorism is very old for Syria, and althoughthe combating of terrorism came quitelate, it is better late than never. The impor-tant point is that combating terrorismshould have started before, and many peo-ple in the region feel there is a gulf thatthe Western people should fill, that thehuman person is a human person any-where and terrorism is terrorism any-where, whether it is in the Middle East orEurope or in Asia and everywhere in theworld.

We spoke about combating terrorismand I said that combating terrorism shouldstart by defining this again. We can’t fightan enemy without knowing who thisenemy is, what shape is he, where is he, ishe North, East, West or South. We have todefine our enemy first and we have tospecify its appearance and its existence

and then we have to analyses the reasonswhich brought this terrorism. Therefore,in order to combat terrorism, we have toaddress the root causes and not the effect.Until now only the effects of terrorism arebeing addressed but the root causes arenot being addressed or it is at the begin-

ning of being addressed. Addressing theroot causes of terrorism, as I have said,should be first political, it should be cul-tural, it should be media, informative,security and intelligence addressed. Andthe terrorism works as a network; it does-n’t have a certain head whether it is a per-son or an organization. It is a network, ter-rorism is a network that could be foundanywhere, and therefore combating terror-ism and fighting its causes should comethrough international co-operation and not

through having one side or one countrythat fights terrorism. Terrorism is thereeverywhere and therefore combating ter-rorism should be done by every country inthe world.

We spoke about peace in the MiddleEast. As we say always, Syria did notchange its stand towards peace. Reachinga just and comprehensive peace in theregion was always our principle, despiteall the difficult circumstances, despite allthe setbacks that the peace process hassuffered from, the Syrian stand towardspeace has not changed because it is astrategic position and not a tactical posi-tion, but Israel as far as we are concerned,is proving every day that it is against thispeace, and therefore the desire for peacecannot coincide with the desire for killing.The list for assassinations cannot be anexpression of a desire to reach peace andstability in this region.

We also spoke in the peace processabout the international consensus in theworld, especially after 11 Septemberevents, about the necessity of achievingpeace in the Middle Eastern region, and Isaid that this international consensus is agolden opportunity that might not berepeated in the future. It is an opportunityfor the world, but it is to a large extent anopportunity for the American administra-tion that could move without taking intoaccount the domestic pressure that mightinfluence its neutral role as co-sponsor ofthe peace process.

We did not differentiate in our talk[inaudible] that peace and terrorism. Somepeople linked the issue of the Middle Eastto terrorism directly and it is understoodas if the Middle East is a sort of terrorism,and this is not correct. Despite our pointof view as Arabs, because Israel is practic-ing the state terrorism regularly and this isdefinite, but the Middle Eastern regionoften influences activating terrorism,because terrorists always need a cover.This cover could be a national issue, itcould be a pan-national issue, it could be asocial issue, and therefore closing the hotareas in the world will deprive these ter-rorists of the cover they always seek.

Of course we—and the last point Iwould like to say about peace is that inSyria we cannot see with one eye as somepeople see. We cannot separate the issueof terrorism that we see every day and welive every day that Israel is practicing

September 11, 2001


We talked about the root causes ofterrorism and I mentioned many causes.But I mentioned particularly one importantcause of terrorism and it is a reason thatmany citizens in the Arab or Muslimregions feel; it is a feeling of thedifference and the human value betweenthe citizen in this region and the humanvalues of the citizen in the West.Especially as terrorism is there for a longtime in Syria, since 1985, the latePresident Hafez Al-Assad sent Syriansenior officials to Western Europeancountries to ask for convening aninternational conference to combatterrorism. So the issue of combatingterrorism is very old for Syria, andalthough the combating of terrorism camequite late, it is better late than never. Theimportant point is that combatingterrorism should have started before, andmany people in the region feel there is agulf that the Western people should fill,that the human person is a human personanywhere and terrorism is terrorismanywhere, whether it is in the MiddleEast or Europe or in Asia and everywherein the world.

against the Palestinians. We cannot sepa-rate between this kind of terrorism and theterrorism that is taking place in the world,and we can’t really look with one eye.Some people see with one eye, some peo-ple see with closed eyes and we cannot,we look at the issues with wide-open eyesin order to see what has taken place, andin order to see things from a very realisticperspective.

And therefore no one can say smalldetails can see small details without see-ing the big issues, and the closer issues.People in the Arab region, and in the Mus-lim world cannot see the international ter-rorism without seeing Israeli terrorism,and therefore addressing this kind of ter-rorism is one.

Some people say that achieving peacewill make a big step for combating terror-ism, this is correct. But also combatingterrorism in Israel would help to reach (5second break in audio) highly appreciatewhat I have heard from Mr. Prime Minis-ter, because of his high appreciation andhis great respect to Islam as a religion,and his high respect to the Muslim peoplein Britain. I am going to leave the floor toMr. Prime Minister to address you.

Prime Minister Blair. Mr. President,first of all can I thank you for hosting mehere in Syria, and say how much I wel-come the talks that we have had thismorning and I know we will continuelater.

And as you said right at the very outsetthis is candid dialogue. But it is a dialogueI would like to think could be pursued byus both as people trying to reach anunderstanding of each other’s perspec-tives. And trying to work together as part-ners for the greater good of the widerworld.

And there are two main issues obviouslythat we discussed. The first was theattacks of the 11 September in the UnitedStates of America. And I very much wel-comed the strong statement of condemna-tion that you have made to me, andrepeated again now Mr. President. I thinkthat is important that the entire worldknows that the world community is unitedin condemning what happened on the 11September as an atrocity.

The second thing is that that attack wascarried out by extremists who do not rep-resent in any way, shape or form, the true

faith or voice of Islam. And your strongstatement to that effect is also most wel-come.

I believe it is important therefore thatwe send out a very clear message and sig-nal that there is a strong internationalcoalition against terrorism. And in Syria,and indeed the countries in this entireregion are united as part of that coalition.

In respect of the Middle East peaceprocess, whatever the differences of per-spective, we both understand the impor-tance of restarting the Middle East peaceprocess properly, of getting back to a situ-ation in which differences are resolved bya process of talking and dialogue. Andthat in that regard violence from whateverquarter is equally unhelpful, and what werequire is the space and the time to getpeople talking together again.

And the objective that we seek, and Ibelieve again this is shared by you, andshared by people in this region, is a situa-tion where Israelis and Palestinians canlive side by side in peace together. That isin the end the only possible long-termsolution.

So Mr. President I thank you for invit-ing me here today, I have very much wel-comed the talks together. I know that foryou as you were saying to me earlier,there is a relationship not just betweenBritain and Syria that is part of our histo-ry, but a personal relationship for you,since you have lived and worked inBritain.

And I hope that the candid dialogue thatwe have begun today can strengthen overtime. Because there are huge differencesin understanding between West and Islam,between west and the Arab world.

And yet if one can come out of the terri-ble events of the 11 September, it is anattempt to bridge that gulf of misunder-standing, and create the right circum-stances for partnership in the future, and Ibelieve that that is possible.

And so I hope that the dialogue we havebegun today can continue over time, sothat we achieve the objectives we bothwant to achieve. Which is an end to terror-ism in all its forms, wherever it exists, anda proper and lasting peace and solution forthe province of the Middle East. Thankyou.

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General Richard B. Myers wasinterviewed on Al Jazeera television.

Q. General Myers, thank you for beingwith us and giving that much valuabletime to be with our audience also in theArab world.

General Myers. Thank you for theopportunity.

Q. Let me start after the 25 days ofthe start of the military action. How doyou see the progress so far? Or is thereanything tangible that you can tell peo-ple about?

General Myers. As you know, this is awar on terrorism and those that supportterrorists. We think that the plan is pro-gressing pretty much like we expected itto, and I would say so far we have beensuccessful in our aims. The first part ofthe effort was against Taliban air defenses,and we have degraded those or destroyedthose to the point now we can fly freelyover the country and we’re turning nowour support to opposition forces andenabling their fight against the Taliban.

Q. After four or five days of the mili-tary operations we heard about now wehave the sky for us and we can do it allover any time of the day. Why did ittake much time after that and until nowwe are not talking about any groundtroops?

General Myers. I’m not sure I under-stand your question. But for the first part,remember this is a war against terroristsand those who support them. Part of itwas to degrade the fairly substantial ter-rorist training infrastructure insideAfghanistan, so we worked on targetssuch as those. We also worked on someTaliban command and control facilities,and then we started to turn our attentionmore and more to the opposition groups.And it just takes time to get the right kindof liaison in place who want to freeAfghanistan from the Taliban.

Q. Has the objective been changed or

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changed during that military action likewe started with al Qaeda mainly. Arewe now after Taliban and the fall downof their government, the main objec-tive?

General Myers. No, the objectives havenot changed. Still the objective is the alQaeda organization, because we know thatthey were behind the September 11thtragedies that occurred in New York Cityand here in Washington, D.C. So we’venever wavered from that objective. TheTaliban is also an objective becausethey’re the ones that harbor al Qaeda inAfghanistan. So the objectives have notchanged.

Q. So the minute they stop harboringor they stop supporting al Qaeda youcould save them from any more bomb-ing or fighting? Or it is too late now?

General Myers. That would be a politi-cal decision. I think the president hasoffered on a couple of occasions theopportunity for the Taliban to hand over alQaeda operatives and senior personnel.The Taliban has not seen fit to do that.They have continued to fight. And I don’twant to go into the hypothetical worldbecause it’s really more of a politicalquestion, not one for a military man.

Q. We hear from the NorthernAlliance about the beginning of the mil-itary actions before it was announcedhere in Washington, and now we hearfrom the Northern Alliance that theyare ready in few days to move on toKabul. How accurate is that assess-ment?

General Myers. I don’t know howaccurate that assessment is. That will beup to the Northern Alliance and their lead-ership. We are going to try to help as wecan, support their objectives, but any dis-cussion of how fast they can move andwhere they’re going to move I think aretactical decisions that will be made in thefield and I don’t want to speculate on howquickly they might do something like that.

Q. But you are willing to help themmoving into Kabul and getting intoKabul?

General Myers. We are willing to helpthe Northern Alliance with their objectiveof defeating their Taliban adversaries andI think for that matter, I think most of theAfghan people are as well because theTaliban has been such an oppressiveregime in Afghanistan.

To talk about Kabul and whether or notthat should fall into other people’s handsor not, I’d rather not speculate.

What I would say, though, as you knowthe international community is working ata fairly good pace to determine whatwould be an appropriate post-TalibanAfghanistan structure for governing thecountry, and that is something that I thinkwe all look forward to and it’s a way totake Afghanistan and bring them into the21st Century.

Q. Are you considering introducing orusing Turkish troops in that process?

General Myers. I think in that processthey are looking at, they will probablyneed contributions from many, manycountries. Turkey has been mentioned.Beyond that, I don’t know what Turkey’sview of this is so I’d let them speak forthemselves. I’ve just heard them men-tioned, but many countries have beenmentioned in that regard.

Q. What kind of presence, at least it’sbeen confirmed yesterday by the Penta-gon that there are U.S. ground troops inAfghanistan. Could you shed somemore light on that presence?

General Myers. I can’t shed muchmore than has already been said, but forseveral days now we’ve had U.S. troopson the ground with the Northern Alliance,and as liaison to the Northern Alliance.Their primary mission is to advise, to tryto support the Northern Alliance withairstrikes as appropriate. They are special-ly trained individuals that know how tobring in air power and bring it into theconflict in the right way, and that’s whatthey’re doing. We think that will have abig impact on the Northern Alliance’sability to prosecute their piece of this waragainst the Taliban.

Q. According to the plan, when couldyou declare victory? The fall down ofKabul would be the watershed?

General Myers. Actually I don’t thinkthe fall of Kabul would be the watershed.I think we have to go back to our objec-tives, and that is to eliminate or degrade alQaeda to the point where it cannot effec-tively prosecute international terrorism asit did on September 11th. And there areother—as you know al Qaeda is in over60 countries, including people right herein the United States of America. So this isa wide conflict global in scale. Al Qaedais not the only international terrorist orga-nization that wishes to do freedom-lovingpeople harm. So no matter who has Kabulthat’s not the real issue. The real issue isthe leadership of al Qaeda and its the peo-ple that support them and taking away thatsupport.

By the way, just to add onto that, this isnot just a military action, which takingKabul would be mostly perhaps a militaryoperation. There are other operations thatwe have ongoing, and I say we in a verybroad context. We mean all our partnernations. There are 80 to 100 to more thanthat that have joined in this partnershipagainst worldwide terrorism. So there willbe other aspects besides the militaryaspect. There will be the financial aspect.There is the criminal aspect of this. Thereis a commerce aspect to this. So there’s adiplomatic aspect to it, and all of thosewill be brought to bear on this war on ter-rorism.

So just one faction or other inAfghanistan taking Kabul will not end thisconflict.

Q. The reason I am asking aboutKabul and I am focusing on the mili-tary issue, of course, with you because Iam not going to ask political questionsor—

General Myers. I appreciate that, bythe way.

Q.—financial questions. And I amtalking about the military actions thatstarted October 7th. When would end?Of course you’re not going to end itwhen you finish al Qaeda in the U.S. orBritain or any other place. Is there anobjective that people would look forand then when it’s achieved we wouldknow that that night or that day Presi-dent Bush would come out and say we

September 11, 2001


finished that military action inAfghanistan?

General Myers. I think one of thepoints would be when there is no moresupport for al Qaeda in Afghanistan. Thatwould be one of the measures of merit.The other would be, have we eliminatedor captured or whatever the al Qaeda lead-ership that we know is Afghanistan that isstill in Afghanistan? So there are reallytwo parts of it. It’s the leadership and it’sthose, a government or a regime that sup-ports them.

Q. Given the fact that the Soviets cap-tured or controlled most of these cities,yet they couldn’t end the war onAfghanistan and they lost it and it tookthem years because of the villages, theamount in them, the caves. Are you will-ing to stay for years as the Soviets didin Afghanistan?

General Myers. I think we’ve said, andthe president said, that in the broadest ofcontexts that the partner nations are will-ing to stay at this war on terrorism forhowever long it takes. I personally thinkthat will be years. Whether that’s years inAfghanistan or not, I don’t know yet. Cer-tainly it’s going to be more than the 25days that we’ve currently been engagedthere.

We’ve got to go back to remember ourobjectives to eliminate the al Qaeda lead-ership and those that support them. Sohowever long that takes.

I think there’s a big difference betweenthe current conflict in Afghanistan andwhat was the Soviet Union activity inAfghanistan. Many, many of the Afghanswant the current regime, the Taliban, outof there. They have been repressed by thisvery terrible regime for a long time. Infact as we try to help with the food distri-bution we know the Taliban interruptsthat. They tax the food to the people orthey use it for other purposes, to bringpower to themselves. I think they’re readyfor a change. So I think there are some bigdifferences between the Soviet Union andwhat they experience and what we’llexperience in Afghanistan.

Q. If it’s going to continue after 25days, is going to take much time andyou are willing to give it that time, how

about Ramadan? Do you consider abreak, a halt during that time?

General Myers. I would just remindpeople that this is a war on terrorism. Ifwe go back to the events of 11 Septemberof this year when innocent people wereintentionally targeted—people of all races,of all colors, of all religions died, inno-cents. They were not engaged in any warthat they knew of. If we understand thatthat’s what we’re at war against—we’re atwar against terrorism, the fact that we’recoming up on Ramadan, this war willhave to continue.

We’re doing this to defend ourselves,and this is all of us and all freedom-lovingpeople and all our partners. This is aneffort and an issue of defense. We did notchoose to do this. The folks that attackedthe World Trade Center and attacked thePentagon were the ones that chose thisconflict. We will try to be as culturallysensitive as we can, but at the same timegiven that we don’t know if the terroristsare going to take any pause during anyparticular time of year, in fact most likelythey will not—they have not in the past—we should consider that we’ll continuethis war on terrorism through Ramadan.

Q. If they announced a truce fromtheir side, a unilateral commitment notto do anything with the beginning ofRamadan, would you be willing to dothe same or not?

General Myers. That would be a politi-cal decision and I would not like to specu-late on that. But it’s certainly in the politi-cal sphere.

Q. And you consider it also a politicaldecision that the consequences of con-tinuing through Ramadan with yourtroops in Pakistan where people wouldbe outraged or other places in the Mus-lim and Arab world, of course youknow that President Mubarak and oth-ers called for this kind of a truce.

General Myers. Right. And I wouldjust say that we are, I think, very cultural-ly sensitive. We go to the leaders at thepolitical level and at the military level,and ask for their advice. So actions wewill take I think will be consistent withthat advice. But we’re not unaware and

we’re not insensitive. These are importantissues.

Q. Speaking of the threat of al Qaedaand people that could be in the U.S. orany other places in the world. Now weare in one of the highest status of alertin the U.S. because of potential, Godforbid, terrorist attack, another terror-ist attack. Do you have any idea aboutthe nature of that attack? Or thatthreat at least.

General Myers. No. That’s one of thefrustrations is no. One of the frustrationsof living in a free and open society as wedo means that somebody that is willing tokill innocents intentionally and terrorizethe population can do so in many, manyways. So we do not have the specifics ofwhat kind of attack there might be. All wehave is indications that we should be onheightened alert at this time.

Q. So the orders of 10-mile no-flyzone around nuclear plants, that doesnot in any way indicate that that couldbe a nuclear attack or any type of—

General Myers. No, it really doesn’t.We look at our most critical infrastructureand we plan to defend that appropriately.

Clearly on 11 September the terrorists,al Qaeda, passed a threshold of the use ofweapons of mass destruction. They killedover 5,000 people. And again I’d justpoint out, they were all innocents. Butthey intentionally killed over 5,000 peo-ple. So we have to be prepared for anattack that could introduce mass casual-ties, and that’s exactly what we’re tryingto do is figure out what is that infrastruc-ture that might do that. But no, it does notindicate that we have any specific intelli-gence that nuclear power plants are thetarget.

Q. The weapons of mass destructionhave been, some countries have beenaccused of developing it or acquiring it.Iraq usually mentioned from U.S. offi-cials or the U.S. media. Would that beconsidered the next target in the waragainst terrorism?

General Myers. I’m not going specu-late on the next target against the war onterrorism, but when we talk about our

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goals in that war, terrorist organizations,those that support them, and weapons ofmass destruction that could possibly fallin the hands of terrorists, I think all thoseare legitimate targets for this defensivewar on terrorism, trying to prevent futureacts from occurring.

Q. How much cooperation, militarywise, do you get from Arab countries,especially in the Gulf in that war?

General Myers. I think we’re gettingtremendous cooperation. As you mayknow, General Tom Franks, the U.S. Cen-tral Command commander who is respon-sible for prosecuting the war that is cur-rently focused in Afghanistan has justbeen through the region. His reports arevery, very encouraging. We are gettinggood support. It varies from country tocountry, what kind of support and soforth, but we get very, very good support.And not just in the Gulf but from aroundthe world.

* * * *

Q. The U.S. presence in the Gulf creat-ed tensions, bin Laden at least is one ofthe people who is using it as a pretextor to legitimatize whatever illegitimateactions that were taken against innocentpeople. Are we doing the same or creat-ing the same potential problems in Cen-tral Asia by mobilizing too much U.S.military force in Central Asia for thiswar, or to stay for a long time?

General Myers. I think we need to goback to our presence in the Gulf in thefirst place was at the invitation of thecountries that, where we were stationed,and it was in support of U.N. resolutionscurrently that are, have us doing certainactions vis-a-vis Iraq.

Certainly the last thing we would wantto do is to destabilize any particularregion. We will be very sensitive to that, Ithink. At the same time, we can’t forgetwhy we’re about this war. This is a veryserious matter of defending freedom-lov-ing people from around the world fromthe threat of terrorism, and we saw onSeptember 11th exactly what that could beand what tragedies could come from thatthreat. So we’re committed, we’re res-olute, we’ll try to be as sensitive as wecan to work through some of these issues

and we do on a daily basis. But we’regoing to prosecute this war until weachieve our objectives.

Q. You are not worried about U.S.presence in Central Asia or in the Gulfas long as it serves the political reasonsor political objectives?

General Myers. I think we’ll again, tryto be very sensitive to concerns, we’ll tryto accommodate concerns where we will,but the primary thing, and I think allcountries, even those that sometimes havesome trouble with presence and somepotential instability in their own countriesunderstand that if we don’t defeat terror-ism, if we can’t eliminate or severelydegrade the threat then we’re all at risk.Everybody who loves freedom, everybodywho wants to walk down the street with-out being killed, that we’ve got to prose-cute this war and we’ve got to see itthrough.

* * * *

Q. Innocents are also killed inAfghanistan, civilians. Civilian casual-ties. And so many footages that AlJazeera put out from there, and I don’tthink that anyone questions the authen-ticity so far of the footage that we areplaying, shows the civilian casualties.How do you explain that?

General Myers. First of all, when Ithink of civilian casualties I think back toSeptember 11th when we had over 5,000intentionally targeted civilians. Intention-ally—

Q. So an eye for an eye?

General Myers. No, it’s not that at all.It’s to defend so that never happens again,to defend so it doesn’t happen again, soit’s not an eye for an eye. That’s the lastthing we want to do.

War is the last means to achieve an endI think in everybody’s opinion, certainlyin anybody that wears the uniform, thatwould be our opinion. War is not the firstoption that you come to. So after you’vetried diplomatic or economic or otherinstruments of national power, when itcomes down to war we know we’re in asituation that is a terrible situation. And in

war there are usually many casualties. Inworld history we know we can lose mil-lions of people.

Having said that, we also know thatwe’re going to have some unintendedcasualties and those will be innocents onthe other side.

We plan very carefully, we have rela-tively sophisticated weapons that mini-mize civilian casualties, but in war we’regoing to have some. And we understandthat. We regret that. It is a terrible tragedy,but I think it’s the price that has to be paidto ensure that the world does not have anymore 11 September or events like that.

Q. If you feel that Taliban is usingpeople as human shields or civilians,will you still continue to deprive themfrom that tactic and to kill or targethuman shields?

General Myers. I think that would beon a case-by-case basis. We will not inten-tionally attack civilians, even though weknow that the Taliban do use women andchildren as shields. We know that theypark their equipment next to religiousstructures. We’re aware of that and wewill take great care, of course, not to letthe war spill over onto innocents the bestwe can.

To go back to your earlier point on thefootage of some of the casualties. Estab-lishing ground truth in Afghanistan isvery, very difficult. Every time there is analleged incident of civilian casualties wego back and very carefully look to seewhat ground truth is. We know the Talibanhave lied and exaggerated those casualties.We think they are very, very low.

We regret every one of them because,again, they’re the innocent bystanders.

Q. One of the officials just said a dayor two ago that we don’t have a ware-house of civilian casualties that webring them every day. These are pic-tures that speak for themselves.

General Myers. Well, we all know,even though it’s the business you’re in,that pictures aren’t always truth. And youcan be deceived. We don’t know if thatwas an errant bomb or was that somefighting between the Taliban and theiradversaries, the Northern Alliance orPashtun tribes? So it’s never easy to say. I

September 11, 2001


mean you can show somebody that’s beeninjured but you can’t say why they wereinjured. It’s always very, very difficult.

Q. So if what they put out there mightnot be the truth or the places that theyallow the camera to be in might nothave presented the whole picture couldwe say the same also about the Penta-gon? That the kind of pictures orfootage that you allow us to release isalso tailored in order to serve what yousay?

General Myers. Well I’d say no. We’renot in the propaganda business. And asyou know well, at least in this country, ourmedia have good noses for that. Theywork that issue very, very hard. It’s one ofthe great things about living in a democra-cy. You have many checks and balances.We don’t have a propaganda machine. Wehave the U.S. media. They’re free to goand travel where they want. We have facil-itated them going to some of our militaryoperations to talk to our people. Theyhave some people inside Afghanistan andare reporting from there.

Q. Have they given you any roughestimate of civilian casualties so far?

General Myers. No. We do not have arough estimate. My guess is that it’s very,very low.

Q. In the tens, in the hundreds?

General Myers. I don’t know. I justcan’t give you a good number. Again,establishing ground truth has been very,very difficult. We know when we hear ofalleged incidents we’ll go out and look atit and if there are not bomb craters inplaces where they say you’ve bombedpeople, if you see no evidence of damage,then you have to say that is somebody’simagination. That is not the truth.

Q. After 25 days of the militaryactions, roughly how many missing tar-gets that you can admit or have beenadmitted officially over there for civil-ian—

General Myers. I don’t know if we’vetotaled those up, but if my memory servesme right it would be a handful. It would

be five or six. Five or six targets that weadmit. And that’s another good point Ithink you bring up. If we do have a bombthat is off target for whatever reason, thenwe admit that. We’ll be the first ones tosay yes, we did that. And we’re very sorryfor that.

* * * *

Q. My last question is, have you, do youhave any knowledge that the U.S. mili-tary used in the war in Afghanistan anyweapons that could be considered con-troversial or forbidden internationally?Cluster, concussion, chemical?

General Myers. Absolutely not. Wewill not use any illegal weapons inAfghanistan. We don’t have chemicalweapons that are in our inventory. So thisis... No.

Q. Cluster weapons?

General Myers. We used some clusterweapons, but my understanding is they arenot illegal.

Q. Concussion?

General Myers. I don’t know what youmean by concussion.

Q. I mean gas bombs or—

General Myers. If we used any of thosethey will all be in accordance with what isinternational norms.

Q. Any concluding remarks?

General Myers. Well, the only conclud-ing remarks, I thank you for the opportu-nity for this interview to remind peoplethat might be watching that this is a waron terrorism. That on September 11th theUnited States was directly attacked, thatinnocent people—men, women, children,many religions, many nationalities—losttheir lives due to an intentional attack onthem. And this is a war on that terrorism.

It’s broader in scope than Afghanistan.It’s broader than just military action. Whatwe’re seeing right now of course is thevisible part and that’s the military action.What you don’t see are the invisibleactions that are taking place, be they in

criminal channels or in financial channelsor in diplomatic channels or in informa-tion channels, to try to thwart this war onterrorism.

And I think if anybody takes a hard lookat how they want their children to growup, I think they want them to be able togrow up in a world that is free from ter-rorist acts.

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On the afternoon of October 31, PremierZhu Rongji held talks with German Chan-cellor Gerhard Schroeder at the Great Hallof the People. The two sides had an exten-sive exchange of views on furtherstrengthening China-Germany friendlyrelations and cooperation and internationalissues of common concern in a warm andfriendly atmosphere and reached impor-tant consensus.

Zhu warmly welcomed Schroeder. Hesaid that Schroeder made three visits toChina in the past two and a half years,which fully demonstrates that Germanyhas attached great importance to theChina-Germany friendly cooperation ofmutual benefits. Schroeder is leading a bigentrepreneurs’ delegation on this trip andhis visit will yield substantial results andpromote bilateral ties in an all-aroundmanner. Germany is one of China’s mostimportant trading partners in Europe. Thetrade volume between the two is thebiggest among all China’s trade partnersin Europe, and moreover, the direct invest-ment in China by Germany has sharplyincreased and Germany has become thebiggest investor in China among the Euro-pean countries. We are pleased and satis-fied with the sustained development ofbilateral cooperation in various fields andconfident of the prospects of the bilateralfriendly relations and cooperation. Nextyear will mark the 30th anniversary of theestablishment of diplomatic relationsbetween China and Germany. China iswilling to join Germany in efforts to ele-vate bilateral ties to a higher level, espe-cially in maintaining exchanges of visitsbetween high-level leaders of the twocountries as well as in enhancing consul-tations and coordination on internationalissues. This is not only in the fundamental

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and long-term interests of both countriesand both peoples, but is also beneficial toworld peace and stability.

Schroeder thanked Zhu for his invita-tion. He said that currently there are noproblems between Germany and China inpolitical relations. The economic coopera-tion between Germany and China hasenjoyed rapid and robust development andmaintained excellent momentum. Ger-many regards China as a major partner forcooperation of mutual benefit, and itattaches vital importance to exchanges ofvisit between high-level leaders of the twocountries and welcomes Chinese leadersto Germany. Germany and China hold thesame or similar views on a series of inter-national issues.

While expressing congratulations toChina on the successful hosting of theAsia-Pacific Economic Cooperation meet-ings in Shanghai as well as on winningthe bid to host the Olympics in 2008,Schroeder said Germany will cooperatewith China in the preparation for thesports event and make contributions toBeijing’s successful hosting of the Games.

On the anti-terrorism issue, Zhu saidthat the September 11 attacks in the Unit-ed States revealed that terrorism, as a pub-lic scourge for the international communi-ty, affects regional and international stabil-ity and threatens peace and security ofmankind. China opposes terrorism in allforms and supports fighting against terror-ist organizations. However, China holdsthat anti-terrorist actions should be quickand well-targeted and avoid harming theinnocent. The United Nations in particularshould be given a bigger role to play.China’s fight against the “East Turkistan”terrorist forces is also part of the interna-tional action against terrorism. Interna-tional cooperation should be strengthenedin the anti-terrorism efforts. China andGermany share identical positions on thisissue, and China is ready to strengthencooperation with Germany and the Euro-pean Union in this field. China hopes thatterrorist activities will be curbed andpeace be restored in the relevant areas atan early date.

On what kind of government should beestablished in Afghanistan, Zhu saidChina holds the Afghan people’s choiceshould be fully respected as a priority, andany arrangement should conform to thefundamental interests and aspirations of

Afghan people of all ethnic groups.Afghanistan’s history has shown that anygovernment composed of only one ethnicgroup can not bring about real peace forthe country. A moderate and broadly-based coalition government, accepted byall parties and friendly with all countries,especially its neighbors, is in the interestsof all countries and conducive to lastingpeace and stability in the region.

Schroeder said he fully agreed to Zhu’sview on the fight against terrorism and thefuture post-war arrangement inAfghanistan. He emphasized that actionsagainst terrorism must have clear targetsand avoid harming civilians. Germanyholds that military action can not solve allproblems, and effective measures in politi-cal, diplomatic, economic and humanitari-an fields should also be taken. The futureAfghan government should be one set upby the Afghan people independently andbe acceptable to all parties. Otherwise,success can not be achieved. The U.N.should play a bigger and stronger role inthis regard and the U.N. Security Councilshould also make more effective efforts.

After the talks, Zhu and Schroederattended a contract-signing ceremony andheld a joint press conference.

At night, Zhu hosted a welcoming ban-quet in the honor of Schroeder. Before thebanquet, Zhu met with German entrepre-neurs led by Schroeder. Zhu briefed themon China’s economic development andChina-Germany economic cooperationand trade and encouraged them to investin China and contribute to the develop-ment of China-Germany relations.

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Q. During his talks with the GermanChancellor yesterday, Premier Zhucalled for an early end of U.S. militarystrike upon Afghanistan. When willChina’s support to the U.S. militarystrike come to an end?

Spokesman. The media has given fullcoverage to the talks by the two primeministers on the anti-terrorist issue. Pre-mier Zhu claimed that: The Chinese Gov-

ernment is always opposed to any form ofinternational terrorist activities. We sup-port the fight against terrorism and call forinternational cooperation. At the sametime, the action against terrorism shouldfollow forms acceptable to the internation-al community, abide by the purposes andprinciples of the U.N. Charter and recog-nized norms of the international law. Thestrike should be quick, accurate and welltargeted. Efforts should be made to avoidas far as possible hurting the civilians. Therole of the United Nations should bebrought into full play. This is what Pre-mier Zhu said. It is also our consistentpolicy.

Q. Will China provide more humani-tarian assistance to Afghanistan?

Spokesman. Since the emergence of theAfghan refugee problem after the invasioninto Afghanistan by the former SovietUnion, the Chinese Government has annu-ally provided humanitarian assistance tothe Afghan refugees in Pakistan andAfghanistan through the Pakistani Gov-ernment and the UNHCR. We will carryon this endeavor.

Afghanistan is torn by protracted warsand disasters over the past decade. TheAfghan people have suffered deeply fromthe scourge of the war and long for anearly peace. China has closely followedthe Afghan refugee issue. We are ready towork with the international community toproperly settle this issue.

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Disease has long been the deadliest enemyof mankind. Infectious diseases make nodistinctions among people and recognizeno borders. We have fought the causes andconsequences of disease throughout histo-ry and must continue to do so with everyavailable means. All civilized nationsreject as intolerable the use of disease andbiological weapons as instruments of warand terror.

For almost thirty years, the vast majori-ty of nations has banned all biologicalweapons, in accordance with the 1972Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention(BWC). This landmark accord—now with144 nations as parties—prohibits the pos-session of all biological weapons.

September 11, 2001


Before the BWC, the United States hadindependently and unconditionallyrenounced the possession and use of bio-logical weapons. The United States unilat-erally destroyed its biological weaponsstockpiles and dismantled or converted topeaceful uses the facilities that had beenused for developing and producing them.

Today, we know that the scourge of bio-logical weapons has not been eradicated.Instead, the threat is growing. Since Sep-tember 11, America and others have beenconfronted by the evils these weapons caninflict. This threat is real and extremelydangerous. Rogue states and terroristspossess these weapons and are willing touse them.

The United States is committed tostrengthening the Biological WeaponsConvention (BWC) as part of a compre-hensive strategy for combating the com-plex threats of weapons of mass destruc-tion and terrorism. With this objective, myAdministration is proposing that all Par-ties:

• Enact strict national criminal legisla-tion against prohibited BW activities withstrong extradition requirements;

• Establish an effective United Nationsprocedure for investigating suspicious out-breaks or allegations of biologicalweapons use;

• Establish procedures for addressingBWC compliance concerns;

• Commit to improving internationaldisease control and to enhance mecha-nisms for sending expert response teamsto cope with outbreaks;

• Establish sound national oversightmechanisms for the security and geneticengineering of pathogenic organisms;

• Devise a solid framework for bioscien-tists in the form of a code of ethical con-duct that would have universal recogni-tion; and

• Promote responsible conduct in thestudy, use, modification, and shipment ofpathogenic organisms.

I have directed my Administration toconsult with our friends and allies, as wellas with Congress, industry, and non-gov-ernmental experts, on these proposals. Welook forward to hearing the new ideas onhow best to achieve our common aim ofeliminating biological weapons.

Our objective is to fashion an effectiveinternational approach to strengthen theBiological Weapons Convention. The

ideas we propose do not constitute a com-plete solution to the use of pathogens andbiotechnology for evil purposes. However,if we can strengthen the Conventionagainst the threat of biological weapons,we will contribute to the security of thepeople of the United States and mankindas a whole.

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Secretary Rumsfeld. Good afternoon.I’ve reflected on some of the questionsthat were posed at the last briefing aboutthe speed of progress and questions aboutthe patience of the American people ifsomething didn’t happen immediately.And I personally have a sense that thepublic understands the following facts:

On September 11th, the terroristsattacked New York and Washington, mur-dering thousands of people, Americans aswell as people from dozens of other coun-tries of all races and religions.

On October 7th, less than a month later,we had positioned coalition forces in theregion, we began military operationsagainst Taliban and al Qaeda targetsthroughout Afghanistan.

Since that time, roughly three weeks,coalition forces have flown over 2,000sorties; broadcast 300-plus hours of radiotransmissions; delivered an amazing 1million-30 thousand humanitarian rationsto starving Afghan people.

Today is November 1st. And if youthink about it, the smoke at this verymoment is still rising out of the WorldTrade Center, or the ruins of the WorldTrade Center, I should say. And with thoseruins still smoldering and the smoke notyet cleared, it seems to me that Americansunderstand well that despite the urgencyin the questions that were posed at the lastbriefing, we’re still in the very, very earlystages of this conflict.

The ruins are still smoking. That is, Ithink, important to reflect on.

Consider some historical perspectives:After December 7th, 1941, attack on

Pearl Harbor, it took four months before

the United States responded to that attackwith the Doolittle Raid in April of ‘42. Ittook eight months after Pearl Harborbefore the U.S. began a land campaignagainst the Japanese, with the invasion ofGuadalcanal in August of 1942. The U.S.bombed Japan for three and a half years,until August 1945, before they accom-plished their objectives. On the Europeanfront, the allies bombed Germany continu-ally for five years, from September 1940until May of ‘45. Took 11 months to startthe land campaign against the Germanswith the invasion of North Africa. And ittook the United States two years and sixmonths after Hitler declared war beforewe landed in France in June of 1944.We’re now fighting a new kind of war. It’sunlike any that America has ever foughtbefore. Many things about this war aredifferent from others. But as I have said,one of those differences is not the possi-bility of instant victory or instant success.

At my briefing, when I announced thestart of the air war on October 7th [ tran-script ], I stated that our initial goals werethe following: to make clear to the Talibanthat harboring terrorists carries a price; toacquire intelligence that would facilitatefuture operations against al Qaeda andTaliban forces; to develop useful relation-ships with groups of Afghanistan peoplethat oppose the Taliban and the al Qaeda;to make it increasingly difficult for theterrorists to use Afghanistan freely as abase of operation; to alter the military bal-ance over time by denying the Taliban theoffensive systems that hamper theprogress of the various opposition forces;and to provide humanitarian relief toAfghans suffering oppressive living condi-tions under the Taliban regime. Now thosewere the goals I put out on October 7th.That was 24 days ago—three weeks andthree days; not three months; not threeyears, but three weeks and three days. Andwe have made measurable progressagainst each one of those stated goalsfrom October 7th.

The attacks of September 11th were notdays or weeks, but years in the making.The terrorists were painstaking and delib-erate, and it appears that they may havespent one or even two years planning theiractivities.

There’s no doubt in my mind but thatthe American people know that it’s goingto take more than 24 days to deal with this

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very difficult problem. I also stated that our task is much

broader than simply defeating Taliban oral Qaeda. It’s to root out the global terror-ist networks—not just in Afghanistan butwherever they are—and to ensure thatthey cannot threaten the American peopleor our way of life.

This is a task that’s going to take time.Victory will require that every element ofAmerican influence and power beengaged. Americans have seen tougheradversaries than this before, and they havehad the staying power to defeat them. Ithink underestimating the American peo-ple is a big mistake.

In the end, war is not about statistics,deadlines, short attention spans or 24-hournews cycles. It’s about will, the projectionof will, the clear, unambiguous determina-tion of the president of the UnitedStates—and let there be no doubt aboutthat—and the American people to see thisthrough to certain victory.

In other American wars, enemy com-manders have come to doubt the wisdomof taking on the strength and power of thisnation and the resolve of her people. Iexpect that somewhere in a cave inAfghanistan there’s a terrorist leader whois at this moment considering preciselythe same thing.

General Myers.


We’ll turn to day 25 of combat opera-tions, where our efforts focused ondestroying command and control ele-ments, whether in bunkers, tunnels orcaves, as well as continuing our support tooperation forces by degrading Taliban mil-itary forces.

In yesterday’s operations we struck ineight planned target areas, principallyaround Mazar-e Sharif, Kabul and Kanda-har as well as in a number of engagementzones around Afghanistan.

We used about 55 strike aircraft yester-day, including about 40 tactical jets offour carriers, between four and six land-based tactical aircraft, and about eight to10 long-range bombers.

Yesterday two C-17s delivered about34,000 food rations in the north for a totalof approximately to date 1,062,000.

We also flew Commando Solo broadcastmissions and dropped leaflets near Mazar-

e Sharif. Turning to today’s imagery, we have

videos from F-14s and F-18s depictingstrikes yesterday on a cave complex nearKabul. The Taliban and al Qaeda use thesecaves to secure—as secure locations forpersonnel and for ammunition and forequipment.

The first video shows a cave at the baseof a cliff. The clip is from the weaponsdisplay of the wingman of the one thatactually dropped the bomb.

The second clip has two videos whichdepict another cave located at the top of aridge. The first clip comes from the shoot-er’s display, and the second clip from hiswingman, who’s observing the strike. Thelarge secondary explosion seems to indi-cate we may have hit ammunition or fuelin that cave.

* * * *

Q. There are also reports that the Pak-istani government has taken into cus-tody at least one if not two of their topnuclear weapons technicians and scien-tists who have known ties and sympa-thies to al Qaeda. Does the U.S. haveany evidence at all that either the Tal-iban or al Qaeda have obtained nuclearweapons or know-how? And what is thelevel of concern in the U.S. about thesafety of the Pakistani nuclear stock-piles?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’ve seen thosereports. The short answer is, we know ofcertain knowledge that al Qaeda has, overthe years, had an appetite for acquiringweapons of mass destruction of varioustypes, including nuclear materials. That’sa fact, and it is—and you said, am I con-cerned about it? Of course. Any terroristnetwork that ends up acquiring weaponsof mass destruction, as I’ve said on otheroccasions, is a danger to the world, a realdanger to the world. Those weapons havethe capability of killing many more thanthousands—into the hundreds of thou-sands of people.

Q. The specific question was concernabout the safety of Pakistan’s nuclearstockpile.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I’m surethat the president of Pakistan and his gov-

ernment have been attentive to that andare.

Q. Any evidence that has been com-promised?

Secretary Rumsfeld. None at all.

* * * *

Q. Your opening statement today wasn’tabout prosecuting war. Increasingly, itseems to be about selling the war,telling the American people why it’staking as long as it is, and to havepatience.

How big a part of your job is the saleseffort? What sort of time are you dedi-cating to that? Are you dedicating toomuch time to it? And are the peoplethat you’re talking to buying?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I wouldguess it’s probably about maybe 30 to 60minutes a day.

Q. (Off mike.)

Secretary Rumsfeld. Yeah. I mean, I’mhere for a half-hour or 40 minutes, what-ever it takes. I meet with some other folksprobably one other time during the day. Iget into the office about 6:30, I go homeabout 8:00, and as a percentage of the day,it’s relatively modest.

Is it important? I guess I wouldn’t bedoing it if I didn’t believe it was impor-tant. I think it probably is. I think thatthe—well, first of all, we have multipleaudiences that we have to deal with.

One is the men and women in the armedservices. And this, to be perfectly honest,is a good way to communicate directlywith them as to what this is all about:What are doing, why are we doing it, howlong will we be doing it? Are we doing itin a way that we’re pleased with or disap-pointed with? And what are the kinds ofquestions? So we can address that audi-ence.

Then there are the American people, andthe American people determine where thiscountry goes, ultimately, and so it’simportant that they have that same under-standing.

Then there is the press, and needless tosay, that is important. You play a veryimportant role in this process.

September 11, 2001


And so, as questions come up, it’simportant for Dick, and for me, and forothers to be here almost every day and tryto respond to those and provide the cali-bration that we believe is the right calibra-tion, the honest, true calibration. Andthat’s what we try to do.

General Myers. Can I just add on tothat?

Secretary Rumsfeld. You bet.

General Myers. I think those three cat-egories are very good. The troops—lastweek I—end of last week, I visited sometroops. I went to Whiteman, as I said. Iwent to Fort Riley. And as we explain thestrategy, and where we are, and how we’retrying to prosecute this particular globalwar on terrorism, they have a very goodunderstanding and are very supportive ofthe way we’re headed.

The American people—I happened tohave a chance to meet in a retirementcommunity with about 40 to 50 retirees,who had very sophisticated views of whatwe were doing. They understood; they’dbeen reading the papers, and they under-stood. And we had a good dialogue, agood question-and-answer session. And Ithink they, too, understand what it is we’retrying to do.

Now, it’s a little bit different when youcome inside the beltway with the Wash-ington pundits because we have a verywell-informed, very well-educated, up-to-speed audience and a group of punditswho have opinions on this. And that’s fair;that’s the way it should work.

But to the question, I think the Ameri-can people understand this. And I hope togo out to other parts of the country and dothe same thing again and continue to gath-er that kind of information.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, you talked about thecontinuing support of the Americanpeople, that you have no doubt they willbe with you. It’s really the support out-side of the United States where thereare indications that there is not only afading, but a rapid decline, as best canbe measured, in some of the Arab coun-tries, in particular. Will you addressthat issue? Will they be with us?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think so, yes,indeed. The reason I say that is, if onelooks at the statements and recognizes thecircumstance of each country and thestatements each country is making, I thinkit is just enormously encouraging theamount of support and the assistancewe’re getting. I just saw two press reportstoday on statements out of Arab countriesin the Middle East that were very positive,very supportive, unambiguous. Now, theyhave a different set of circumstances thanothers do, but I feel quite encouraged byit.

Q. Well, one of the continuing issues,the pictures of civilian casualties, whichis difficult for the U.S. to explain—andyou have addressed this issue. Lastweek we asked three different times onthis one village, called Chukar Karezz,which has been addressed again andagain in questions, and today there areAmerican reporters on the ground inthis village looking at the destructionwith no apparent military targetsaround it. Did the U.S. strike this vil-lage? The Taliban said more than ahundred people were killed. If we did,why? And is there an explanation? Orwas it Taliban propaganda on the otherside?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I cannot deal withthat particular village. I suppose I couldtry and find out for you, and will.

I can deal with the question of the Tal-iban’s comments. We know of certainknowledge they’re putting anti-aircraftbatteries on top of buildings in residentialareas for the purpose of attracting bombsso that, in fact, they can then show thepress that civilians have been killed. And Ican tell you that the Afghan civilians don’tlike it.

We know also that they have been seiz-ing and beating non- governmental organi-zation workers. And when I asked, on oneoccasion—my, it’s interesting that when Ihear a non-governmental worker, theyseem to say that the bombing is inhibitingtheir ability to distribute food from time totime, or something like that, and I see thatreported in the press. And I asked thisWorld Food person, who is knowledgeableabout it, why don’t we hear non-govern-mental organizations talking about the fact

that their warehouses are broken into, thematerials are taken, their workers are beat-en? And the answer is, it’s very simple—the Taliban will shoot their people if theydo, so they keep their mouths closed.

* * * *

Q. There’s been some reporting out ofthe White House that the Bush adminis-tration has decided to, in a sense,uncouple the political efforts to build apost-Taliban government inAfghanistan with the military efforts toadvance the Northern Alliance.

Secretary Rumsfeld. The implicationbeing that they were originally coupled?

Q. That being the exact implication,yes. And—

Secretary Rumsfeld. If they were, as Isaid earlier, it was not to my knowledgethat they were coupled.

There is an effort going on. There is anon—there is a State Department, and Ibelieve the man’s name is AmbassadorRichard Haass, who has been designatedby the secretary of State to be the U.S.person to work this issue. He is doingthat. He is doing it with lots of othercountries. He is doing it with the U.N.representatives. He’s doing it with peoplein Europe. He’s doing it with people in theregion. And that effort is not going to be aU.S.-controlled effort. It is going to be aneffort that we want to participate in. It isgoing forward.

There is no way in the world anyone—you, I, Mr. Haass—can manage it. It is alot of people with a lot of views, andthey’re going to be working that through.And we are going to, as General Myerssaid, proceed to do everything we can todamage the Taliban and the al Qaedaforces.

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President Hosni Mubarak delivered hisremarks at the Formentor Forum inSpain.

Upon tackling terrorism subject, I speak

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194 Winter 2002

out of a bitter experience endured byEgypt in its war against terrorism, whichhad started long before the September 11incidents. From that experience, we havelearned that terrorism should be confront-ed with vigor and determination withinthe bounds of legitimacy and respect oflaw.

Thus, Egypt did not hesitate for a sec-ond to join international efforts againstterrorism in the wake of the attack onNew York and Washington. This stemsfrom our belief in the importance of form-ing a united international front that standsagainst the evils of terrorism and preventit from attaining its objectives. Within thesame context, Egypt has supported inter-national moves by the USA and U.K. tocombat terrorism.

Within the framework of our interna-tional efforts to combat terrorism andeliminate all its strongholds, we shouldalways take into consideration a numberof factors that could augment our chancesof success, foremost of which are:

First: The need to convene an interna-tional conference on combating terrorismunder the auspices of the U.N., in orderconclude an international treaty involvingstrict procedures geared to agree on an al-inclusive definition of international terror-ism, to prohibit provision of finance,assistance, safe haven or political asylumto terrorists for one reason or another.This is what we should all seek to achievein due course, after addressing the imme-diate consequences of the September 11events.

Second: The extreme importance ofcoupling our efforts in combating interna-tional terrorism with intensive efforts toaddress its underlying causes, such asfeelings of injustice, coercion, inequityand adoption of double standards forpolitical, economic or social considera-tions.

Third: There is an urgent need to chan-nel greater international attention toaddress the rapidly deteriorating situationin the occupied Palestinian territories as aresult of Israeli attempt to take advantageof engrossment by the world communitywith the campaign against terrorism toimpose a status quo on the ground con-trary to all signed agreements and allunderstandings reached. This should bedone through concrete and effective mea-sures that could be felt on the ground.

On the other hand, Israel should ceaseall its excessive practices of subjugationand humiliating the Palestinian people insuch a way that would only result in esca-lating feelings of frustration and despera-tion between the Arab and Islamic publicopinion. This would create a fertile soilfor terrorists to utilize those feelings tojustify their criminal acts and to raise newgenerations seeking to commit violent andterrorist acts as a means of expressingtheir dissatisfaction with their lives undercoercion and occupation.

As partners in the Euro-Mediterraneancooperation, we extend our hands to ourpartners in the North, in order to worktogether on this matter, same as on othermatters of joint interest to both of us. Thisis to be done within the framework offrank and constructive discussions thathave been launched within the context ofthe Barcelona process, two years beforethe September 11 events. It is through thisprocess that we sought to provide a goodexample of combating this vicious phe-nomenon.

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The following statement by Usama BinLaden was originally broadcast on Al-Jazeera television.

We praise God, seek His help, and ask forHis forgiveness.

We seek refuge in God from the evils ofour souls and our bad deeds.

A person who is guided by God willnever be misguided by anyone and a per-son who is misguided by God can neverbe guided by anyone.

I bear witness that there is no God butAllah alone, Who has no partner.

Amid the huge developments and in thewake of the great strikes that hit the Unit-ed States in its most important locations inNew York and Washington, a huge mediaclamor has been raised.

This clamor is unprecedented. It con-veyed the opinions of people on theseevents.

People were divided into two parts. Thefirst part supported these strikes againstU.S. tyranny, while the second denouncedthem.

Afterward, when the United Stateslaunched the unjust campaign against theIslamic Emirate in Afghanistan, peoplealso split into two parties.

The first supported these campaigns,while the second denounced and rejectedthem.

These tremendous incidents, which havesplit people into two parties, are of greatinterest to the Muslims, since many of therulings pertain to them.

These rulings are closely related toIslam and the acts that corrupt a person’sIslam.

Therefore, the Muslims must understandthe nature and truth of this conflict so thatit will be easy for them to determinewhere they stand.

While talking about the truth of the con-flict, opinion polls in the world haveshown that a little more than 80 per centof Westerners, of Christians in the UnitedStates and elsewhere, have been saddenedby the strikes that hit the United States.

The polls showed that the vast majorityof the sons of the Islamic world werehappy about these strikes because theybelieve that the strikes were in reaction tothe huge criminality practiced by Israeland the United States in Palestine andother Muslim countries.

After the strikes on Afghanistan began,these groups changed positions.

Those who were happy about strikingthe United States felt sad whenAfghanistan was hit, and those who feltsad when the United States was hit werehappy when Afghanistan was hit. Thesegroups comprise millions of people.

The entire West, with the exception of afew countries, supports this unfair, barbar-ic campaign, although there is no evidenceof the involvement of the people ofAfghanistan in what happened in America.

The people of Afghanistan had nothingto do with this matter. The campaign,however, continues to unjustly annihilatethe villagers and civilians, children,women, and innocent people.

The positions of the two sides are veryclear. Mass demonstrations have spreadfrom the farthest point in the eastern partof the Islamic world to the farthest pointin the western part of the Islamic world,and from Indonesia, Philippines,Bangladesh, India, Pakistan to the Arabworld and Nigeria and Mauritania.

This clearly indicates the nature of this

September 11, 2001


war. This war is fundamentally religious.The people of the East are Muslims. Theysympathized with Muslims against thepeople of the West, who are the crusaders.

Those who try to cover this crystal clearfact, which the entire world has admitted,

are deceiving the Islamic nation. They are trying to deflect the attention

of the Islamic nation from the truth of thisconflict.

This fact is proven in the book of GodAlmighty and in the teachings of our mes-senger, may God’s peace and blessings beupon him.

Under no circumstances should we for-get this enmity between us and the infi-dels. For, the enmity is based on creed.

We must be loyal to the believers andthose who believe that there is no God butAllah.

We should also renounce the atheists

and infidels. It suffices me to seek God’shelp against them.

God says: “Never will the Jews or theChristians be satisfied with thee unlessthou follow their form of religion.”

It is a question of faith, not a waragainst terrorism, as Bush and Blair try todepict it.

Many thieves belonging to this nationwere captured in the past. But, nobodymoved.

The masses which moved in the Eastand West have not done so for the sake ofOsama.

Rather, they moved for the sake of theirreligion. This is because they know thatthey are right and that they resist the mostferocious, serious, and violent Crusadecampaign against Islam ever since themessage was revealed to Muhammad,may God’s peace and blessings be upon.

After this has become clear, the Muslimmust know and learn where he is standingvis-a-vis this war.

After the U.S. politicians spoke andafter the U.S. newspapers and televisionchannels became full of clear crusadinghatred in this campaign that aims at mobi-lizing the West against Islam and Mus-lims, Bush left no room for doubts or theopinions of journalists, but he openly andclearly said that this war is a crusader war.He said this before the whole world toemphasize this fact.

What can those who allege that this is awar against terrorism say? What terrorismare they speaking about at a time when theIslamic nation has been slaughtered fortens of years without hearing their voicesand without seeing any action by them?

But when the victim starts to takerevenge for those innocent children inPalestine, Iraq, southern Sudan, Somalia,Kashmir and the Philippines, the rulers’ulema (Islamic leaders) and the hypocritescome to defend the clear blasphemy. Itsuffices me to seek God’s help againstthem.

The common people have understoodthe issue, but there are those who continueto flatter those who colluded with theunbelievers to anesthetized the Islamicnation to prevent it from carrying out theduty of jihad so that the word of God willbe above all words.

The unequivocal truth is that Bush hascarried the cross and raised its bannerhigh and stood at the front of the queue.

Anyone who lines up behind Bush inthis campaign has committed one of the10 actions that sully one’s Islam.

Muslim scholars are unanimous thatallegiance to the infidels and support forthem against the believers is one of themajor acts that sully Islam.

There is no power but in God. Let usinvestigate whether this war againstAfghanistan that broke out a few days agois a single and unique one or if it is a linkto a long series of crusader wars againstthe Islamic world.

Following World War I, which endedmore than 83 years ago, the whole Islamicworld fell under the crusader banner—under the British, French, and Italian gov-ernments.

They divided the whole world, andPalestine was occupied by the British.

Since then, and for more than 83 years,our brothers, sons, and sisters in Palestinehave been badly tortured.

Hundreds of thousands of them havebeen killed, and hundreds of thousands ofthem have been imprisoned or maimed.

Let us examine the recent developments.Take for example the Chechens.

They are a Muslim people who havebeen attacked by the Russian bear whichembraces the Christian Orthodox faith.

Russians have annihilated the Chechenpeople in their entirety and forced them toflee to the mountains where they wereassaulted by snow and poverty and dis-eases.

Nonetheless, nobody moved to supportthem. There is no strength but in God.

This was followed by a war of genocidein Bosnia in sight and hearing of theentire world in the heart of Europe.

For several years our brothers have beenkilled, our women have been raped, andour children have been massacred in thesafe havens of the United Nations andwith its knowledge and cooperation.

Those who refer our tragedies today tothe United Nations so that they can beresolved are hypocrites who deceive God,His Prophet and the believers.

Are not our tragedies but caused by theUnited Nations? Who issued the PartitionResolution on Palestine in 1947 and sur-rendered the land of Muslims to the Jews?It was the United Nations in its resolutionin 1947.

Those who claim that they are the lead-ers of the Arabs and continue to appeal to

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196 Winter 2002

Those who refer our tragedies today to theUnited Nations so that they can beresolved are hypocrites who deceive God,His Prophet and the believers.

Are not our tragedies but caused by theUnited Nations? Who issued the PartitionResolution on Palestine in 1947 and sur-rendered the land of Muslims to theJews? It was the United Nations in its res-olution in 1947.

Those who claim that they are the lead-ers of the Arabs and continue to appeal tothe United Nations have disavowed whatwas revealed to Prophet Muhammad,God’s peace and blessings be upon him.

Those who refer things to the interna-tional legitimacy have disavowed the legit-imacy of the Holy Book and the tradition ofProphet Muhammad, God’s peace andblessings be upon him.

This is the United Nations from whichwe have suffered greatly. Under no cir-cumstances should any Muslim or saneperson resort to the United Nations. TheUnited Nations is nothing but a tool ofcrime.

the United Nations have disavowed whatwas revealed to Prophet Muhammad,God’s peace and blessings be upon him.

Those who refer things to the interna-tional legitimacy have disavowed the legit-imacy of the Holy Book and the traditionof Prophet Muhammad, God’s peace andblessings be upon him.

This is the United Nations from whichwe have suffered greatly. Under no cir-cumstances should any Muslim or saneperson resort to the United Nations. TheUnited Nations is nothing but a tool ofcrime.

We are being massacred everyday, whilethe United Nations continues to sit idlyby.

Our brothers in Kashmir have been sub-jected to the worst forms of torture forover 50 years. They have been massacred,killed, and raped. Their blood has beenshed and their houses have been tres-passed upon.

Still, the United Nations continues to sitidly by.

Today, and without any evidence, theUnited Nations passes resolutions support-ing unjust and tyrannical America, whichoppresses these helpless people who haveemerged from a merciless war at thehands of the Soviet Union.

Let us look at the second war in Chech-nya, which is still underway. The entireChechen people are being embattled onceagain by this Russian bear.

The humanitarian agencies, even theU.S. ones, demanded that President Clin-ton should stop supporting Russia.

However, Clinton said that stoppingsupport for Russia did not serve U.S.interests.

A year ago, Putin demanded that thecross and the Jews should stand by him.He told them: You must support us andthank us because we are waging a waragainst Muslim fundamentalism.

The enemies are speaking very clearly.While this is taking place, the leaders ofthe region hide and are ashamed to sup-port their brothers.

Let us examine the stand of the Westand the United Nations in the develop-ments in Indonesia when they moved todivide the largest country in the Islamicworld in terms of population.

We should view events not as separatelinks, but as links in a long series of con-spiracies, a war of annihilation. This crim-

inal, Kofi Annan, was speaking publiclyand putting pressure on the Indonesiangovernment, telling it: You have 24 hoursto divide and separate East Timor fromIndonesia.

Otherwise, we will be forced to send inmilitary forces to separate it by force.

The crusader Australian forces were onIndonesian shores, and in fact they landedto separate East Timor, which is part ofthe Islamic world.

Therefore, we should view events not asseparate links, but as links in a long seriesof conspiracies, a war of annihilation inthe true sense of the word.

In Somalia, on the excuse of restoringhope, 13,000 of our brothers were killed.In southern Sudan, hundreds of thousandswere killed.

But when we move to Palestine andIraq, there can be no bounds to what canbe said.

Over one million children were killed inIraq. The killing is continuing.

As for what is taking place in Palestinethese days, I can only say we have no onebut God to complain to.

What is taking place cannot be toleratedby any nation. I do not say from thenations of the human race, but from othercreatures, from the animals. They wouldnot tolerate what is taking place.

A confidant of mine told me that he sawa butcher slaughtering a camel in front ofanother camel.

The other camel got agitated while see-ing the blood coming out of the othercamel. Thus, it burst out with rage and bitthe hand of the man and broke it.

How can the weak mothers in Palestineendure the killing of their children in frontof their eyes by the unjust Jewish execu-tioners with U.S. support and with U.S.aircraft and tanks?

Those who distinguish between Americaand Israel are the real enemies of thenation. They are traitors who betrayedGod and His prophet, and who betrayedtheir nation and the trust placed in them.They anesthetize the nation.

These battles cannot be viewed in anycase whatsoever as isolated battles, butrather, as part of a chain of the long,fierce, and ugly crusader war.

Every Muslim must stand under thebanner of There is no God but Allah andMuhammad is God’s Prophet.

I remind you of what our Prophet, may

God’s peace and blessings upon him, toldIbn Abbas, may God be pleased with him.

He told him: Boy, I am going to teachyou a few words. Obey God, He will pro-tect you. Obey Him, you will find Him onyour side. If you ask for something, askGod. If you seek help, seek the help ofGod.

You should know that if all people cometogether to help you, they will only helpyou with something that God has alreadypreordained for you.

And if they assemble to harm you, theywill only harm you with something thatGod has already preordained for you. Godwrote man’s fate and it will never change.

I Tell the Muslims who did their utmostduring these weeks: You must continuealong the same march.

Your support for us will make usstronger and will further support yourbrothers in Afghanistan.

Exert more efforts in combating thisunprecedented war crime.

Fear God, O Muslims and rise to sup-port your religion. Islam is calling on you:O Muslims, O Muslims, O Muslims.

God bear witness that I have conveyedthe message. God bear witness that I haveconveyed the message. God bear witnessthat I have conveyed the message.

God’s peace and blessings be upon you.

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Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanovdelivered his remarks after meeting withSecretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeldand Russian President Vladmir Putin atthe Kremlin.

Q. Mr. Defense Minister, does Russiaplan to increase support for the war inAfghanistan? And, if so, can you getinto specifics?

Minister Ivanov. As regards the degreeof Russia’s participation in the anti-terror-ist operation that is now being carried outprimarily by the allies, by the UnitedStates and its NATO partners, on the terri-tory of Afghanistan, we were among thefirst to make our position known publicly.Today—or generally—we see no reason atall to revise this position. I’m asked by the

September 11, 2001


media virtually every day if Russiantroops will participate in the Afghanistanoperation or not. I say no, day after day,and I want to say that no one of our part-ners asks us to take such a step. It isabsolutely senseless.

As for improving the qualitative rela-tions in those respects that we identified,among the first to do so, there are certainreserves, and today concrete forms of col-laboration came under discussion. Sincethis concerns in many ways the work ofthe secret services, you understand that Icannot comment that, and never will.

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Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and ForeignMinister Abdul Sattar delivered theirremarks after meeting in Islamabad.

Foreign Minister Sattar. Ladies and gen-tlemen of the media, the U.S. secretary ofdefense on arrival told us that he is on aleisurely trip to five countries over theweekend. But let me say that PresidentPervez Musharraf and the members of thedelegation that have had the privilege oflistening to the secretary of defense aredelighted that he found time during hiswhirlwind tour to come and have talkswith us.

I wish particularly to recall that when Iwent to Washington in June, the secretaryof defense did me the honor of receivingme at the Pentagon and I detected in hima person who remembers the decade ofthe 1980’s when our two countries werevery closely cooperating on an issue ofworld importance. More than that, we getthe feeling that he shares, that Mr. Rums-feld shares, our hopes for the resuscitationof our cooperation on a durable basis.

President Pervez Musharraf and Secre-tary Rumsfeld have exchanged informa-tion and views on the situation inAfghanistan. They also discussed thedesirability of evolving a political strategyon a fast track so as to facilitate the real-ization of the objectives of the U.N. Secu-rity Council resolutions in as short a timeas possible. The formation of a broad-based multi-ethnic government through ahome-grown process under the aegis of

the United Nations appears indispensablefor bringing the travail of the people ofAfghanistan to an early end. Keeping inview of the interests of the people ofAfghanistan, such a government wouldimplement the U.N. Security Council res-olutions.

President Musharraf also underlined theneed for continuation of humanitarianrelief for the distressed Afghan peopleinside their own country so as to reducethe displacement of Afghans outside theircountry. Secretary Rumsfeld recalled thatthe U.S. is the largest donor for relief ofAfghans inside and outside the country.

Let me conclude by saying that weregard Secretary Rumsfeld’s visit toIslamabad as an important step in thedevelopment of cooperation and deepen-ing of goodwill between Pakistan and theUnited States. With these few words Ihand over the mike to the Honorable Don-ald Rumsfeld.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Mr. Minister,thank you very much. I certainly appreci-ate those generous remarks. It’s a pleasureto be back in Pakistan after a good manyyears. I used to travel here as a business-man and it’s certainly is a delight to seeyou after our visit in Washington, D.C.

As the minister indicated, the presidentand his senior officials and our delegationhad a very wide-ranging discussion. Wedid indeed talk a good deal about theimportance of humanitarian relief inAfghanistan and the very serious plight ofthe Afghan people that has been broughtabout by the Taliban and the al Qaedaconflicts.

The determination that we have as acountry in the United States to aggressive-ly root out the terrorists that have killed somany thousands of people and who arethreatening to kill so many thousandsmore. The president of the United Statesis determined on this matter. He will see itthrough and let there be no doubt aboutthat.

We as a country and I as an individualand a government official very muchvalue the relationship with Pakistan; thecooperative way that they haveapproached the battle against terrorismand the assistance that they have provided.We recognize it, we appreciate it, andalong with the dozens and dozens ofcountries across the globe who share the

concern about the terrorist problem in thisworld, I thank them and would be happyto respond to questions.

Q. President Musharraf has repeated-ly talked about an excess of hope forsuspension of military operations, ifthey are not over, in the month ofRamadan. Was this issue discussedtoday and what are your views on this?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’m certainlyaware of the views of the president ofPakistan and indeed the views of anynumber of countries across the globe. It isan important question and certainly anissue that all of us are sensitive to. Thereality is that the threats of additional ter-rorist acts are there. They are credible,they are real, and they offer the prospectsof still thousands of more people beingkilled.

Our task is to certainly be sensitive tothe views in the region, but also to see thatwe aggressively deal with the terrorist net-works that exist, and beyond that, I wouldsimply say that we do not really want todiscuss precisely how we’re going to han-dle the period ahead other than to say thatit is important that the terrorists bestopped.

Q. Mr. Rumsfeld, would you give usyour assessment of the Taliban at thismoment as a military force and Mr.Sattar will you respond to the reportedremarks of Osama bin Ladin that Mus-lim leaders who cooperate with theUnited Nations are in someway infidels?

Foreign Minister Sattar. Actually,Osama bin Ladin?

Q. Made a recorded statement on al-Jazeera yesterday saying that any Mus-lim leader who works with the U.N. isan infidel.

Foreign Minister Sattar. Well, I cantell you the views of the government ofPakistan. We have ever since our indepen-dence attached the highest importance tothe United Nations and we have alwayscalled for the implementation of the reso-lutions of the Security Council. You knowthe background to that. We attach greatimportance to the U.N. Security Councilresolutions and anyone who does not is on

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the other side.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Taliban is notreally functioning as a government assuch. There really is not a government tospeak of in Afghanistan today. As a mili-tary force they have concentrations ofpower that exist. They have capabilitiesthat remain. They have tanks and anti-air-craft. They undoubtedly have someStinger surface-to-air missiles andportable. They have weapons and they areusing their power in enclaves throughoutthe country to impose their will on theAfghan people. They are not makingmajor military moves if that is the importof your question. They are pretty much instatic positions. They are using mosquesfor ammunition storage areas. They areusing mosques for command and controland meeting places. They are puttingtanks and artillery pieces in close proximi-ty to hospitals, schools, and residentialareas. And they are actively lying aboutcivilian casualties taking place in thecountry. I think that probably gives you asense of what I have to say on the Taliban.

Foreign Minister Sattar. May I justadd one point. We have greatly valued theinformation given to us by the secretary ofdefense of the United States that never inhistory has so much care been taken as atpresent by the United States to reducecivilian casualties to the minimum possi-ble. And I think this statement is extreme-ly valuable in view of the news that wesee everyday alleging increasing civiliancasualties in Afghanistan.

Secretary Rumsfeld. May I just addone thought? It is always a shock to me toturn on the television and see a banner ora hear a voice saying that the UnitedStates is bombing Kabul or bombing Kan-dahar. That is not true. There is a lot ofordnance flying around in Afghanistan, letthere be no doubt, and the United States isaggressively trying to go after the Talibanand the al Qaeda, and their militaryforces. And we intend to continue to dothat. But the ordinance is coming to besure from the air down, it is also comingfrom the ground up and it is also comingfrom opposition forces fighting in certainlocations around the country with the Tal-iban.

When there is damage done, it is not

always exactly clear what caused the dam-age and to have pictures of artillery beingfired in the air and saying someone isbombing Kabul, the United States bombsmilitary targets every time we can findone, except when they’re in close proximi-ty to very densely populated residentialareas, and then, of course, we have to rec-ognize the potential for collateral damageand so as the minister says, we have beenas careful as humanly possible. I don’tthink that ever in the history of the worldhas there been a bombing effort that hasbeen done with the precision and the careand the attention to that issue.

Q. Mr. Minister, what concerns didyou express to the United States aboutthe bombing campaign in Afghanistan.Is Pakistan concerned that the U.S. hassaid it might keep bombing throughRamadan. Is Pakistan concerned aboutthe close relationship between the Unit-ed States and the Northern Alliance?

Foreign Minister Sattar. The presidentof Pakistan has very candidly shared withthe secretary the concern over reportingthat we see in the media—day in and dayout—alleging increasing civilian casual-ties in Afghanistan and as I said I antici-pated your question and the secretary alsohas given you a very detailed answer onthe exceptional care that has been exer-cised by the United States to spare andprevent civilian casualties.

Q. But sir, on the question, the presi-dent of Pakistan has said he would likethis to end quickly. The U.S. has saidthere is going to be bombing as long asit takes. Is there a common opinion?

Foreign Minister Sattar. No, I thinkthe secretary was already aware before helanded in Islamabad about the remark thatthe president of Pakistan has made namelythat the military campaign should bereduced to a time as short as possible con-sistent with the realizations of the objec-tives. And that is the position; he wasalready aware. We did not therefore gointo any great detail.

Secretary Rumsfeld. And I can assureyou that’s the position of the United Statesof America. We would like to see it end asquickly as possible, too. There is no one

who favors a long process. We need to dowhat needs to be done. We’re aggressivelytrying to do what needs to be done and weintend to end up having done what needsto be done.

Q. Mr. Minister, is Pakistan con-cerned about the Northern Alliancegaining control in Afghanistan? And, ifso, can you characterize that concern?

Foreign Minister Sattar. For the sakeof stability in Afghanistan it is extremelyimportant that the government in thatcountry should be broad-based, multi-eth-nic and representative of the demographyof Afghanistan. I think the secretary willperhaps wish to say a few things on thispoint but my perception on the basis ofthe conversations that have been heldtoday is that the United States too seeks tosupport the process for the formation of abroad-based, multi-ethnic governmentunder the aegis of the United Nations.

Secretary Rumsfeld. That is exactlycorrect. That is the position of the UnitedStates of America. Secretary Powell hasaddressed this; President Bush hasaddressed it; a U.S. representative, Mr.Richard Haass, Ambassador Haass, hasbeen designated to work with the U.N. towork with the neighboring countries, towork with the interests withinAfghanistan, the non-Taliban, non-al-Qaeda interests and to find away that outof that process can come a governmentthat would be broadly based and thatwould be not willing to harbor terroristsand to try to terrorize either their neigh-bors, their people, or the rest of the world.

Foreign Minister Sattar. The Secretaryis traveling in telescope time, so one morequestion.

Q. [Partially audible] President PervezMusharraf has said that there are threestrategies: a military strategy, a politi-cal strategy, and a rehabilitation andreconstruction strategy. How preparedAmerica is to carry out that rehabilita-tion strategy?

Secretary Rumsfeld. To carry out theother two pieces of the strategy? Yes, thereis no question. The United States was thelargest donor of food before September 11

September 11, 2001


terrorist attack on New York and Washing-ton at something like 170 million dollarsprior to September 11. The president ofthe United States has already announced320 million dollar humanitarian effort forAfghanistan even though the terrorists andthe Taliban are still involved.

There is no question but that the UnitedStates as a country that cares about theAfghan people and wants to see the cir-cumstance of those people improved,would be a willing partner in a post-Tal-iban rehabilitation process.

Foreign Minister Sattar. One sentenceI wish to add that the president of Pak-istan has also apprised Secretary Rums-feld of our concerns with reference toKashmir and also informed him of thestringent measures that have taken by thegovernment of Pakistan to insure custodialsecurity of our strategic assets.

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Secretary Rumsfeld and MinisterFernandes delivered their remarks aftermeeting in New Delhi, India.

Defense Minister Fernandes. Well Secre-tary Rumsfeld and I had discussions fromthe time he arrived here. Our discussionswere essentially on the strategic relation-ship between us and on how to continue tobuild on what we have achieved so far.Naturally we also discussed the ongoingwar against terrorism on a global scale,and the kind of developments that wevisualize in so far as Afghanistan is con-cerned. We also discussed some of thespecifics on our mutual defense-relatedpartnership, including certain items thatwe need to acquire, collaborations that wecould have, and in other words their rela-tionship of mutual support and collabora-tion. I’m very happy with the discussionsthat we had and I want to express mythanks to Secretary Rumsfeld for comingover here—his first visit as defense secre-tary to India, and I look forward to a verylong lasting relationship between our twonations. Thank you.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Thank you verymuch Mr. Minister. I am very pleased tobe back in India, and as you point out onmy first visit as secretary of defense. I putgreat value on the relationship betweenthe United States and India. Our twocountries have many common values andcommon interests, and there I believeimportant that we strengthen them, so Iwas particularly pleased to be able to visitwith you. I guess that both of us are backin this job for the second time—to be ableto strengthen the military to military anddefense ties between our two countrieswhich I think are so important.

The minister has described our visitsand the number of topics that we covered,and the only one I would add is humani-tarian aspects of our interest in the situa-tion in Afghanistan. Both of our countrieshave been active in providing humanitari-an assistance, and certainly when we havebeen successful, and there has a post-Tal-iban government of Afghanistan. I’m surethat both of our countries will again sharethat interest in providing the kinds ofassistance for the Afghan people that theycertainly need.

And with that we’d be happy to respondto questions. I should add that I’ve invitedthe minister to the United States and I’mhopeful that he would be able to visit usthere some time next year at his conve-nience.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, you’ve just come backfrom Pakistan. Are you concernedabout the safety of nuclear facilities inPakistan?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think that coun-tries that have nuclear weapons have ahealthy respect for power and the lethalityof those weapons and the dangers theypose to the world and take the appropriatesteps to ensure that they are managed andhandled in a way that reflects the dangersthat those weapons pose.

Q. Mr. Secretary, (inaudible) possibil-ity of Pakistan’s nuclear set up, fallinginto the hands of terrorists or hard-lin-ers. Can you rule out the possibility?

Secretary Rumsfeld. As I’ve indicated,

I do not personally believe that there is arisk with respect to the nuclear weaponsof countries that have those weapons. Ithink those countries are careful andrespectful of the dangers that they poseand manage their safe handling effective-ly.

* * * *

Q. Yes, Secretary Rumsfeld, Mr. Fer-nandes told a German news magazinequoted this morning as saying of ourefforts in Afghanistan, “This is a wasteof explosives on barren mountains. Themost it will do is melt the ice on thepeak earlier than usual.” Can yourespond to that?

Secretary Rumsfeld. You bet! What weare doing in Afghanistan is we areengaged in an exercise in self-defense.Thousands of Americans were killed. Peo-ple from three or four dozen other coun-tries were killed in New York and Wash-ington, people of all races and all reli-gions. It is not possible to defend at everylocation against every terrorist. The onlyway to deal with it is to take the battle tothem, and that is what we’re doing.

There is no question that the effective-ness of bombing is vastly improved as youhave people on the ground in communica-tion with the aircraft overhead. And eachday that we’ve been engaged in this sinceOctober 7 we have been able to improvethe effectiveness of it.

We now have some larger number ofteams of people on the ground that areassisting with resupply and humanitarianassistance, as well as targeting, and theeffectiveness of the bombing is improvingevery day. I don’t think that there proba-bly has ever been a bomb campaign thathas been any more attentive and preciseand focussed solely on the military capa-bilities than this one.

Q. Secretary Rumsfeld, anotherremark that Defense Minister Fernan-des had made was that he had hisdoubts about whether the Americanswould have the stick-in-it-power oncethis phase was over to help India withits struggle against terrorism in Kash-mir, particularly with groups that arebased in Pakistan?

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Secretary Rumsfeld. I think the presi-dent has been very clear that the effortagainst terrorism is a doable one. Itinvolves terrorists where they are and cer-tainly he is determined. And I have nodoubt in my mind but that the UnitedStates will be—let be start slightly differ-ently. This is much bigger thanAfghanistan. The president has said thatrepeatedly, I’ve said it repeatedly.Afghanistan happens to be the first prob-lem because the al Qaeda organization isthere and it needs to be stopped before itkills thousands of more people. But thepresident has been unambiguous on thatquestion and there’s no doubt in my mindbut that we will be pursuing terrorists’ net-works wherever we find them.

Q. Mr. Secretary, did you discuss thepresence of terrorists’ camps across theline of control in Pakistan with thedefense minister today? And what wereyour talks about?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We talked aboutterrorism in the broadest sense. We talkedabout terrorism that has affected both ofour countries, and the concern we share,our two countries share with respect to theimportance of dealing with that problem.As you know, I have a policy of not char-acterizing the extent to which other coun-tries are involved in this effort. I feel it’sup to them, and I can say the governmentof India has been very specific and verycooperative and that we certainly appreci-ate it.

Q. For Mr. Fernandes, there was adeference to your interview to the Ger-man publication. Is the government ofIndia, does it agree with the tacticsbeing used in Afghanistan?

Defense Minister Fernandes. Agreewith what?

Q. The tactics which are being used inAfghanistan—the military tactics.

Defense Minister Fernandes. Well Ithink it’s the military men who decide themilitary tactics. So one should acceptwhat’s happening now.

Q. Secretary, there is a thinking thatthis battle in Afghanistan may continue

for four years or at least two years. Doyou agree?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think that theeffort against terrorism will certainly be asomething that we will have to continueover a period of time. We have to be vigi-lant because in this world of ours there arepeople who are determined to kill otherinnocent people, and second in this worldof ours with the increasing availability ofvery powerful weapons and in some casesweapons of vast destruction the risk thatthey’d fall into terrorists’ hands poses athreat that’s unique and different in thehistory of mankind.

Do I think Afghanistan will take years?No, I don’t. I think that it is somethingthat is being very aggressively addressedat the present time. How long it will takeone can’t guess, but certainly all of uswould hope it would take the least possi-ble time because the people there pose athreat to innocent people all across theglobe.

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President Bush delivered his remarks viatelecast to the Warsaw Conference onCombatting Terrorism.

Well, thank you very much, Mr. President.It is a real pleasure to be back in Warsaw,this time by telecast. I had a wonderfulvisit to the region in June, and I know I’mamong friends today.

I thank all the nations of Central andEastern Europe at this conference. You areour partners in the fight against terrorism,and we share an important moment in his-tory.

For more than 50 years, the peoples ofyour region suffered under repressive ide-ologies that tried to trample human digni-ty. Today, our freedom is threatened onceagain. Like the fascists and totalitariansbefore them, these terrorists—al Qaeda,the Taliban regime that supports them, andother terror groups across our world—tryto impose their radical views throughthreats and violence. We see the sameintolerance of dissent; the same mad,global ambitions; the same brutal determi-nation to control every life and all of life.

We have seen the true nature of theseterrorists in the nature of their attacks—

they kill thousands of innocent people andthen rejoice about it. They kill fellowMuslims, many of whom died in theWorld Trade Center that terrible morn-ing—and then they gloat. They condonemurder and claim to be doing so in thename of a peaceful religion.

We have also seen the true nature ofthese terrorists in the nature of the regimethey support in Afghanistan—and it’s ter-rifying. Women are imprisoned in theirhomes, and are denied access to basichealth care and education. Food sent tohelp starving people is stolen by theirleaders. The religious monuments of otherfaiths are destroyed. Children are forbid-den to fly kites, or sing songs, or buildsnowmen. A girl of seven is beaten forwearing white shoes. Our enemies havebrought only misery and terror to the peo-ple of Afghanistan—and now they are try-ing to export that terror throughout theworld.

Al Qaeda operates in more than 60nations, including some in Central andEastern Europe. These terrorist groupsseek to destabilize entire nations andregions. They are seeking chemical, bio-logical and nuclear weapons. Given themeans, our enemies would be a threat toevery nation and, eventually, to civiliza-tion itself.

So we’re determined to fight this evil,and fight until we’re rid of it. We will notwait for the authors of mass murder togain the weapons of mass destruction. Weact now, because we must lift this darkthreat from our age and save generationsto come.

The people of my nation are now fight-ing this war at home. We face a secondwave of terrorist attacks in the form ofdeadly anthrax that has been sent throughthe U.S. mail. Our people are respondingto this new threat with alertness and calm.Our government is responding to treat thesick, provide antibiotics to those who havebeen exposed and track down the guilty,whether abroad or at home.

And we fight abroad with our military,with the help of many nations, because theTaliban regime of Afghanistan refused toturn over the terrorists. And we’re makinggood progress in a just cause. Our effortsare directed at terrorist and military targetsbecause—unlike our enemies—we valuehuman life. We do not target innocentpeople, and we grieve for the difficult

September 11, 2001


times the Taliban have brought to the peo-ple of their own country.

Our military is systematically pursuingits mission. We’ve destroyed many terror-ist training camps. We have severed com-munication links. We’re taking out airdefenses, and now we’re attacking the Tal-iban’s front lines.

I’ve seen some news reports that manyAfghanistan citizens wish the Taliban hadnever allowed the al Qaeda terrorists intotheir country. I don’t blame them. And Ihope those citizens will help us locate theterrorists—because the sooner we findthem, the better the people’s lives will be.It may take a long time, but no matter howlong it takes, those who killed thousandsof Americans and citizens from over 80other nations will be brought to justice,and the misuse of Afghanistan as a train-ing ground for terror will end.

As I’ve said from the start, this is a diffi-cult struggle, of uncertain duration. Wehunt an enemy that hides in shadows andcaves. We are at the beginning of ourefforts in Afghanistan. And Afghanistan isthe beginning of our efforts in the world.No group or nation should mistake Ameri-ca’s intentions: We will not rest until ter-rorist groups of global reach have beenfound, have been stopped, and have beendefeated. And this goal will not beachieved until all the world’s nations stopharboring and supporting such terroristswithin their borders.

The defeat of terror requires an interna-tional coalition of unprecedented scopeand cooperation. It demands the sincere,sustained actions of many nations againstthe network of terrorist cells and basesand funding. Later this week, at the Unit-ed Nations, I will set out my vision of ourcommon responsibilities in the war on ter-ror. I will put every nation on notice thatthese duties involve more than sympathyor words. No nation can be neutral in thisconflict, because no civilized nation canbe secure in a world threatened by terror.

I thank the many nations of Europe,including our NATO allies, who haveoffered military help. I also thank thenations who are sharing intelligence andworking to cut off terrorist financing. AndI thank all of you for the important, practi-cal work you are doing at this conference.The war against terrorism will be wononly when we combine our strengths.

We have a vast coalition that is uniting

the world and increasingly isolating theterrorists—a coalition that includes manyArab and Muslim countries. I am encour-aged by what their leaders are saying. Thehead of the 22 nation Arab League reject-ed the claims of the terrorist leader andsaid he—Osama bin Laden—”doesn’tspeak in the name of Arabs and Muslims.”Increasingly, it is clear that this is not justa matter between the United States andthe terror network. As the Egyptian For-eign Minister said, “There is a warbetween bin Laden and the whole world.”

All of us here today understand this: Wedo not fight Islam, we fight against evil.

I thank all of our coalition partners, andall of you, for your steadfast support. Thelast time I was in Warsaw, I talked of ourshared vision of a Europe that is wholeand free and at peace. I said we are build-ing a House of Freedom, whose doors areopen to all of Europe’s people, and whosewindows look out to global opportunitiesbeyond. Now that vision has been chal-lenged, but it will not change. With yourhelp, our vision of peace and freedom willbe realized. And with your help, we willdefend the values we hold in common.

Thank you for joining us. And may Godbless you all.

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Secretary Rumsfeld. Thank you. We—asyou know, we left on Friday and returnedlate last evening, after a quick visit toRussia and Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Pak-istan, India. I trust you also had a leisurelyweekend.

We had, really, two principal objectives.First was to meet with the Russian leader-ship in connection with President Bush’smeetings later this month with PresidentPutin. And second, to visit a number ofthe countries on the periphery ofAfghanistan that have joined in the cam-paign against terrorism, and to hear fromtheir leaders and consider future steps.

One thing is clear from our meetings,and that is that the events of September11th have changed and are changing theworld in ways that we really can’t fully

know yet. Nations are rethinking relation-ships, they are reorienting policies, andthey are realigning priorities.

For example, the president’s decision towaive certain military and economic sanc-tions on both India and Pakistan will like-ly have an impact in that region wellbeyond the anti-terror campaign inAfghanistan.

Regarding the military campaign, itwas—I found it gratifying to hear duringour trip from the leaders of countries thatare not always in agreement with eachother, but who all agree on the basic prin-ciple that terrorism has to be rooted out,and that Afghanistan is indeed the rightplace to begin doing that. Of course thereare going to be differences in views alongthe way, but the objective is clear, theprinciple is sound, and I would say thatneed is great; indeed, it is urgent.

We welcome and are receiving assis-tance from many, many nations around theworld. After stopping in Russia, we metwith the leaders in four other countries.They all understand the importance of thetask. They offered useful and valuableinsights into the situation in Afghanistan.We discussed the post-Taliban governmentplanning. We discussed humanitarianassistance, which has been growing dayby day, and a number of other considera-tions.

With respect to Russia, President Putin,while of a different view, clearly under-stands President Bush’s need and intentionto move beyond the ABM Treaty. Thereare a number of ways it might occur, andwe’re still exploring how it may unfold. Idescribed for them in some specificity theways in which the ABM Treaty hasalready begun to inhibit our program ofresearch, development and testing. Andour need to get beyond it: we delivered—and they heard—that message.

We also discussed reductions in offen-sive nuclear forces as well as the need fortransparency and predictability in—withrespect to our offensive and defensivenuclear programs.

Of course, the relationship is multi-dimensional. It’s political and economic aswell as security. I discussed the campaignagainst terrorism and the urgency that theavailability of weapons of mass destruc-tion brings to this very serious problem.

As to the anti-terrorism efforts inAfghanistan, as you know, the United

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States did not ask for this conflict. It wasthrust upon us. This is not the first time inour history that adversaries have attackedand threatened our way of life. Each timewe’ve met the challenge and defeated ourenemies and emerged stronger for it. Andwe will deal decisively with these massmurderers as well. And that is, indeed,what they are.

The United States has a sizable taskbefore it, to seek out the opportunities andmanage the challenges that this conflictpresents. We need to avoid the tendencysimply to think near-term, but rather toconsider how the world might look five,10, 15 years out and take advantage ofthis opportunity to work with friends newand old to try to help shape that world.And I believe we have an opportunity todo just that: not just to defeat terrorism,but to help to shape a 21st century securi-ty environment in ways that will help con-tribute to peace and stability in what isclearly a still dangerous and untidy world.

General Pace will make some commentsabout the operations yesterday.

General Pace. Thank you, Mr. Secre-tary.

I have no video for you today. We’llhave that for you tomorrow. The secretarydid ask me to answer one question thathas come up several times. It has to dowith an attack on 22 October in the vicini-ty of Chuker—C-H-U-K-E-R. We hadstudied that facility for about two weeks,had several forms of intelligence that con-firmed to us that it was, in fact, a Talibanfacility. There were modern buildingswithout window(s). They were under-ground facilities. And there were tents onthe outskirts that had Taliban troops in it.And we did attack that on the 22nd ofOctober with AC-130 gunships.

About nine days later, on the 31st, iswhen the first reports started coming inabout supposed civilian casualties there.This was a valid—validated military tar-get, and it was struck as such on the 22nd.

Yesterday, in Afghanistan, forces flewapproximately 100 attack sorties into thecountry, focused primarily on support toopposition forces in and around Mazar-eSharif and north of Kabul. Also continuedthe strikes on the cave complexes; alsodelivered another 34,000-plus humanitari-an rations, which brings the military-delivered humanitarian rations to the 1.2

million mark so far in this campaign. The Commando Solo continued its mis-

sion of providing radio news to theAfghan people.

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President Bush and Secretary Powelldelivered their remarks at a ceremony inWashington revealing the a move by theTreasury Department’s to freeze terroristassets.

President Bush. The United States ispressing the war against terror on everyfront. From the mountains of Afghanistanto the bank accounts of terrorist organiza-tions. The first strike in the war againstterror targeted the terrorists’ financial sup-port. We put the world’s financial institu-tions on notice: if you do business withterrorists, if you support them or sponsorthem, you will not do business with theUnited States of America.

Today, we are taking another step in ourfight against evil. We are setting down twomajor elements of the terrorists interna-tional financial network, both at home andabroad. Ours is not a war just of soldiersand aircraft. It’s a war fought with diplo-macy, by the investigations of lawenforcement, by gathering intelligence andby cutting off the terrorists’ money.

I want to thank Secretary Paul O’Neillfor being here today and for being theleader of this fine organization. I want tothank the Director, Jim Sloan, as well.You’re doing some imaginative work hereat the Financial Crimes Enforcement Net-work, and I want to thank all the fineAmericans who are on the front line ofour war, the people who work here.

I want to thank Secretary Colin Powellfor being here, as well. He’s doing a mag-nificent job of stitching together one ofthe greatest coalitions ever—a coalition ofnations that stands for freedom. And Iwant to thank our Attorney General forcoming—the man whose job it is to makesure that any time we find anybody insideour country who will threaten an Ameri-can, threaten our institutions, they will bebrought to justice. And that’s exactly whatour nation is doing.

Acting on solid and credible evidence,

the Treasury Department of the UnitedStates today blocked the U.S. assets of 62individuals and organizations connectedwith two terror-supporting financial net-works—the Al Taqua and the Al Barakaat.Their offices have been shut down in fourU.S. states. And our G8 partners and otherfriends, including the United Arab Emi-rates, have joined us in blocking assetsand coordinating enforcement action.

Al Taqua is an association of offshorebanks and financial management firmsthat have helped al Qaeda shift moneyaround the world. Al Barakaat is a groupof money wiring and communicationcompanies owned by a friend and support-er of Osama bin Laden. Al Taqua and AlBarakaat raise funds for al Qaeda; theymanage, invest and distribute those funds.They provide terrorist supporters withInternet service, secure telephone commu-nications and other ways of sending mes-sages and sharing information. They evenarrange for the shipment of weapons.

They present themselves as legitimatebusinesses. But they skim money fromevery transaction, for the benefit of terror-ist organizations. They enable the pro-ceeds of crime in one country to be trans-ferred to pay for terrorist acts in another.

The entry point for these networks maybe a small storefront operation—but fol-low the network to its center and you dis-cover wealthy banks and sophisticatedtechnology, all at the service of mass mur-derers. By shutting these networks down,we disrupt the murderers’ work. Today’saction interrupts al Qaeda’s communica-tions; it blocks an important source offunds. It provides us with valuable infor-mation and sends a clear message to glob-al financial institutions: you are with us oryou are with the terrorists. And if you’rewith the terrorists, you will face the con-sequences.

We fight an enemy who hides in cavesin Afghanistan, and in the shadows withinin our own society. It’s an enemy who canonly survive in darkness. Today, we’vetaken another important action to exposethe enemy to the light and to disrupt itsability to threaten America and innocentlife.

I’m proud of the actions of our agen-cies. We’re making a difference. We’reslowly but surely tightening the noose,and we will be victorious.

Secretary Powell. It is a pleasure to be

September 11, 2001


here really because, with this event, webuild on success, success in starving ter-rorists of their money, for money is theoxygen of terrorism. Without the means toraise and move money around the world,terrorists can not function.

Mr. President, your executive order onterrorist financing has been a critical partof our efforts worldwide to deny the ter-rorists their financial oxygen. We havemoved aggressively against the individualsand organizations covered by your execu-tive order.

And with your announcement today, wehave taken our efforts to a new level. Weare now going after the hawala organiza-tions, the shadowy financial networks thatunderpin the terrorist underworld. Cuttingoff their financial flows that feed terrorismrequires international cooperation on thebroadest scale, and I am pleased by thestrong support and cooperation that ourefforts are receiving.

United Nations Security Council Reso-lution 1373 requires member-states to pre-vent the financing of terrorist acts, tocriminalize the provision of funds to ter-rorists, and to freeze funds and otherassets of terrorists and of their supporters.This is a binding obligation under Chapter7 of the United Nations Charter.

In the past few weeks alone, over 130countries have committed to implementthis crucial element of the campaignagainst terrorism. But that is not goodenough. We are working hard to get 100percent adherence to Resolution 1373, andto that end we have named an experienceddiplomat, Ambassador Ted McNamara, tolead our efforts around the world to bringthe remaining countries on board, bringthem in support of the U.N. resolution.

So far, we and our international partnershave frozen millions of dollars in terroristassets, as you just heard. Saudi Arabia hasbeen prominent among the countries act-ing against the accounts of terrorist orga-nizations. We and our partners have mil-lions more in suspect accounts underreview.

But this is only a beginning. There ismore to do, and we are doing it. Forexample, we are pressing all countries tosign and ratify the International Conven-tion for the Suppression of the Financingof Terrorism, a treaty which removes legalobstacles to more effective internationalcooperation against terrorism. And I am

delighted that Saudi Arabia, once again,has just ratified this convention. We arenow working with our United States Sen-ate to gain its consent to our ratification ofthat treaty.

Mr. President, the coalition against ter-rorism is strong and we are making realprogress against the terrorists under yourleadership. And I can tell you, you cancount on your State Department and ourmany dedicated employees around theworld to do their very best in making surethat we will prevail in this campaign.

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President Bush and Prime Minister TonyBlair delivered their remarks duringtheir meeting in Washington.

President Bush. The last time we werestanding here I was getting ready to givean address to the United States Congress.And I knew then that the Prime Ministerand the people he represent were going tobe great friends of the United States in ourmutual struggle against terrorism, and hehas certainly proven that over the lastweeks. We’ve got no better friend in theworld than Great Britain. I’ve got no bet-ter person I would like to talk to about ourmutual concerns than Tony Blair. Hebrings a lot of wisdom and judgment, aswe fight evil.

He also is, like me, determined. Nothingwill deter us in this all-important goal. Weboth recognize that we wage a fight tosave civilization, and that we must prevail;and not only must prevail, will prevail.

We’ve had a great discussion aboutprogress in Afghanistan. I fully believewe’re making great progress. I told theAmerican people many times and I’ve toldthe press corps many times that this is astruggle that’s going to take a while, thatit’s not one of these Kodak moments.There is no moment to this; this is a longstruggle and a different kind of war. Butwe’re patient, and our close friends arepatient, which is bad news for the Talibanand the people they harbor.

Secondly, we talked a lot about makingsure that our great compassion for theinnocents in Afghanistan is fulfilled. Wemust feed the people. And the Prime Min-

ister has, every time I’ve talked to him,which is a lot, is constantly talking abouthow we make sure that we fulfill the mis-sion—not only military, but fulfill themission of helping people in need. Andalso, we continue to discuss the vision ofa post-Taliban Afghanistan, and how dowe make sure that all parties involved inthat part of the world have a stake in thefuture. He’s got a clear vision, he is astrong friend, and I welcome him back tothe White House.

Prime Minister Blair. First of all, can Isay how pleased I am to be back at theWhite House in the company of PresidentBush, and to have continued the discus-sions we’ve been having over these pastweeks and continue them, face to face.And can I thank him once again for hisleadership and his strength at this time.And can I say to him, on behalf of thepeople of my country, but I believe peopleright across the world, that the determina-tion to see that justice is done is every bitas strong today as it was on September the11th.

The cause is just, the strategy is there,the determination is there, and there is acomplete and total commitment to makingsure that this is a battle in which we willprevail. And we will; I have no doubtabout that at all.

What we’ve discussed already, and willcarry on discussing, is obviously the mili-tary strategy in Afghanistan. We have dis-cussed the humanitarian issues to makesure that we are doing everything we pos-sibly can to help the plight of people inAfghanistan. And we should never forgetthat some four-and-a-half million of themwere refugees before the 11th of Septem-ber.

We have discussed, also, the reconstruc-tion of Afghanistan, how we make surethat after the present Taliban regime ledby Mullah Omar is out of the way, that weconstruct a broad-based regime that is rep-resentative of all the different groupings inAfghanistan and offers some hope of sta-bility and prosperity for that part of theworld.

And we have obviously also discussedhow important it is that at this moment intime, we carry on building that strongcoalition against international terrorism inall its forms. And I believe that coalition,if anything, is even stronger today.

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Certainly, from the discussions I hadwith European leaders just a few daysago, their commitment is real and theirdetermination is also absolute to see thisthing done. So can I once again thankPresident Bush very much for his kind-ness in welcoming me here.

* * * *

Q. It has been eight weeks since theSeptember 11th attacks and we don’tknow where Osama bin Laden is. It hasbeen several weeks since the anthraxattacks, but we don’t know who sentthe letters. What do you say to Ameri-cans who might be frustrated andimpatient despite your admonitionabout—

President Bush. Yes. I will say to them,we fight a new kind of war. Never wouldwe dream that someone would use ourown airplanes to attack us and/or the mailto attack us. I will tell them that we haveput a sound strategy in place that has gotOsama bin Laden and the al Qaeda thugson the run. And I will tell them that wewill bring them to justice.

I can’t tell them exactly when. But Iwill tell them that we will prevail. There’sno question in my mind. We know hehides in caves, and we’re shutting downcaves. We know he moves around at night,and we’re looking for him.

We know that slowly but surely, the Tal-iban is crumbling; its defenses are crum-bling, its folks are defecting. We knowthat if you’re on the front line and ifyou’re a Taliban soldier, you’re likely toget injured, because we’re relentless in ourpursuit of the mission.

In terms of the anthrax, we don’t knowwho did it yet. We do know it’s a terrorist.Anybody who would use the mail to try tokill an American is a terrorist. But we doknow this, Ron, that we’ve respondedrapidly, that our health officials are per-forming really fine work. And I trulybelieve—as I’ve said many times, Ibelieve they have saved a lot of lives. Weknow how to treat anthrax. And we nowknow we need sanitation machines in ourpost offices; machines to sanitize the mail.And we’re putting those in.

We know that we’re fighting evil. Andthe American people are patient. They’veheard the call. And tomorrow night I’m

going to put out an address that remindsthe nation that we’re truly a great nation,that we’ve responded in ways that theenemy could never have imagined. AndI’m so proud of the patience and steadfastnature of our people.

Mr. Prime Minister.

Q. Mr. President, since we’re limitedto only one leader, can I ask youwhether you think you can win thisstruggle against terrorism without asettlement in the Middle East? And inview of the rather strident notes struckby both sides on the Prime Minister’stour of the Middle East last week. Whatdo you think the United States can do tobring that resolution about?

President Bush. Of course we can winthe war against al Qaeda.

Q. Without a Middle East settlement?

President Bush. Oh, I believe we can. Ibelieve we’re going to—we are huntingthem down as we speak, and we will bringthem to justice.

But remember, the war is beyond justAfghanistan. There are over 60 al Qaedaorganizations around the world. And todaywe struck a blow for freedom by cuttingoff their money—one of their moneysources. And I’m absolutely convinced wecan.

Having said that, however, we are bothworking hard to try to bring peace to theMiddle East. My Secretary of State, whois here, spends enormous amounts of timeon the phone with both parties, urging forthere to be calm so that we can get intothe Mitchell process. There is a process inplace that will lead to peace calledMitchell. It has been embraced by all ormost of the nations of the world, and weare working hard to get us into theMitchell process.

There is no doubt in my mind, no doubtin my mind, we will bring al Qaeda to jus-tice, peace or no peace in the Middle East.

Prime Minister Blair. Can I just say aword on that? There is no way whatever inwhich our action in Afghanistan is condi-tional on progress in the Middle East.And, indeed, one of the things that binLaden wants to do is to try and hijack thePalestinian cause for his own purposes.

Now, we are taking the action inAfghanistan, and I believe, incidentally,people are patient about this. I think theyunderstand this is not a conventional con-flict, it is not fought in a conventionalway. It takes a lot of strategy and planningand determination over a period of time tobe successful.

But be under no doubt at all: Our objec-tives, which is to close down that terroristnetwork in Afghanistan, those objectiveswill be achieved. Now, even though it isnot conditional in any sense, of course wewant to see progress in the Middle East.That’s why we are devoting enormousamounts of time to it.

And I believe it is possible to see howwe can make progress in the Middle East.And I described some of the ways thatcould happen when I was in the MiddleEast last week. So be under no doubt,either, that, irrespective of the action inAfghanistan, it is in everybody’s interestthat we make progress in the Middle East,and we will strain every sinew we possi-bly can to do so.

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Prime Minister Tony Blair and PresidentPervez Musharraf delivered theirremarks after meeting at 10 DowningStreet.

Prime Minister Blair. First of all, can Iwelcome President Musharraf here inDowning Street, and say how pleased weare to see you here, and to thank you onceagain for your strong and courageous sup-port of the coalition against internationalterrorism, and to say how much weadmire the stand that Pakistan has takenand to say, I think in particular, that weunderstand the difficulties that that hasposed for you, and you can be assured ofour complete and total support in thedevelopment of Pakistan in the future.And as you know there have been bothinitiatives taken both at a bilateral levelbetween Britain and Pakistan, but also at aEuropean level, and at an internationallevel as well. We also know that thehumanitarian problems have caused youdifficulties as well, and as I said when we

September 11, 2001


met before in Pakistan, and I will repeat toyou again, Mr. President, that we will doeverything we can to help in those as well.

The purpose of the campaign inAfghanistan, as we know, is to close downthat terrorist network there, to make surethat the extremists can no longer useAfghanistan as a training ground forexporting extremism around the world,and we are acutely aware of the fact thatany successor regime, to the regime head-ed by Mullah Omar at the moment, has tobe a broad-based regime, it has to includethe Pashtun element, it has to be one rep-resentative, in other words, of all the dif-ferent groupings, it has to take account ofthe need for stability in the region, and ithas to be able, in concert with the interna-tional community, of providing for thereconstruction of Afghanistan for thefuture. And the aim which I am sure weshare, and the vision which I am sure wewould both endorse, is of an Afghanistanthat is a stable partner in the region, that isa government representative of all the dif-ferent people and groupings withinAfghanistan, and of an Afghanistan that asa country dependent on the resources andintelligence and creativity of its people forits prosperity, rather than the drugs tradeor the various factional in-fighting that hascharacterized the government ofAfghanistan over these past years, and inall those endeavors we need Pakistan as astrong partner. We appreciate well that thiscannot be achieved without it.

So, Sir, thank you very much for yoursupport and your help and once again letme repeat our very warm welcome to youhere.

President Musharraf. Thank you verymuch. Let me say it is a great pleasure forme to have received the Prime Minister inPakistan some days back and then for meto come here now and to have interactedwith the Prime Minister. It was a specialpleasure and satisfaction to see that wehave total unanimity of views as far as theissue of addressing terrorism and address-ing the situation in Afghanistan is con-cerned.

We discussed the situation in its entirety,we discussed that there is a requirement ofaddressing the triple issue of the militaryaspect, and then the political aspects in afuturistic way, about the political dispen-sation that is required in Afghanistan and

also the United Nations, UNHCR humani-tarian and rehabilitation effort required inAfghanistan.

It gives me a lot of satisfaction also tosee that there is a concern and understand-ing of the realities and the difficulties thatPakistan faces. I am extremely grateful tothe Prime Minister for showing concerntowards Pakistan and Pakistan’s problems.I am sure that with the co-operation thatwe are showing with each other, beingpart of the coalition fighting against ter-rorism, I am sure we will keep movingforward. I will take this opportunity alsoof stating that Pakistan has taken a verydeliberate, considered decision to be a partof the coalition. And let me say with totalconviction that we will remain a part ofthe coalition till the attainment of thestrategic objectives that we have set forourselves. And within this I have beensaying that we are for a short and targetedmilitary campaign. One does understandthat the duration of the campaign is verymuch relative to the attainment of strate-gic objectives. But however one hopes thatthese strategic objectives are achieved asfast as possible.

I would also like to touch on one issueand that is a domestic issue. Pakistan is amoderate Islamic country. The oppositionto the decision that we have taken in Pak-istan is by a very small minority. And mayI also add that the Pakistani community inBritain also is a moderate Islamic commu-nity. I am very sure that they understandthat Pakistan’s interest and the rationalebehind Pakistan’s participation in thecoalition in its fight against terrorism andin the action in Afghanistan. I am verysure that the community will understandthe realities on the ground and they aresupportive of the world unity and also theU.N. Security Council decision and deci-sions in support of fighting terrorism.

* * * *

Q. Mr. President, do you think it will bereal mistake if the coalition continueswith bombing through Ramadan asindeed it now appears that they will do?

President Musharraf. One would cer-tainly hope that the military operationcomes to an end as fast as possible as thePrime Minister has said as swiftly as pos-sible before the month of Ramadan. But

beyond that I would just like to say thatthe sensitivities of the month of Ramadanhave to be considered in the decision ofthe military campaign.

Q. General Musharraf, you are mili-tary man. You know Afghanistan well.You say you want this campaign to beshort and targeted. Have you seen anyevidence to suggest that it can be, orwill be? Do you see any evidence to sug-gest that there is military progressbeing made in Afghanistan? And if Icould also ask the Prime Minister. Yousay you are pleased to see GeneralMusharraf, but it is true to say that 2-3months ago he wouldn’t have been here.He is now our friend, but he was cer-tainly not regarded as such before, andsome people see that as a sign of a kindof cynicism in the campaign. What doyou say to them?

Prime Minister Blair. He gets twoquestions.

President Musharraf. The first partregarding the campaign being short,whether I am seeing any indications ofthat. Frankly, from a military point ofview, when we think of the strategicobjectives, the strategic objective in mag-nitude is not such that it will take a longtime to achieve. What is missing is accu-rate intelligence which is delaying theissue. With an accurate availability ofaccurate intelligence the physical attain-ment of the objective could be done in avery short time. So therefore the momentthat accurate intelligence is available, I amsure that the operation can be curtailed tothe minimum.

Prime Minister Blair. I agree verymuch with that, and that is exactly whatwe are working on. But if I could just sayto you about our relationship with Pak-istan. I think it is worth pointing out thateven before the 11th of September, thefirst district elections had been held, theprocess of the road map to democracy hadbeen outlined by President Musharraf andthere is a real sense in which people, as Isay, quite apart from the coalition and theterrible events of the 11th of September,recognize the strides that Pakistan is mak-ing at the moment. Now it is of course thecase that the aftermath of 11th September

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has brought us together in a different way.But I think you would be wrong in sug-gesting that nothing was moving in ourrelationship before that time.

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By the authority vested in me as Presidentby the Constitution and the laws of theUnited States of America, and in order tosupport and enhance the efforts of theAmerican public with respect to prepared-ness and volunteerism in the war on ter-rorism, it is hereby ordered as follows:

Section 1. Establishment. There is here-by established the “Presidential TaskForce on Citizen Preparedness in the WarOn Terrorism” (Task Force).

Sec. 2. Membership. (a) The Task Forceshall be composed of the heads of the fol-lowing executive branch entities, who maydesignate representatives from within theirrespective entities to assist them in theirduties in connection with the Task Force:the Office of the Vice President, the Officeof Homeland Security, the Domestic Poli-cy Council, the Office of Science andTechnology Policy, the Office of Manage-ment and Budget, the Department of theTreasury, the Department of Justice, theDepartment of Labor, the Department ofHealth and Human Services, the Depart-ment of Housing and Urban Development,the Department of Transportation, theDepartment of Energy, the Department ofVeterans Affairs, the Environmental Pro-tection Agency, the Federal EmergencyManagement Agency, and the Corporationfor National and Community Service. Theheads of other executive branch depart-ments and agencies and other senior exec-utive branch officials may participate inthe work of the Task Force upon the invi-tation of the Co-Chairs.

(b) The heads of the Office of Home-land Security and the Domestic PolicyCouncil, or their designated representa-tives, shall serve as Co-Chairs of the TaskForce.

Sec. 3. Mission. The Task Force shallidentify, review, and recommend appropri-ate means by which the American publiccan:

(a) prepare in their homes, neighbor-hoods, schools, places of worship, work-places, and public places for the potential

consequences of any possible terroristattacks within the United States; and

(b) volunteer to assist or otherwise sup-port State and local public health andsafety officials and others engaged in theeffort to prevent, prepare for, and respondto any possible terrorist attacks within theUnited States.

Sec. 4. Reporting Requirement. TheTask Force shall submit its recommenda-tions to the President within 40 days fromthe date of this order.

Sec. 5. Termination of Task Force. TheTask Force shall terminate 30 days aftersubmitting its report to the President.

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Since September 11, the people of theUnited States and India have been unitedas never before in the fight against terror-ism. In so doing, they have together reaf-firmed the enduring ties between bothnations, and the importance of furthertransforming the U.S.-India relationship.In their meeting, President Bush andPrime Minister Vajpayee discussed waysto accelerate progress towards these goals.

They noted that both countries are tar-gets of terrorism, as seen in the barbaricattacks on September 11 in the UnitedStates and on October 1 in Kashmir. Theyagreed that terrorism threatens not onlythe security of the United States and India,but also our efforts to build freedom,democracy and international security andstability around the world. As leaders ofthe two largest multi-cultural democracies,they emphasized that those who equateterrorism with any religion are as wrongas those who invoke religion to commit,support or justify terrorist acts.

The two leaders remembered the victimsof the many nationalities in the terroristattacks on September 11 and agreed thatall appropriate steps should be taken tobring the perpetrators to justice, whileprotecting the lives and welfare of thepeople affected by these efforts. Theynoted that both countries are providinghumanitarian assistance to the people ofAfghanistan.

They affirmed the current campaignagainst the Al-Qaida network and the Tal-iban in Afghanistan is an important step in

a global war against terrorism and itssponsors everywhere in the world. Theyrecognized that the international commu-nity will have to wage a long and multi-faceted struggle against terrorism, withpatience, determination and unwaveringfocus. They emphasized that there is onlyone choice and only one outcome: terror-ism must be fought and it shall be defeat-ed.

President Bush and Prime Minister Vaj-payee agreed that success in this endeavorwould depend heavily on building interna-tional cooperation and securing the unam-biguous commitment of all nations toshare information and intelligence on ter-rorists and deny them support, sustenanceand safe havens. The two leaders agreedto consult regularly on the future ofAfghanistan. They welcomed the mea-sures outlined in the UNSCR 1373 andcalled on all nations to ratify and imple-ment existing U.N. Conventions oncounter-terrorism. They expressed supportfor India’s draft Comprehensive Conven-tion on International Terrorism and urgedthe resolution of outstanding issues toenable its adoption by the UNGA.

The leaders of the two countriesexpressed satisfaction with the progressmade in India-U.S. cooperation oncounter-terrorism, including the JointWorking Group on Counter-Terrorismestablished in January 2000. They reaf-firmed their personal commitment, andthat of their two countries, to intensifybilateral cooperation as a critical elementin the global effort against terrorism. Theyalso announced the establishment of aJoint Cyber-Terrorism Initiative.

Prime Minister Vajpayee and PresidentBush agreed that developments inAfghanistan have a direct impact on itsentire neighborhood. They emphasizedthat the Taliban and the Al-Qaida networkhave turned Afghanistan into a center ofterrorism, extremism, and drug traffickingand have brought immense suffering tothe Afghan people. They agreed that apeaceful, progressive, and prosperousAfghanistan requires a broad-based gov-ernment, representing all ethnic and reli-gious groups, friendly with all countries inthe neighborhood and beyond, as well assizeable and sustained international assis-tance for Afghanistan’s economic recon-struction and development. The two lead-ers committed themselves to work togeth-

September 11, 2001


er, and in partnership with other countriesand international organizations, to achievethese goals.

President Bush and Prime Minister Vaj-payee also affirmed their commitment tocomplete the process of qualitativelytransforming U.S.-India relations in pur-suit of their many common goals in Asiaand beyond. They agreed that U.S.-Indiarelations draw strength from the broadpolitical support that exits in both democ-racies. They expressed satisfaction at thehigh level of engagement and progress inbilateral cooperation over the last tenmonths. In particular, they reiterated theirsupport for the wide-ranging bilateral dia-logue architecture established in March2000. The two leaders agreed that recentlifting of economic, military and technolo-gy restrictions on India provides a furtherimpetus to bilateral relations. They wel-comed the resumption of the bilateralDefense Policy Group as a step towardsincreasing exchanges and technical coop-eration in the defense and security areas.They noted that India’s interest in pur-chasing arms from the United Stateswould be discussed at the Defense PolicyGroup meetings in December 2001. Thetwo leaders agreed to pursue policies toenhance the mutually beneficial—andgrowing—economic and commercial tiesbetween their nations. They also agreed toexpand the Bilateral Economic Dialogueand to broaden dialogue and cooperationin the areas of energy, the environment,health, space, export controls, science andtechnology, including biotechnology andinformation technology. They agreed thatthe two sides should discuss ways to stim-ulate bilateral high technology commerce.They also agreed that we should begin adialogue between the two governmentswith a view towards evaluating theprocesses by which we transfer dual-useand military items, with a view towardsgreater transparency and efficiency. Inaddition, the United States and India havea mutual interest in space and have agreedto initiate discussions on civil space coop-eration.

The two leaders expressed confidencethat enhancing their cooperation in allthese areas will go far towards building along-term partnership between the UnitedStates and India that will greatly benefitcitizens of both their nations.

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President Bush and Prime MinisterVajpayee delivered their remarks aftermeeting at the White House.

President Bush. Mr. Prime Minister, wel-come to the United States. It’s my honorto welcome the Prime Minister of India tothe White House for a series of discus-sions. My administration is committed todeveloping a fundamentally different rela-tionship with India, one based upon trust,one based upon mutual values. After all,the Prime Minister leads a nation that isthe largest democratic nation in the world.

I look forward to working to foster tiesthat will help both our economies. Tradewith India is going to be an important partof our growth in the future. India has got afantastic ability to grow, because hergreatest export is intelligence and brainpower, as our country has learned over thelast decades.

We lifted sanctions on India, so that ourrelationship can prosper. We will fight ter-rorism together. Our initial discussionsfocused on the battle against terror, andthe Prime Minister understands that wehave no option but to win. And he under-stands that there is a commitment—thereneeds to be a commitment by all of us todo more than just talk. It’s to achieve cer-tain objectives—to cut off the finances, toput diplomatic pressure on the terrorists,in some cases, to help militarily. But, inany case, stand firm in the face of terror.

We also talked about the need to makesure humanitarian aid reaches those whohurt in Afghanistan. And we discussed apost-Taliban Afghanistan that enables thecountry to survive and move forward, andone that represents all the interests of thepeople of Afghanistan.

Over lunch, I look forward to talkingabout a new joint cyberterrorism initiativeand a civilian space cooperation program,as well as discussing our mutual concernsabout energy and the ability to conserve it,as well as to have plentiful supplies as wego into the future.

So, Mr. Prime Minister, I am extremelyoptimistic about our relationship. It’s animportant relationship for our country.

And I welcome you to the United States.Thank you for coming.

Prime Minister Vajpayee. Thank you,Mr. President, for your kinds words. It is apleasure to be here to continue the prac-tice of regular dialogue that India and theUSA have established in recent years.

I was happy to be able to personallyreiterate our sympathy, solidarity and sup-port for the American people in the after-math of terrible events of September 11th.

We admire the decisive leadership ofPresident Bush in the international coali-tion against terrorism. We also applaud theresilience and resolve of the Americanpeople in this hour of trial. This terribletragedy has created the opportunity tofashion a determined global response toterrorism in all its forms and manifesta-tions, wherever it exists and under what-ever name. I assured President Bush ofIndia’s complete support in this.

At the same time, as material leaders,pluralist democracies, we should clearlyspread the message that the war againstterrorism is not against any religion, butagainst terrorists whose propaganda mis-uses religion.

President Bush and I had a very goodconversation, which we will continue overlunch. In the last few months, there hasbeen an intensive interaction between ourtwo countries on a wide range of bilateralsubjects. We have moved forward on thedialogue architecture and on defensecooperation. A resumption of the bilateraldefense policy group should promotetechnical cooperation in defense and secu-rity.

The Joint Working Group on Countert-errorism has made good progress, and wehave agreed to launch a joint cyberterror-ism initiative. Economic and commercialrelations are expanding. We have agreedto broaden the bilateral economic dialogueto include new areas of cooperation. Bothof us agree that the synergies and comple-mentarities between our two countriesshould be more fully exploited.

We discussed the urgent need for apolitical order in Afghanistan whichwould be broad-based, representative, andfriendly with all countries in its neighbor-hood. Equally important is sustained inter-national assistance for rehabilitation andreconstruction work in that country. Weagreed that India and the USA, in partner-

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ship with other countries, would worktowards these goals.

Today, the President and I continuedface to face the dialogue which we havebeen conducting over the last ten monthson the phone and through letters. It hasbeen an extremely rewarding experience.To sustain the momentum of the dialogue,I have reiterated to President Bush myinvitation to visit India. I look forward toreceiving him in New Delhi.

Thank you.

President Bush. Hold on for a minute,please. The Prime Minister has agreed totake a couple of questions, and so have I. Ithink I will start, Mr. Prime Minister, withFournier, Associated Press man.

Q. Thank you, sir. Before meetingwith you today, the Prime Minister toldThe Washington Post that the U.S. wasnot prepared for the war inAfghanistan, which he said was “lessthan satisfactory” and “slackening.”The Saudi Foreign Minister, who youare meeting with later today, told TheNew York Times that you can’t be anhonest broker in the Middle East peaceprocess until you meet with Arafat. Is ithelpful that your coalition members areairing their gripes in public? And whatwill you say to them about thesecharges face-to-face?

President Bush. Well, the Prime Minis-ter and I had a very good discussion aboutthe progress we’re making on this particu-lar part of the war against terror. Heunderstands what I understand, that we’rejust only beginning to fight terrorism inAfghanistan.

I assured him exactly what I’ve beenassuring the American people, that I’vegot the patience necessary to achieve ourobjective in the Afghan theater, and theobjective is to bring the al Qaeda to jus-tice, and to make sure that Afghanistanhas got a stable form of government afterwe leave. I also told the Prime Ministerthat we’re achieving our military objec-tives.

This is a different kind of war. It’s a warthat matches high-technology weaponswith people on horseback. It’s a war inwhich the enemy thinks they can hide incaves and we’ll forget about them. It is awar that’s going to take a deliberate, sys-

tematic effort to achieve our objectives.And our nation has not only got thepatience to achieve that objective, we’vegot the determination to achieve the objec-tive. And we will achieve it.

I appreciate the candid discussions wehave with our coalition partners. I thinkit’s important that we have these discus-sions. And the Prime Minister and I hadsuch a discussion, and I was glad to beable to make the case as to why we’regoing to be successful.

Having said all the newspaper storiesand all that business, I will tell you, ourcoalition has never been stronger—

Q. Mr. President—

President Bush. Excuse me for aminute, please. The coalition has neverbeen stronger. I’ll make the case tomor-row at the United Nations that the time ofsympathy is over. We appreciate the con-dolences. Now is the time for action. Nowis the time for coalition members torespond in their own way. And the PrimeMinister of India understands that, and heis responding. And the Saudi Arabian gov-ernment understands that, and they areresponding as well.

Mr. Prime Minister.

Q. This is a question for PresidentBush. Sir, why are there two laws in thisworld, one for America and one for therest of us?

President Bush. Why is there—excuseme, two?

Q. Two laws in this world—one forAmerica and one for the rest of us?When terrorism hits America, you gohalfway across the world and make warin Afghanistan. But when we suffer ter-rorism, you ask us to be restrained. Isan Indian right less precious than anAmerican right?

President Bush. I think there is oneuniversal law, and that’s terrorism is evil,and all of us must work to reject evil.Murder is evil, and we must reject murder.When the terrorist attacks that took placeon October the 1st, I strongly condemnedthem, and I will continue to condemnthem.

And that’s—excuse me. Our coalition is

strong, because leaders such as the PrimeMinister fully understand that we mustreject terrorism in all its forms, and mur-der in all its causes, in order for the worldto be peaceful.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Prime Minister, was India’s con-cerns of cross- border terrorism specifi-cally reflected in your endorsement ofthe American President? And have youachieved some headway in convincinghim that countries that are part of theproblem cannot be part of the solutiontoday?

Prime Minister Vajpayee. This ques-tion of cross-border terrorism has beengetting our attention in both the countries.Recently, a bomb attack was made on theLegislative Assembly of the Jammu inKashmir. Even Pakistan realized that itwas a case of terrorism.

We have to fight terrorism in all itsforms. We have to win this battle againstterrorism. There is no other option.

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President Bush delivered his remarks tothe General Assembly of the UnitedNations.

We meet in a hall devoted to peace, in acity scarred by violence, in a nation awak-ened to danger, in a world uniting for along struggle. Every civilized nation heretoday is resolved to keep the most basiccommitment of civilization: We willdefend ourselves and our future againstterror and lawless violence.

The United Nations was founded in thiscause. In a second world war, we learnedthere is no isolation from evil. Weaffirmed that some crimes are so terriblethey offend humanity, itself. And weresolved that the aggressions and ambi-tions of the wicked must be opposed early,decisively, and collectively, before theythreaten us all. That evil has returned, andthat cause is renewed.

A few miles from here, many thousandsstill lie in a tomb of rubble. Tomorrow, theSecretary General, the President of theGeneral Assembly, and I will visit thatsite, where the names of every nation and

September 11, 2001


region that lost citizens will be read aloud.If we were to read the names of every per-son who died, it would take more thanthree hours.

Those names include a citizen of Gam-bia, whose wife spent their fourth wed-ding anniversary, September the 12th,searching in vain for her husband. Thosenames include a man who supported hiswife in Mexico, sending home moneyevery week. Those names include a youngPakistani who prayed toward Mecca fivetimes a day, and died that day trying tosave others.

The suffering of September the 11thwas inflicted on people of many faiths andmany nations. All of the victims, includ-ing Muslims, were killed with equal indif-ference and equal satisfaction by the ter-rorist leaders. The terrorists are violatingthe tenets of every religion, including theone they invoke.

Last week, the Sheikh of Al-Azhar Uni-versity, the world’s oldest Islamic institu-tion of higher learning, declared that ter-rorism is a disease, and that Islam pro-hibits killing innocent civilians. The ter-rorists call their cause holy, yet, they fundit with drug dealing; they encourage mur-der and suicide in the name of a greatfaith that forbids both. They dare to askGod’s blessing as they set out to kill inno-cent men, women and children. But theGod of Isaac and Ishmael would neveranswer such a prayer. And a murderer isnot a martyr; he is just a murderer.

Time is passing. Yet, for the UnitedStates of America, there will be no forget-ting September the 11th. We will remem-ber every rescuer who died in honor. Wewill remember every family that lives ingrief. We will remember the fire and ash,the last phone calls, the funerals of thechildren.

And the people of my country willremember those who have plotted againstus. We are learning their names. We arecoming to know their faces. There is nocorner of the Earth distant or dark enoughto protect them. However long it takes,their hour of justice will come.

Every nation has a stake in this cause.As we meet, the terrorists are planningmore murder—perhaps in my country, orperhaps in yours. They kill because theyaspire to dominate. They seek to over-throw governments and destabilize entireregions.

Last week, anticipating this meeting ofthe General Assembly, they denounced theUnited Nations. They called our SecretaryGeneral a criminal and condemned allArab nations here as traitors to Islam.

Few countries meet their exacting stan-dards of brutality and oppression. Everyother country is a potential target. And allthe world faces the most horrifyingprospect of all: These same terrorists aresearching for weapons of mass destruc-tion, the tools to turn their hatred intoholocaust. They can be expected to use

chemical, biological and nuclear weaponsthe moment they are capable of doing so.No hint of conscience would prevent it.

This threat cannot be ignored. Thisthreat cannot be appeased. Civilization,itself, the civilization we share, is threat-ened. History will record our response,and judge or justify every nation in thishall.

The civilized world is now responding.We act to defend ourselves and deliver ourchildren from a future of fear. We choosethe dignity of life over a culture of death.We choose lawful change and civil dis-agreement over coercion, subversion, andchaos. These commitments—hope andorder, law and life—unite people across

cultures and continents. Upon these com-mitments depend all peace and progress.For these commitments, we are deter-mined to fight.

The United Nations has risen to thisresponsibility. On the 12th of September,these buildings opened for emergencymeetings of the General Assembly and theSecurity Council. Before the sun had set,these attacks on the world stood con-demned by the world. And I want to thankyou for this strong and principled stand.

I also thank the Arab Islamic countriesthat have condemned terrorist murder.Many of you have seen the destruction ofterror in your own lands. The terrorists areincreasingly isolated by their own hatredand extremism. They cannot hide behindIslam. The authors of mass murder andtheir allies have no place in any culture,and no home in any faith.

The conspiracies of terror are beinganswered by an expanding global coali-tion. Not every nation will be a part ofevery action against the enemy. But everynation in our coalition has duties. Theseduties can be demanding, as we in Ameri-ca are learning. We have already madeadjustments in our laws and in our dailylives. We’re taking new measures to inves-tigate terror and to protect against threats.

The leaders of all nations must nowcarefully consider their responsibilitiesand their future. Terrorist groups like alQaeda depend upon the aid or indifferenceof governments. They need the support ofa financial infrastructure, and safe havensto train and plan and hide.

Some nations want to play their part inthe fight against terror, but tell us theylack the means to enforce their laws andcontrol their borders. We stand ready tohelp. Some governments still turn a blindeye to the terrorists, hoping the threat willpass them by. They are mistaken. Andsome governments, while pledging touphold the principles of the U.N., havecast their lot with the terrorists. They sup-port them and harbor them, and they willfind that their welcome guests are para-sites that will weaken them, and eventual-ly consume them.

For every regime that sponsors terror,there is a price to be paid. And it will bepaid. The allies of terror are equally guiltyof murder and equally accountable to jus-tice.

The Taliban are now learning this les-

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I make this promise to all the victims ofthat regime: The Taliban’s days ofharboring terrorists and dealing in heroinand brutalizing women are drawing to aclose. And when that regime is gone, thepeople of Afghanistan will say with therest of the world: good riddance.

I can promise, too, that America willjoin the world in helping the people ofAfghanistan rebuild their country. Manynations, including mine, are sending foodand medicine to help Afghans through thewinter. America has air-dropped over 1.3million packages of rations intoAfghanistan. Just this week, we air-lifted20,000 blankets and over 200 tons of pro-visions into the region. We continue toprovide humanitarian aid, even while theTaliban tried to steal the food we send.

son—that regime and the terrorists whosupport it are now virtually indistinguish-able. Together they promote terror abroadand impose a reign of terror on theAfghan people. Women are executed inKabal’s soccer stadium. They can be beat-en for wearing socks that are too thin.Men are jailed for missing prayer meet-ings.

The United States, supported by manynations, is bringing justice to the terroristsin Afghanistan. We’re making progressagainst military targets, and that is ourobjective. Unlike the enemy, we seek tominimize, not maximize, the loss of inno-cent life.

I’m proud of the honorable conduct ofthe American military. And my countrygrieves for all the suffering the Talibanhave brought upon Afghanistan, includingthe terrible burden of war. The Afghanpeople do not deserve their present rulers.Years of Taliban misrule have broughtnothing but misery and starvation. Evenbefore this current crisis, 4 millionAfghans depended on food from the Unit-ed States and other nations, and millionsof Afghans were refugees from Talibanoppression.

I make this promise to all the victims ofthat regime: The Taliban’s days of harbor-ing terrorists and dealing in heroin andbrutalizing women are drawing to a close.And when that regime is gone, the peopleof Afghanistan will say with the rest ofthe world: good riddance.

I can promise, too, that America willjoin the world in helping the people ofAfghanistan rebuild their country. Manynations, including mine, are sending foodand medicine to help Afghans through thewinter. America has air-dropped over 1.3million packages of rations intoAfghanistan. Just this week, we air-lifted20,000 blankets and over 200 tons of pro-visions into the region. We continue toprovide humanitarian aid, even while theTaliban tried to steal the food we send.

More help eventually will be needed.The United States will work closely withthe United Nations and developmentbanks to reconstruct Afghanistan afterhostilities there have ceased and the Tal-iban are no longer in control. And theUnited States will work with the U.N. tosupport a post-Taliban government thatrepresents all of the Afghan people.

In this war of terror, each of us must

answer for what we have done or what wehave left undone. After tragedy, there is atime for sympathy and condolence. Andmy country has been very grateful forboth. The memorials and vigils around theworld will not be forgotten. But the timefor sympathy has now passed; the time foraction has now arrived.

The most basic obligations in this newconflict have already been defined by theUnited Nations. On September the 28th,the Security Council adopted Resolution

1373. Its requirements are clear: EveryUnited Nations member has a responsibil-ity to crack down on terrorist financing.We must pass all necessary laws in ourown countries to allow the confiscation ofterrorist assets. We must apply those lawsto every financial institution in everynation.

We have a responsibility to share intelli-gence and coordinate the efforts of lawenforcement. If you know something, tellus. If we know something, we’ll tell you.And when we find the terrorists, we mustwork together to bring them to justice. Wehave a responsibility to deny any sanctu-

ary, safe haven or transit to terrorists.Every known terrorist camp must be shutdown, its operators apprehended, and evi-dence of their arrest presented to the Unit-ed Nations. We have a responsibility todeny weapons to terrorists and to activelyprevent private citizens from providingthem.

These obligations are urgent and theyare binding on every nation with a placein this chamber. Many governments aretaking these obligations seriously, and mycountry appreciates it. Yet, even beyondResolution 1373, more is required, andmore is expected of our coalition againstterror.

We’re asking for a comprehensive com-mitment to this fight. We must unite inopposing all terrorists, not just some ofthem. In this world there are good causesand bad causes, and we may disagree onwhere the line is drawn. Yet, there is nosuch thing as a good terrorist. No nationalaspiration, no remembered wrong can everjustify the deliberate murder of the inno-cent. Any government that rejects thisprinciple, trying to pick and choose its ter-rorist friends, will know the consequences.

We must speak the truth about terror.Let us never tolerate outrageous conspira-cy theories concerning the attacks of Sep-tember the 11th; malicious lies thatattempt to shift the blame away from theterrorists, themselves, away from theguilty. To inflame ethnic hatred is toadvance the cause of terror.

The war against terror must not serve asan excuse to persecute ethnic and reli-gious minorities in any country. Innocentpeople must be allowed to live their ownlives, by their own customs, under theirown religion. And every nation must haveavenues for the peaceful expression ofopinion and dissent. When these avenuesare closed, the temptation to speakthrough violence grows.

We must press on with our agenda forpeace and prosperity in every land. Mycountry is pledged to encouraging devel-opment and expanding trade. My countryis pledged to investing in education andcombatting AIDS and other infectious dis-eases around the world. Following Sep-tember 11th, these pledges are even moreimportant. In our struggle against hatefulgroups that exploit poverty and despair,we must offer an alternative of opportuni-ty and hope.

September 11, 2001


The American government also stands byits commitment to a just peace in theMiddle East. We are working toward aday when two states, Israel and Palestine,live peacefully together within secure andrecognize borders as called for by theSecurity Council resolutions. We will doall in our power to bring both parties backinto negotiations. But peace will onlycome when all have sworn off, forever,incitement, violence and terror.

And, finally, this struggle is a definingmoment for the United Nations, itself.And the world needs its principled leader-ship. It undermines the credibility of thisgreat institution, for example, when theCommission on Human Rights offers seatsto the world’s most persistent violators ofhuman rights. The United Nationsdepends, above all, on its moral authori-ty—and that authority must be preserved.

The American government also standsby its commitment to a just peace in theMiddle East. We are working toward aday when two states, Israel and Palestine,live peacefully together within secure andrecognize borders as called for by theSecurity Council resolutions. We will doall in our power to bring both parties backinto negotiations. But peace will onlycome when all have sworn off, forever,incitement, violence and terror.

And, finally, this struggle is a definingmoment for the United Nations, itself.And the world needs its principled leader-ship. It undermines the credibility of thisgreat institution, for example, when theCommission on Human Rights offersseats to the world’s most persistent viola-tors of human rights. The United Nationsdepends, above all, on its moral authori-ty—and that authority must be preserved.

The steps I described will not be easy.For all nations, they will require effort.For some nations, they will require greatcourage. Yet, the cost of inaction is fargreater. The only alternative to victory is anightmare world where every city is apotential killing field.

As I’ve told the American people, free-dom and fear are at war. We face enemiesthat hate not our policies, but our exis-tence; the tolerance of openness and cre-ative culture that defines us. But the out-come of this conflict is certain: There is acurrent in history and it runs toward free-dom. Our enemies resent it and dismiss it,but the dreams of mankind are defined byliberty—the natural right to create andbuild and worship and live in dignity.When men and women are released fromoppression and isolation, they find fulfill-ment and hope, and they leave poverty bythe millions.

These aspirations are lifting up the peo-ples of Europe, Asia, Africa and theAmericas, and they can lift up all of theIslamic world.

We stand for the permanent hopes ofhumanity, and those hopes will not bedenied. We’re confident, too, that historyhas an author who fills time and eternitywith his purpose. We know that evil isreal, but good will prevail against it. Thisis the teaching of many faiths, and in thatassurance we gain strength for a longjourney.

It is our task—the task of this genera-tion—to provide the response to aggres-

sion and terror. We have no other choice,because there is no other peace.

We did not ask for this mission, yetthere is honor in history’s call. We have achance to write the story of our times, astory of courage defeating cruelty andlight overcoming darkness. This calling isworthy of any life, and worthy of everynation. So let us go forward, confident,determined, and unafraid.

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President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistandelivered his remarks to the GeneralAssembly of the United Nations.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General,Ladies and Gentlemen, I would like toextend to you, Mr. President, my felicita-tions on your election. I also wish to con-gratulate your predecessor Mr. HarriHolkeri for his stewardship of the millen-nium session of the General Assembly.Deep appreciation is also due to the Sec-retary General, Mr. Kofi Annan for hisuntiring efforts to translate the vision ofthe Millennium Declaration into policiesand actions by the world community.

Mr. Secretary General, please alsoaccept my heartiest congratulations on theaward of the centenary Nobel Peace Prizeconferred upon you and your organizationand your election for a second term toyour prestigious office.

Last year, at the Millennium Summit, allof us were looking forward to a renais-sance in the new Millennium. A renais-sance in the hearts and minds of people,for a better world where peace and justicewould prevail. Unfortunately, today wegather against the somber backdrop of theterrorist outrage that the world witnessedin shock and horror, on that fateful day of11th September. In seconds images of fireand death reached all of us. Thousands ofinnocent lives were lost in minutes. Eightynations lost some of their brightest andtheir best. Pakistan, like the rest of theworld mourned the colossal loss of inno-cent lives. The map of the world changedand the entire globe descended into a deepcrisis. At a time of such great turmoilwhen there is indeed a need for clearthought and firm action, I come from Pak-

istan with a message of determination andresolve as well as a message of peace forall peoples.

The General Assembly this year meetsunder the shadow of a horrendous act ofterror perpetrated against the people of theUnited States, an act for which no griev-ance or cause can ever be a justification,an act that must be condemned unambigu-ously and in the strongest words. This wasan attack on humanity itself, and we allmust therefore, unite to fight this scourge.

Mr. President,Now that the world has bonded itself to

fight against terrorism, it is time for intro-spection. We owe it to posterity that inthis dark hour we shed light on some dan-gerous and growing trends, misconcep-tions and misperceptions which, if notcleared, may lead the world into evengreater disorder and disharmony.

The religion of Islam, and Muslims invarious parts of the world, are being heldresponsible for the trials the world is fac-ing. This point of view is total misplaced.Just as all religions teach peace and lovefor fellow beings, so does Islam placeupon its adherents the obligation to dogood, to be generous, merciful, kind andjust to fellow beings. The Muslim greetingAssalam-o-Alaikum meaning “Peace beupon you” symbolizes the very essence ofIslamic faith. Islam is a religion of peace,of compassion and of tolerance.

Terrorism is not a Christian, Buddhist,Jewish or Muslim belief. It is to be con-demned no matter who the perpetrator, beit an individual, a group or a state.

We need to ask ourselves what reallycauses these extreme acts around theworld. To my mind it is the unresolvedpolitical disputes the world over: disputesin Bosnia, Kosovo, Palestine and Kashmir,and other places. Unfortunately all thesedisputes involve Muslims, and more sadlythe Muslims happen to be the victims inall which tends to give a religious tinge tothese other political disputes. The lack ofprogress in resolution of these disputeshas created in them a sense of deprivation,hopelessness and powerlessness. The frus-tration gets even worse when disputes likeKashmir and Palestine, remain unsettledfor decades despite the United NationsSecurity Council resolutions. The questionthen is, whether it is the people asking fortheir rights in accordance with U.N. reso-lutions who are to be called terrorists, or

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whether it is the countries refusing toimplement the U.N. resolutions who arethe perpetrators of state terrorism. InKashmir, Indian occupation forces havekilled over 75,000 Kashmiris attributingthese killings to foreign terrorists. It istime India must stop such deceits. U.N.Security Council resolutions on Kashmirmust be implemented.

Media images of the Palestine childMuhammad Al Durrah were etched on thehearts and minds of people all over theworld. It is perverse to regard the rape ofKashmiri women as a punishment inflict-ed in the course of war. The images ofthat moment when the World Trade CenterTower came down will remain definitivefor all the agony, disbelief and loss thatpeople suffer from acts of terror all overthe world. All forms of terror must becondemned, prevented and fought against,but in so doing the world must not trampleupon the genuine rights, aspirations andurges of the people who are fighting fortheir liberation and are subjected torepression by state terrorism.

To fight the extremist, deprive him ofhis motivation. The extremist survives inan environment where millions sufferinjustice and indignity. Deprive him of hissupport by giving the world peace, securi-ty, justice and dignity for all peoplesregardless of faith, religion or creed.

A just and honorable solution for thepeople of Kashmir, an end to the miseriesof the people of Palestine are the majorburning issues that have to be addressedvigorously, boldly, imaginatively andurgently. Unless we go to the root causes,cosmetics will only make matters worse.Consider the analogy of a tree. Terroristsare like so many leaves, you take outsome, there will be plenty more and anunending growth. Terrorist networks arelike branches, you prune a few and therewill be others and more growth. The onlyway is to go for the roots. Eliminate theroots and there will be no tree. The roots,Mr. President, are the causes, which needto be addressed, tackled and eliminated,fairly, justly and honorably. Give peopleback their dignity, their self-respect, theirhonor.

In essence, therefore, to tackle the issueof terrorism in its entirety, we need to fol-low a three pronged strategy of going forindividual terrorists, moving against ter-rorist organizations and addressing dis-

putes around the world in a just manner. After the events of 11th September, Pak-

istan took a deliberate principled decisionto join the World Coalition in its fightagainst terrorism. This decision has cata-pulted us once again as a front line statein the battle against terrorism. While thepeople of Pakistan have accepted this newreality, they still suffer from a sense ofbetrayal and abandonment, when theywere left in the lurch in 1989 after theSoviet withdrawal from Afghanistan. Thenalso, we were a front line state and whatwe got in return was three millionrefugees, a shattered economy, drugs andKlashnikov culture, to be faced singlehandedly through our limited resources.Pakistan only hopes that the mistakes ofthe past will not be repeated and Pak-istan’s legitimate concerns will beaddressed. Our economy again faces a cri-sis of a fallout of the operations inAfghanistan. We need financial and com-mercial support on an urgent basis andhope that this will be forthcoming.

Mr. President,After 11 September Pakistan had been

trying its utmost with the Afghan govern-ment ever since Osama Bin Laden and Al-Qaida became an international issue, tillthe last moment, to avert military action inAfghanistan. Regrettably, we did not meetwith success and the coalition operationagainst terrorists in Afghanistan continueswith no immediate end in sight. Sadlyenough, the civilian causalities in thisaction are being projected more as anopen war against the already poor, suffer-ing and innocent people of Afghanistan.The World in general and Pakistan in par-ticular mourns the loss of these innocentlives and sympathizes with the bereaved.It is desirable that the military operationbe as short and accurately targeted as pos-sible. It is also essential that a fallbackpolitical strategy be evolved which couldattain the same objective as being soughtthrough military application.

In its entirety, dealing with Afghanistan,involves a three pronged strategy—theMilitary, Political and Humanitarian cumRehabilitation Strategies. It must remainthe effort of the coalition to prevent a vac-uum, leading to anarchy, after achievingmilitary objectives, through immediateapplication of Political and Rehabilitationstrategies.

In our view, the political set-up in

Afghanistan must be homegrown and notimposed, ensuring the unity and territorialintegrity of Afghanistan, with a broadbased, multi-ethnic dispensation, represen-tative of the demographic composition ofthe country.

The people of Afghanistan have beensuffering the ravages and devastation ofconflicts for over two decades. It is themoral obligation of the World Communityto support them generously. Assistance toAfghanistan should be in two forms. First-ly, the ongoing humanitarian assistanceand secondly, the post military operations,rehabilitation and reconstruction.

To offset the effects of the ongoing mili-tary operation, it is imperative that welaunch a more coordinated and concertedhumanitarian relief effort inside and out-side Afghanistan with a more generousfunding. This will go a long way to allevi-ate the sufferings of the common Afghan.

It is equally important that concurrentlywe formulate a post operation rehabilita-tion program, once peace returns toAfghanistan. This effort would entail, atthe minimum, restoration of water man-agement systems, reviving of agriculturethrough land development, reconstructionof physical infrastructure(Roads, buildings& utilities) and establishment of institu-tions.

A stable and peaceful Afghanistan is inthe vital interest of the region and in par-ticular of Pakistan. Conditions must becreated for more than three millionrefugees in Pakistan to return to theircountry. We propose the establishment ofan “Afgan Trust Fund” under U.N. aus-pices for the rehabilitation and reconstruc-tion process.

Mr. President,I would now like to focus on the harsh

realities in the developing countries whichhave a relationship with extremism of allforms. Poverty and deprivation lead tofrustration, making the masses vulnerableto exploitation by extremist organizations.It is the collective, moral responsibility ofthe developed world to address this issuesquarely, through substantive economicuplift, poverty alleviation and social actionprograms in the developing countries.Economic imbalances have to be removedfor a just, equitable and harmonious WorldOrder. A major step in this directionwould be to reduce if not eliminate thedebt burden, hanging as a millstone

September 11, 2001


around the necks of the poor and theunder developed. The bigger tragedy ofthe third world is that their rulers togetherwith their minions plunder the country’swealth and are afforded easy access andsafe havens to stash away the loot in theFirst World. Since long, restrictions havebeen imposed on laundering of drugmoney and recently money for terrorists isbeing choked. Why can similar restric-tions not be imposed on loot money laun-dering?

I appeal through this forum to all thedeveloped countries to legislate againstdeposits of ill gotten money, to assist ininvestigation against the looters and toensure the early return of the plunderedwealth to the countries of their origin. Infact I would not be far off the mark if Istated that with the return of this lootedmoney, many of the developing countriesmay be able to pay back their debts andrevive their economies.

Mr. President,Pakistan is also deeply conscious of the

nuclear dimension of the security environ-ment of our region, the danger it posesand the responsibility it places on nuclearweapon states, particularly the two nuclearstates in South Asia. We are ready to dis-cuss how Pakistan and India can create astable South Asian security mechanismthrough a peaceful resolution of disputes,preservation of nuclear and conventionalbalance, confidence building measuresand non-use of force prescribed by theU.N. Charter. In this context, we are readyto discuss nuclear and missile restraints aswell as nuclear risk reduction measureswith India in a structured, comprehensiveand integrated dialogue.

Pakistan is fully alive to the responsibil-ities of its nuclear status. We havedeclared a unilateral moratorium onnuclear testing. Pakistan was not the firstto initiate nuclear tests and will not be thefirst to resume them. We are ready to for-malize a bilateral treaty with India formutual test ban. We have strengthened ourexport controls and have establishedmulti-layered custodial controls on ournuclear assets. Let me assure you all, thatour strategic assets are well guarded andin very safe hands. We have constantlyupgraded our command and control mea-sures and instituted an elaborate nuclearcommand control mechanism for iron cladcustodial control to ensure the safety and

security of our assets. Pakistan is opposedto an arms race in South Asia, be itnuclear or conventional. We will maintaindeterrence at the minimum level.

Mr. President,I would now like to very briefly cover

the internal developments in Pakistan.Over the past two years the focus has beenon our Economic Revival, Poverty Allevi-ation, Improving Governance, PoliticalRestructuring and Introducing GenuineDemocracy in the country. We have suc-cessfully put in place a sound democraticstructure, based on empowerment of thepeople at the grass root levels. A revolu-tionary step has been taken to ensure1/3rd participation of women at Districtlevel governing councils.

I want to put on record in this Augustgathering that Pakistan is proud of thisrepresentation and empowerment ofwomen, which is a unique feature in theworld. Our resolve of holding elections toProvincial and National Assemblies andthe Senate in October 2002 in accordancewit the road map announced last August,will remain unchanged in spite of the pre-vailing environment in the region.

Mr. President,In conclusion and in keeping with this

time of enormous trials and tribulationswe are going through, I wish to make anappeal.

An appeal for the sake of mankind, forthe sake of our future generation and forthe sake of a better world.

Let justice prevail, let no people bewronged, let sufferings be eliminated, letdiscontent be addressed, let humanityarise as one Nation to eliminate subjuga-tion of the weak, and let there be PEACE.

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President George W. Bush and PresidentPervez Musharraf met in New York todayand reaffirmed the strength and vitality ofthe bilateral relationship between Pakistanand the United States. The two Presidentsexpressed the conviction that the globalcoalition against terrorism is essential forthe elimination of the Taliban regime andthe Al-Qaida network and those who har-

bor them. President Musharraf welcomedthe clear commitments expressed by Pres-ident Bush to continued active UnitedStates engagement in Pakistan and theentire South Asian sub-continent.

President Bush and President Musharrafreaffirmed the benefits of 50 years offriendship and close cooperation betweenPakistan and the United States andrecalled the pivotal role of the Pakistan-U.S. alliance in the triumph of the freeworld at the end of the cold war. Theywelcomed the revival of this longstandingpartnership and expressed their convictionthat it would constitute a vital element inthe construction of a durable structure ofpeace, stability, economic growth andenhanced prosperity at the regional andglobal level. They also held wide-rangingdiscussions on the current anti-terrorismcampaign and exchanged views on bilater-al, regional, and international issues.

President Musharraf strongly con-demned the terrorist attacks of September11 and conveyed the sympathy and soli-darity of the people and government ofPakistan to the people and government ofthe United States. President Bush recog-nized Pakistan’s role as a front-line statein the global campaign against terrorismand expressed gratitude for Pakistan’svital support in the international cam-paign. Both leaders agreed to continuetheir ongoing excellent cooperation and topursue a coherent and coordinated diplo-matic, political, military, economic, finan-cial and humanitarian strategy to eliminateterrorism.

President Bush stressed that the UnitedStates and Pakistan are friends of long-standing and that Pakistan is a greatIslamic nation. He emphasized that theUnited States has great respect for Islamand noted the fast growth of the Islamiccommunity in America. President Bushstated that our campaign is against thosewho pervert a great religion in the serviceof evil. President Bush and PresidentMusharraf also discussed means of easingthe plight of the Afghan refugees. Presi-dent Bush recognized the leading role thatPakistan has played in receiving and car-ing for Afghan refugees and emphasizedthat the United States is the largest foreigndonor of humanitarian aid. Even tonight,using our military resources, United Statesplanes are dropping badly needed foodsupplies to the Afghan people.

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The two presidents agreed that the inter-national community will have to providesizeable and sustained resources for thereconstruction of Afghanistan. They alsoaffirmed their support for the efforts of theUnited Nations, Secretary-General Annan,and Special Envoy Brahimi. They agreedthat peace and stability in Afghanistan canbe achieved through the institution of abroad-based, multi-ethnic, representativegovernment, established through consen-sus among Afghans, and evolved underthe auspices of the United Nations. Theyalso acknowledged that Afghanistanshould enjoy friendly relations with all itsneighbors and be a link between Centraland South Asia, and free from the scourgeof terrorism and drugs.

President Musharraf welcomed Presi-dent Bush’s decision to lift a number ofsanctions that allow the resumption ofcooperation with Pakistan. They agreedthat the bilateral relationship is built onthe shared interests and values of theAmerican and Pakistani peoples. PresidentBush welcomed the efforts that the Pak-istani citizens are making to support thecoalition against terrorism. Affirming theircommitment to Pakistan’s economic stabi-lization and revival program, PresidentBush pledged to promote economic assis-tance to Pakistan.

President Bush confirmed that he willextend support to enable Pakistan torespond to the economic challenges itconfronts. The two presidents discussedways to make good on the enormouspotential for increased trade and invest-ment between Pakistan and the UnitedStates and agreed to enter into extensivetalks regarding economic issues. PresidentBush affirmed that the United States iscommitted to working with the interna-tional financial institutions to provideadditional support for Pakistan. Financialassistance, debt relief, greater trade andinvestment opportunities, and sound Pak-istani economic policies should assist Pak-istan in its efforts to spur sustainable eco-nomic growth. Additionally, PresidentBush undertook to consider ways torespond to Pakistan’s market accessexpectations.

President Bush and President Musharrafdiscussed a broad range of regional secu-rity issues. Both underscored the impor-tance of Pakistan to have a successfultransition to democracy in 2002. President

Bush and President Musharraf agreed tocontinue and expand defense consulta-tions. President Bush welcomed PresidentMusharraf’s commitment to hold electionsby October 2002 and to build a stable,democratic and prosperous Pakistan, inwhich the rights of all Pakistanis are fullyprotected.

President Bush and President Musharrafexpressed shared concern about the threatto global stability posed by the prolifera-tion of ballistic missiles and weapons ofmass destruction. They agreed on the needfor a comprehensive approach to counterthese threats, including enhanced non-pro-liferation measures at the global andregional level. President Musharraf lookedforward to further discussions with theUnited States on these issues.

The two leaders discussed ways to pro-mote stability in South Asia. PresidentBush praised President Musharraf’s recentcall to Prime Minister Vajpayee of India.President Bush and President Musharrafagreed that India and Pakistan shouldresolve the Kashmir issue through diplo-macy and dialogue in mutually acceptableways that take into account the wishes ofthe people of Kashmir.

President Bush and President Musharrafresolved to work together closely toexpand bilateral and regional trade. Theyagreed that launching a new global traderound in Doha is a top priority for bothnations. They confirmed their commit-ment to achieve open markets in SouthAsia, including using the South AsianAssociation for Regional Cooperation ‘s(SAARC) full potential more effectively.The two leaders agreed that the UnitedStates will continue to take steps tostrengthen Pakistan’s economy. Theyagreed that the United States and Pakistancan accomplish great things together andthat the American and Pakistani peoplelook forward to building peace, stabilityand prosperity, both in South Asia andaround the world.

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Secretary Colin Powell delivered hisremarks to the United Nations SecurityCouncil.

Mr. President, fellow ministers, friendsand allies in the coalition against terror-ism, action is needed and action is needednow. Two months ago yesterday, citizensfrom many of the nations present in thisroom were victims of savage attacks byterrorists here in New York. All of yourdelegations saw and felt the results of thatviolence, the wreckage that still smoldersless than two miles from this chamber.

Yesterday, President Bush joined bySecretary-General Annan and the Presi-dent of the General Assembly, ForeignMinister Han, commemorated at the sitethe loss of over 500 of your citizens andthe thousands of other innocents who losttheir lives on that day. Those who seek todefine terrorism need look no further. Noone can defend such heartless acts againstinnocent people. This was not about aclash of civilizations or religions; It wasan attack on civilization and religionthemselves. This is what terrorism means.

And now let me share with you what theUnited States is doing about it and whatwe hope others will do. The United Statesis taking the fight against terrorism direct-ly to the terrorists and to their supporters.We have declared war on all terrorist orga-nizations with a global reach.

As President Bush made clear to theGeneral Assembly, because these organi-zations are global, we need the support ofall of our partners in the internationalcommunity. Specifically, we need the helpof police forces, intelligence services andbanking systems around the world to iso-late and eradicate our common enemieswherever they may hide.

The United States is grateful that somany nations and so many internationalorganizations have responded so quicklyand so forcefully. The American peoplewere heartened by worldwide solidarityafter the attacks. The swift action taken bythis body and by the General Assembly onSeptember 12th made clear that the perpe-trators and supporters of terrorism will beheld accountable.

The Security Council took a critical step

September 11, 2001


forward by its adoption of Resolution1373 a little over two weeks after theattacks. Resolution 1373 is a mandate tochange fundamentally how the interna-tional community responds to terrorism. Itrequires us to cooperate to target terror-ists’ ability to solicit and move funds, tofind safe haven, to acquire weapons and tomove across international borders.

For many, implementation will involvecomplicated and difficult challenges totheir financial and legal systems, changesto the established ways of doing things,changes aimed at choking off the fundingand weaponry that sustain these terroristgroups, changes in the way we cooperateto find and bring terrorists to justice andto safeguard borders. The Security Coun-cil has already gotten off to an excellentstart by setting up a committee under ablechairmanship to make the call for concert-ed action and reality.

States are starting to work together tocut off the financial resources that are theoxygen of terrorist groups. We havealready seen council members support theimmediate freezing of the assets of over120 persons and entities that the UnitedStates identified to the United NationsAfghan Sanctions Committee. The councilis well situated to coordinate specializedtraining and assistance to help countriesdeal with rapid financial flows and regula-tory loopholes.

To be effective, 1373 demands a newresolve. As President Bush said, its oblig-ations are urgent and binding. States mustnow work together, both bilaterally andmultilaterally. But the war on terrorismstarts within each of our respective sover-eign borders. It will be fought withincreased support for democracy pro-grams, judicial reform, conflict resolution,poverty alleviation, economic reform andhealth and education programs. All ofthese together deny the reason for terror-ists to exist or to find safe havens withinthose borders.

The United States stands ready to pro-vide technical assistance ranging fromaviation security to financial trackingmeasures and law enforcement. We wel-come initiatives by others in these fieldsand we are ready at any time to exchangeinformation about terrorism and to coop-erate in other ways to combat the commonenemy, the common threats that we allface.

There is more. We must consider theintegrity of international transmission sys-tems such as the mail system. We mustconsider the essential nature of the Inter-net when phones and mail fail. A fewweeks ago, such subjects might haveelicited little attention. Today, we canunderstand that inaction can have graveconsequences.

In each of these areas, there are impor-tant roles for the United Nations and foreach of our countries to play. We aregrateful for the help of the many whohave joined in the fight. We believe out ofthis great tragedy, a new common purposehas arisen. No greater threat to interna-tional peace and security exists in theworld today. And, through this body, wehave established and are establishing thetools to build a more robust defense. It istime now to put those tools to work.

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The Secretary-General has been followingclosely developments on the ground inAfghanistan. He welcomes the fact that inthe last few days the people of Kabul andother cities in Afghanistan have been freedfrom the oppressive and intolerant Talibanregime. At the same time, the Secretary-General takes this opportunity to remindthe United Front and other Afghan forcesof the need to adhere strictly to theirobligations under international humanitar-ian and human rights law.

The Secretary-General reiterates theurgent need to establish a broad-based andfully representative Government inAfghanistan. To this end, he has instructedhis Special Representative, AmbassadorLakhdar Brahimi, to redouble his ongoingefforts.

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Secretary General Kofi Annan deliveredhis remarks to the United NationsSecurity Council.

Before I proceed I would also want to rec-

ognize among us the presence of PresidentRau of Germany and his wife. I think it isimportant that they join us for this discus-sion.

I believe this open meeting of the Secu-rity Council could not be more timely—and not just because of the dramaticevents on the ground of the last twenty-four hours. Afghanistan presents the Unit-ed Nations with one of its greatest chal-lenges. That challenge is now perhaps atits most urgent stage. The internationalcommunity must be ready to respond.

In particular, the sustained engagementof the Security Council will be needed ifwe are to help set Afghanistan on the pathto a stable and lasting peace, and addressthe dire humanitarian needs of the Afghanpeople.

The United Nations has a long historyof involvement in addressing the plight ofthe Afghan people. The terrorist attacks onthe United States of 11 September, andthe consequent military action inAfghanistan, have created a new environ-ment that presents daunting challenges tothe international community, but also newopportunities.

First and foremost, we must do all wecan to help meet the humanitarian needsof the Afghan people, who have sufferedfrom decades of man-made as well as nat-ural disasters, in the shape of conflict,repression, drought and famine. Winter isclosing in, and we must feed and shelteras many of the vulnerable and suffering aspossible. Next, the rapid march of eventson the ground requires that we focus onthe challenge we will face in a post-Tal-iban period. This means taking urgentaction so as to avoid a political and securi-ty vacuum.

It means giving priority to the actionsthe international community needs to taketo help ensure a climate of stability thatcan create the conditions for a lastingpeace.

As the Council knows, Lakhdar Brahimihas just returned from Pakistan, Iran andSaudi Arabia. I am confident that, withyour active support, Mr. Brahimi will beable to make progress in the intensiveefforts in which he is engaged to facilitatetransitional arrangements that will lay thefoundations for a peaceful and stableAfghan future.

If all the Afghan parties—as well as theneighbors and the wider international

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community—give full support, there isnow a real opportunity to create the sort ofbroad-based, fully representative govern-ment which the United Nations has longbeen trying to help the Afghan peopleachieve. A stable Afghanistan, living inpeace, carrying out its international oblig-ations and posing no threat to any of itsneighbors, must be our common objective.To achieve it, any arrangement arrived atmust reflect the will, the needs and theinterests of the Afghan people, and enjoytheir full support.

This requires the end of interference inAfghanistan’s affairs by neighboringcountries. Unless this happens—on thelevel of reality rather than just rhetoric—there can be little hope of lasting stabilityin Afghanistan.

Before closing, I wish to draw theCouncil’s attention to the immediate needsof the more than 6 million people insideAfghanistan affected by conflict and nat-ural disaster.

Over the past two weeks, U.N. Agenciesand non-governmental organizations(NGOs) have geared up cross-borderdelivery and distribution of food and non-food assistance. For the first time since 11September, we have been able to reach oreven exceed our weekly targets of foodsupplies. I commend the extraordinaryefforts of our colleagues on the ground, inparticular the hundreds of Afghans whoare working inside Afghanistan with greatdedication under the most difficult cir-cumstances.

But many areas still remain inaccessiblemaking distribution difficult, in particularin the North. These areas are also amongthe most vulnerable. If we want to avert ahumanitarian catastrophe in the comingmonths, we must make every effort toovercome the logistical challenges in, forexample, reaching areas cut off by snow.

Let us not forget that our assistanceefforts must be based on one principleonly: to help those most in need. No lessdaunting are the constraints imposed byinsecurity.

Irrespective of military or politicaldevelopments, we will have to gain theconsent and cooperation of all parties onthe ground to reach people in need. Weshall have to devise innovative approachesfor interim security measures until a sus-tained political process is in place.

The Afghan population looks to the

international community and to the Secu-rity Council to create the conditions inwhich they can finally enjoy a Govern-ment which is fully representative, pro-tects their human rights, and ensuresfriendly relations with their neighbors. Weowe it to them, and let us not let themdown.

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Ambassador Fawzi Shobokshi,Permanent Representative of theKingdom of Saudi Arabia to the UnitedNations, delivered his remarks to theUnited Nations General Assembly.

In the name of Allah, most compassionate,most merciful. Blessing and peace beupon the most noble of prophets.

Mr. President:It gives me great pleasure to extend to

you and to your friendly country, theRepublic of Korea, our sincere congratula-tions on your election as President of thisGeneral Assembly, expressing full confi-dence that you will steer the business ofthis important session competently andeffectively.

I would also like to express our grati-tude to the President of the previous ses-sion of the General Assembly, Mr. HarriHolkeri, who managed its business withwisdom and expertise, in a way thatdeserves our thanks and appreciation.

It is also my pleasure on this occasionto greet His Excellency the Secretary-General and extend my thanks and appre-ciation for his continued efforts to estab-lish peace and security in the world, main-tain the role of the Organization and raiseits efficiency in order to restore credibilityand effectiveness.

Mr. President:The international community is still

going through the aftermath of the horren-dous disaster that befell the United Statesof America on September 11, resulting inhuge material losses and the death ofthousands of innocent victims: tremen-dous damage that cannot yet be reckonedor determined, such was the gravity of thecatastrophe, its depth and repercussions.

An earnest global direction hasemerged, to stand resolutely and firmly

against whoever is proved to be responsi-ble for or connected with this heinouscriminal act; and to attempt every way andmeans conducive to the eradication of thephenomenon of international terrorismthat has lately been spreading and fromwhich various nations and countries havesuffered irrespective of their affiliation orethnicity.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was oneof the first states to express its absolutecondemnation and strong denunciation ofwhat happened in New York, Washingtonand Pennsylvania. Without hesitation ithas contributed to any effort or allianceaimed at the eradication of this perilousscourge that threatens us all. This stanceof the Kingdom is in harmony with itsconstant and continuing policies againstterrorism and its perpetrators. The King-dom itself has suffered from terrorism,and has taken numerous administrative,legal and security measures to combat itand eliminate it; to curb terrorist actionsand practices, or at least to minimize thepossibilities of their occurrence.

Mr. President:Our meeting during this session, con-

vened just two months after the New Yorkdisaster, and a few miles from groundzero, must take us from the phase ofshock and sorrow at what happened to thephase of earnest action and the adoptionof practical and effective means for com-bating terrorism: to sever its roots andcauses. It is therefore most fitting to takeup the spirit expressed by His ExcellencyPresident George W. Bush in his addressto this distinguished forum a few daysago, in which he stressed that the time isripe to move together seriously and pur-posefully in confronting this joint enemy,and not be satisfied merely with denuncia-tion, repudiation, and the expression ofsorrow.

On our part, the Kingdom of Saudi Ara-bia, even prior to the September incident,had in fact taken a series of measures andregulations that prove our seriousness inanti-terrorism endeavors. For example, mycountry enacted a series of laws and regu-lations related to combating terrorism andinflicting harsh punishment on its perpe-trators. It has adopted financial and bank-ing measures that restrict the potential forextremist groups to benefit from means offinancial support to facilitate implementa-tion of their plans.

September 11, 2001


At the regional level the Kingdom wasone of the first signatories to the ArabConvention for Combating Terrorismissued in 1998 by the League of ArabStates, as well as the Convention on Com-bating Terrorism of the Organization ofthe Islamic Conference. At the internation-al level, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia hasacceded to numerous U.N. agreementsconcerning terrorism. It is on the point ofjoining two agreements: the InternationalConvention on Terrorist Bombings, andthe International Convention for the Sup-pression of the Financing of Terrorism.

Mr. President:There is a fact that should not be over-

looked concerning the growing globalconcern on the issue of terrorism, in thecontext of crystallizing policies and adopt-ing international agreements designed tocombat it. The mere enactment of lawsand regulations to combat terrorism, whileessential, is not enough by itself to pre-vent incidents of terrorist action. Eradica-tion of terrorism requires all of us to movetowards eliminating the infrastructure thatis relied on by terrorist groups scatteredall over the world, the infrastructure thatis providing them the means of supportand publicity. In this context we shouldremember that certain countries grantprivileges and immunities to those whoresort to them under cover of “politicalopposition”, with the result that they areable to avail themselves of freedom ofmovement in any country that hosts them,exploiting its laws and spreading theirpropaganda, making contacts and sendinghate messages, attempting to influencepublic opinion and instigate the perfor-mance of violent and terrorist activitieswithin that country. If we are serious infighting terrorism, we must close this doorin the face of anyone who wishes toexploit a country to achieve an end thatmay seem legitimate for some but in reali-ty is a path leading to violence and terror-ism that has no relation to a just cause.

The other issue that we should under-stand and pay attention to, particularly inlight of the feelings generated by theevents in New York and Washington, isthe necessity to be aware that if theprocess of combating terrorism takes theform of accusing particular nationalities orreligious groups, and is motivated by prej-udice and bias, from an angle of general-ization devoid of rationale or firm evi-

dence, then this haste in accusation andspreading unfounded allegations such aslinking terrorism and terrorists to Islam,will benefit only those who aim at propa-gating the idea of a clash of civilizations,which we believe is the basic objective ofthose who committed the events of Sep-tember. Following such confrontationaltrends will result only in contributing tothe achievement of the aims of the terror-ists themselves.

We look forward to the United Nations,as the body that represents all of us with-out exception, to make the internationalendeavors against terrorism sincere globalefforts devoid of discrimination and bias,

and for the service of all members of theinternational community, protecting themfrom the evil of terrorism, including offi-cial terrorism that is supported by states.

Within the framework of its endeavorsto combat terrorism, the Kingdom ofSaudi Arabia has supported all efforts thatstem from our international Organization,whether acceding to international agree-ments as mentioned earlier, or throughendorsing the relevant resolutions on thistopic, including Security Council Resolu-tions 1368 and 1373 (2001).

My country supports the call for con-vening an international conference on ter-rorism to be held under the auspices of the

United Nations, with one of its primefunctions that of putting a specific defini-tion to terrorism: distinguishing terrorismas a serious phenomenon threatening thesecurity and stability of the internationalcommunity, from the right of nations tostruggle and resist occupation in accor-dance with the provisions of internationallaw and the Charter of the United Nations.

Mr. President:Combating terrorism requires from all

of us diligent action in order to solveunresolved issues that inflame hatred,inculcate bitterness, implant mistrust anddeepen the feelings of oppression and lackof justice. When we state this matter ourintention is not to link terrorism to anyother issue, because we recognize verywell that combating terrorism is an issuethat requires our concerted effort irrespec-tive of any other consideration. What weshould pay attention to and take into con-sideration, however, is the necessity fornot availing any opportunity to the terror-ists to sneak in and exploit unresolvedissues in justifying their terrorist activities,thereby linking their practices to suchissues.

It is our duty in this case to undo anysuch linkage, in a positive manner thatwill deprive the terrorists of any justifica-tion on which to base the implementationof their plans. From this perspective, wecall for acceleration of finding a just solu-tion to the Palestinian issue, one that isnot looked at as a response to the terror-ists’ pressures but to a pressure from ourside to deprive the terrorists from exploit-ing the continuation of this issue that issuspended without resolution.

This is exactly what makes us look withfull appreciation to what has been statedin the address of the President of the Unit-ed States of America before the GeneralAssembly where he indicated—in the con-text of his reference to this issue—thatviolence in Palestine is the responsibilityof all parties and not one particular party,and that it is the right of both Israel andPalestine to live jointly as independentstates. The peace process should not bederailed by sporadic incidents of violence.The optimal way to stop violence is ingetting the peace process to its desired tar-get through reviving it and integrating itaccording to its principles and grounds,based on the resolutions of internationallegitimacy particularly Resolutions 242

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[I]f the process of combating terrorismtakes the form of accusing particularnationalities or religious groups, and ismotivated by prejudice and bias, from anangle of generalization devoid of rationaleor firm evidence, then this haste inaccusation and spreading unfoundedallegations such as linking terrorism andterrorists to Islam, will benefit only thosewho aim at propagating the idea of aclash of civilizations, which we believe isthe basic objective of those whocommitted the events of September.Following such confrontational trends willresult only in contributing to theachievement of the aims of the terroriststhemselves.

and 338 and the principle of land forpeace.

Mr. President:The war going on in Afghanistan repre-

sents one of the ramifications of the situa-tion that the Afghan problem has reached,and that has led to an environment inwhich international terrorism found fertileground in which to implement its plansand objectives. With all our understandingof the motivation of the internationalcoalition in launching its military cam-paign against the hideout of terrorism inAfghanistan, what we fear is that thiscampaign will be constrained by its mili-tary framework and the consequences ofexposing Afghan civilians to greater suf-fering and displacement without achievingany acceptable objectives or outcome, andpossibly exposing the future ofAfghanistan to more trouble, division, andinstability.

Therefore, the Kingdom has done itsbest to avert Afghanistan from such apainful destiny, while contributing to thedirection of the international coalitiontowards the path that is in harmony withthe spirit of the Security Council resolu-tions relevant to the Afghan issue. Assuch, we have submitted to the Secretary-General of the United Nations a perspec-tive that embodies a number of ideasdesigned to safeguard the autonomy ofAfghanistan and place it on the road lead-ing to stability and development; and thaton the other hand, will help eradicate ter-rorists and those collaborating with themby providing them with protection and asafe haven in Afghan territory.

Military action alone cannot, in ouropinion, lead to achieving the desiredobjective in Afghanistan, and therefore itis imperative to depend on a political per-spective that assists in achieving the tar-gets of the coalition on the one hand, andon the other, safeguards Afghanistan’s sta-ble political future.

Mr. President:Today the international community is

most in need of joint endeavor and coop-eration in order to devise solutions onwhich agreement comes as a result of ourcollective thought and the outcome of ourjoint action on the basis of justice andequality. It is imperative to strive to reachagreement on the parameters of interna-tional existence based on respect forhuman values, traditions and principles, to

realize peace, stability and development,as well as to encourage the setting up ofcreative dialogue and positive interactionamong global cultures in order to realizeunderstanding and enhance internationalcooperation with the aim of achievingpeace, security, stability and welfare forall nations and peoples.

May God’s peace and blessings be uponyou.

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Secretary Rumsfeld. Good afternoon.This week we enter the second month ofthe war in Afghanistan. General Myerswill make some comments on the latestactivity on the ground and the air againstthe terrorists.

First I’d like to caution everyone thatthis effort against terrorism and terroristsis far from over. The war is not about oneman or one terrorist network or even onecountry. It’s about a problem that infectsthis globe of ours with a number of terror-ist networks and cells in dozens anddozens of countries. It’s about a problemthat needs to be stopped because, as thepresident said, terrorism is a threat thatcannot be ignored; nor can it be appeased.

Every nation in the world has a stake inthis cause. And while not every nation canbe a part of every single activity, everynation, and particularly our coalition part-ners, is part of the solution. And it hasbeen the collective pressure among all ofthose countries applied in a variety ofways that is beginning to have effects thatcan be seen. There clearly have been

effects before this week that were notseen.

We are clearly in this for the long haul.We do need to find the leadership of alQaeda and the leadership of the Talibanand the senior people and to stop them.And then we need to address that networkand other networks elsewhere in theworld. But it will take time.

At present a number of American Spe-cial Forces teams are working with theopposition. Every day the targeting andeffectiveness has improved, and that hasclearly played a critical role in killing Tal-iban and al Qaeda troops, disrupting theirsupply lines, damaging their communica-tions and making their lives unpleasant.

We also have special operation forcesfunctioning in the south of the country,and that will help as well.

In the short term, we will be focused onfinding the al Qaeda and the Taliban lead-ership in Afghanistan. That’s our goal, letthere be no doubt. We will also of coursebe focusing on the task of opening a landbridge to Uzbekistan and repairing someairports, probably in the Mazar-e Sharifarea and undoubtedly north of Kabul aswell, so that humanitarian aid can bebrought in.

The forces of Taliban and al Qaeda haveseveral choices. They can flee and reorga-nize in the south. They can flee and meltinto the countryside. Or they can defect. Ifthey reorganize in the south, we are goingto go get them. If they go to ground, wewill, as the president said, root them out.And if they decide to flee, I doubt thatthey’ll find peace wherever they select. Asyou know, they have some neighbors andthey could attempt to flee there, in Iran orPakistan. They have some locations wherethey have previously been located, such asSomalia or Sudan. There are terroriststates that in the past have housed terror-ists and terrorist networks, and they’re alllisted on the list, countries like Iraq andSyria, Libya, Cuba, North Korea, and thelike.

For those who may have forgotten justwhat kind of people we’ve been dealingwith in Afghanistan and deal with today,what sort of people these terrorists are,what acts they’re committing against theirown people and what their ultimate objec-tives are, in Afghanistan, women havebeen persecuted, denied education, con-fined to the home. Men are routinely

September 11, 2001


IV. November 13-19,2001: The Collapse ofthe Taliban Regime

jailed for the most trivial offenses: tooshort a beard, possession of a television.Religion can be practiced only as Talibandictate. They have their Ministry of Viceand Virtue, which enforces their rules.And while the Afghan people live inpoverty, the terrorist oppressors spendmillions of dollars training people andsending them all over the globe to killpeople.

They traffic in opium, worsening theconditions of Muslims throughout theworld. At a time when millions ofAfghans are starving, in search of foodand water, they have disrupted the distrib-ution of international aid, seized ware-houses of food intended for the poor, andcreated catastrophic starvation. Non-governmental workers have been intimi-dated and afraid to tell the truth, for fearof being beaten or shot.

While the United States of Americagoes out of its way, with the coalitionpartners, to avoid casualties and to limitcollateral damage, the Taliban and alQaeda hide their leaders in mosques anduse holy places for command and controland for the storage of ammunition. Theyplace armor and artillery near schools andhospitals, and in other areas where thereare a large numbers of innocents, usingchildren and the infirm as shields. Theystation anti-aircraft batteries on tops ofbuildings.

In a few minutes I think General Myerswill have something else to say about that.

But it’s little wonder that in many of thecities that are being liberated, we hearmusic being played and people being wel-comed. They have been starved andrepressed by the Taliban. I would just saythat it’s my view that the Taliban oughtnot to be granted moral equivalence. Inshort, they’ve made Afghanistan a syn-onym for terror, and this is the model theyseek to bring to all Muslim governments,through instability and unrest.

General Myers?

General Myers. Thank you, Mr. Secre-tary, and good afternoon.

We’re now into our 38th day of coalitioncombat operations, the secretary said,against the Taliban and al Qaeda. As youare certainly aware, we’ve made advancesover the weekend by the NorthernAlliance, and it has clearly altered the sit-uation, at least somewhat, in Afghanistan.

Last Friday the Northern Alliance con-trolled less than 15 percent ofAfghanistan, and today they have forces inabout half of the country. And while thesituation is still dynamic, a few facts areclear. Starting with the attack on the keynorthern town of Mazar-e-Sharif on the9th, Northern Alliance commanders havenow taken all northern provinces. ByMonday morning they had fundamentallycut Afghanistan into two areas of control,but we must keep in mind that pockets ofresistance do remain.

This morning the Northern Alliancereached the outskirts of Kabul. Severalimportant factors lay behind the advancesby the opposition forces.

First, I would say that coordinationamong the Northern Alliance commanderscontributed to a tactical victory at Mazar-eSharif.

Second, coalition air attacks certainlyassisted in neutralizing Taliban capabili-ties. And I’d say, in that regard, in boththose former regards, we can pass kudosto our Special Forces liaison teams in withthe opposition.

Finally, the advances of the NorthernAlliance could not have been achievedwithout the Afghan citizens rejecting Tal-iban control and, in some areas, Talibanforces deciding to ally themselves withopposition rather than face destruction.

At this point, we believe the Talibanappears to have abandoned Kabul, andsome Northern Alliance forces we knoware now in the city.

As far as al Qaeda is concerned, coali-tion and Northern Alliance efforts havedegraded some of al Qaeda’s fightingunits and destroyed areas where theymight hide. That said, the al Qaeda terror-ist organization remains dangerous, andour overall campaign objective remains todestroy al Qaeda and break the Taliban’shold on Afghanistan. So while the effortson the ground are encouraging, we willcontinue our fight against terrorism.

To add to the updates you received overthe weekend, air strikes yesterday focusedon supporting the opposition groups. Wealso struck terrorist and Taliban commandand control locations in caves and tunnels.We have specific numbers from yesterdayand a map slide that we’d like to hand outto you following this briefing.

I do have one image for you. It is not abefore and after but, rather, an example of

how the Taliban have parked tanks andother vehicles very near religious sites andresidences. As you can see from—hope-fully you can see from the picture there,the distance from the tanks, that are indi-cated by the arrows, to both the old tombor mosque in the center and the housesnearby, would make it difficult to strikewithout causing unintended damage tonearby residents or the religious structure.

We do have five videos today. The firsttwo videos show strikes on November 9thagainst Taliban military vehicles in theprocess of withdrawing from the city ofKunduz. The first depicts a direct hit onone of the trucks in a convoy that isdeparting the area. And the second videogives us another look at a hit on a with-drawing armored column.

The next video shows Taliban militaryvehicles in a convoy withdrawing from therecently captured Mazar-e Sharif—again,on November 9th. On the left side of thescreen, you can also see other Taliban mil-itary vehicles that were destroyed or areburning.

The fourth clip is a little different lookat one of the convoy strikes from Fridayshowing a Taliban military vehicle pro-ceeding down a road near Bagram. At thisparticular moment, anyway, it was a fortu-nate day for the driver. As you can see, thebomb lands just behind the vehicle as itspeeds down the road.

And the last video shows a coalitionstrike on Saturday, the 10th, against partof a key Taliban trench system set up todefend the approach to Taloquan. It wasimportant for these trenches, and otherslike them, to be cleared to open the wayfor the Northern Alliance to advance.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, are you and GeneralMyers surprised at the rather suddenmovement of the Taliban out of Kabuland moving apparently in the directionof Kandahar, but moving, nevertheless?And if so, do you attribute that largelyto the bombing campaign of the B-52sand those big, 15,000-pound Daisy Cut-ter weapons, or is there some other rea-son why they moved so quickly?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I’m not apsychiatrist and there’s no way I canclimb in their heads, individually or col-

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lectively, and know why they’re doingwhat they’re doing. We do know that ourplan from the very beginning involvedputting pressure on the Taliban and the alQaeda. The first thing General Franks saidwas to set the conditions for a sustainedeffort, and he did that. And then the pres-sure’s been applied. It’s been appliedthrough law enforcement. It’s been byarresting people and learning things. It’sbeen applied by sharing intelligence. It’sbeen applied by freezing bank accounts.And we know their money’s gotten skin-ny. It’s been—pressure’s been applied bymodest numbers of people, U.S. forces inthe country doing various things that com-plicate their lives. Clearly, pressure hasbeen applied by the Northern Alliance asthey have positioned themselves to takeadvantage of the improved circumstances.And as General Myers said, there’s just noquestion but that once we got SpecialForces on the ground and the targetingstarted improving and the skill on the partof the Special Forces working with theNorthern Alliance people, the forces in theNorth, that combination has done a gooddeal to kill Taliban and al Qaeda troopsand to damage their equipment and tomake their life very difficult.

Q. Could you, General Myers particu-larly—looking at the situation, does itseem like what the Taliban did is astrategic withdrawal, as they’re claim-ing, or is it a retreat in defeat? And arethey being pursued by U.S. strike forcesas they go down South?

General Myers. Well, I would just echowhat the secretary said just a minute ago,is that we think we have degraded theircommand and control to the point where itis not as effective as they would certainlylike it.

I mean, to know definitively is anunknowable right now.

So I would think it’s a retreat—I mean,it’s a combination of things. It’s defectionsand it’s withdrawal, and it’s just trying toblend into the landscape, I would think.And so it’s—it appears to be more disor-ganized than organized. I think they arevery frustrated that they were not able toreinforce the north as they thought theycould. And that was what General Frankswanted to do in the first couple of nightsof the—of this particular conflict, if youremember taking out their transport air-

craft and as many helicopters as he couldfind. So that’s part of it.

And yet, as they retreat, we are lookingfor Taliban on the move, either east orwest out of Mazar-e Sharif, or south outof Kabul, or, for that matter, east out ofKabul. The trick is trying to differentiatebetween Taliban and other forces andother peoples that may be leaving thoselocations, and that’s very, very difficult.And General Franks is putting a premiumon being able to do just that differentia-tion.

Q. Can I follow up on that, Mr. Secre-tary?


Q. Mr. Secretary, how confident areyou that Osama bin Laden is still inAfghanistan, and does the disarraythere now make it easier or harder toget at him?

Secretary Rumsfeld. You know, [estab-lishing] gradations of confidence as to thelocation of someone that we don’t knowwhere he is—is not easy. I don’t evenknow how to answer that. My guess is thatthe disarray in the country, to the extent itexists in certain portions of the country, isan advantage in terms of ultimately locat-ing the people we’re looking for, the topleadership of both those organizations. Isay that because to the extent that thereare more opponents of the al Qaeda andTaliban in more parts of the country, onewould think more information will ulti-mately become available.

Furthermore, it should be pointed outthat we have substantial rewards out forinformation and for the locations of thosefolks. And—you know, it may very wellbe that money will talk at some point.

Yeah?

Q. Mr. Secretary, you mentioned Spe-cial Operations forces in the South.Could you talk about that a little more?Are they making inroads with the tribesdown there? How successful have theybeen?

Secretary Rumsfeld. They are currentlyfunctioning independently of the tribes—the ones I was referring to are—and theyare doing things that are helpful to our

side and unhelpful to the other side.

Q. Calling in air strikes and so forth,that kind of thing?

Secretary Rumsfeld. They’re doing afull range of things.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you explain thejustification for attacking militarytroops in retreat?

Secretary Rumsfeld. They have beenobviously offered an opportunity to sur-render. And in the history of warfare,when things are not going well for anorganization, that is often an opportunetime to make progress. And I think that itis an important time, because they are notattacking, they are retreating. And they arenot surrendering, they’re not throwingdown their weapons, they’re moving theirvehicles, and it is a perfectly legitimateand attractive target, and we intend to takeevery opportunity to do that.

The general points out the problem—notso much in the north, but coming out ofKabul—is that they have taken any num-ber of the NGO’s vehicles, and they arenot visibly, in many instances, functioningas military units, which makes it very dif-ficult for the people to sort them out,because we have to sort them from the air.We’re not physically on the ground southof Kabul to interdict the roads.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, what is your mosturgent concern at this point besides tar-geting the Taliban? Would it be the—getting more humanitarian aid in asquickly as possible, or get some sort oftroops or peacekeeping force in to pre-vent any possible reprisals or possibleatrocities?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I would saythat the CINC’s first priority is unques-tionably tracking down the leadership in alQaeda and Taliban. I would say the sec-ond priority is destroying the Taliban andal Qaeda’s military capability, which iswhat props up that leadership, and track-ing it down, finding it, and destroying it.Third, there’s no question but that the U.S.

September 11, 2001


presence is modest on the ground. It hasbeen working with the opposing—theforces that have been opposing the Talibanand the al Qaeda. And they have been urg-ing them to create a presence that is pro-fessional and will be stabilizing in thosecities. And fourth, as you suggested, wehave to find ways to—preferably by land,but if necessary, by air, to see that webegin the kinds of humanitarian assistancethat these people are clearly going toneed.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you cautioned us atthe beginning not to read too much intothese opposition gains. But I was won-dering, could you elaborate on whatimpact these opposition gains have hadon your reaching the military objectivesin this campaign? Is that good? Is itgoing to make it harder?

Secretary Rumsfeld. The gains thathave been made on the ground that havebeen to the detriment of the Taliban andthe al Qaeda forces are clearly helpful inassisting the coalition in improving itsprospects to track down the—both theleadership of Taliban and al Qaeda, butalso to find their forces and destroy them.As they are moving away from placesthey’ve previously been located, they’revisible. And when they’re buried and hun-kered down in tunnels and caves, and inthe sides of hills, they’re not visible, andthey’re much more difficult to get at.Right now they are in many instances visi-ble, and it is possible to go after them.

Q. Mr. Secretary, there have beenreports from the ground that the North-ern Alliance have made atrocities inMazar-e Sharif, and President Putintoday seemed to discredit that, sayingthat the Northern Alliance, made up ofTajiks and Uzbeks, would not shoot onits own people, Tajiks and Uzbeks, atleast not in the northern part of thecountry. First of all, do you give thosereports credibility? And secondly, whois on the ground to monitor that situa-tion and perhaps step in if in factthere’s a potential bloodbath?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Who’s makingthese reports?

Q. From the ground—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Who?

Q. Witnesses from the ground.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Who?

Q. And U.N. officials have—

Secretary Rumsfeld. U.N. officials—

Q. Are reporting that they are—

Secretary Rumsfeld. I don’t think thereare any U.N. officials in there. I thinkthere may be some people who haveworked for U.N. organizations that may—that contract people, but I don’t know ofany U.N. people that are in there.

Q. Right. The U.N. is just represent-ing these as reports out of the region.That’s where we’re getting them from.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, the reportsthat we’ve heard out of the regions havebeen absolutely lying through their teeth,week after week after week, throughoutthe entire thing. I don’t know that it’s real-ly useful to repeat unsubstantiated andsensational charges that I can’t validate,that you can’t validate, and that have notbeen checked.

The implication I—a thread I find fromtime to time—the implication is thatAmerica is what’s wrong with the world,and in fact it’s not. The Taliban have beenvicious repressors in that country. Theyhave done enormous humanitarian harmand damage to men, women, and childrenin that country.

Now—(pauses)—I don’t—I’m notthere, and you’re not there.

Therefore, I can’t prove anything exceptto say this: that piece of real estate haschanged hands dozens and dozens oftimes throughout history, and the carnagehas just been unbelievable. Century aftercentury, people have, in some cases, elim-inated entire cities. The last time theseplaces changed hands, the Taliban came inand killed hundreds and hundreds andhundreds of people.

When there’s a war and people areshooting and things happen and there’s noquestion that there are people gettingkilled—I don’t doubt that for a minute.Who knows, when it’s over, what the best

assessment will be, and I’ll certainly defermy judgment. But I’ll guess that when thisis over, that this probably will prove tohave been the change of hands with theleast loss of life of any time in modernmemory in that country. But there will beloss of life.

Q. If I could just follow up, if therewere atrocities that were being commit-ted by the Northern Alliance, are therepersonnel or troops on the ground whoare monitoring the situation—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Okay, let mecomment. I’ll try to explain what’s hap-pening.

First of all, the Northern Alliance is notan alliance. There are elements within itthat are—it’s a loose grouping of differentleaders and commanders.

Second, they were concerned about this,and on their own, I presume, but certainlyalso because the few U.S. forces on theground urged them to be concerned aboutit, they—my understanding is, and I couldbe wrong on this, but originally, they hadintended to threaten the city and not go in,and that they changed their mind whenthey saw that the Taliban were fleeing andthat looting was taking place. Nowwhether that’s true or not, I don’t know.But relatively small numbers, I’m told—that is to say, not the entire force—rela-tively small numbers have gone into thecity of Kabul at the last report I heard twohours ago. And they went in to try to cre-ate order. What kinds of incidents mighthave occurred, I don’t know, but there area very small number of U.S. forces in thecity of Kabul.

There are not sufficient forces to moni-tor or police the entire city. They are asufficient number that they can giveadvice and counsel to the people who arein the city, the leadership, and that theycan report back which they see, and wehave not received reports back to thateffect.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, is your military cam-paign plan in Afghanistan the same asthe Northern Alliance’s campaign plan?Are you—is the United States depend-ing on the Northern Alliance to tide itswar for it on the ground?

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Secretary Rumsfeld. No. They havetheir interests and we have ours, and it’sbeen a cooperative effort thus far. I thinkthey’re well aware that—we have no inter-est in any piece of real estate inAfghanistan. We are there for a specificpurpose. We care about the Afghan peo-ple. We wish them well. We want to behelpful to see that they’re fed and theyreceive the kind of medical assistance, andwe’re delighted to be participating andfreeing them of a viciously repressive ele-ment that took over their country andbrought in these terrorists.

Now, the people who live there, have aquite different interest. Our interest is inrooting out those terrorists and stoppingthem from killing Americans and killingother people. The Northern Alliance hasan interest because they—that’s theircountry. They want to live there. Theyknow they’re not going to control thewhole country because they’re a minorityin the country, and they’ve been quiteopen in accepting the reality that not onlyKabul but the country will have a broadlybased government of some type. But Iwould say our interests are quite different.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you—to go back tothe question of bin Laden and the alQaeda leadership. As the pressuremounts on them here, do you have con-cerns that they may get so desperate—some people suggest they may launchsome sort of last-gasp terrorist attack.And the reason I ask is I was curious—you mentioned Somalia, Sudan, theseother countries. Are you essentiallyissuing also a new warning to thesecountries not to give any shelter toeither bin Laden or the al Qaeda lead-ership?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, first let mesay that—are we worried that they’ll makea last-gasp terrorist attack on the UnitedStates?

Needless to say, we do worry that theywould make a terrorist attack on the Unit-ed States. They already did. They’vethreatened to do more. They will do morewhether we do what we’re doing orwhether we don’t do what we’re doing.And the idea that you could appease themby stopping doing what we’re doing orsome implication that by doing what

we’re doing we’re inciting them to attackus is just utter nonsense. It’s just—it’skind of like feeding an alligator, hoping iteats you last. I mean, it—This is what weneed to do. You cannot defend against ter-rorists. You must take the battles to them.It’s self-defense.

Q. There’s a question here as towhether or not you have heightenedconcerns given what is clearly their sit-uation at the moment. And if you dohave those heightened concerns, whatdo you think the appropriate course ofaction is? And again, are you also warn-ing these other countries not to provideshelter to them?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We think theappropriate course of action is to do exact-ly what the president said, and that is torecognize that you have trained terroristsall across this globe, and you have 50 or60 al Qaeda cells and you have othertotally different terrorist networks, thatthey are increasingly likely to get theirhands on weapons of mass destruction—chemical and biological weapons, thatthey pose a real threat to the UnitedStates, and that the way to deal with thatis to go find them and kill them or bringthem to justice.

Now, second, with respect to the othercountries, the president has said from theoutset that the task is to get the terroristsand to stop countries from harboring ter-rorists. And it is not a threat, it is not awarning, it is a fact. The president inrepeated speeches has said that the onlyway to deal with this problem is to findthose terrorists and to drain the swamp. Tothe extent countries are financing or facili-tating or tolerating terrorist networks,those countries have to be stopped fromdoing that. That is what he has saidrepeatedly.

Q. Could I follow up on that? You’vementioned repeatedly today that one ofthe military goals is destroying alQaeda. At this point 38 days into thecampaign, do you have a clearer set ofcriteria in terms of what constitutesdestroying al Qaeda? An end game, amilitary end game, in other words, asopposed to a diplomatic or a politicalending?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, it is noteasy. It is a network that we have charac-terized as having cells all across theworld, dozens and dozens of countries, ashaving much more than a single leader—it’s wrong to personify that in the form ofone person, because they—there are anumber of key lieutenants, and I suspectthat that operation would continue apaceno matter if one, two or three of them dis-appeared, which would be a wonderfulthing if they did, but—therefore, I supposethe only way to respond is to say that wehave to make them so they’re not capableof functioning.

The way you do that is this broad, sus-tained effort of drying up their money,arresting people around the globe andinterrogating them, gathering scraps ofinformation, and finding the ones you canand stopping the ones you can, and keeplooking for the ones you can’t find.

Q. What about in Afghanistan,though? You’re painting a picture ofvery vague goals that can go on foryears in terms of bombing, bombingand using Special Forces. I mean—

General Myers. Well, we talked at theoutset—and the secretary’s just mentionedone of them—is that the regime that sup-ports them now is—looks severely weak-ened, okay? That’s one thing you mightwant to do. In terms of their ability totrain in Afghanistan, they are not trainingright now; they’re hiding. So that’s anoth-er thing you might want to do. The lastbig one, to me, you’d want to do, ofcourse, is go after leadership, as the secre-tary said. And that’s more problematic.But we know who’s there. We know thelieutenants and we know the leadership,and we’re going to continue in thisprocess until we take them on.

Q. Of the 20 leaders, and you’vekilled 10 so far? Do you have a runningtotal of what’s out there—what’s beenaccomplished?

General Myers. Ground truth is verydifficult to come by. So we have someindications of some leadership, but we’regoing to wait till we—we’re not done yet.

Q. Mr. Secretary, as you know, aboutthis time last week you were getting

September 11, 2001


skeptical questions and skeptical cri-tiques about the conduct of the war.

Secretary Rumsfeld. [Inaudible] theunderstatement of the afternoon.

Q. Well, here we are a week later,approximately. And we’ve seen theevents that have unfolded. Do you wantto re-answer that—the question?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, you know,it’s hard to know—it was hard to answer itthen, and it’s hard to answer it now. We’restill such a good distance from where wehave to go. And yet—and I’m a conserva-tive person. I tend to understate things to acertain extent, rather than overstate. Ithink that the original concept is probablygoing to prove to have been correct; thatis to say that from the first week, whenthe president announced that this wouldbe a broadly based effort and it wouldtake a good deal of time, he was right;that the task is to put pressure on, andpressure is in a lot of different ways. Andit’s awfully hard—you can’t see threequarters of the kinds of pressure that arebeing applied. All—the only pressure peo-ple saw were the bombs, and the AC-130sfiring weapons, and yet—and that was notan irrelevant part of it, to be sure.

It was an important part. But it wasn’tthe whole thing.

And when a person gets up in the morn-ing and says, it’s not worth it. I’m eitherdead, or I’m wounded, or there’s no placeto go, or I don’t have food, and I can’t getanyone on the telephone, and I don’t knowwhat to do next, and the people who havebeen supporting them saying, gee, it’sgoing to get bad for me if I start—keepsending them money, or if I keep harbor-ing them, or if I keep serving as a linkagefor them, or supplying them withweapons, or supplying them with some-thing. We’ve got—the world has got tomake it inhospitable for people who runaround like mass murderers killing thou-sands and thousands of human beings.And that pressure, when you can’t see it,it’s frustrating for people. And that’swhere all those questions came from. AndI understand that. And when you see someevent, then someone says, Well, maybethat pressure is working a little bit. And Ithink that pressure is working. Are theregoing to be some more dry patches, when

you won’t see anything? I suspect so. Andmaybe we’ll just all have to think maybebelow the surface the pressure’s working,because I believe it is.

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We express our continued support for thepeople of Afghanistan in their effort toestablish a government that can bringpeace and stability to Afghanistan, closedown terrorist camps, and endAfghanistan’s use as a platform for inter-national terrorists. We agree that a newAfghan government should adhere toaccepted international principles, respecthuman rights, including those of womenand girls, facilitate delivery of aid to com-bat the current humanitarian crisis, andrebuild Afghanistan and the region eco-nomically.

Russia and the United States do notintend to, and cannot, create the futuregovernment of Afghanistan. It is up to theAfghans themselves to determine theirfuture. We believe that, in order for anyfuture government to bring peace to thepeople of Afghanistan and promote stabil-ity in the region, it must be broad-based,represent all Afghans, men and women,and be drawn from all ethnic groups. Weagree that the Taliban movement shouldhave no place in future bodies of statepower in Afghanistan.

We welcome the appointment ofAmbassador Lakhdar Brahimi as the Unit-ed Nations Secretary General’s SpecialRepresentative for Afghanistan and under-score our support for his efforts to bringpeace and stability to Afghanistan and theregion.

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Prime Minister Tony Blair delivered hisremarks to Parliament.

With permission, Mr. Speaker, I wouldlike to make a statement on events inAfghanistan. It is now clear that the Tal-iban regime are in a state of collapse

across Afghanistan. Carefully targetedcoalition bombing of their front linesopened the way for the Northern Allianceto advance. The fall of Mazar-i-Sharif on9 November was the key to the north. Itaccelerated defections from the Taliban,and allowed General Dostam andMohammed Atta of the Northern Allianceto cut the lines of communication of theremaining Taliban and al-Qaeda troops inthe north-east.

One after another, Taliban positionsfolded: Taloqan, Baghlan, Bamiyan. Themajor city in the west, Herat, fell withouta fight, to Ismail Khan. Now we see thatthe strategy that we have pursued is equal-ly successful in the Pushtun south of thecountry.

Kabul fell without serious resistance onMonday night. Key cities in the Pushtunsouth have followed Kabul swiftly, includ-ing Jalalabad. It is clear that support forthe Taliban is evaporating. Although theremay be pockets of resistance, the idea thatthis has been some kind of tactical retreatis just the latest Taliban lie. They are intotal collapse.

There are reports today that senior Tal-iban figures in Gardez—including BordersMinister Haqqani and intelligence ChiefAhmadullah—have surrendered. Kandaharairport has reportedly been taken by anti-Taliban forces. I have to say that regret-table incidents have happened as the liber-ated people have turned on their oppres-sors, and they should not happen. I appealto the Northern Alliance and all otherforces in Afghanistan to be restrained, toavoid acts of revenge and to engage withthe United Nations.

I believe that the whole House andcountry should welcome the progress thathas been made. Although conflict is nevereasy or pleasant, to see women and chil-dren smiling after years under one of themost brutal and oppressive regimes in theworld is finally to understand the truemeaning of the word “liberation”.

I would like to pay tribute to the out-standing leadership that President Bushhas given, and give heartfelt thanks to theBritish forces involved, now and in thefuture. There is no greater comfort to theBritish people than to know that we cancall on some of the best armed forces inthe world. Their work and their contribu-tion to Britain’s strength and internationalstanding is immense.

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I also pay tribute to European solidarity,to the countries of the European Unionthat have stood firm throughout this crisisand to our other coalition partners.

However, there remain huge chal-lenges—the military job is not yet done;Osama bin Laden is still at large, and soare his close associates; the diplomaticand political situation remains difficult;and the threat of an humanitarian crisisremains. The United Kingdom will contin-ue to play a full role in the military, diplo-matic and humanitarian aspects of thiscampaign, the objectives of which remainas set out in the document published inthe House Library on 16 October. So far,our forces have been involved in the airstrikes using Tomahawk missiles and haveprovided support to U.S. bombers. On theground, our forces have been involved inliaising and working with the NorthernAlliance, advising them and helping to co-ordinate action.

I can confirm to the House that severalthousand of our troops are being put on48-hour notice to move in case they arerequired in the area. Those include ele-ments from 3 Commando and 16 AirAssault Brigades, including 2nd Battalion,the Parachute Regiment and 45 Comman-do Royal Marines, as well as a range ofsupporting assets including RAF air trans-port, support helicopters, engineers, logis-tics teams and explosive ordnance experts.

For obvious reasons, I cannot give theHouse full details of how those troopsmay be used. Consultations with the Unit-ed States and our other coalition partnerscontinue. The main purpose of the troopswould be in the context of multinationalefforts to make safe the humanitarian sup-ply routes that are now opening up as aresult of military progress on the ground.Others may be focused on securing air-fields and clearing unexploded ordnance,and on ensuring the safe return of theUnited Nations and non-governmentalorganizations to Afghanistan, thereby per-mitting the construction of the broad-based Government that is so badly need-ed.

The troops will remain in place for onlya strictly limited period, while an interna-tional force to work alongside Afghanmilitary commanders is prepared. We can-not, of course, rule out some of our troopsbeing used in offensive front-line opera-tions—40 Commando Royal Marines

remain at a high state of readiness forcontingency operations.

On the humanitarian front, an averageof more than 2,000 tonnes of food a dayhas been dispatched since 4 November.That is four times the rate at the start ofOctober, when it was about 500 tonnes aday. The World Food Program is opti-mistic about reaching its targets: it hasdispatched more than 50,000 tonnes offood to Afghanistan since the beginning ofOctober—sufficient for 5 million peoplefor one month. We look forward, however,to the opening of a corridor from the lib-erated areas to the borders with Uzbek-istan and Tajikistan. In particular, theFriendship Bridge between Uzbekistanand Afghanistan will be made safe for thepassage of those supplies.

The U.N. and the International Commit-tee of the Red Cross should now be ableto improve delivery of food, health careand other assistance to 2 million vulnera-ble people in the northern region ofAfghanistan. Plans are now being madefor the international staff of the U.N., theRed Cross and NGOs to return toAfghanistan. In addition, we will be ableto accelerate deliveries to areas in centralAfghanistan, which will become harder toaccess as winter sets in, so that sufficientstockpiles can be built up closer to thepeople who need them. That will furtherreduce the suffering of the Afghan peopleand, I hope, show the rest of Afghanistanthat life for the entire nation will be betteronce the Taliban regime has gone.

The advance of the anti-Taliban forceshas been assisted by defections from disil-lusioned Taliban supporters. It is time forthe rest of Afghanistan—particularly theethnic groups in the south—to join theuprising against the Taliban and throw offtheir oppressive rule. The sooner they act,the greater the benefit for all the people inAfghanistan. The structure of post-TalibanAfghanistan will be for the Afghan peopleto determine. However, we will providestrong diplomatic and economic supportto the aspirations of Afghan parties com-mitted to an inclusive, democratic politicalstructure, committed to the welfare of allAfghan men, women and children, andcommitted to providing substantial localautonomy.

I spoke to Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, yesterday,and he outlined to me the process that will

now be followed. The first step will be anearly U.N.-convened meeting of represen-tatives of the various Afghan anti-Taliban

groups—including Pashtuns—under theU.N. special representative, Mr. Brahimi.This would lead to a transitional Adminis-tration. To support that process under Mr.Brahimi, the U.N. Security Council willbe adopting a resolution to underpin theprinciples on which Mr. Brahimi is work-ing.

The immediate next step is for the U.N.to establish a presence in Kabul. I amdelighted that Mr. Vendrell, U.N. deputyspecial representative for Afghanistan, andMike Sackett, U.N. humanitarian co-ordi-nator, plan to travel there on Friday. Weplan to have a U.K. diplomatic presence in

September 11, 2001


It is now clear that the Taliban regime arein a state of collapse across Afghanistan.Carefully targeted coalition bombing oftheir front lines opened the way for theNorthern Alliance to advance. The fall ofMazar-i-Sharif on 9 November was thekey to the north. It accelerated defectionsfrom the Taliban, and allowed GeneralDostam and Mohammed Atta of theNorthern Alliance to cut the lines ofcommunication of the remaining Talibanand al-Qaeda troops in the north-east.

One after another, Taliban positionsfolded: Taloqan, Baghlan, Bamiyan. Themajor city in the west, Herat, fell withouta fight, to Ismail Khan. Now we see thatthe strategy that we have pursued isequally successful in the Pushtun south ofthe country.

Kabul fell without serious resistance onMonday night. Key cities in the Pushtunsouth have followed Kabul swiftly, includ-ing Jalalabad. It is clear that support forthe Taliban is evaporating. Although theremay be pockets of resistance, the ideathat this has been some kind of tacticalretreat is just the latest Taliban lie. Theyare in total collapse.

Kabul by the weekend. I have also spokentoday to President Bush and to ChancellorSchroeder. The coalition is as strong todayas it has ever been.

In respect of the very basis of thisaction, we must never forget why we areengaged in it—it is because on 11 Sep-tember al-Qaeda perpetrated the worst ter-rorist outrage in history. It is to bring it tojustice and to eliminate it as a threat toworld affairs that we have been and areacting as we are.

Today, I have put in the Library anupdated version of the evidence documentfirst published on 4 October. The newdocument will be translated into Arabic,Urdu and other languages. The intelli-gence material now leaves no doubt what-ever of the guilt of Osama bin Laden andhis associates. On 4 October, we knewthat three of the hijackers were linked tothe al-Qaeda terrorist network; now weknow that the majority were. Indeed, theutterances from the al-Qaeda network andfrom bin Laden’s own mouth leave nodoubt: far from hiding their guilt, theygloat about it. On 9 October, one of binLaden’s spokesmen praised the 11 Sep-tember atrocities as “a good deed”, which“transferred the battle into the U.S. heart-land”. He warned that “the storm of planeattacks will not abate”.

On 20 October, bin Laden said in anunbroadcast video tape: “If avenging thekilling of our people is terrorism, let histo-ry be a witness that we are terrorists.”They are terrorists, and history will judgethem as such.

Before the history books are written,however, we will continue to hunt themdown, and we will continue to do so for aslong as it takes to bring them to the justicethey deserve. They are guilty and they willface justice, and today, thankfully, theyhave far fewer places to hide and far fewerpeople who wish to protect them.

As we have made clear from the outset,the campaign against terrorism is muchmore than a military campaign—it isdiplomatic, humanitarian, economic andlegal. It has meant changing our laws toprotect ourselves at home, and workingwith others to protect ourselves abroad.

Above all, at this moment, I say to thepeople of Afghanistan: “As we hunt downthose terrorists who committed murderand as we hunt down those who are hidingin your country, they and not you are our

enemy. This time, we will not walk away.Your future is in your hands, but ourhands are there in friendship to help youto shape that future.”

The people of Afghanistan have sufferedgrievously from a brutal regime, fromconflict, from famine and from drought.We want to see a country with a Govern-ment representing all the people ofAfghanistan, occupying a proud place inthe community of nations, growing eco-nomically, enriching its people and liber-ating their potential. Frankly, a countrythat has suffered so much deserves no lessthan a fresh start.

Let us be clear—the way that the worldembraces and supports the newAfghanistan will be the clearest possibleindication that the dreadful events of 11September have resulted in a triumph forthe international community acting togeth-er as a force for good, and in the defeat ofthe evil that is international terrorism. Ithink that we all know now that a saferworld is built, ultimately, out of securecountries representing all their people liv-ing in peace with their neighbors. That ishow terrorism will eventually be defeated,and that, step by step, must be the newinternational order that emerges from theworst terrorist outrage in our history.

Whatever the challenges and whateverthe setbacks along the way, I believe thatis a vision and a world worth fighting for.

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The Security Council,Reaffirming its previous resolutions on

Afghanistan, in particular resolutions 1267(1999) of 15 October 1999, 1333 (2000)of 19 December 2000 and 1363 (2001) of30 July 2001,

Supporting international efforts to rootout terrorism, in keeping with the Charterof the United Nations, and reaffirmingalso its resolutions 1368 (2001) of 12 Sep-tember 2001 and 1373 (2001) of 28 Sep-tember 2001,

Recognizing the urgency of the securityand political situation in Afghanistan inlight of the most recent developments,particularly in Kabul,

Condemning the Taliban for allowingAfghanistan to be used as a base for the

export of terrorism by the Al-Qaida net-work and other terrorist groups and forproviding safe haven to Usama Bin Laden,Al-Qaida and others associated with them,and in this context supporting the effortsof the Afghan people to replace the Tal-iban regime,

Welcoming the intention of the SpecialRepresentative to convene an urgent meet-ing of the various Afghan processes at anappropriate venue and calling on the Unit-ed Front and all Afghans represented inthose processes to accept his invitation tothat meeting without delay, in good faithand without preconditions,

Welcoming the Declaration on the Situa-tion in Afghanistan by the Foreign Minis-ters and other Senior Representatives ofthe Six plus Two of 12 November 2001,as well as the support being offered byother international groups, Taking note ofthe views expressed at the meeting of theSecurity Council on the situation inAfghanistan on 13 November 2001,

Endorsing the approach outlined by theSpecial Representative of the Secretary-General at the meeting of the SecurityCouncil on 13 November 2001, Reaffirm-ing its strong commitment to the sover-eignty, independence, territorial integrityand national unity of Afghanistan,

Deeply concerned by the grave humani-tarian situation and the continuing seriousviolations by the Taliban of human rightsand international humanitarian law,

1. Expresses its strong support for theefforts of the Afghan people to establish anew and transitional administration lead-ing to the formation of a government, bothof which:

• should be broad-based, multi-ethnicand fully representative of all the Afghanpeople and committed to peace withAfghanistan’s neighbors,

• should respect the human rights of allAfghan people, regardless of gender, eth-nicity or religion,

• should respect Afghanistan’s interna-tional obligations, including by cooperat-ing fully in international efforts to combatterrorism and illicit drug trafficking withinand from Afghanistan, and

• should facilitate the urgent delivery ofhumanitarian assistance and the orderlyreturn of refugees and internally displacedpersons, when the situation permits;

2. Calls on all Afghan forces to refrainfrom acts of reprisal, to adhere strictly to

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their obligations under human rights andinternational humanitarian law, and toensure the safety and security and free-dom of movement of United Nations andassociated personnel, as well as personnelof humanitarian organizations;

3. Affirms that the United Nationsshould play a central role in supportingthe efforts of the Afghan people to estab-lish urgently such a new and transitionaladministration leading to the formation ofa new government and expresses its fullsupport for the Secretary-General’s Spe-cial Representative in the accomplishmentof his mandate, and calls on Afghans, bothwithin Afghanistan and among the Afghandiaspora, and Member States to cooperatewith him;

4. Calls on Member States to provide:• support for such an administration and

government, including through the imple-mentation of quick-impact projects,

• urgent humanitarian assistance to alle-viate the suffering of Afghan people bothinside Afghanistan and Afghan refugees,including in demining, and

• long-term assistance for the social andeconomic reconstruction and rehabilitationof Afghanistan and welcomes initiativestowards this end;

5. Encourages Member States to sup-port efforts to ensure the safety and secu-rity of areas of Afghanistan no longerunder Taliban control, and in particular toensure respect for Kabul as the capital forall the Afghan people, and especially toprotect civilians, transitional authorities,United Nations and associated personnel,as well as personnel of humanitarian orga-nizations;

6. Decides to remain actively seized ofthe matter.

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Taliban leader Mullah Mohammad Omarwas interviewed by the BBC Pashtoservice. The BBC asked the questionsthrough a Taliban intermediary oversatellite phone. He passed them on to theTaliban leader through a hand-heldradio and then attached the phone’sreceiver to the radio for Mullah Omar’sanswers.

Q. What do you think of the current sit-uation in Afghanistan?

Mullah Mohammad Omar. You (theBBC) and American puppet radios havecreated concern. But the current situationin Afghanistan is related to a biggercause—that is the destruction of America.

And on the other hand, the screening ofTaleban [for those who are or are notloyal] is also in process. We will see thesethings happen within a short while.

Q. What do you mean by the destruc-tion of America? Do you have a con-crete plan to implement this?

Mullah Mohammad Omar. The plan isgoing ahead and, God willing, it is beingimplemented.

But it is a huge task, which is beyondthe will and comprehension of humanbeings.

If God’s help is with us, this will hap-pen within a short period of time; keep inmind this prediction.

Q. Osama Bin Laden has reportedlythreatened that he would use nuclear,chemical or biological weapons againstAmerica. Is your threat related to his?

Mullah Mohammad Omar. This is nota matter of weapons. We are hopeful forGod’s help. The real matter is the extinc-tion of America. And, God willing, it[America] will fall to the ground.

Q. During the past few days, you havelost control of several provinces. Areyou hopeful to regain the lost territory?

Mullah Mohammad Omar. We arehopeful that you will see the same kind ofchange that you saw [losing and regainingterritory].

Q. What was the reason for the fastretreat? Why have your troops fled thecities? Is it because you suffered heavilyfrom the U.S. bombings or have yoursoldiers betrayed you?

Mullah Mohammad Omar. I told youthat it is related to the larger task.

The Taleban may have made some mis-takes.

Screening the Taleban [for loyalty] is abig task. And these problems may serve tocleanse [errant Taleban] of their sins. But

there is a big change underway on theother side as well.

Q. Can you tell us which provincesare under your control at the moment?

Mullah Mohammad Omar. We havefour-five provinces. But it is not importanthow many provinces we have under ourcontrol.

Once we did not have a single province,and then the time came when we had allthe provinces, which we have lost in aweek. So the numbers of the provinces arenot important.

Q. As your participation in the futuregovernment has already been ruledout—if some of your forces decide tojoin the future government as represen-tatives of the Taleban in general or tomoderate Taleban, will you oppose it?

Mullah Mohammad Omar. There isno such thing in the Taleban. All Talebanare moderate. There are two things:extremism [“ifraat”, or doing something toexcess] and conservatism [“tafreet”, ordoing something insufficiently]. So in thatsense, we are all moderates—taking themiddle path.

The struggle for a broad-based govern-ment has been going on for the last 20years, but nothing came of it.

We will not accept a government ofwrong-doers. We prefer death than to be apart of an evil government.

I tell you, keep this in mind. This is myprediction. You believe it or not—it’s upto you. But we will have to wait and see.

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Secretary Rumsfeld. I think what I’ll dois just let General Franks give you a senseof what’s taking place in Afghanistan, andhis assessment. We’re going to be havingmeetings later this afternoon with theprincipals of the National Security Coun-cil. And then, tomorrow morning, we’llhave a National Security Council meetingwhere a number of us will be on securevideo, which we’ve done on a number of

September 11, 2001


occasions. And General Franks will thenreturn back to his headquarters in Tampa.

General Franks. Thank you, sir.

Secretary Rumsfeld. General Franks.

General Franks. Where we find our-selves today, I think it’s important that wepause, reflect a bit and remember the mis-sion that we undertook when we startedthese operations, just after the 11th ofSeptember. That mission was the destruc-tion of the al Qaeda network. That mis-sion involved the destruction of the Tal-iban regime that harbored the al Qaedanetwork.

Now, since the 7th of October, there’sbeen a lot of discussion, and certainlythere will continue to be discussion, aboutthe number of tanks destroyed. There willcontinue to be discussion about the airdefense systems destroyed. We’ll continueto talk about the territorial gains or thegeographical gains that have been madeby opposition.

But what’s important to us is thedestruction of the al Qaeda network, a ter-rorist network with global reach. So weremain fixed on that mission, as well ason the Taliban that provides safe harborfor that.

As we have moved through this, wehave worked hard with the Department ofState on the humanitarian assistanceeffort. That humanitarian assistance effortgets better, that situation gets better everyday. I learned this morning that over thelast three days, more than 6,500 metrictons of humanitarian supplies have beenbrought into the interior of Afghanistanfor the Afghan people—large numbers ofpeople. And we intend to continue to pro-vide support to agencies, nongovernmen-tal agencies, international organizations,other nations who are working humanitar-ian assistance.

Our operations are on the timelinewhich I have described each time I’vespoken with you. We in fact have the ini-tiative. We intend to maintain that initia-tive, and as the Taliban fractures, we’llcontinue to be about the mission that Idescribed initially—the destruction of theal Qaeda terrorist network and the Talibanwhich sponsors al Qaeda. That objectivehas not changed. We’ll remain steady onthe course.

And I think at this point, Mr. Secretary,I’ll stop and take questions.

Charlie?

Q. General Franks, you said that youremain fixed on the mission and thatthe destruction of al Qaeda’s calm outhere. You’ve had two bombing raids inthe past two days in Kandahar andKabul that have gone after senior lead-ership. You say that leaders have beenkilled—you can’t say whether they’resenior or not. My point is, are you goingto have to eventually put troops on theground—troops on the ground, Ameri-can and allied Western troops—to rootthese people out if they go to caves?

General Franks. Charlie, a differentday, of course, but same question. Will weat some point put conventional forces onthe ground? I think our president and Iknow the secretary has said many timesthat we will not take the issue of conven-tional forces off the table. This certainlyremains an option.

What I would do at this point is remindthat we do have Special Forces on theground now. We have our teams withthese opposition leaders. And so this givesus the capability to have situational aware-ness, not to an extent, I’d be quick to add,that we’d like to have, because these smallteams, these small numbers we have onthe ground certainly can’t be everywhereall the time. But we do have situationalawareness and we believe that we’ll beable to know what’s going on as a resultof each one of these efforts which youdescribed.

Q. General Franks, may I ask you, onthe humanitarian front, now that theTaliban have been largely removedfrom the north, is the environmentthere benign enough that internationalorganizations rather than the U.S. mili-tary could take the lead on the humani-tarian relief?

General Franks. It is premature to saythat things are stable enough in northernAfghanistan so that we should feel verycomfortable with all of our humanitarianresupply efforts. I’ll use the case ofMazar-e Sharif. Mazar-e Sharif is in fact,according to the accounts we have, ascalm as a city could be after the years of

turmoil that Mazar-e Sharif has beenthrough and the fact that we just had amajor battle there but a few days ago. Theroute from Termez, Uzbekistan, to thesouth down to Mazar-e Sharif, we havehad our people on several times, and theyhave not been fired on. However, what wewant to do is, we want to have an opportu-nity to look over the territory. We want tospend two or three days to be sure—sothat we satisfy ourselves that the environ-ment in places like Mazar-e Sharif issecure enough for these non-governmentalorganizations and international organiza-tions to be comfortable that they can dowhat they want to do.

And I think it’s important to note thatwe certainly will not be giving theminstructions. What we will be doing is giv-ing them information, upon which theycan base their decisions about where tomove the humanitarian assistance.

Q. General Franks, yesterday, theteams in the South doing interdictionwere talked about, that they’re settingup roadblocks at some points. What aretheir rules of engagement?

General Franks. Their rules of engage-ment are the standing rules of engagementthat we use with our—with all of ourforces. When they’re threatened, whenproperty is threatened, when they come incontact with enemy forces identified asenemy, they destroy those—they destroythose forces.

Q. Have there been—

Secretary Rumsfeld. In the back.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can I ask the two ofyou a question each? Is that permissi-ble? I know only one question, but sincetwo of you august gentlemen are there?I’d like to start with General Franks if Imay. General, do you feel exoneratedafter the criticism in the past last timeyou were here that your campaign is tootimid? And is the Taliban nowdestroyed as a viable fighting force?

General Franks. Sir, the second ques-tion first. The Taliban is not destroyed asan effective fighting force from the levelof one individual man carrying a weaponuntil that individual man puts down his

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weapon. And so there still is a capable—capable fighting force on the side of theTaliban. We’ll continue to do our best toeliminate that force of the Taliban. Thesecretary has previously referred to this as“draining the swamp.”

Your first question, about do I feel betterabout this in the face of criticism—I willtell you that this is like the National Foot-ball League. And if we were to go throughthis worrying about each time that a line-backer takes a shot for the Tampa BayBuccaneers, we’d get little else done. Andso no, sir, I don’t feel exonerated, becauseI never felt vilified. I am simply a soldierdoing his job, and I’ll continue to do that.

* * * *

Q. General, I’d like to ask you aboutthe objective of destroying al Qaeda.This seems to be one of the key objec-tives, since they’ve been blamed for theSeptember 11th attacks. Could you giveus your assessment of how far the mili-tary campaign has achieved thoseobjectives of destroying al Qaeda?

General Franks. I think it’s a greatquestion. I think that since we started towork on this campaign, we have said thatit’s all about condition setting followed byour attaining our objectives. The firstthing we did was set conditions to beginto take down the tactical air defense andall of that. So we set conditions and thenwe did that. The next thing we did was setconditions with these Special Forcesteams and the positioning of our aviationassets to be able to take the Taliban apartor fracture it. And we did that.

All the while, we have been setting con-ditions to be able to get closer and closerto the core values of this campaign, whichare the ones to which you made referenceas well as what the secretary just said.And so we continue to set conditions. It’sbeen said that we are tightening the noose,and in fact that is the case. We’re tighten-ing the noose. It’s a matter of time.

Q. General, can you talk a little bitabout the Special Forces troops in theSouth? Are they in touch with the Pash-tun tribes, and if so, how many of thetribes? Are they offering advice, arms,whatever?

General Franks. I’ll give you a generalanswer by saying that—in many cases wetalk about “the Northern Alliance.” In fact,each time I talk about this, I talk about“opposition groups.” In fact we do havesome of these teams with oppositiongroups in the South.

Yes. Q. What are they doing, can you say?

Just advice, or initial contacts or—

General Franks. They are providinginitial contact. They provide advice. Theyfacilitate resupply activities. And they alsoassist in calling in close air support.

Q. Offering any arms to them aswell?

General Franks. Yes, they offer armsas well.

Q. Can either of you describe the situ-ation in Konduz, what your estimate isof the real fighting force, the core forcethere? There is apparently a nasty situ-ation that is developing. And secondly,your assessment of Kandahar and sortof where that appears to be at thismoment.

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’ll take Konduzand he can have Kandahar. (Light laugh-ter.) The—I don’t know for sure—maybeyou do, Tommy—but in Konduz, I suspectthere’s—it’s heavily al Qaeda, as—mixedin with probably a number of people fromother countries, as well as some Taliban.But the fighting has been fierce, and it—and the last I checked, this morning, itwas still continuing.

General Franks. Sir, I think that’sexactly right about Konduz. The estimate,I think—and one should be careful withnumbers, but based—just based on hon-esty, I will tell you my appreciation rightnow is that that number may be 2,000 to3,000, heavily infested, as the secretarysaid, with some of the more hard-corepeople. And so yes, that fight does contin-ue in Konduz.

With regard to Kandahar, we have—weare working with several oppositiongroups in the vicinity of Kandahar. We areapplying pressure in the vicinity of Kan-dahar. And we have said over the last cou-

ple—three, four days that in fact we havespecial operating forces operating in thatvicinity as well, working on the routes,interdicting traffic. And so that’s what wefind in Kandahar. Kandahar is still verymuch under threat control, although we dosee signs of some fracturing there as well.

Q. To what extent, General Franks,do you expect you may need to fight aguerrilla war—a counter-guerrilla warin Afghanistan for the next stage?

General Franks. It’s—pardon the quip,but Yogi talks about the difficulty in pre-diction, especially when it has to do withthe future. It’s very difficult to predict.

I will tell you that the term we use todescribe our Special Forces is “unconven-tional warfare forces.” Does that meanthat I predict that we will wind up goingup into the mountains in pursuit of thesegroups the secretary mentioned earlier?No, I won’t predict that. I will simply tellyou that the lines of operation whichwe’re undertaking at this point are satisfy-ing to us, and we intend to continue onthose lines of operation.

Q. Mr. Secretary and General Franks,now that the Taliban has abandoned somuch territory around the country,have you been able to put people on theground to check sites where bin Ladenand his associates may have been work-ing on chemical or biological weapons?And if so, what have you found?

General Franks. The secretary—that’s—that also is a good question,because the secretary asked me that yes-terday, and then we discussed it just a fewminutes ago.

The first thing that we did was take alook at all of the intelligence feeds, thatwe have had over a prolonged period oftime, over the last two or three months, toget the potential locations of WMD-relat-ed efforts. Now we are about the businessof checking those sites out as they fallinto—as they fall under our control. Howlong will this take? Well, this will not besomething that we’ll be reporting every 24hours, because the situation inAfghanistan is still very fluid. But we’reabout doing that business now.

Q. What do you find?

September 11, 2001


General Franks. We have no substan-tial findings to this point.

* * * *

Q. I know this is putting the horsebefore the cart in a little way, butalready the U.N. is talking about a fol-low-on peacekeeping force forAfghanistan, and Great Britain hascommitted some number of troops tothat. Is that in a realm of possibility forthe United States? Will we see U.S.troops on the ground in a peacekeepingforce? Or are they going to be so busywith the continuing war on terrorismthat we can’t spare them for thateffort?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I think the latteris the case. The—and I want to be clearthat the United States may very welldecide that at some point, they want to putsome additional forces on the ground, forexample, for the purpose of repairing anairstrip or making an airport habitable andfunctional and have the force protectionthat it might require to service variousactivities, military activities that we’reengaged in, such as going after al Qaedaor Taliban leadership, or even possibly toassist in preparing the ground for largerhumanitarian efforts at some location. Butin terms of taking U.S. forces and havingthem become a part of a semi-permanentpeacekeeping activity in the country, Ithink that’s highly unlikely.

* * * *

Q. We haven’t had a chance to ask youyet about this executive order setting upmilitary commissions to try terrorists.So I guess I’d like to get your view onthis; what role you see yourself playing,what role you see the military playing.And I guess the practical question, isthe U.S. military prepared to try Osamabin Laden, Mullah Omar and the restof them?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’d have to goback and check, but I think technically itmay not be an executive order, it may be amilitary order by the commander in chiefto the secretary of Defense, if I’m notmistaken. I’d have to check that. [ Militaryorder ]

It is—what you’ve seen reported, it’s a

matter of public record, and it is some-thing that I have decided needs to be dealtwith in a very appropriate and measuredway. And I am asking some people in theDepartment to invest some of their time toreview the historical records and to—asyou know, this is a mechanism that has along history in our country, dating back tothe—I believe the Revolutionary War, andin most wars since.

It is—these people will come back tome with some recommendations as to howthe Department itself ought to be preparedto deal with that issue, in the event thatone or more individuals are assigned tothe Department for that purpose.

And it is in the very, very early stages.And I really—and I have not received anythoughts from anyone else yet, and I havea healthy respect for the importance ofthis and doing it correctly from the begin-ning.

And as a result, I’m disinclined to dis-cuss it, probably for some period of time,until we have had a chance to think itthrough, decide what sort of proceduresand criteria and approaches we wouldwant to take.

Q. Can I just ask you—you saidyou’ve asked for advice on this mat-ter—do you have in your own mind anymajor issues that you have presented toyour advisers, major concerns, issues,elements of this that you have said,“This is what I want an answer to”?What’s the major question in yourmind on this?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, what I’vedone is discussed it with the general coun-sel of the Department of Defense and toldhim that I felt that this was an importantissue for the Department, for the country,for the president, and it is not somethingwe want to deal with on an ad hoc basis asit happens; we want to, at the very outset,to have thought it through very carefullyand to establish—to take a look at alterna-tive approaches as to how it might bedealt with, to take a look at the kinds ofprocedures and measures one would wantto take to be very careful about how it wasdone so that it is launched and engaged inthe Department properly from the verybeginning, rather than having to get start-ed and find it would have been better todo it another way and have to make a cor-

rection. So we’re—I am approaching it in a very

measured and conservative, cautious—

Q. Mr. Secretary, why the military?

Secretary Rumsfeld.—prudent—pru-dent, reasonable way.

Q. Why the military rather than civil-ian? Is this the idea of summary courtmartials and executions? Why the mili-tary rather than—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Charlie, what isthis “summary court martials and execu-tions”?!

Q. But I mean, why the—

Secretary Rumsfeld. I’m shocked thatthose words even came out of your mouth.

Q. Why the—

Secretary Rumsfeld. This is a decisionby the president. He has announced it. It’sa matter of public record. It is a mecha-nism that has been used throughout thehistory of this country. And we willapproach it in a manner distinctly differentfrom that which you’ve suggested.

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The campaign against terrorism continues.As you all know, the opposition forces inAfghanistan, with a good deal of helpfrom the coalition forces, had made goodprogress last week. Our immediate mili-tary objectives remain the destruction ofthe al Qaeda network, the Taliban leader-ship, and the end of Afghanistan as aplace where terrorists are harbored.

We’ve been targeting command-and-control activities and successfully hitting anumber of them, particularly in the lastweek or so. As I said on Friday, we havewhat seems to be authoritative reports thata very senior al Qaeda leader, MohammedAtef, was killed last week. But I also wantto emphasize that as enemy leadersbecome fewer and fewer, it does not nec-essarily mean that the task will becomeeasier. People can hide in caves for long

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periods, and this will take time. The delivery of humanitarian aid

remains a priority. We are now out of thestrictly airdrop stage, so to speak, and areturning the efforts towards rebuildingsome roads and bridges and restoringother infrastructure so that substantialamounts of aid that will be needed beforethe onset of winter can be moved into thecountry, particularly from the area northof Mazar-e Sharif.

In this regard, the recent victoriesagainst the Taliban and their terrorist allieshave brought some very gratifying dis-plays of Afghanistan’s newly restoredfreedom. Nowhere is this more the casethan with regard to the condition ofwomen in the country—a problem thatI’ve made periodic reference to since theonset of this campaign. In the wake of thefirst lady’s report on Saturday, I woulddraw your attention to a State Departmentdocument which was published over theweekend.

Before the Taliban took power, Afghanwomen were protected by law, had impor-tant freedoms, were active participants inthe society. Indeed, in 1977, women madeup some 15 percent of the Afghanistanhighest legislative body. By the early1990s, women comprised something like70 percent of the schoolteachers, 50 per-cent of the government workers. And 40percent of the doctors in Kabul werewomen.

Then the Taliban took over, and theyforbade schooling for girls over the age ofeight, banned women from working,restricted their access to medical care, andbrutally enforced restrictive dress codes,and even beat women for the crime oflaughing in public. Now, with Taliban inretreat, the people of Afghanistan, andespecially the women, are free of thatrepression.

Let me add that just as the U.S. navaland air forces and the Special Forces havethus far done a very good job during thecampaign, U.S. Special Operations arenow doing the same on the ground.

They have gathered information onenemy troop movements. They’ve foundtargets for U.S. aircraft. They’ve blockad-ed roads in search of fleeing Taliban lead-ers and al Qaeda leaders. And last week,as you know, they—with the help of somefolks in the Northern Alliance, they—Spe-cial Operations forces flew to safety some

eight detainees that had been held for thepast three months.

On Wednesday I plan to go visit FortBragg, North Carolina, to salute the quick,resourceful, and powerful part of our cam-paign. All of us at DoD are proud of thismulti-service force.

Before taking questions, I should notethat the war on terrorism is still in itsearly stages. Perseverance and will andpatience and sacrifice is going to berequired in the months ahead, and whilethe nature of what’s taking place is chang-ing, it is going to be no less difficult.

* * * *

Q. Is there another agency of the U.S.government conducting military opera-tions more or less on its own inAfghanistan? And if so, how do you feelabout that?

Secretary Rumsfeld. There isn’t. TheCIA, just to get it right up on the table,has had individuals in the country. Theyhave been working very closely with indi-viduals we’ve had in the country. Andthey’ve been doing a darn good job. Andthey certainly are—in some instances,they preceded us, so they were active priorto the time U.S. military entered. SinceU.S. military have been involved, they aretucked in very tight with the U.S. military,and the reporting relationship goes upthrough the CINC. You can only have oneperson with his hand on the steeringwheel, and that’s General Tommy Franks.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you had mentionedearlier that the U.S. is not inclined tonegotiate nor to accept prisoners. Couldyou just elaborate what you meant by“nor to accept prisoners”?

Secretary Rumsfeld. We have onlyhandfuls of people there. We don’t havejails, we don’t have guards, we don’t havepeople who—we’re not in a position tohave people surrender to us. If people tryto, we are declining. That is not whatwe’re there to do, is to begin acceptingprisoners and impounding them in someway or making judgments. That’s for theNorthern Alliance and that’s for the tribesin the South to make their own judgmentson that.

Q. So they would be taking—you’renot suggesting they would be shot, inother words.

Secretary Rumsfeld. Oh, my goodness,no! You sound like Charlie! (Laughs.)Summary—summary—I remember thatline.

* * * *

Q. But there are allegedly these negotia-tions. There are calls for perhaps theU.N. coming in and intervening. Youwould not be in favor of either thenegotiations or the U.N. coming in tointervene in that particular fight? Isthat—

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I’m not in aposition to have really an opinion on it.The—you know, the U.N. is going to dowhat it wants to do, but my—any idea thatthose people in that town who have beenfighting so viciously and who refuse tosurrender should end up in some sort of anegotiation which would allow them toleave the country and go off and destabi-lize other countries and engage in terroristattacks on the United States is somethingthat I would certainly do everything Icould to prevent.

September 11, 2001


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Secretary Powell. Thank you, Al, andgood morning, everyone. And I, too, wantto join in welcoming you all here andthanking you for coming at such shortnotice.

Answering the call of the UnitedNations Security Council Resolution1378, we have come together today todemonstrate our commitment to the reha-bilitation and reconstruction ofAfghanistan, and to the future of its 25million people. President Bush, SecretaryO’Neill and I wish to express our grati-tude to the Government of Japan and Mrs.Ogata, Prime Minister Koizumi’s SpecialRepresentative for Afghan Assistance, forco-hosting this conference. And I wish tothank all of you, the senior representativesof foreign finance and development min-istries of key partner countries and inter-national institutions for traveling all theway to Washington on such short notice.

Events on the ground are moving swift-ly. My government and our coalition part-ners are pleased to report that the Talibanis in retreat in most of the country. Thevery ones who harbored Usama bin Ladenand his al-Qaida terrorist network nowsearch in vain for someone to harborthem. As the Taliban’s grip on power isbroken in more and more parts of thecountry, the long-suffering people ofAfghanistan are taking their future intotheir own hands once again. Yet we all

know that will also take a long, concertedeffort by all of us to ensure that the peopleof Afghanistan have their feet set firmlyon the path to recovery, stability anddevelopment.

All of us know that the internationalcommunity must be prepared to sustain areconstruction program that will takemany, many years. This must be a globaleffort involving East Asia, Europe, theAmericas, the Islamic world, and coun-tries of the region. And we must achieveseamless connections between reconstruc-tion and relief and development efforts.

The vast majority of the Afghan peopleawaken hungry, cold and sick every morn-ing. An entire generation of Afghans havenever known peace, never known a fullstomach, never known a decent education,never known what freedom is all about.

The United States and our coalitionpartners, the United Nations and others,all of us in the international community,are moving quickly to provide lifesavinghumanitarian supplies. Withdrawals ofTaliban forces have opened up more andmore regions of Afghanistan to interna-tional relief efforts. The American peopleare proud that the United States has longbeen the leading humanitarian donor toAfghanistan. And in October, PresidentBush announced an additional allocationof $320 million specifically to helpAfghan refugees—Afghan refugees thatare located in neighboring countries andthe displaced persons within Afghanistanitself.

The international community’s vitalhumanitarian work clearly must continueand gain pace as the Taliban retreats andthe winter gets ever closer. The time hasalready arrived, however, to look beyondjust immediate humanitarian needs to therehabilitation and reconstruction of thecountry. We must seek and seize opportu-nities to begin reconstruction as areas ofthe country are freed from Taliban control.We cannot wait; we must act as fast as wecan. We must act as soon as possible.

At the same time, the international com-munity will be unable to carry out recon-struction on the scale that is needed untilthere is an Afghan partner. This requiresthe emergence of an interim politicalauthority. Such an authority must lead to abroad-based government that representsall the people of the country, people ofevery ethnic background and region,

women as well as men. Indeed, in all ofour efforts, relief, rehabilitation and recon-struction, we must ensure that womenplay prominent roles as planners, asimplementers and as beneficiaries.

In order to survive through the years offear and misery, the women and men ofAfghanistan drew deeply on their courage,their ingenuity, their skill and, above all,on their faith. With our close cooperationand the disciplined management of theassistance we provide, we can help theAfghan people draw on those samestrengths to recover and to thrive in a 21stcentury world.

Success, of course, ultimately dependson the will of the people of Afghanistanand their legitimate representatives tobuild a free society with free markets anda stable, drug-free environment in whichpolitical and economic freedom and activ-ity can flourish.

We have called you here together todaynot for a pledging conference. We do notyet know how much money and otherforms of rehabilitation and reconstructionassistance will be needed from the inter-national community. The security situationin Afghanistan does not yet allow a com-prehensive needs assessment. But we areconfident that such an evaluation can andshould be made soon.

Our meeting today is a crucial start, thestart of a long process, one that must growto include many other countries than thoserepresented here, and many other organi-zations that will have important contribu-tions to make as we go forward. It isimperative that we begin today to addressin a systematic way the many practicalissues of transition and reconstruction thatlie ahead.

One important step would be to orga-nize a steering group to help focus ourefforts at the policy level, encourage con-tributions and give overall guidance. Thesteering group would collaborate closelywith the Afghan support group’s work onhumanitarian relief. We hope that thesteering group would convene in themonth ahead. It would take into accountthe meeting next week in Islamabad ofrepresentatives from the World Bank, theU.N. Development Program, and theAsian Development Bank. As soon as it isfeasible, we would also envision formingan implementation group, which wouldfocus on operational matters, such as

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V. November 20-December 5, 2001:Addressing ImmediateNeeds and Planningfor Transition inAfghanistan

coordinating reconstruction programs inthe field. It will be especially important inthe first weeks and months of this pro-gram to put all these pieces in place so wecan make sure we have an immediate, vis-ible impact on people’s lives.

For the first time in decades, the peopleof Afghanistan have reason to hope forthemselves and for their children. Togeth-er, we can make that hope tangible andreal. That is exactly what rehabilitationand reconstruction assistance is all about:Turning hope into a powerful force thatshapes a better future for the Afghan peo-ple, their region and our world.

We have a noble task before us. Presi-dent Bush is totally committed to thistask. He has said from the very beginningwe will go after Usama bin Laden, wewill go after al-Qaida. If the Talibanregime does not understand the crimesthat they are committing as well, we willgo after them. But when al-Qaida is gone,when the Taliban regime has passed intohistory, as the President said, we thenhave an enormous obligation—not onlythe United States, but the whole interna-tional community—an enormous obliga-tion to not leave the Afghan people in thelurch, to not walk away as has been donein the past. We are committed to doingjust that, as the President said, to helpthem find hope and to make that hope areality.

I now have the great honor of yieldingthe floor to an old friend, Mrs. Ogata, inand of herself a powerful force for good inthe world, as well as an invaluable sourceof wisdom on the interrelationshipsbetween relief, rehabilitation and recon-struction efforts. Mrs. Ogata, you have ourdeepest admiration and rapt attention.

Minister Ogata. Secretary Powell, Sec-retary O’Neill, distinguished guests, ladiesand gentlemen, thank you very much forbeing here and thank you very much forthe opportunity that I have been given.

Afghanistan is at a crossroads. The capi-tal, Kabul, is in the hands of the NorthernAlliance and the Special Representative ofthe Secretary General and his U.N. col-leagues already have flown into the city tohelp establish a transitioning governingbody and to engage in assistance activitiesinside the country. After 22 years,Afghanistan could be on the verge ofpeace. But it could still face a prolonged

period of fragmentation with movingpockets of insecurity.

Today, we gather to discuss for the firsttime as an international community theissue of the reconstruction of Afghanistan.It is to focus our thoughts on the futurevision of the country, pledge our readinessto provide effective and sustained support,and to give hope to the Afghan people.

The Japanese people and governmenthave taken great interest in the situation inAfghanistan and the Prime Minister per-sonally has asked me to represent him. Iwould say that Japan has a record of sup-porting Afghan people in their efforts tohelp repatriation and reintegration ofrefugees, to demine the heavily infestedareas within the country, and to promotedialogue among different Afghan partiesfor political reconciliation.

In this context, it has proposed over theyears to host a conference in Tokyo forthe peace and reconstruction ofAfghanistan. It is a pleasure, therefore, forJapan to co-chair this meeting as a furtherstep to realize its longstanding commit-ment, together with the United States andother like-minded countries.

Before proceeding, however, I wish torecall the terrorist attacks of September11th in New York and in Washington, andto extend again our sympathies to theinnocent victims. I should also like toemphasize that the threat of terrorism hasnot been overcome. The internationalcommunity must continue to fight for itseradication. One lesson we have learned isthat we should not allow the continuedexistence of a failed or a destitute countrythat could turn into a hotbed of terrorism.

Allow me to say a few words about myown involvement. The Afghans have beenthe largest group of refugees in the world,and the people of Afghanistan have beensuffering from war and deprivation overthe decades. As the U.N. High Commis-sioner for Refugees for 10 years, I wasdirectly exposed to their voices of grief.Just last year, I made an extensive visitthrough Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iranand tried my very best to mobilize inter-national support. I’m afraid my efforts fellon deaf ears.

The international community was tooindifferent towards the Afghans. And Ibelieve the time has now come to learn ofour past failures.

First, the present developments in

Afghanistan have significantly enhancedthe urgency and the possibility to extendhumanitarian assistance. While continuingassistance to the refugee hosting neighbor-ing countries, the humanitarian assistanceactivities should move quickly insideAfghanistan. The emergent needs of thereturning refugees and displaced persons,as well as affected civilians are huge,whether in food, shelter, water or health.The efforts of the humanitarian agenciesshould be given strong support by thedonor states, notably by the Afghan Sup-port Group, which will be meeting verysoon. The security of the humanitarianworkers should receive priority attention,as the situation in Afghanistan is far fromsafe or stable.

Second, the transitional phase fromhumanitarian assistance activities toreconstruction is a priority issue thatshould receive the full attention of thismeeting. Reconstruction will certainlyrequire significant financial resources andtechnical skills from the internationalcommunity. The roads are bad, and I’veexperienced that. The housing is poor.Health and education facilities are virtual-ly nonexistent. But what I wish to empha-size is the focus on the reintegration andcommunity development activities as therallying point for the transition and, assuch, should be addressed by both thehumanitarian and the reconstruction agen-cies.

Both should hold people building astheir action point. The humanitarian agen-cies have a cadre of local staff, localNGOs and local professionals who couldcontribute to the rebuilding of the Afghansociety. The development agencies haveaccess to the technical and professionalAfghan expertise scattered all over theworld and particularly in the neighboringcountries. Together, they will provide thenecessary Afghan men and women whowill be the mainstay of Afghan society atthe local, provincial and national levels. Inthis connection, I wish to underscore theimportance of introducing Afghan womento positions of leadership as well as ofproviding them with necessary education-al and training opportunities. They havebeen deprived for far too long and theyhave a great deal to offer.

In closing, I wish to concur with thestatement of the Special Representative ofthe Secretary General, Brahimi, when he

September 11, 2001


clearly stated at the Security Council lastweek that reconstruction of Afghanistanwill be the “key to bringing peace and sta-bility to that country and is at the heart ofthe political transition.” Thank you verymuch.

I would like to call on SecretaryO’Neill.

Secretary O’Neill. It is a pleasure to behere with Secretary Powell and MadamOgata to welcome you to this conference,which is of great importance. The factsthat we confront in Afghanistan staggerthe imagination, with an annual averageincome of less than $200 per person, in aplace where one out of every six childrendie before their first birthday, in a placewhere two-thirds of the people are not lit-erate, and where only 13 percent of thepopulation has access to water and eventhat 13 percent is at risk for the water theydo have.

We face as a world a daunting chal-lenge, a challenge that represents the factsof decades of mismanagement and worse.And I think it calls out for those of uswho care about economic developmentand standards of living to demonstratethat, in fact, we can produce in a rapidprocess a humanitarian aid that directlyaddresses the issue of starvation and mal-nutrition, that provides safe and securewater supplies and warm clothing andblankets. And those efforts have alreadybegun with the shipments of thousands oftons of supplies. But the humanitarianeffort will be and must be stepped up.And, together, we must plan that as thefirst line of activity for and with the peo-ple of Afghanistan.

In the intermediate term, our challengeis to help the Afghans create the basis fora stable society, a disciplined rule of law,with enforceable contracts, the basic insti-tutions of a civilized society. Schools needto be built and rebuilt. Hospitals need tobe provided, so that the elements ofdecent living can be created inAfghanistan and done quickly after thesedecades of neglect. Food security needs tobe assured.

And then we need to work with theAfghanis to move beyond the beginningstages of democracy and representationwith everyone having representation, tocreate the basis for a sustainable, growingeconomy, so that the people are able to

generate their own basic services and notbe a dependency of the world but a thriv-ing economic place of their own makingand to see them sustain it will be the realreward.

This necessarily needs to include allAfghanis and it is heartbreaking to see thedegree to which women have been inten-tionally suppressed over these recentyears. So there is an immediate thing thatwe can do to give voice to the unfairnessof the treatment that has been provided ona basis of gender and religious belief andethnic differences. And those of us fromaround the rest of the world can help toshow that it need not be this way, it cannotbe this way and it will not be this way.

Our goal is a more peaceful and pros-perous world for all the people of allfaiths and nationalities. Achieving thisgoal will require a long-term, sustainedcommitment from all of us. And this gath-ering is just the first step in that process inthis particular place. Because the need isso clear and compelling, it is my hope thatwe will demonstrate to the world that notonly we care, but we know how to changeconditions quickly in a way that make adifference in Afghan life. And Afghanistancan become a demonstration of what theworld can do when we join together tobring experience and intelligence of gen-erations to the task.

I wish you well in your formulatingactivity, and expect to be involved, as wehave further conferences, to begin thedetailed work of giving meaning and reali-ty to these ideas.

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Secretary Colin Powell and SecretaryGeneral Kofi Annan delivered theirremarks after meeting in Washington,D.C.

Secretary Powell. Well, good afternoonladies and gentlemen. It’s been my plea-sure to receive once again Secretary Gen-eral Kofi Annan, who has been here in thecourse of the day to meet with PresidentBush, to receive a number of awards inthe course of the day befitting the contri-butions that he has made to peace and

humankind, and we are especially pleasedto have him in Washington, just about onthe eve of his departure for Norway toreceive the Nobel Peace Price. And, onceagain, Mr. Secretary General, congratula-tions.

We have had a chance to discuss the sit-uation in Afghanistan and to talk aboutnot just the military campaign but thehumanitarian effort that we are all com-mitted to, the reconstruction effort that weare all committed to, and to review theprogress of the discussions in Bonn withrespect to the creation of a provisionalgovernment. Those talks seem to be goingreasonably well in their second day.

We also talked about other areas ofinterest, especially the Middle East, andthe usual range of issues that the SecretaryGeneral and I speak of. So I would like toinvite him to say a word or two and thenwe will take a question or two before theSecretary General has to leave to be up onCapitol Hill by 4 o’clock.

So, Mr. Secretary General, Kofi, myfriend, welcome again.

Secretary-General Annan. Thank youvery much. I am very happy to be hereonce again, to be able to continue ourusual constructive discussions. We havehad a very good exchange. And I think onthe talks in Bonn, my only message to theAfghans and the Afghan leaders who arein Bonn, is that they have a unique andhistoric responsibility to do something fortheir people who have suffered for far toolong not to be given a chance to live inpeace and in stability. And that if theyseize this moment and form a broad-basedgovernment, a broad-based transitionaladministration, the international commu-nity will have a partner to be able to carryout the kinds of programs Secretary ColinPowell has referred to. Because without acredible partner, we are not going to beable to put in the kinds of resources thatwill be required to develop the country.

So I urge them and plead with them forthe sake of their people and their countryand the region to show the leadershiprequired and work with Lakhdar Brahimi,my representative, to come up with theright decisions.

Thank you. We will take your questions.

Q. Secretary Powell, has anyone out-side of our ilk asked you to explain

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what exactly the President meant whenhe said on Monday that Saddam Hus-sein would just have to wait and seewhat happens if he doesn’t allowweapons inspectors back in? And ifthey haven’t, if they do ask you, whatwill you tell them?

Secretary Powell. I will tell them to lis-ten carefully to what the President said.The President said that the Iraqi regimeshould allow the U.N. inspectors back into complete their very, very importantwork. And when the President was asked,and what if they don’t, what will happen,what he said was, “He’ll find out.” And Ithink that’s a pretty good statement. I’llleave it stand. I don’t think it requires anyamplification at this point.

The President and the international com-munity, we all have a full range of optionsavailable to us to keep trying to get rid ofthese programs of weapons of massdestruction that Saddam Hussein has beentrying to work on for the last 10 years.But the President’s statement seemed tome to be clear, declaratory, and not requir-ing an amplification. I think everyoneunderstood what he meant.

Q. Mr. Secretary General, would youlike the—this is a question addressed toboth of you, if I may—would you likethe parties in Bonn to agree to non-Afghan peacekeepers to be deployed inAfghanistan?

Secretary-General Annan. I thinkobviously we are all looking at the securi-ty environment in which we will have tooperate, either to deliver humanitarianassistance or for the new administration toassume its responsibilities and carry onthe rehabilitation and reconstruction. Butthis is an issue that I think, as we moveforward, we will also discuss with theAfghan leadership as it is emerging.

But I will have to say that we are look-ing at the security situation which, for themoment, is impeding some of the assis-tance in certain parts of the north and thesouth. But we haven’t taken any concretedecision as to what sort of security regimeshould be put in place to secure the envi-ronment. We will get to that later.

Secretary Powell. Thank you. I’ve gotto get the Secretary General on his way.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you take onemore? Mr. Secretary, with the SpanishPrime Minister here today, it seems asif some of the European countries areconcerned about military trials, that thesuspects would not be guaranteed civilliberties, or perhaps the death penalty.Are you prepared to offer any assur-ances, and do you see this as an impedi-ment to trying suspected terrorists forcrimes?

Secretary Powell. The President has afull range of legal options to deal withthose who commit crimes against U.S. cit-izens. The President has a full range oflegal options to deal with terrorists. Oneof those options includes what has cometo be called the military commissionoption. But that’s not the only option hehas, and that option has not been exer-cised against any particular individual.

What President Aznar of Spain said ear-lier was that he is not in receipt of anyrequests for extraditing anybody to theUnited States for prosecution by any kindof tribunal. And if such a request hadcome to him, he would take it under con-sideration. And so I don’t think it is aproblem at the moment.

I know that concerns have beenexpressed. But I think those concerns canbe dealt with as we go forward. So I wasquite satisfied with the answer that Presi-dent Aznar gave at his press conferenceearlier today.

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Secretary General Kofi Annan deliveredhis remarks to the Democratic Institutein Washington D.C.

The United Nations has long played acentral role in addressing the plight of theAfghan people. The terrorist attacks onthe United States of 11 September, andthe consequent military action inAfghanistan, have created a new environ-ment that presents daunting challenges tothe international community, but also newopportunities.

First and foremost, we must do all wecan to help meet the humanitarian needs

of the Afghan people. Winter has alreadyset in, and we must feed and shelter asmany of the up to 7.5 million vulnerableand suffering Afghans as possible.

Beyond this most urgent need, as youare all aware, my Special Representative,Lakhdar Brahimi, is hosting talks in Bonnaimed at producing a basic agreement onthe establishment of an interim adminis-tration that is acceptable to all Afghansand accountable to all Afghans. If all theAfghan parties—as well as the neighborsand the wider international community—give their full support, there is now a realopportunity to create the sort of broad-based, fully representative governmentwhich the United Nations has long beentrying to help the Afghan people achieve.A stable Afghanistan—living in peace,protecting the rights of its people, carryingout its international obligations, denyingterrorists a safe haven, and posing nothreat to any of its neighbors and enjoyingtheir respect and support—must be ourcommon objective. To achieve it, anyarrangement arrived at must reflect thewill, the needs and the interests of theAfghan people, and enjoy their full sup-port.

The appalling 11 September terroristattacks on the United States focused theworld’s attention on the reality that a col-lapsed and destitute State—such asAfghanistan—provides fertile ground forarmed groups to plan and prepareunspeakable acts of terror, at home andabroad. It must bring home a second reali-ty, too—that the answer to such violenceand to sources of grievance which providean excuse for such acts is more democra-cy, not less; more freedom, not less; moredevelopment aid, not less; more solidaritywith the poor and dispossessed of ourworld, not less.

The solution to the Afghan crisis ulti-mately must come from the women andmen of Afghanistan itself. And let memake clear our commitment to ensuringthat an end is put to the long nightmare ofwomen’s repression in Afghanistan. Weare urging the parties to bring Afghanwomen into every stage of the politicalprocess; and we are recruiting Afghanwomen as quickly as we can to help usprovide humanitarian assistance. I ampleased to say that many Afghan womenhave already registered with UnitedNations agencies to return to their old

September 11, 2001


jobs. We hope we will be able to rely on the

expertise and initiative of Afghans them-selves in the longer-term effort to rebuildand rehabilitate their nation, and here, too,women will have a prominent role. InAfghanistan today human rights means,above all, women’s rights.

Even as we are focussing our immediateefforts on helping the Afghan people cre-ate the kind of representative, accountablegovernment they deserve, we are alsomindful of the need for democracy inother parts of the world. The obstacles todemocracy have nothing to do with cul-ture or religion, and everything to do withthe desire of those in power to maintaintheir position at any cost. This is, sadly,neither a new phenomenon nor one limit-ed to a particular part of the world. Equal-ly, however, democracy’s heroes can befound among all faiths and creeds. Whatthey need to succeed is our help, and theclear message from the community ofdemocracies that its doors are open to anypeople able to escape the cycle of tyranny,misrule and conflict.

Of course, the wounds of illegitimate,violent and repressive rule—such as thoseinflicted on Afghanistan in recentdecades—will not heal overnight. Nor willthey be addressed by words or good inten-tions alone. But if a society, likeAfghanistan, is given the political andeconomic breathing space—throughdemocratic governance, human rights anda measurable improvement in the livingconditions of ordinary Afghan women andmen—it can escape that vicious cycle, andbecome as free and open as its peopledesire.

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Secretary Rumsfeld. Good morning.Over recent days the number of U.S.forces in both the North and the Southhave increased. With the speculationrecently as to what the United StatesMarines are doing around Kandahar andthe nature of the action around Mazar-eSharif, it might be useful just to recap

where we are, what we’re trying toaccomplish, and how we’re going about it.

Our objective remains unchanged. It’s toput pressure on the Taliban and the alQaeda in a variety of ways, in what clear-ly will be over a sustained period, untilthey’re not a viable force and they’re nolonger capable of terrorizing people anddestroying lives in Afghanistan or else-where.

Today a relatively small segment ofAfghanistan is controlled by Taliban andal Qaeda forces, and it seems to be grow-ing smaller every week. Coalition forcescontinue to apply pressure on Taliban andal Qaeda forces around Kandahar, andthey are unquestionably having an effect.The Taliban can no longer freely movearound the country. They’re finding itincreasingly difficult to manage theirremaining forces.

Ironically, however, as the size of theTaliban real estate diminishes, the dangerto coalition forces may actually beincreasing. As the president said earlierthis week, the campaign against terrorismhas entered a dangerous phase. Every daycoalition forces face difficulties and dan-gers, but they have already made a differ-ence in the lives of hundreds of thousandsof Afghans who have suffered under yearsof brutal repression. And before the fightis over, they will make a difference in thelives of hundreds of thousands or more ofthe Afghan people.

We’ve said since the beginning of thecampaign that there will be casualties, butthat that would not deter us. Indeed, it willstrengthen our resolve to root out the ter-rorists and those who support them.

Our first killed in action highlights bothof these points. As you know, CIA agentMike Spann was killed in the prison battlein Mazar-e Sharif earlier this week. Heknew the risks of his profession, and heaccepted them on behalf of his country.We certainly are proud of him, and hisfamily is right to call him a hero. He wasone of the professionals who have helpedto contribute to meeting the conditions weneed to go after—creating the conditionswe need to go after bin Laden, MullahOmar, and other Taliban and al Qaedaleadership.

And make no mistake: as Mike’s fathertold the press the other day, it is bin Ladenand his supporters who are responsible forhis death. It is they and others in their ter-

rorist network that will be held responsi-ble for the death of thousands of peopleon September 11th.

And let there be no doubt: there will befurther casualties in this campaign—inAfghanistan and elsewhere. There will beother downturns involving our forces. Wemay have troops captured or killed. Therewill—but it will not deter us for a day orfor a moment from our objectives. We aregoing after the al Qaeda, and the Talibanthat support them, and terrorists and theirsupporters wherever we find them.

Commanders at every level have beenunambiguously instructed, and they knowthat our mission is clear and our will isunwavering. There will be no pauses, noregrouping, no stand-downs. As the presi-dent said, our forces will have everythingthey need to do the job.

General Pace.

General Pace. Thank you, Mr. Secre-tary.

Yesterday, approximately 110 strike air-craft flew missions in Afghanistan. Theyfocused primarily on targets in and aroundKandahar and also in the cave and tunnelcomplexes near Jalalabad.

Humanitarian relief, food distribution—the 34,000 that were delivered yesterdaybrought to over two million the number ofrations that have been delivered by themilitary.

The Marines have continued to improvetheir forward-operating base location inSouthern Afghanistan. About a thousandMarines there now. And they will continueto operate from that for the foreseeablefuture.

And the Commando Solo missions con-tinue with the broadcasts, and the leafletdrops continued yesterday, as well.

* * * *

Q. Could you respond to some of theconcerns that have been raised byhuman rights groups? Amnesty Inter-national said, I think the day beforeyesterday, that they were concernedthat the response of the oppositionwhen the Taliban prisoners took over oroverpowered their capturers at Mazar-eSharif may not have been proportion-ate. What’s your view of that?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I wasn’t

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there. And I guess that I would say that—say this:

There were thousands of prisoners, andthey clearly had not been thoroughlysearched, and they unquestionably hadweapons when they were imprisoned, andthey also apparently were able to getweapons from guards that were overcomeby the weapons they already had. That is apowerful force.

The people who were outside theprison—and a number of oppositionforces and one American were killed. So Imean, it was conflict. It was war. And atsome point, it was subdued, and it wassubdued, as I understand it, in a way thatincluded the loss of lives of hundreds ofprisoners who refused to surrender andrefused to turn in their weapons andrefused to stop firing, refused to stopkilling people.

And it seems to me that if you are oneof the guards, you have every right in theworld to try to stop the people in theprison from killing you and killing othersand escaping and going out and killingstill more people.

Now, the word “proportion”—”propor-tionate” is interesting. And I don’t knowthat it’s appropriate. And I don’t knowthat I could define it. But it might besaid—and I wouldn’t say it—but it mightbe said by some that to quickly andaggressively repress a prison riot in onelocation might help dissuade people inother locations from engaging in prisonriots and breaking out of prison andkilling more people. I don’t know thatthat’s true. It might also persuade the peo-ple who are still in there with weapons,killing each other and killing other people,to stop doing it.

It’s a—your question’s too tough forme. I don’t know what “proportionate”would be.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said earlier thatwe could be clear that United Statesforces would have the authority to takecontrol of certain al Qaeda or Talibanleaders if they were in custody of oppo-sition groups. By that, did you meanthat the United States has negotiated anagreement with those groups to turnover certain people—Osama bin Ladenor others?

Secretary Rumsfeld. No. It really—let

me add one thought. I don’t want to leavethat hanging and have someone ask meabout it tomorrow. I—as I said in thebeginning, I was not there; I don’t knowthe facts. I know only what scraps ofintelligence reports—it is conceivable thatafter one knows all the facts, that onemight be able to make a judgment and saythat they might have agreed or not agreed.And I’m just not posited at the moment ina position where I can do that.

The facts on the ground, with respect toyour question, are such that it is—theword “negotiate” an agreement, in the sit-uation that we’re in, doesn’t accuratereflect the situation. You’ve got a leader,and you’ve got a dozen or more of theseleaders. You have a U.S. Special Forcesteam in there with them. Each is different.Each relationship is different. They occu-py the ground physically. And some Spe-cial Forces captain is not likely to cozy upand start negotiating some sort of anagreement for that.

What happens is, as a practical matter, isthat the combatant commander, TommyFranks, tells the senior people, when hemeets with them, and he tells the peoplethat are embedded in their groups what hethinks ought to happen. And he’s forceful.

You’ve seen him here. He knows whathe thinks and he knows what we think,and he has certainly told them unambigu-ously that that is our first choice. And wethink it will happen. But it isn’t the kindof thing that we negotiate. It’s the kind ofthing that you discuss and you say, “Hey,look. We’re here for a purpose. We’re hereto get those people, and that’s why wecame, and then we’re leaving. And thesooner we’re gone, the better for you andthe better for us.”

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In a couple of minutes I’ll have the honorof receiving the Prime Minister fromIsrael. We obviously changed our schedulebecause of the horrific acts of murder thattook place in his land.

I will tell him that I strongly condemnthe acts of murder that killed innocentpeople in Israel. I will tell him our nationgrieves for those whose lives have beenaffected by the murderers.

This is a moment where the advocates

for peace in the Middle East must rise upand fight terror. Chairman Arafat must doeverything in his power to find those whomurdered innocent Israelis and bring themto justice.

Clearly, there are some in the worldwho do not want us to achieve peace inthe Middle East. Clearly, there are somethat, every chance they have, they will useviolence and terror to disrupt any progressthat’s being made. We must not allowthem to succeed. We must not allow terrorto destroy the chance of peace in the Mid-dle East.

Now is the time for leaders throughoutthe world who urge there to be a peace todo something about the terror that pre-vents peace from happening in the firstplace.

May God bless the Israeli citizens wholost their lives, and their families.


Today we take another important step inthe financial fight against terror. From thebeginning of this fight I have said our ene-mies are terrorist networks of globalreach; and all who harbor them and sup-port them are our enemies as well. Webegan with Al Qaeda and the Taliban. Weidentified some of Al Qaeda’s financialbackers and we moved against theiraccounts.

In November, we advanced further andidentified 22 more global terrorist organi-zations. And now we are moving againsttheir financing as well.

At midnight yesterday the TreasuryDepartment froze the assets and accountsof the Holy Land Foundation in Richard-son, Texas, whose money is used to sup-port the Hamas terror organization.

Earlier today, federal agents secured theoffices and records of the Holy LandFoundation in Texas, California, New Jer-sey and Illinois as a part of an ongoinginvestigation. At the same time, we haveblocked the accounts of an Hamas-linkedbank, an Hamas-linked holding companybased in the West Bank.

The message is this: Those who do busi-ness with terror will do no business withthe United States or anywhere else theUnited States can reach.

Hamas is an extremist group that calls

September 11, 2001


for the total destruction of the State ofIsrael. It is one of the deadliest terroristorganizations in the world today.

Hamas openly claimed responsibility forthis past weekend’s suicide attacks inIsrael that killed 25 innocent people, manyof them teenagers, and wounded almost200 other people. Hamas is guilty of hun-dreds of other deaths over the years; andjust in the past 12 months have killed twoAmericans. And today we act.

Hamas has obtained much of the moneythat it pays for murder abroad right herein the United States, money originallyraised by the Holy Land Foundation. TheHoly Land Foundation is registered withthe IRS as a tax-exempt charity based inRichardson. It raised $13 million frompeople in America last year. The HolyLand Foundation claims that the money itsolicits goes to care for needy Palestiniansin the West Bank and Gaza. Money raisedby the Holy Land Foundation is used byHamas to support schools and indoctrinatechildren to grow up into suicide bombers.Money raised by the Holy Land Founda-tion is also used by Hamas to recruit sui-cide bombers and to support their fami-lies.

America has called on other nations tosuppress the financing of terror. Today wetake further steps to suppress it inside ourborders. I am confident that most of thedonors to the Holy Land Foundation, andperhaps even some of the individuals whoare associated with the Foundation, had noidea how its money was being used. Theywanted to relive suffering in the region ofthe world that has suffered too much. Butthe facts are clear, the terrorists benefitfrom the Holy Land Foundation. Andwe’re not going to allow it. Our actiontoday is another step in the war on terror-ism. It’s not the final step. There are moreterrorist networks of global reach, andmore front groups who use deceit to sup-port them. The net is closing. Today it justgot tighter.

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Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, good after-

noon. The campaign in Afghanistan continues.

The situation in the northern and westernportions of the country have improved,though there are still a number of pocketsof resistance, as you know. The situationremains unsettled in the southern and por-tions of the eastern parts of the country.But the pressure on al Qaeda and Talibanis continuing to grow.

In Kandahar, the hope remains that Tal-iban and al Qaeda forces will surrender,but we have reason to believe that Omarmay have instructed his forces to continuefighting, which of course is putting thecivilian population in Kandahar and thatregion at risk. Indeed, hiding in the city,the Taliban are in effect using the civilianpopulation of Kandahar as shields.

We’ve seen in other parts of the countrythat foreign and al Qaeda fighters haveproven to be somewhat fanatical dead-enders and have killed Afghan Talibanfighters that they suspect may wish to sur-render or defect.

So the situation in Kandahar is compli-cated, it’s not easy, but one thing is clear.The Taliban and al Qaeda will be drivenfrom Kandahar. The choice really is theirsas to how it happens.

While the amount of real estate theycontrol becomes smaller, we’re by nomeans approaching the end of the cam-paign. And as we move from the cities tosearching caves and shadows, Americanswill of course be increasingly at risk. TheAmerican people are aware of these risks.They know that victory will not comewithout a cost.

One of the unpleasant aspects of war isthe reality that innocent bystanders aresometimes caught in the crossfire, andwe’re often asked to answer Taliban accu-sations about civilian casualties. Indeed,one of today’s headlines is, quote, “Penta-gon avoids subject of civilian deaths.” Theshort answer is that that’s simply not so.

With the disorder that reigns inAfghanistan, it is next to impossible to getfactual information about civilian casual-ties. First, the Taliban have lied repeated-ly. They intentionally mislead the pressfor their own purposes.

Second, we generally do not haveaccess to sites of alleged civilian casual-ties on the ground.

Third, in cases where someone doeshave access to a site, it is often impossible

to know how many people were killed,how they died, and by whose hand theydid die.

By comparison—and think of this—consider how difficult it has been to getaccurate casualty estimates for the attackon the World Trade Center towers. Initialpress reports indicated there were as manyas 10,000 people had been killed. On Sep-tember 22nd, days later, the estimate was6,818 had been killed. On October 6th, itwas estimated that 4,500 to 5,000 hasbeen killed. On October 23rd, it was 4,339had been killed. On November 22nd, itwas 3,682 had been killed. Now, today,almost three months later, we still do notknow with certainty the number of peoplewho died at the World Trade Center tow-ers.

And if we cannot know for certain howmany people were killed in lower Manhat-tan, where we have full access to the site,thousands of reporters, investigators, res-cue workers combing the wreckage, andno enemy propaganda to confuse the situ-ation, one ought to be sensitive to howdifficult it is to know with certainty, inreal time, what may have happened in anygiven situation in Afghanistan, where welack access and we’re dealing with world-class liars.

What we at the Pentagon try to do is totell the press what we do know that’saccurate, and we try to say what we don’tknow. And we have been doing that con-sistently. We know this much for certain—the United States has taken extraordinarymeasures to avoid civilian casualties inthis campaign. That’s not true of Talibanor al Qaeda forces. Indeed, it’s not truetoday in Kandahar. Americans risk theirlives each day to bring food and humani-tarian assistance to starving Afghans, andto help free their country from a repres-sive Taliban regime that’s making thesecharges.

We lost thousands of innocent civilianson September 11th, and we understandwhat it means to lose a father, a mother, abrother, sister, a son or a daughter, and wemourn every civilian death.

But we’re not going to make claims thatwe can’t back up with facts, and I wouldthink it would be best if others didn’teither.

We did not start this war. So understand,responsibility for every single casualty inthis war, whether they’re innocent

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238 Winter 2002

Afghans or innocent Americans, rests atthe feet of the al Qaeda and the Taliban.

General Myers?

General Myers. Thank you, Mr. Secre-tary. And good afternoon.

Our main focus, of course, continues tobe putting maximum pressure on the alQaeda and the Taliban forces, especiallyin the Kandahar and the Jalalabad region.Kandahar remains the last Taliban strong-hold, and southern opposition groups therecontinue to apply pressure to Taliban andal Qaeda forces, as the secretary men-tioned.

Additionally, the Marines and coalitionforces operating from the forward operat-ing base have begun interdicting lines ofcommunication south of Kandahar. Ineastern Afghanistan, we have focused ourair attacks on cave and tunnel complexes,basically from Kabul to the Khyber Pass.

We are also working to support humani-tarian assistance operations, and we arepreparing airfields in northern Afghanistanto help increase the flow of food and othernecessities to the people of Afghanistan.Our five planned target areas yesterdaywere again concentrated against the alQaeda and Taliban cave and tunnel com-plexes, as well as Taliban military forces,primarily in the Jalalabad and Kandaharregions.

The majority of our efforts, however, arecommitted against, of course, what wecall emerging targets, by aircraft operatingin engagement zones or by aircraft con-ducting close air support for oppositiongroup forces. We used about a hundredstrike aircraft yesterday, including about80 tactical aircraft launched from plat-forms at sea and about 10 land-based tac-tical aircraft and about the same numberof long-range bombers. We droppedleaflets in the Jalalabad and Kandaharareas and continued our Commando Solobroadcast missions as well.

Our humanitarian relief support contin-ued also with one C-17 airdrop yesterday,near Kunduz, delivering about 17,000daily rations. To date, we’ve deliveredmore than 2,143,000 humanitarian dailyrations.

And then finally, just a note to remindyou—and I don’t think we can emphasizethis enough—that this fight has justbegun. We’ve been at this now for abouttwo months. Our number-one priority has-

n’t changed from the beginning, and thatis to root out the al Qaeda network andthose who support them. And while we’vemade progress in this area, much workremains to be done.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, does Osama binLaden have fissionable material, andhas he been able to build a so-called“dirty bomb”? And do you believe it’spossible that that bomb has been smug-gled into the United States, if he hasbuilt one?

Secretary Rumsfeld. There is intelli-gence information floating around theworld in various countries of various typesthat reflect the fact that the al Qaeda orga-nization has an interest in weapons ofmass destruction—chemical, biological,radiation, as well as nuclear. I do notknow of certain knowledge precisely whatkinds of capabilities he may have actuallydeveloped and weaponized and have avail-able to him.

Q. Mr. Secretary—


Q.—could I follow up on that point?Some U.S. officials have said that cap-tured al Qaeda have said that at a meet-ing with Osama bin Laden, that at leastone of those members presented a can-ister that they claimed was made ofradioactive material. Do you know, firstof all, if that’s a credible report?

And secondly, as you know, GeneralFranks mentioned 40 different sites inAfghanistan that may have evidence tochemical and biological information. Isthere any information on that at thistime, about materials that have beenanalyzed?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, first of all,the sites that the general mentioned werethe ones that we were aware of. Theremay be others. As they say, the absence ofevidence is not evidence of absence. Weare working our way through those sitesand have not completed the task. Most, atthis stage, are accessible to us; some arenot yet. And it takes time to analyze thatkind of information, and I don’t have any-

thing to announce. Yes?

Q. Mr. Secretary, there are reportsthat more than 2,000 fighters nearJalalabad have announced and aremoving into the mountains to begin tolook at discrete areas that I guess theU.S. has helped them pinpoint in theTora Bora area, looking for Osama binLaden and al Qaeda members, and thatseveral helicopters of American forceshave also come down in there and arepart of this effort. Are you aware thatthere are 2,000 fighters moving in thatdirection? And is the U.S. engaged inthat?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, there are—there’s never a shortage of intelligenceinformation, and it’s almost always truethat it conflicts; that there are conflictingintelligence reports.

I have seen the public reports you’rereferring to in this instance. The—as I’veindicated here previously, we have beenactively encouraging Afghan elements toseek out and find the al Qaeda and Talibanleadership that we hope to capture andstop from executing terrorist acts aroundthe world. There is no question but that atvarious parts of the country people haveresponded to that interest in our part.

I would not want to get into specificplaces or locations or numbers, but wehave rewards out. We have been activelyencouraging individuals, as well as collec-tions of individuals and units of people, todo exactly that in various places.

* * * *

Q. Secretary Rumsfeld, we’re aware ofat least one young man who claims tobe an American who was fighting withthe Taliban. Are you aware of any oth-ers? There have been reports of one ortwo others—

Secretary Rumsfeld. That’s pure spec-ulation that there may be a couple of oth-ers. But until one has a chance to reallycheck those things out, we don’t commenton them.

Q. But you don’t know who they areor where they might be?

Secretary Rumsfeld. No. Well, I—what

September 11, 2001


I know is, I have been told that there maybe a couple of other people who have, atone time or another, contended that theywere Americans, and people are lookingfor them. But whether they’re Americansand where they may be, I don’t know.

Q. And then one quick, quick follow-up. The—John Walker, the one personwho we do know of—can you tell usanything about what’s going to happento—where is he now and where will hebe going? Will he be turned over toother authorities or—

Secretary Rumsfeld. The last I looked,he’s still in roughly the location he waswhen they found him—in some reason-able proximity to that.

* * * *

Q. Do we have any hard evidence thatOsama bin Laden is still inAfghanistan?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I tell you—howmany times do I have to go back to thechicken coop, where you’re chasing thechicken around the chicken coop until youget him, and you haven’t got him?

We think he’s in Afghanistan. He maynot be. No one knows. Someone knows.But it is—it is a task that’s difficult.

We believe we are reducing the amountof real estate that those folks have tomove around on—we know we are—with-in Afghanistan. The problem with that is,Afghanistan’s got long, porous borders.And, let’s—in the event that he decides toflee, we’ll just have to follow him wherehe flees. I don’t know—we believe he’s inAfghanistan, and we’re looking for him.But—

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you update uson what the department has done in itseffort to prepare for a potential militarytribunal? Has that moved forward at allin the last few days?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Let’s see. Iguess—the last few days. Today is Tues-day. Yes. I would say it has. I’ve hadmeetings with the general counsel. Thegeneral counsel has had meetings with

others, and we are continuing to look atthe variety of ways that one might dealwith that issue.

We have—in terms of moving forwardpractically, the answer is not at all,because until the president of the UnitedStates assigns somebody, there’s nothingto move forward on. But in terms of ourinternal thinking, we are continuing tothink through the issues. And as I’ve saidto you folks, it is something we intend todo very carefully in a very thoughtful wayafter a good consideration and discussionwith knowledgeable people from acrossthe country who have background andexperience in these subjects. We want todo it right in the event that the presidentdoes decide to assign somebody to us.

* * * *

Q. Some Afghan opposition leadershave made statements indicating thatthey have uncertainty about what theywould do if they captured senior alQaeda and Taliban, and some hesitancyabout whether they would turn themover. If they were, in fact, to refuse toturn them over, wouldn’t that put themin the same position that the Talibanwas vis-a-vis the United States, andtherefore, you’d be really in conflict—potentially military conflict—with sucha group?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I don’t know thatI’d come to quite the conclusion youhave—that it would put them in exactlythe same position. But the fact is, the cold,hard fact is that we are there for severalreasons. We are there to capture or kill theal Qaeda and foreign invaders inAfghanistan who are terrorists; and we arethere to change the Taliban leadership andchange the government of Afghanistan;and third, to create a country—contributeto a country that is no longer harboringterrorists.

Everyone we are assisting, whether it’swith air support or money or humanitarianassistance or winter clothing or ammuni-tion or food—well, you name it, everyonethat we are assisting knows precisely whythey’re—we’re there. And they are beingtold in no uncertain terms why we arethere. And to the extent one or more ofthem were, for whatever reason, to make a

decision that they wanted to harbor orassist a—al Qaeda leadership or Talibanleadership, that would run directly counterto our interests and our objectives and ourgoals in that country, obviously, our rela-tionship with them would change.

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The participants in the U.N. Talks onAfghanistan,

In the presence of the Special Represen-tative of the Secretary-General forAfghanistan,

Determined to end the tragic conflict inAfghanistan and promote national recon-ciliation, lasting peace, stability andrespect for human rights in the country,

Reaffirming the independence, nationalsovereignty and territorial integrity ofAfghanistan,

Acknowledging the right of the peopleof Afghanistan to freely determine theirown political future in accordance withthe principles of Islam, democracy, plural-ism and social justice,

Expressing their appreciation to theAfghan Mujahidin who, over the years,have defended the independence, territori-al integrity and national unity of the coun-try and have played a major role in thestruggle against terrorism and oppression,and whose sacrifice has now made themboth heroes of jihad and champions ofpeace, stability and reconstruction of theirbeloved homeland, Afghanistan,

Aware that the unstable situation inAfghanistan requires the implementationof emergency interim arrangements andexpressing their deep appreciation to HisExcellency Professor Burhanuddin Rab-bani for his readiness to transfer power toan interim authority which is to be estab-lished pursuant to this agreement,

Recognizing the need to ensure broadrepresentation in these interim arrange-ments of all segments of the Afghan popu-lation, including groups that have not beenadequately represented at the U.N. Talkson Afghanistan,

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240 Winter 2002

Noting that these interim arrangementsare intended as a first step toward theestablishment of a broad-based, gender-sensitive, multi-ethnic and fully represen-tative government, and are not intended toremain in place beyond the specified peri-od of time,

Recognizing that some time may berequired for a new Afghan security forceto be fully constituted and functional andthat therefore other security provisionsdetailed in Annex I to this agreement mustmeanwhile be put in place,

Considering that the United Nations, asthe internationally recognized impartialinstitution, has a particularly importantrole to play, detailed in Annex II to thisagreement, in the period prior to the estab-lishment of permanent institutions inAfghanistan,

Have agreed as follows:

THE INTERIM AUTHORITY

I. General provisions

1) An Interim Authority shall be estab-lished upon the official transfer of poweron 22 December 2001.

2) The Interim Authority shall consist ofan Interim Administration presided overby a Chairman, a Special IndependentCommission for the Convening of theEmergency Loya Jirga, and a SupremeCourt of Afghanistan, as well as suchother courts as may be established by theInterim Administration. The composition,functions and governing procedures forthe Interim Administration and the SpecialIndependent Commission are set forth inthis agreement.

3) Upon the official transfer of power,the Interim Authority shall be the reposi-tory of Afghan sovereignty, with immedi-ate effect. As such, it shall, throughout theinterim period, represent Afghanistan inits external relations and shall occupy theseat of Afghanistan at the United Nationsand in its specialized agencies, as well asin other international institutions and con-ferences.

4) An Emergency Loya Jirga shall beconvened within six months of the estab-lishment of the Interim Authority. TheEmergency Loya Jirga will be opened byHis Majesty Mohammed Zaher, the for-mer King of Afghanistan. The EmergencyLoya Jirga shall decide on a TransitionalAuthority, including a broad-based transi-

tional administration, to lead Afghanistanuntil such time as a fully representativegovernment can be elected through freeand fair elections to be held no later thantwo years from the date of the conveningof the Emergency Loya Jirga.

5) The Interim Authority shall cease toexist once the Transitional Authority hasbeen established by the Emergency LoyaJirga.

6) A Constitutional Loya Jirga shall beconvened within eighteen months of theestablishment of the Transitional Authori-ty, in order to adopt a new constitution forAfghanistan. In order to assist the Consti-tutional Loya Jirga prepare the proposedConstitution, the Transitional Administra-tion shall, within two months of its com-mencement and with the assistance of theUnited Nations, establish a ConstitutionalCommission.

II. Legal framework and judicialsystem

1) The following legal framework shall beapplicable on an interim basis until theadoption of the new Constitution referredto above: i) The Constitution of 1964, a/to the extent that its provisions are notinconsistent with those contained in thisagreement, and b/ with the exception ofthose provisions relating to the monarchyand to the executive and legislative bodiesprovided in the Constitution; and ii) exist-ing laws and regulations, to the extent thatthey are not inconsistent with this agree-ment or with international legal obliga-tions to which Afghanistan is a party, orwith those applicable provisions containedin the Constitution of 1964, provided thatthe Interim Authority shall have the powerto repeal or amend those laws and regula-tions.

2) The judicial power of Afghanistanshall be independent and shall be vestedin a Supreme Court of Afghanistan, andsuch other courts as may be established bythe Interim Administration. The InterimAdministration shall establish, with theassistance of the United Nations, a Judi-cial Commission to rebuild the domesticjustice system in accordance with Islamicprinciples, international standards, the ruleof law and Afghan legal traditions.

III. Interim Administration

A. Composition

1) The Interim Administration shall becomposed of a Chairman, five Vice Chair-men and 24 other members. Each mem-ber, except the Chairman, may head adepartment of the Interim Administration.

2) The participants in the U.N. Talks onAfghanistan have invited His MajestyMohammed Zaher, the former King ofAfghanistan, to chair the Interim Adminis-tration. His Majesty has indicated that hewould prefer that a suitable candidateacceptable to the participants be selectedas the Chair of the Interim Administration.

3) The Chairman, the Vice Chairmenand other members of the Interim Admin-istration have been selected by the partici-pants in the U.N. Talks on Afghanistan, aslisted in Annex IV to this agreement. Theselection has been made on the basis ofprofessional competence and personalintegrity from lists submitted by the par-ticipants in the U.N. Talks, with dueregard to the ethnic, geographic and reli-gious composition of Afghanistan and tothe importance of the participation ofwomen.

4) No person serving as a member ofthe Interim Administration may simultane-ously hold membership of the SpecialIndependent Commission for the Conven-ing of the Emergency Loya Jirga.

B. Procedures

1) The Chairman of the Interim Adminis-tration, or in his/her absence one of theVice Chairmen, shall call and chair meet-ings and propose the agenda for thesemeetings.

2) The Interim Administration shallendeavor to reach its decisions by consen-sus. In order for any decision to be taken,at least 22 members must be in atten-dance. If a vote becomes necessary, deci-sions shall be taken by a majority of themembers present and voting, unless other-wise stipulated in this agreement. TheChairman shall cast the deciding vote inthe event that the members are dividedequally.

C. Functions

1) The Interim Administration shall beentrusted with the day-to-day conduct ofthe affairs of state, and shall have the right

September 11, 2001


to issue decrees for the peace, order andgood government of Afghanistan.

2) The Chairman of the Interim Admin-istration or, in his/her absence, one of theVice Chairmen, shall represent the InterimAdministration as appropriate.

3) Those members responsible for theadministration of individual departmentsshall also be responsible for implementingthe policies of the Interim Administrationwithin their areas of responsibility.

4) Upon the official transfer of power,the Interim Administration shall have fulljurisdiction over the printing and deliveryof the national currency and special draw-ing rights from international financialinstitutions. The Interim Administrationshall establish, with the assistance of theUnited Nations, a Central Bank ofAfghanistan that will regulate the moneysupply of the country through transparentand accountable procedures.

5) The Interim Administration shallestablish, with the assistance of the UnitedNations, an independent Civil ServiceCommission to provide the InterimAuthority and the future TransitionalAuthority with shortlists of candidates forkey posts in the administrative depart-ments, as well as those of governors anduluswals, in order to ensure their compe-tence and integrity.

6) The Interim Administration shall,with the assistance of the United Nations,establish an independent Human RightsCommission, whose responsibilities willinclude human rights monitoring, investi-gation of violations of human rights, anddevelopment of domestic human rightsinstitutions. The Interim Administrationmay, with the assistance of the UnitedNations, also establish any other commis-sions to review matters not covered in thisagreement.

7) The members of the Interim Adminis-tration shall abide by a Code of Conductelaborated in accordance with internation-al standards.

8) Failure by a member of the InterimAdministration to abide by the provisionsof the Code of Conduct shall lead tohis/her suspension from that body. Thedecision to suspend a member shall betaken by a two-thirds majority of themembership of the Interim Administrationon the proposal of its Chairman or any ofits Vice Chairmen.

9) The functions and powers of mem-

bers of the Interim Administration will befurther elaborated, as appropriate, with theassistance of the United Nations.

IV. The Special IndependentCommission for the Convening of theEmergency Loya Jirga

1) The Special Independent Commissionfor the Convening of the Emergency LoyaJirga shall be established within onemonth of the establishment of the InterimAuthority. The Special Independent Com-mission will consist of twenty-one mem-bers, a number of whom should haveexpertise in constitutional or customarylaw. The members will be selected fromlists of candidates submitted by partici-pants in the U.N. Talks on Afghanistan aswell as Afghan professional and civil soci-ety groups. The United Nations will assistwith the establishment and functioning ofthe commission and of a substantial secre-tariat.

2) The Special Independent Commis-sion will have the final authority for deter-mining the procedures for and the numberof people who will participate in theEmergency Loya Jirga. The Special Inde-pendent Commission will draft rules andprocedures specifying (i) criteria for allo-cation of seats to the settled and nomadicpopulation residing in the country; (ii) cri-teria for allocation of seats to the Afghanrefugees living in Iran, Pakistan, and else-where, and Afghans from the diaspora;(iii) criteria for inclusion of civil societyorganizations and prominent individuals,including Islamic scholars, intellectuals,and traders, both within the country and inthe diaspora. The Special IndependentCommission will ensure that due attentionis paid to the representation in the Emer-gency Loya Jirga of a significant numberof women as well as all other segments ofthe Afghan population.

3) The Special Independent Commis-sion will publish and disseminate the rulesand procedures for the convening of theEmergency Loya Jirga at least ten weeksbefore the Emergency Loya Jirga con-venes, together with the date for its com-mencement and its suggested location andduration.

4) The Special Independent Commis-sion will adopt and implement proceduresfor monitoring the process of nominationof individuals to the Emergency LoyaJirga to ensure that the process of indirect

election or selection is transparent andfair. To pre-empt conflict over nomina-tions, the Special Independent Commis-sion will specify mechanisms for filing ofgrievances and rules for arbitration of dis-putes.

5) The Emergency Loya Jirga will electa Head of the State for the TransitionalAdministration and will approve proposalsfor the structure and key personnel of theTransitional Administration.

V. Final provisions

1) Upon the official transfer of power, allMujahidin, Afghan armed forces andarmed groups in the country shall comeunder the command and control of theInterim Authority, and be reorganizedaccording to the requirements of the newAfghan security and armed forces.

2) The Interim Authority and the Emer-gency Loya Jirga shall act in accordancewith basic principles and provisions con-tained in international instruments onhuman rights and international humanitar-ian law to which Afghanistan is a party.

3) The Interim Authority shall cooperatewith the international community in thefight against terrorism, drugs and orga-nized crime. It shall commit itself torespect international law and maintainpeaceful and friendly relations with neigh-boring countries and the rest of the inter-national community.

4) The Interim Authority and the SpecialIndependent Commission for the Conven-ing of the Emergency Loya Jirga willensure the participation of women as wellas the equitable representation of all eth-nic and religious communities in the Inter-im Administration and the EmergencyLoya Jirga.

5) All actions taken by the InterimAuthority shall be consistent with SecurityCouncil resolution 1378 (14 November2001) and other relevant Security Councilresolutions relating to Afghanistan.

6) Rules of procedure for the organsestablished under the Interim Authoritywill be elaborated as appropriate with theassistance of the United Nations.

This agreement, of which the annexesconstitute an integral part, done in Bonnon this 5th day of December 2001 in theEnglish language, shall be the authentictext, in a single copy which shall remain

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deposited in the archives of the UnitedNations. Official texts shall be provided inDari and Pashto, and such other languagesas the Special Representative of the Secre-tary-General may designate. The SpecialRepresentative of the Secretary-Generalshall send certified copies in English, Dariand Pashto to each of the participants.

For the participants in the U.N. Talks onAfghanistan:Ms. Amena AfzaliMr. S. Hussain AnwariMr. Hedayat Amin ArsalaMr. Sayed Hamed GailaniMr. Rahmatullah Mousa GhaziEng. Abdul HakimMr. Houmayoun JareerMr. Abbas KarimiMr. Mustafa KazimiDr. Azizullah LudinMr. Ahmad Wali MassoudMr. Hafizullah Asif MohseniProf. Mohammad Ishaq NadiriMr. Mohammad NatiqiMr. Aref NoorzayMr. Yunus QanooniDr. Zalmai RassoulMr. H. Mirwais SadeqDr. Mohammad Jalil ShamsProf. Abdul Sattar SiratMr. Humayun TandarMrs. Sima WaliGeneral Abdul Rahim WardakMr. Azizullah WasefiMr. Pacha Khan Zadran

Witnessed for the United Nations by:Mr. Lakhdar BrahimiSpecial Representative of the Secretary-General for Afghanistan

ANNEX: THE SECURITY FORCE

1. The participants in the U.N. Talks onAfghanistan recognize that the responsi-bility for providing security and law andorder throughout the country resides withthe Afghans themselves. To this end, theypledge their commitment to do all withintheir means and influence to ensure suchsecurity, including for all United Nationsand other personnel of international gov-ernmental and non-governmental organi-zations deployed in Afghanistan.

2. With this objective in mind, the par-ticipants request the assistance of theinternational community in helping the

new Afghan authorities in the establish-ment and training of new Afghan securityand armed forces.

3. Conscious that some time may berequired for the new Afghan security andarmed forces to be fully constituted andfunctioning, the participants in the U.N.Talks on Afghanistan request the UnitedNations Security Council to considerauthorizing the early deployment toAfghanistan of a United Nations mandat-ed force. This force will assist in themaintenance of security for Kabul and itssurrounding areas. Such a force could, asappropriate, be progressively expanded toother urban centres and other areas.

4. The participants in the U.N. Talks onAfghanistan pledge to withdraw all mili-tary units from Kabul and other urbancenters or other areas in which the U.N.mandated force is deployed. It would alsobe desirable if such a force were to assistin the rehabilitation of Afghanistan’sinfrastructure.

ANNEX: ROLE OF THE UNITEDNATIONS DURING THE INTERIMPERIOD

1. The Special Representative of the Sec-retary-General will be responsible for allaspects of the United Nations’ work inAfghanistan.

2. The Special Representative shallmonitor and assist in the implementationof all aspects of this agreement.

3. The United Nations shall advise theInterim Authority in establishing a politi-cally neutral environment conducive to theholding of the Emergency Loya Jirga infree and fair conditions. The UnitedNations shall pay special attention to theconduct of those bodies and administrativedepartments which could directly influ-ence the convening and outcome of theEmergency Loya Jirga.

4. The Special Representative of theSecretary-General or his/her delegate maybe invited to attend the meetings of theInterim Administration and the SpecialIndependent Commission on the Conven-ing of the Emergency Loya Jirga.

5. If for whatever reason the InterimAdministration or the Special IndependentCommission were actively prevented frommeeting or unable to reach a decision on amatter related to the convening of theEmergency Loya Jirga, the Special Repre-

sentative of the Secretary-General shall,taking into account the views expressed inthe Interim Administration or in the Spe-cial Independent Commission, use his/hergood offices with a view to facilitating aresolution to the impasse or a decision.

6. The United Nations shall have theright to investigate human rights viola-tions and, where necessary, recommendcorrective action. It will also be responsi-ble for the development and implementa-tion of a program of human rights educa-tion to promote respect for and under-standing of human rights.

ANNEX: REQUEST BY THE PAR-TICIPANTS IN THE UNITEDNATIONS TALKS ONAFGHANISTAN

The participants in the U.N. Talks onAfghanistan hereby

1. Request that the United Nations andthe international community take the nec-essary measures to guarantee the nationalsovereignty, territorial integrity and unityof Afghanistan as well as the non-interfer-ence by foreign countries in Afghanistan’sinternal affairs;

2. Urge the United Nations, the interna-tional community, particularly donorcountries and multilateral institutions, toreaffirm, strengthen and implement theircommitment to assist with the rehabilita-tion, recovery and reconstruction ofAfghanistan, in coordination with theInterim Authority;

3. Request the United Nations to con-duct as soon as possible (i) a registrationof voters in advance of the general elec-tions that will be held upon the adoptionof the new constitution by the constitu-tional Loya Jirga and (ii) a census of thepopulation of Afghanistan.

4. Urge the United Nations and theinternational community, in recognition ofthe heroic role played by the Mujahidin inprotecting the independence ofAfghanistan and the dignity of its people,to take the necessary measures, in coordi-nation with the Interim Authority, to assistin the reintegration of the Mujahidin intothe new Afghan security and armedforces;

5. Invite the United Nations and theinternational community to create a fundto assist the families and other dependentsof martyrs and victims of the war, as well

September 11, 2001


as the war disabled;6. Strongly urge that the United Nations,

the international community and regionalorganizations cooperate with the InterimAuthority to combat international terror-ism, cultivation and trafficking of illicitdrugs and provide Afghan farmers withfinancial, material and technical resourcesfor alternative crop production.

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The Secretary-General warmly welcomesthe signing in Bonn today of the Provi-sional Arrangements in Afghanistan,which provide for the establishment of anInterim Authority. He congratulates allconcerned—and particularly the Afghandelegations—on showing the necessaryspirit of compromise to reach this accord,which is an important step towards theachievement of lasting peace and a returnto legitimate authority in Afghanistan.

The Secretary-General notes that theProvisional Arrangements call for theUnited Nations system to play a multi-faceted role in their implementation. Hewishes to assure the Afghan people, whohave endured terrible suffering during thelast two decades, that the United Nationsstands ready to help them reach peace,stability and prosperity—and he trusts thatMember States will provide the necessaryresources and support.

The Secretary-General also wishes tothank Chancellor Schroeder and the Ger-man Government for the support they pro-vided to the Afghan delegations and toMr. Brahimi’s team during the last ninedays.

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The Security Council,Reaffirming its previous resolutions on

Afghanistan, in particular its resolution1378 (2001) of 14 November 2001,

Reaffirming its strong commitment tothe sovereignty, independence, territorialintegrity and national unity ofAfghanistan,

Stressing the inalienable right of theAfghan people themselves freely to deter-mine their own political future,

Determined to help the people ofAfghanistan to bring to an end the tragicconflicts in Afghanistan and promotenational reconciliation, lasting peace, sta-bility and respect for human rights, aswell as to cooperate with the internationalcommunity to put an end to the use ofAfghanistan as a base for terrorism,

Welcoming the letter of 5 December2001 from the Secretary- General inform-ing the Council of the signature in Bonnon 5 December 2001 of the Agreement onprovisional arrangements in Afghanistanpending the re-establishment of permanentgovernment institutions (S/2001/1154),

Noting that the provisional arrange-ments are intended as a first step towardsthe establishment of a broad-based, gendersensitive, multi-ethnic and fully represen-tative government,

1. Endorses the Agreement on provi-sional arrangements in Afghanistan pend-ing the re-establishment of permanentgovernment institutions as reported in theSecretary-General’s letter of 5 December2001;

2. Calls on all Afghan groups to imple-ment this Agreement in full, in particularthrough full cooperation with the InterimAuthority which is due to take office on22 December 2001;

3. Reaffirms its full support to the Spe-cial Representative of the Secretary-Gen-eral and endorses the missions entrustedto him in annex 2 of the above-mentionedAgreement;

4. Declares its willingness to take fur-ther action, on the basis of a report by theSecretary-General, to support the Interiminstitutions established by the above-men-tioned Agreement and, in due course, tosupport the implementation of the Agree-ment and its annexes;

5. Calls on all Afghan groups to supportfull and unimpeded access by humanitari-an organizations to people in need and toensure the safety and security of humani-tarian workers;

6. Calls on all bilateral and multilateraldonors, in coordination with the SpecialRepresentative of the Secretary-General,United Nations Agencies and all Afghangroups, to reaffirm, strengthen and imple-ment their commitment to assist with therehabilitation, recovery and reconstruction

of Afghanistan, in coordination with theInterim Authority and as long as theAfghan groups fulfil their commitments;

7. Decides to remain actively seized ofthe matter.

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Secretary Colin Powell delivered hisremarks following the meeting of theNorth Atlantic Council at NATOHeadquarters in Brussels.

Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.The world has changed dramatically sinceSeptember 11 and NATO has respondeddramatically. Immediately after the Sep-tember 11 attacks NATO was the first tooffer its support, invoking Article V forthe first time in its history. On a personalnote, I will never forget the afternoon ofthe 12th of September, the day after theattack, talking to the Secretary General,Lord Robertson, and getting this expres-sion of solidarity on the part of NATO.

It has meant a great deal to us in theUnited States to have this immediateresponse on the part of this great alliancewe have proudly served within over thelast many, many years. Fifty-two years.And to see that everybody recognized thatthis attack was so severe that it warrantedArticle V. This unflinching decision, andthe critical assistance this alliance has pro-vided, has sent a clear message to our ene-mies about the depth of our common pur-pose.

These attacks have demonstrated justhow indispensable the NATO alliance

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VI. December 6-31,2001: Considering theNext Stage in theResponse

with its collective defense commitmentremains to our security, fifty years afterthe creation of NATO. Our resolve isshown by the NATO AWACS flying overthe skies of North America and by NATOnaval forces deployed in support of Oper-ation Enduring Freedom. Allied nationssent forces to the field to fight side by sidealongside our forces, and more are stand-ing by should they be needed.

A decade ago, allies decided to addressthe threats of the 21st century, includingterrorism. September 11 added newurgency to this process. Today, buildingon our obligations under Article III of theNorth Atlantic Treaty, we agreed to moverapidly to defend against terrorism andother emerging threats.

More broadly, NATO continues toenhance stability and security throughoutthe Euro-Atlantic area. Since the end ofthe Cold War, NATO has sought to buildcloser ties with Russia as a means ofincreasing that security. Today, theAlliance discussed ways to enhance ourpartnership with Russia, to build a moreopen, cooperative and confident relation-ship that reflects the values and interestswe share with Russia. Our goal is to cre-ate a NATO-Russia Council to pursueopportunities for joint action at 20 whenour views converge. We have asked ourambassadors in Brussels to work outdetails in the coming months. This is anopportunity for NATO and Russia toimprove qualitatively the way we worktogether.

Let me stress, however, that as westrengthen ties with Russia, it is notbecoming a NATO member. NATO, at 19,will maintain its prerogative to act inde-pendently on any issue. So we are not lim-iting NATO by NATO “at 20” but, in fact,we’re leveraging NATO with the inclusionof Russia in NATO at 20.

NATO has a lot of other importantissues on its plate as it prepares for nextyear’s summit in Prague. We have madegreat strides since the end of the Cold Warin overcoming divisions of the past andreaching out to former adversaries. But wehave yet to complete our vision of aEurope whole, free and at peace.

We remain firmly committed to continu-ing the enlargement process at the Praguesummit in November of 2002. NATO willcontinue to anchor the continent’s newdemocracies firmly in the transatlantic

community and to ensure the success ofdemocratic institutions and the democratictransition process.

We also discussed ways to intensify ouroutreach to all of NATO’s partners, manyof whom are playing vital roles in thecampaign against terrorism. We particular-ly welcome NATO’s efforts to strengthenpartnerships with the countries of CentralAsia and the Caucasus region.

NATO’s success in the Balkans demon-strates our ability to meet whatever chal-lenges confront us. Alliance solidarityremains the cornerstone of our policythere. As President Bush has said clearly,“We came in together. And we will leavetogether.” This commitment has notchanged even as we work together to has-ten the day when the region can look for-ward to a secure future in partnership withNATO and its Partnership for Peace, andwithout a NATO-led force present.

As allies prepare the way to Prague nextNovember, NATO and the transatlanticcommunity continue to form the indis-pensable foundation for the peace andprosperity of all our nations and thosewho are friends of NATO as well. SinceNATO’s creation over fifty years ago, wehave met our challenges together. Andtogether we will conquer today’s chal-lenges as well.

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been areport in the last hour, so I’m not sureyou’re aware of it, that Mullah Omarhas talked about relinquishing controlof Kandahar Friday. Are you aware ofit, and do you have a comment?

Secretary Powell. I am aware of thereport. I can’t confirm it. I think it reflectsthe fact that Kandahar is under a greatdeal of pressure, and the Taliban controlin that part of the country is starting tofragment and come apart. And I think it isjust a matter of time. And if this reportturns out to be accurate, I think it will be avery positive move, as we get rid of theTaliban regime and prepare the countryfor the return of legitimate government inthe form of the interim administration,which was created earlier this week inBonn.

Q. How do you think how the newlyestablished friendship between Russiaand NATO will reflect on the relation-

ship between NATO and the U.S., withthe Caucasian states, in particular withGeorgia?

Secretary Powell. I think it willenhance our ability to deal with difficultissues such as Georgia. We will be meet-ing NATO at 20, when we get it all estab-lished. The 20 will be meeting on a veryregular basis here in Brussels. I wouldexpect they could meet several times aweek. There is an opportunity for greaterconsultation and coordination, a greateropportunity for us to present our currentconcerns to Russia, and for Russia torespond to those concerns and to give ustheir perspective.

So I think this will make it easier for usto deal with these sorts of issues as theycome along that affect the entire Euro-Atlantic community. And so I think it willenhance our ability to deal with thesekinds of issues.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, a question on thecampaign against terrorism. Prior tothe offensive against the al-Qaida andthe Taliban, the United States made agreat effort to lay before its allies theevidence that it had for the linksbetween this organization and theattacks in the United States.

If and when you decide to move toanother stage of the campaign, possiblytargeting other countries, will you be, asa preliminary, setting out your evidencein that sort of detail prior to taking anymilitary action against other countries?

Secretary Powell. The United Stateswill not act against another country oranother group without a basis for takingsuch action. Taking military action is aserious matter, and we don’t do it unadvis-edly or without having solid evidence. Itwill depend on the specific countryinvolved or the specific group involved asto what we are able to put in the publicdomain with respect to evidence. Withrespect to al-Qaida and Usama bin Ladenand the Taliban, we were able to put someinformation out rather quickly, and thenour British colleagues were able to put outanother body of information, and then wewere able to follow up.

And there were those then who said, do

September 11, 2001


you have all the evidence that you need?And we were quite sure we did, and putout as much as we reasonably could atthat time, considering security concerns.But I don’t think there is anybody whodoubts now that al-Qaida and Usama binLaden were responsible for what hap-pened on the 11th of September. And wewill act with the same care and considera-tion as we move forward to Phase 3 andthe subsequent phases of our campaignagainst terrorism.

Q. Secretary Powell, before youarrived here in Brussels, you said thatyou were going to be talking with U.S.allies about various offers to contributeto this international peacekeeping force,this coalition of the willing. You saidyou were going to try to answer ques-tions about the mandate, the size, whowould lead it. Have you come any closerto that, in putting this force together,and is it necessary for this force to be inplace before December 22nd, when theinterim administration moves to Kabul?

Secretary Powell. I have had somebilateral discussions with my colleagueshere, and I expect to have more in thecourse of the afternoon, just to share withthem my thinking on it, the United Statesthinking on it, and to get their views. Theinterim administration that was created inBonn has asked for an international forceto come in, and we are now talking to ourfriends, talking to the United Nationsabout what the mandate of this forceshould be, what mission should it be readyto perform. They asked for it initially tobe in Kabul. Where will we put it inKabul?

And what has impressed me so greatlyare the number of countries who havestepped forward and said they are willingto contribute troops to such a force. Therewill be no shortage of troops. Getting theright mix and determining the leadershipof this force has yet to be sorted out. Forthe foreseeable future, General TommyFranks, our commander, the CENTCOMcommander, will command all of thecoalition forces that are in the theater,because he still has a mission of goingafter al-Qaida, the Taliban and Usama binLaden.

I would expect, however, that as theinternational force comes into the theater,

and as General Franks winds down hispart of the mission, we would pass offcontrol to the leader of this coalition ofthe willing. The point with respect towhether we get it in there before the 22ndor not, we haven’t really discussed this,whether that is an essential matter or not.The 22nd isn’t that far away and you justdon’t beam people in. There is quite aprocess required to identify units, getthem ready to go and then actually movethem into the theater.

Let me just touch on the fact that thereare so many countries, not only in NATOand elsewhere, that are willing to con-tribute. There has been some speculationthat NATO was kept on the sidelines.Quite the contrary, it was just a source ofgreat encouragement to me to see how somany of our NATO colleagues came for-ward immediately and said, we’ll put2,000 people on alert, we’ll put 6,000 peo-ple on alert, we’ll give you more AWACS,we’ll give you C-130s, we’ll give you spe-cial operating forces. We’re ready, tell uswhat you need. There are 200 liaison offi-cers at our headquarters in Tampa, Flori-da, all anxious to be a part of it. I under-stand that.

But when you run a campaign plan, youhave to feed units into the campaign asyou need them, and there will be futureneeds as we get into this internationalpeacekeeping force. So the suggestion thatNATO has been kept on the sidelines isnot an accurate one. NATO was right thereat the very beginning with the offer of itscapabilities.

And then we had the option, the pleas-ant option, of choosing from that menuthat was provided and all that capabilitythat was made available to us by NATO.That shows the relevance of NATO. Andas we get further into this internationalpeacekeeping force, I am quite sure wewill be going back to our NATO allies,most likely on a bilateral basis or withinthe U.N. framework, to ask them to bringthose capabilities, bring those units for-ward in order to keep Afghanistan movingin the right direction. Far from being onthe sidelines, NATO has been front andcenter since day one.

Q. Secretary Powell, just to follow upon this, do you see a collective NATOrole in this international force inAfghanistan?

Secretary Powell. I am sure it will bediscussed collectively within NATO coun-cils. But as you know, Article V doesn’tsay the whole alliance has to respond col-lectively. Each individual member of thealliance decides how it will contribute tothat Article V invocation requirement orcommitment. And so I am quite sure wewill be discussing with Lord Robertsonand his colleagues what the needs are. Butthen I think the actual contributions andthe deals that will be cut will be betweenthe leader of the coalition of the willingand the individual countries who are offer-ing capabilities, because they will not onlybe NATO offers, they will be offers frommany other nations around the world whohave made such offers, and there will haveto be a U.N. role in it as well.

So it will be a little complicated, but wehave dealt with complicated situations likethis before, and they all tend to work outnotwithstanding what looks like bureau-cratic impasses at the front end.

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Secretary Rumsfeld. Good morning. I’dlike to recognize the brave service ofthose soldiers that were killed and wound-ed in Afghanistan yesterday. Our condo-lences go to their families and their lovedones. These men were engaged in a nobleand important cause, and their familieshave every right to be proud, as we all are,of their commitment and their sacrifice.

The circumstances surrounding the inci-dent are, as you know, under investigation.We’ll have more to say about that as welearn more.

We’re moving forward to take this fightto the terrorists.

I understand there is concern about theaccess that was afforded journalists in thevicinity of the incident. We are mindful ofthe sensitivities of families back homewho may not know that an incident hasoccurred, and we prefer that they not learnabout something like that until they havebeen advised by the department. We doremain committed to the principle that the

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media should have access to both the goodand the bad in this effort. The people onthe ground, in the Marine Corps, haveacknowledged—or correction—in the ser-vice have acknowledged that they havenot handled the matter perfectly, andthey’re in the process of reviewing theirprocedures.

The deaths do underscore the nature ofwhat we’re doing. This is a war that beganbecause we were attacked on September11th. Every day, American troops areplacing their lives on the line in thedefense of the country.

Tomorrow is the 60th anniversary ofPearl Harbor, a surprise attack that killedmore than 2,000 Americans. A terriblesurprise attack on September 11th killedeven more Americans. It is certainly rightto recall the lessons of Pearl Harbor as wefight the war against terror. In both cases,it wasn’t that we were not expectingthreats—indeed, we were—but that wemay not have been paying sufficient atten-tion to what then seemed improbable. Wenow know that the improbable can hap-pen, and has.

The proliferation of weapons of massdestruction with increasing range andpower in the hands of multiple potentialadversaries means that now, in the comingyears, we face new threats from newforms of terrorism, to satchel bombs,cyber-attacks, cruise missiles, ballisticmissiles.

The threats are real, and the lethality ismultiples of what we have previouslyexperienced. We remain firmly committedto transforming our military so that we asa country are able to meet the challengesof this new century.

General Pace.

General Pace. Thank you, sir. Goodmorning. Along with the secretary, I’d liketo also express for all of us in uniform ourcondolences to the families of the threeservice members who were killed inaction in Afghanistan, and also to the fam-ilies of the 17 who were wounded—20who were wounded, 17 of whom wereevacuated and are currently receivingmedical treatment, and the three who werewounded who were able to stay inAfghanistan. Also, to the families of thefive Afghan soldiers who were killed andto the 19 of those soldiers who were med-ically evacuated to U.S. ships and are

receiving treatment there. We did have yesterday approximately 85

aircraft conducting strike operations. Ihave three videos for you. The first is avideo on a compound where Talibantroops were believed to have been holedup.

* * * *

Q. Mr. Secretary, there are reports thatOmar and the Taliban leadership haveagreed to surrender Kandahar with theunderstanding that Omar wouldremain in the control of oppositionforces. Number one, have you any con-firmation of that, or are such negotia-tions moving faster? And would you bewilling to accept Omar remainingunder control of the opposition if hesurrenders? Taliban.

Secretary Rumsfeld. The—I have seenany number of reports on this subject overthe past 48 hours, and they are continuingto be reported.

There is no question what the positionof the United States of America is, andthat is that we have as our principal objec-tives seeing that we deal effectively withthe senior al Qaeda leadership and the Tal-iban leadership, and that we—the remain-ing al Qaeda fighters do not leave thecountry and go off to conduct additionalterrorist attacks on other nations, includ-ing the United States, and thatAfghanistan not be a nation that harborsterrorists.

We have expressed very forcefully to allof the so-called opposition leaders, whohave been opposing the Taliban, what ourprincipal goals are and what are views are,and we have—at least at this moment, Ihave not seen or heard anything thatwould suggest that anyone is negotiatingsomething that would be contrary to whatour interests are.

Q. So you’re saying—

Secretary Rumsfeld. It is not to say itcould not happen, but I—at least at thismoment, our message has been deliveredvery clearly.

Q. So you’re saying, as you’ve saidbefore, that you wouldn’t accept anyother circumstance except that Omar

be turned over to the United States?

Secretary Rumsfeld. I—I guess I’msaying what I said. And it means that theUnited States does, in fact, have as itsintention seeing that we have stopped allof the senior leadership and the al Qaedaand that the country is not a haven for ter-rorists.

Is it conceivable that some formulationcould evolve that would satisfy that andnot be consistent with what you said? Idon’t know. I haven’t thought of what itmight be. But certainly, you can be certainthat the people—the opposition forces inand around Kandahar, where it is believedOmar is, are fully aware of our verystrong view on this. And our cooperationand assistance with those people wouldclearly take a turn south if somethingwere to be done with respect to the seniorpeople in that situation that was inconsis-tent with what I’ve said.

* * * *

Q. The relief groups in the north arecomplaining that the aid is not gettingto the people that need it, and one ofthe reasons is the lack of a securityforce up there. Reportedly, GeneralFranks has said he doesn’t want a secu-rity force in the region until the mili-tary situation is under control. Is thatstill the case? Or is now the time to getsome sort of a force up there to help theaid?

Secretary Rumsfeld. First of all, it’strue that there are humanitarian needs thatare not being met in the country, and ittends to be not because a shortage ofthings—food, medicine, clothing—butbecause of distribution out from centralpoints. So there is a sizable amount ofhumanitarian assistance getting in thecountry. But it is clearly not because ofthe dangers in the country it’s not movingout as rapidly as one would hope to theneedy people, unless they happen to benearby these centers.

The people on the ground are doing, inmany cases, the best they can. They’re try-ing to provide a stable, security situation.There are criminals, there is disorder,there has been war, there are pockets ofTaliban, there are pockets of al Qaeda,there are people coming in from other

September 11, 2001


countries on occasion and making mis-chief.

Now, is it possible in one fell swoop tocreate a stable, peaceful situation whereall good things can happen and distribu-tion can take place in a safe, hospitableenvironment? I think not.

It’s going to take a little bit of time. The people on the ground have—correc-

tion, the people in Bonn, if I’m not mis-taken, indicated that they would prefer tohave a security force of some kind inKabul. They have not opined, to myknowledge, on security forces elsewhere.Therefore, the opposition forces, theforces that have control of whatever piecesof real estate they have control over, willbe the ones that will provide that security.

I’m told—but I’ve been told thisbefore—that there is at least a possibilitythat the bridge will be open in a period—arelatively short period of time to Uzbek-istan, that more flow will continue. As theairports get fixed, they also will serve ashubs. And as the pockets of Taliban geteliminated, one would think that the distri-bution could improve.

I do not think that the idea of securityforces covering that entire country is prob-ably a good idea. It is not for me to saywhether it’s a good idea, however. It’spretty clear that the opposition forcesdon’t think it’s a clear (sic) idea, and it’salso pretty clear that the group that met inBonn don’t think it’s a good idea, becauseall they considered was the idea of a forcein Kabul.

Now, do I think it’s going to get betterevery day? Yes, I do. And let’s hope itdoes before the winter gets—

Q. Will the United States have topress those opposition groups to allowsome sort of a security force in, or justwait for them to make—(off mike)?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, I think whatthe United States has to keep trying to dois to keep encouraging them to provide thekind of stable situation. And they’re doingit. They’re moving after some of thoseTaliban pockets from time to time, andwe’re helpful from time to time. And weare encouraging everyone to see that thekind of humanitarian assistance that is sobadly needed in that country in fact getsin.

Q. From a practical standpoint, if anumber of al Qaeda or Taliban leadersand soldiers start surrendering in thenext day or two, what can the U.S. do tostop them from dispersing throughoutthe country? You’ve got a thousandMarines and Special Ops teams spreadaround the nation. Would you have tosurge more troops in quickly? Or prac-tically, what would you have to do?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, we don’thave enough troops on the ground to con-trol the country, so we have to control itindirectly and attempt to affect it indirect-ly by working with the opposition forces.And that’s what we do. Every day, they’rein close discussion with the U.S. soldiersand with various other people on theground embedded in their units and oper-ating under directions from General TomFranks, that we’re aware of what thoseguidance are and what our preferencesare. And it frequently results in a discus-sion, and then a—often understandings asto what will take place next. That is whathappens.

Let’s now disaggregate those folks.Let’s say that there’s—there’s Afghan Tal-iban below the senior level. Those folksvery likely are going to drift back into thecommunity unless—as they’re interrogat-ed and looked at, people are going to tryto sift and sort and say here’s some badones, and these folks are just going to gooff into the mountains or off into their vil-lages. Then the senior ones, that you’regoing to have to keep your eyes on. Andhow that would be done, I don’t know.

It could be any number of ways. Third, with respect to al Qaeda of all

levels, you don’t want them millingaround the country, and you don’t wantthem leaving the country, because they’rejust going to go out and kill people insome other country. So they need to bestopped. And clearly, with respect to thesenior people, they’re going to get a greatdeal of attention.

Q. The foreign fighters you’re mostconcerned about, how will you—just

Secretary Rumsfeld. You may have toimpound them.

Q. How would the U.S. do that,though, with the limited force you have

there?

Secretary Rumsfeld. Well, you’d prob-ably use the opposition forces and encour-age them to do it and provide a properplace for them to imprison them and holdthem for appropriate periods and—sosorts can be made and then, ultimately,disposition can be made of them.

Q. Encourage them, but you can’tdirect them—

Secretary Rumsfeld. No. I mean, thisis an unusual situation. People are lookingfor us—you know, it’s the old glass box atthe—at the gas station, where you’re usingthose little things trying to pick up theprize, and you can’t find it. It’s—and it’sall these arms are going down in there,and so you keep dropping it and picking itup again and moving it, but—some of youare probably too young to rememberthose—those glass boxes, but—


President Bush delivered his remarks totroops on the USS Enterprise in Norfolk,Virginia.

This is a fitting place to mark one of themost fateful days in American history. OnDecember the 7th, 1941, the enemyattacked. Today is an anniversary of atragedy for the United States Navy. Yet,out of that tragedy, America built thestrongest Navy in the world. And there isno better symbol of that strength than theUSS Enterprise.

What happened at Pearl Harbor was thestart of a long and terrible war for Ameri-ca. Yet, out of that surprise attack grew asteadfast resolve that made America free-dom’s defender. And that mission—ourgreat calling—continues to this hour, asthe brave men and women of our militaryfight the forces of terror in Afghanistanand around the world.

* * * *

The attack on Pearl Harbor was plotted insecret, waged without mercy, taking thelives of 2,403 Americans. The shock andchaos came on a quiet Sunday morning.There were acts of great heroism amongst

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those who survived, and those who didnot. Nine who fell that day had Navyships named after them. In two hours’time, for bravery above and beyond thecall of duty, 15 men earned the Medal ofHonor. And 10 of them did not live towear it.

Young sailors refused to abandon ship,even as the waters washed over the decks.They chose instead to stay and try to savetheir friends. A mess steward carried hiscommander to safety, and then manned amachine gun for the first time in his life.Two pilots ran through heavy fire to getinto their P-40 fighters. They proceeded tochase and shoot down four enemy aircraft.

Those were among the scenes ofDecember the 7th. On December the 8th,as the details became known, the nation’sgrief turned to resolution. During fouryears of war, no one doubted the rightnessof our cause, no one wavered in the questof victory. As a result of the efforts andsacrifice of the veterans who are with ustoday, and of millions like them, the worldwas saved from tyranny.

Many of you in today’s Navy are thechildren and grandchildren of the genera-tion that fought and won the SecondWorld War. Now your calling has come.Each one of you is commissioned by his-tory to face freedom’s enemies.

When the Enterprise sailed out of Nor-folk last April, we were a nation at peace.All of that changed on the morning ofSeptember the 11th. You were among thefirst to fight in the first war of the 21stcentury. You were ready. You performedwith skill and honor. And you have madeyour nation proud.

On board this ship when you returned toport four weeks ago was a young mannamed Ruben Rodriguez. Two days later,Petty Officer Rodriguez lost his life in aplane crash. His wife and his family are inour thoughts and prayers. One of the lastthings this sailor did was to visit GroundZero in New York City. He saw what theterrorists did to America, and he said to afriend, that’s why I fought.

And that’s why we are all fighting. Weare fighting to protect ourselves and ourchildren from violence and fear. We’refighting for the security of our people andthe success of liberty. We’re fightingagainst men without conscience, but fullof ambition—to remake the world in theirown brutal images. For all the reasons

we’re fighting to win—and win we will. There is a great divide in our time—not

between religions or cultures, but betweencivilization and barbarism. People of allcultures wish to live in safety and dignity.The hope of justice and mercy and betterlives are common to all humanity. Ourenemies reject these values—and by doingso, they set themselves not against theWest, but against the entire world.

Our war against terror is not a waragainst one terrorist leader or one terroristgroup. Terrorism is a movement, an ideol-ogy that respects no boundary of national-ity or decency. The terrorists despise cre-ative societies and individual choice—andthus they bear a special hatred for Ameri-ca. They desire to concentrate power inthe hands of a few, and to force every lifeinto grim and joyless conformity. Theycelebrate death, making a mission of mur-der and a sacrament of suicide. Yet, forsome reason—for some reason, onlyyoung followers are ushered down thisdeadly path to paradise, while terroristleaders run into caves to save their ownhides.

We’ve seen their kind before. The ter-rorists are the heirs to fascism. They havethe same will to power, the same disdainfor the individual, the same mad globalambitions. And they will be dealt with injust the same way. Like all fascists, theterrorists cannot be appeased: they mustbe defeated. This struggle will not end ina truce or treaty. It will end in victory forthe United States, our friends and thecause of freedom.

The Enterprise has been part of thiscampaign. And when we need you again, Iknow you’ll be ready. Our enemies doubtthis. They believe that free societies areweak societies. But we’re going to provethem wrong. Just as we were 60 yearsago, in a time of war, this nation will bepatient, we’ll be determined, and we willbe relentless in the pursuit of freedom.

This is becoming clear to al Qaeda ter-rorists and the Taliban. Not long ago, thatregime controlled most of Afghanistan.Today, they control not much more than afew caves. (Laughter and applause.) Notlong ago, al Qaeda’s leader dismissedAmerica as a paper tiger. That was beforethe tiger roared. Throughout history, otherarmies have sought to conquerAfghanistan, and they failed. Our militarywas sent to liberate Afghanistan, and you

are succeeding. We’re a long way from finished in

Afghanistan. Much difficult and danger-ous work is yet to come. Many terroristsare still hiding in heavily fortified bunkersin very rugged territory. They are said tobe prepared for a long stay underground.But they are in for a sudden change ofplans—because one by one, we’re goingto find them. And piece by piece, we’lltear their terrorist network apart.

As we fight the terrorists, we are alsohelping the people they have persecuted.We have brought tons of food and medi-cine to the Afghan people. They will needmore help as winter comes, and we willprovide it. Most of all, that country needsa just and stable government. America isworking with all concerned parties to helpform such a government. After years ofoppression, the Afghan people—includingwomen—deserve a government that pro-tects the rights and dignity of all its peo-ple. America is pleased by the Afghanprogress in creating an interim govern-ment—and we’re encouraged by the inclu-sion of women in positions of authority.

And the war on terror continues beyondAfghanistan, with the closing of bankaccounts and the arrests of known terror-ists. We’ve put the terrorists and thenations in the world on notice: We willnot rest until we stop all terrorists of glob-al reach. And for every nation that harborsor supports terrorists, there will be a dayof reckoning.

A few days from now, I will go to agreat American institution, the Citadel, todescribe the new capabilities and tech-nologies we will need to wage this broadwar on terrorism for years to come. Wewill need the intelligence to find theenemy where he dwells, and the means tostrike swiftly across the world. We musthave a military organized for decisive andtotal victory. And to you, the men andwomen of our military, I make thispledge: you will have every resource,every weapon, every tool you need to winthe long battle that lies ahead.

This war came oh so suddenly, but it hasbrought out the best in our nation. Wehave learned a lot about ourselves andabout our friends in the world. Nationsstand with us, because this is civilization’sfight. Today we take special pride that oneof our former enemies is now amongAmerica’s finest friends: we’re grateful to

September 11, 2001


our ally, Japan, and to its good people.Today, our two Navies are working sideby side in the fight against terror.

The bitterness of 60 years ago haspassed away. The struggles of our war inthe Pacific now belong to history. ForAmericans who fought it, and suffered itslosses, what remains is the lasting honorof service in a great cause, and the memo-ry of the ones who fell.

Today, at Pearl Harbor, veterans aregathering to pay tribute to the young menthey remember who never escaped thesunken ships. And over the years, somePearl Harbor veterans have made a lastrequest. They asked that their ashes bebrought down and placed inside the USSArizona. After the long lives given them,they wanted to rest besides the best menthey ever knew.

Such loyalty and love remain the great-est strength of the United States Navy.And the might of our Navy is neededagain. When America looks at you—theyoung men and women who defend ustoday—we are grateful. On behalf of thepeople of the United States, I thank youfor your commitment, your dedication andyour courage.

May God bless you, and may God blessAmerica.

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Secretary Colin Powell and Minister IgorIvanov delivered their remarks followingtheir meeting at the Kremlin.

Foreign Minister Ivanov. Dear ladies andgentlemen, very substantial and intensivetalks between the President of Russia, Mr.Putin, and Secretary Powell took place.During these talks, key problems of U.S.-Russian relations and acute topics ofmutual relations were discussed. Thismeeting was a logical development of therecent negotiations during the official visitof President Putin to the U.S. Moscow andWashington are satisfied that the positiveimpetus provide to the U.S.-Russian rela-tions during the summit providing someresults. The broadest evidence of this isthe joint effort of our countries in combat-ing terrorism. An active political dialogue

is under way on the highest level in thefirst place and other levels, too. We areexpanding cooperation at the internationalarena. Positive trends can be seen in thedevelopment of trade and economic rela-tions. As was stated during the talks of thePresident with the State Secretary of theUnited States, both countries will do jointand mutual efforts to stipulate, fix, andstep up the positive trends. We are con-vinced that this meets the interests of ourcountries and the stability and security ofthe whole world.

Great attention was paid to the issue ofstrategic stability. Russia proceeds fromthis option that without losing time, it isnecessary to formalize now the results thatwere achieved during the recent Russian-U.S. summit in America. First of all, it isrelated to the expressed intentions to makecuts in nuclear offensive weapons and therelevant legal formalization of thisarrangement, given adequate control andtransparency. And we believe it would bepolitically right to set for ourselves thetask to formalize this arrangement by theforthcoming visit by the President of theUnited States to Russia, which is sched-uled for the middle of next year. We havealso started the issues related to the ABMTreaty of 1972. The positions of the sidesremain unchanged.

A lot of attention was paid to the issuesof coordination of our efforts in the fieldof combating terrorism. First of all, thejoint efforts were considered, given theleading role of the United Nations, asregards the formation of new bodies ofauthority in Afghanistan after the defeat ofthe Taliban, especially in the economicand humanitarian fields. We have alsoconsidered the consideration that is ofgreat concern to us, that is the MiddleEast situation. Russia and the U.S. are co-sponsors of the Middle East settlementand we have close interaction in thisregard and we will do our best to find away out of this dangerous crisis.

We have exchanged views on the possi-ble future steps on the development of apartnership between Russia and NATO. Afew days ago in Brussels we have dis-cussed this issue in the Permanent JointCouncil and the opinion was expressedthat there was a necessity to elaborate amechanism that would allow us to bringour partnership to a higher level so that itworks in the formula when Russia and the

NATO partners will form their group oftwenty.

Our discussions also showed that therelations are developing and the Secretaryof State even noted that it is even hard tocount the number of times we have metthis year, probably sixteen. We are surethere is a necessity to push our relation-ship up to a higher partnership level sothat we enhance and make our coopera-tion stronger in all fields. This is the polit-ical will of the leaders of our countries,and the presidents of the United Statesand Russia will continue to work in thatdirection.

Secretary Powell. Thank you verymuch, Mister Minister. I am very pleasedto be in Moscow for the first time as Sec-retary of State. I fully agree with thereport my colleague has given withrespect to our discussions today. I believetoday represents once again another build-ing block on the solid foundation that hasbeen developed over the last elevenmonths between President Bush and Presi-dent Putin. The last thing President Putinsaid was for us to work even more closelytogether in the future. We did have a longdiscussion on Afghanistan and are pleasedwith the developments to date and arepleased with the cooperation that existsbetween the United States and Russia inthe situation in Afghanistan.

As the Minister noted, we had a gooddiscussion on the strategic framework weare working on. We are close to gettingthe strategic offensive numbers in linewith each other. Both of our presidentshave charged us to finish this work assoon as possible, and to find ways to for-malize this agreement at lower levels ofstrategic offensive numbers and to try toget the work concluded in time for the twopresidents when they meet in Moscow inthe middle of next year and to do it in away that preserves the verification andtransparency procedures that exist in cur-rent agreements. As the Minister said, westill have disagreements with regard tomissile defense and the ABM treaty andwe will continue working on the wholestrategic framework both offensive anddefense in the months ahead as instructedby our presidents.

We did cover other issues, including thesituation in the Middle East, which trou-bles us both. We will be doing everything

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we can in our power to get both back tothe negotiating table so we can get to acease-fire. I just might conclude by sayingthat we are very pleased with the state ofour relationship right now. I think ourimprovement has been accelerated by theevents of September 11th and since thenwe have been working more closely thanbefore September 11th and I expect to beworking even more closely with MinisterIvanov and his colleagues and with otherAmerican cabinet officials and their col-leagues on the Russian side in the monthsahead. Our relation is strong and it willget stronger with each passing day. Thankyou.

Q. First of all, does the U.S. Adminis-tration plan to expand their anti-terror-ist operation to cover other countries ofthe region, Iraq in particular, and asmall addition to the previous questionthat was addressed to the Secretary ofState. You were a military service man,and you were very high-ranking mili-tary man, and you also participated inoperations such as Desert Storm. Butyou said you were very glad to come toMoscow as a diplomat. Does that meanthat it is easier for you to handle all thecrises as a diplomat rather than as amilitary [man]?

Secretary Powell. With respect to yourfirst question, the United States and itspartners are embarked on a campaignagainst terrorism throughout the entireworld. The first phase of that campaignwas directed against Usama bin Laden, al-Qaida, and the Taliban. As we get intoother phases of the operation, we need tolook at those terrorist organization thatexist and those regimes that support them,or those regimes that are developingweapons of mass destruction that could beused by terrorists or threaten othernations. President Bush has not yet madeany decision, nor has he received any rec-ommendations from his national securityteam as to targets we should go after, towhat targets we should direct our attentionin the next phase of the campaign. Someproblems can be solved by diplomats.Other problems can only be solved, unfor-tunately, by soldiers who are willing toput their lives at risk. So a good foreignpolicy should be backed up by good diplo-mats and good soldiers.


President Bush delivered his remarks tostudents at the Citadel.

I have come to talk about the future secu-rity of our country, in a place where I tookup this subject two years ago when I wascandidate for President. In September1999, I said here at the Citadel that Amer-ica was entering a period of consequencesthat would be defined by the threat of ter-ror, and that we faced a challenge of mili-tary transformation. That threat has nowrevealed itself, and that challenge is nowthe military and moral necessity of ourtime.

So, today, I will set forth the commit-ments essential to victory in our waragainst terror.

I want to thank Major General John Gri-nalds for his hospitality. I want to thankthe Citadel Board of Visitors, the staff,and the faculty. I understand the Governoris here. And I know my friends, the Lt.Governor, the Speaker and the AttorneyGeneral are here, and it was great to haveseen them at the airport. I thank myfriend, Adjutant General Stan Spears forbeing here.

I’m grateful that Senator Hollings andmembers of the South Carolina congres-sional delegation flew down on Air ForceOne. I only wish that the senior Senatorwas on the airplane so I could havewished him a happy 99th birthday.

But most of all, most of all, I want tosay how much I appreciate being in thepresence of some of America’s finest, theSouth Carolina Corp of Cadets of Citadel.

Four days ago, I joined the men andwomen of the USS Enterprise to mark the60th anniversary of Pearl Harbor. Decem-ber 7th, 1941 was a decisive day thatchanged our nation forever. In a singlemoment, America’s “splendid isolation”was ended. And the four years that fol-lowed transformed the American way ofwar.

The age of battleships gave way to theoffensive capability of aircraft carriers.The tank, once used only to protectinfantry, now served to cut through enemylines. At Guadalcanal, and Normandy, andIwo Jima, amphibious warfare proved itsworth. And by war’s end, no one wouldever again doubt the value of strategic air

power. Even more importantly, an American

President and his successors shaped aworld beyond a war. They rebuilt Europewith the Marshall Plan, formed a greatalliance for freedom in NATO, andexpressed the hope of collective securityin the United Nations. America took thelead, becoming freedom’s defender andassuming responsibilities that only wecould bear.

September 11th, 2001—three monthsand a long time ago—set another dividingline in our lives and in the life of ournation. An illusion of immunity was shat-tered. A faraway evil became a presentdanger. And a great cause became clear:We will fight terror and those who spon-sor it, to save our children from a futureof fear.

To win this war, we have to think differ-ently. The enemy who appeared on Sep-tember 11th seeks to evade our strengthand constantly searches for our weakness-es. So America is required once again tochange the way our military thinks andfights. And starting on October 7th, theenemy in Afghanistan got the firstglimpses of a new American military thatcannot, and will not, be evaded.

When I committed U.S. forces to thisbattle, I had every confidence that theywould be up to the task. And they haveproven me right. The Taliban and the ter-rorists set out to dominate a country andintimidate the world. Today, from theircaves, it’s all looking a little different.And no cave is deep enough to escape thepatient justice of the United States ofAmerica.

We are also beginning to see the possi-bilities of a world beyond the war on ter-ror. We have a chance, if we take it, towrite a hopeful chapter in human history.All at once, a new threat to civilization iserasing old lines of rivalry and resentmentbetween nations. Russia and America arebuilding a new cooperative relationship.India and the United States are increasing-ly aligned across a range of issues, evenas we work closely with Pakistan. Ger-many and Japan are assuming new mili-tary roles, appropriate to their status asgreat democracies.

The vast majority of countries are nowon the same side of a moral and ideologi-cal divide. We’re making common causewith every nation that chooses lawful

September 11, 2001


change over chaotic violence—everynation that values peace and safety andinnocent life.

Staring across this divide are bands ofmurderers, supported by outlaw regimes.They are a movement defined by theirhatreds. They hate progress, and freedom,and choice, and culture, and music, and

laughter, and women, and Christians, andJews, and all Muslims who reject theirdistorted doctrines. They love only onething—they love power. And when theyhave it, they use it without mercy.

The great threat to civilization is notthat the terrorists will inspire millions.Only the terrorists themselves would wantto live in their brutal and joyless world.The great threat to civilization is that afew evil men will multiply their murders,and gain the means to kill on a scale equalto their hatred. We know they have thismad intent, and we’re determined to stopthem.

Our lives, our way of life, and our everyhope for the world depend on a singlecommitment: The authors of mass murdermust be defeated, and never allowed togain or use the weapons of mass destruc-

tion. America and our friends will meet this

threat with every method at our disposal.We will discover and destroy sleeper cells.We will track terrorist movements, tracetheir communications, disrupt their fund-ing, and take their network apart, piece bypiece.

Above all, we’re acting to end the statesponsorship of terror. Rogue states areclearly the most likely sources of chemi-cal and biological and nuclear weaponsfor terrorists. Every nation now knowsthat we cannot accept—and we will notaccept—states that harbor, finance, train,or equip the agents of terror. Thosenations that violate this principle will beregarded as hostile regimes. They havebeen warned, they are being watched, andthey will be held to account.

Preventing mass terror will be theresponsibilities of Presidents far into thefuture. And this obligation sets threeurgent and enduring priorities for Ameri-ca. The first priority is to speed the trans-formation of our military.

When the Cold War ended, some pre-dicted that the era of direct threats to ournation was over. Some thought our mili-tary would be used overseas—not to winwars, but mainly to police and pacify, tocontrol crowds and contain ethnic conflict.They were wrong.

While the threats to America havechanged, the need for victory has not. Weare fighting shadowy, entrenched ene-mies—enemies using the tools of terrorand guerrilla war—yet we are finding newtactics and new weapons to attack anddefeat them. This revolution in our mili-tary is only beginning, and it promises tochange the face of battle.

Afghanistan has been a proving groundfor this new approach. These past twomonths have shown that an innovativedoctrine and high-tech weaponry canshape and then dominate an unconvention-al conflict. The brave men and women ofour military are rewriting the rules of warwith new technologies and old values likecourage and honor. And they have madethis nation proud.

Our commanders are gaining a real-timepicture of the entire battlefield, and areable to get targeting information from sen-sor to shooter almost instantly. Our intelli-gence professionals and special forceshave cooperated in battle-friendly—with

battle-friendly Afghan forces—fighterswho know the terrain, who know the Tal-iban, and who understand the local cul-ture. And our special forces have the tech-nology to call in precision air strikes—along with the flexibility to direct thosestrikes from horseback, in the first cavalrycharge of the 21st century.

This combination—real-time intelli-gence, local allied forces, special forces,and precision air power—has really neverbeen used before. The conflict inAfghanistan has taught us more about thefuture of our military than a decade ofblue ribbon panels and think-tank sympo-siums.

The Predator is a good example. Thisunmanned aerial vehicle is able to circleover enemy forces, gather intelligence,transmit information instantly back tocommanders, then fire on targets withextreme accuracy.

Before the war, the Predator had skep-tics, because it did not fit the old ways.Now it is clear the military does not haveenough unmanned vehicles. We’re enter-ing an era in which unmanned vehicles ofall kinds will take on greater impor-tance—in space, on land, in the air, and atsea.

Precision-guided munitions also offergreat promise. In the Gulf War, theseweapons were the exception—while inAfghanistan, they have been the majorityof the munitions we have used. We’restriking with greater effectiveness, atgreater range, with fewer civilian casual-ties. More and more, our weapons can hitmoving targets. When all of our militarycan continuously locate and track movingtargets—with surveillance from air andspace—warfare will be truly revolution-ized.

The need for military transformationwas clear before the conflict inAfghanistan, and before September the11th. Here at the Citadel in 1999, I spokeof keeping the peace by redefining war onour terms. The same recommendation wasmade in the strategic review that SecretaryRumsfeld briefed me on last August—areview that I fully endorse. What’s differ-ent today is our sense of urgency—theneed to build this future force while fight-ing a present war. It’s like overhauling anengine while you’re going at 80 miles anhour. Yet we have no other choice.

Our military has a new and essential

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To win this war, we have to thinkdifferently. The enemy who appeared onSeptember 11th seeks to evade ourstrength and constantly searches for ourweaknesses. So America is required onceagain to change the way our militarythinks and fights. And starting on October7th, the enemy in Afghanistan got the firstglimpses of a new American military thatcannot, and will not, be evaded.

When I committed U.S. forces to thisbattle, I had every confidence that theywould be up to the task. And they haveproven me right. The Taliban and the ter-rorists set out to dominate a country andintimidate the world. Today, from theircaves, it’s all looking a little different. Andno cave is deep enough to escape thepatient justice of the United States ofAmerica.

mission. For states that support terror, it’snot enough that the consequences be cost-ly—they must be devastating. The morecredible this reality, the more likely thatregimes will change their behavior—mak-ing it less likely that America and ourfriends will need to use overwhelmingforce against them.

To build our future force, the ArmedServices must continue to attract Ameri-ca’s best people, with good pay and goodliving conditions. Our military culturemust reward new thinking, innovation, andexperimentation. Congress must givedefense leaders the freedom to innovate,instead of micromanaging the DefenseDepartment. And every service and everyconstituency of our military must be will-ing to sacrifice some of their own pet pro-jects. Our war on terror cannot be used tojustify obsolete bases, obsolete programs,or obsolete weapon systems. Every dollarof defense spending must meet a singletest: It must help us build the decisivepower we will need to win the wars of thefuture.

Our country is united in supporting agreat cause—and in supporting those whofight for it. We will give our men andwomen in uniform every resource, everyweapon, every tool they need to win thelong battle that lies ahead.

America’s next priority to prevent massterror is to protect against the proliferationof weapons of mass destruction and themeans to deliver them. I wish I couldreport to the American people that thisthreat does not exist—that our enemy iscontent with car bombs and box cutters—but I cannot.

One former al Qaeda member has testi-fied in court that he was involved in aneffort 10 years ago to obtain nuclear mate-rials. And the leader of al Qaeda calls thateffort “a religious duty.” Abandoned alQaeda houses in Kabul contained dia-grams for crude weapons of mass destruc-tion. And as we all know, terrorists haveput anthrax into the U.S. mail, and usedsarin gas in a Tokyo subway.

And almost every state that activelysponsors terror is known to be seekingweapons of mass destruction and the mis-siles to deliver them at longer and longerranges. Their hope is to blackmail theUnited States into abandoning our war onterror, and forsaking our friends and alliesand security commitments around the

world. Our enemies are bound for disap-pointment. America will never be black-mailed, and we will never forsake ourcommitment to liberty.

To meet our new threats, I have directedmy National Security Advisor and myHomeland Security Director to develop acomprehensive strategy on proliferation.Working with other countries, we willstrengthen nonproliferation treaties andtoughen export controls. Together, wemust keep the world’s most dangeroustechnologies out of the hands of theworld’s most dangerous people.

A crucial partner in this effort is Rus-sia—a nation we are helping to dismantlestrategic weapons, reduce nuclear materi-al, and increase security at nuclear sites.Our two countries will expand efforts toprovide peaceful employment for scien-tists who formerly worked in Sovietweapons facilities. The United States willalso work with Russia to build a facility todestroy tons of nerve agent. I’ll request anover-all increase in funding to support thisvital mission.

Even as we fight to prevent prolifera-tion, we must prepare for every possibili-ty. At home, we must be better prepared todetect, protect against, and respond to thepotential use of weapons of mass destruc-tion. Abroad, our military forces musthave the ability to fight and win againstenemies who would use such weaponsagainst us.

Biodefense has become a major initia-tive of ours. This year we’ve alreadyrequested nearly $3 billion additional dol-lars for biodefense, more than doublingthe level of funding prior to September the11th.

The attacks on our nation made it evenmore clear that we need to build limitedand effective defenses against a missileattack. Our enemies seek every chanceand every means to do harm to our coun-try, our forces, and our friends. And wewill not permit it.

Suppose the Taliban and the terroristshad been able to strike America or impor-tant allies with a ballistic missile. Ourcoalition would have become fragile, thestakes in our war much, much higher. Wemust protect Americans and our friendsagainst all forms of terror, including theterror that could arrive on a missile.

Last week we conducted anotherpromising test of our missile defense tech-

nology. For the good of peace, we’re mov-ing forward with an active program todetermine what works and what does not

work. In order to do so, we must movebeyond the 1972 Anti-Ballistic MissileTreaty, a treaty that was written in a dif-ferent era, for a different enemy.

America and our allies must not bebound to the past. We must be able tobuild the defenses we need against the

September 11, 2001


The great threat to civilization is not thatthe terrorists will inspire millions. Only theterrorists themselves would want to livein their brutal and joyless world. The greatthreat to civilization is that a few evil menwill multiply their murders, and gain themeans to kill on a scale equal to theirhatred. We know they have this madintent, and we’re determined to stopthem.

Our lives, our way of life, and our everyhope for the world depend on a singlecommitment: The authors of mass murdermust be defeated, and never allowed togain or use the weapons of mass destruc-tion.

America and our friends will meet thisthreat with every method at our disposal.We will discover and destroy sleepercells. We will track terrorist movements,trace their communications, disrupt theirfunding, and take their network apart,piece by piece.

Above all, we’re acting to end the statesponsorship of terror. Rogue states areclearly the most likely sources of chemicaland biological and nuclear weapons forterrorists. Every nation now knows thatwe cannot accept—and we will notaccept—states that harbor, finance, train,or equip the agents of terror. Thosenations that violate this principle will beregarded as hostile regimes. They havebeen warned, they are being watched,and they will be held to account.

enemies of the 21st century. Our third and final priority in the fight

against mass terror is to strengthen theadvantage that good intelligence gives ourcountry. Every day I make decisions influ-enced by the intelligence briefing of thatmorning. To reach decisions, a Presidentneeds more than data and information. APresident needs real and current knowl-edge and analysis of the plans, intentions,and capabilities of our enemies.

The last several months have shown thatthere is no substitute for good intelligenceofficers, people on the ground. These arethe people who find the targets, follow ourenemies, and help us disrupt their evilplans.

The United States must rebuild our net-work of human intelligence. And we willapply the best new technology to gatherintelligence on the new threats. Sophisti-cated systems like Global Hawk, anunmanned surveillance plane, are trans-forming our intelligence capabilities. Ourtechnological strengths produce greatadvantages, and we will build on them.

Our intelligence services and federallaw enforcement agencies must workmore closely together, and share timelyinformation with our state and localauthorities. The more we know, the moreterrorist plans we can prevent and disrupt,and the better we’ll be able to protect theAmerican people.

And in all they do, our intelligenceagencies must attract the best people—thebest collectors, the best analysts, the bestlinguists. We will give them the trainingthey need and the compensation theydeserve.

There have been times here in Americawhen our intelligence services were heldin suspicion, and even contempt. Now,when we face this new war, we know howmuch we need them. And for their dedica-tion and for their service, America isgrateful.

We’re also grateful to you, the studentsof the Citadel. Your uniforms symbolize atradition of honor and sacrifice, renewedin your own lives. Many of you will enterour military—taking your place in the waragainst terror. That struggle may continuefor many years, and it may bring greatcosts. But you will have chosen a greatcalling at a crucial hour for our nation.

The course we follow is a matter of pro-found consequence to many nations. If

America wavers, the world will lose heart.If America leads, the world will show itscourage. America will never waver. Amer-ica will lead the world to peace.

Our cause is necessary. Our cause isjust. And no matter how long it takes, wewill defeat the enemies of freedom.

In all that is to come, I know the gradu-ates of the Citadel will bring credit toAmerica, to the military, and to this greatinstitution. In the words of your schoolsong, you will go where you’ve alwaysgone—“in the paths our fathers showedus. Peace and Honor, God and Country—we will fight for thee.”

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The following transcript of videotapedcomments Usama bin Laden wasreleased by the Department of Defense.

Transcript and annotations independentlyprepared by George Michael, translator,Diplomatic Language Services; and Dr.Kassem M. Wahba, Arabic language pro-gram coordinator, School of AdvancedInternational Studies, Johns Hopkins Uni-versity. They collaborated on their trans-lation and compared it with translationsdone by the U.S. government for consis-tency. There were no inconsistencies in thetranslations.

In mid-November, Usama Bin Ladenspoke to a room of supporters, possibly inQandahar, Afghanistan. These commentswere video taped with the knowledge ofBin Laden and all present.

Note: The tape is approximately onehour long and contains three different seg-ments: an original taping of a visit bysome people to the site of the downed U.S.helicopter in Ghazni province (approxi-mately 12 minutes long); and two seg-ments documenting a courtesy visit by BinLaden and his lieutenants to an unidenti-fied Shaykh, who appears crippled fromthe waist down. The visit apparently takesplace at a guesthouse in Qandahar. Thesequence of the events is reversed on thetape—the end of his visit is in the begin-ning of the tape with the helicopter sitevisit in the middle and the start of theUsama bin Laden visit beginning approxi-mately 39 minutes into the tape. The tape

is transcribed below according to theproper sequence of events.

Due to the quality of the original tape, itis NOT a verbatim transcript of everyword spoken during the meeting, but doesconvey the messages and information flow.

39 minutes into tape, first segment of thebin Laden meeting, begins after footage ofhelicopter site visit.

Shaykh. [inaudible] You have given usweapons, you have given us hope and wethank Allah for you. We don’t want totake much of your time, but this is thearrangement of the brothers. People noware supporting us more, even those oneswho did not support us in the past, supportus more now. I did not want to take thatmuch of your time. We praise Allah, wepraise Allah. We came from Kabul. Wewere very pleased to visit. May Allahbless you both at home and the camp. Weasked the driver to take us, it was a nightwith a full moon, thanks be to Allah.Believe me it is not in the country side.The elderly...everybody praises what youdid, the great action you did, which wasfirst and foremost by the grace of Allah.This is the guidance of Allah and theblessed fruit of jihad.

Usama Bin Laden. Thanks to Allah.What is the stand of the Mosques there (inSaudi Arabia)?

Shaykh. Honestly, they are very posi-tive. Shaykh Al-Bahrani (phonetic) gave agood sermon in his class after the sunsetprayers. It was videotaped and I was sup-posed to carry it with me, but unfortunate-ly, I had to leave immediately.

Usama Bin Laden. The day of theevents?

Shaykh. At the exact time of the attackon America, precisely at the time. He(Bahrani) gave a very impressive sermon.Thanks be to Allah for his blessings. He(Bahrani) was the first one to write at wartime. I visited him twice in Al-Qasim.

Usama Bin Laden. Thanks be to Allah.

Shaykh. This is what I asked fromAllah. He (Bahrani) told the youth: “Youare asking for martyrdom and wonderwhere you should go (for martyrdom)?”

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Allah was inciting them to go. I askedAllah to grant me to witness the truth infront of the unjust ruler. We ask Allah toprotect him and give him the martyrdom,after he issued the first fatwa. He wasdetained for interrogation, as you know.When he was called in and asked to sign,he told them, “don’t waste my time, Ihave another fatwa. If you want me, I cansign both at the same time.”

Usama Bin Laden. Thanks be to Allah.

Shaykh. His position is really veryencouraging. When I paid him the firstvisit about a year and half ago, he askedme, “How is Shaykh Bin-Ladin?” Hesends you his special regards. As far asShaykh Sulayman ‘Ulwan is concerned,he gave a beautiful fatwa, may Allah blesshim. Miraculously, I heard it on the Quranradio station. It was strange because he(‘Ulwan) sacrificed his position, which isequivalent to a director. It was transcribedword-by-word. The brothers listened to itin detail. I briefly heard it before the noonprayers. He (‘Ulwan) said this was jihadand those people were not innocent people(World Trade Center and Pentagon vic-tims). He swore to Allah. This was trans-mitted to Shaykh Sulayman Al ((‘Umar))Allah bless him.

Usama Bin Laden. What about ShaykhAl-((Rayan))?

Shaykh. Honestly, I did not meet withhim. My movements were truly limited.

Usama Bin Laden. Allah bless you.You are welcome.

Shaykh. (Describing the trip to themeeting) They smuggled us and then Ithought that we would be in differentcaves inside the mountains so I was sur-prised at the guest house and that it is veryclean and comfortable. Thanks be toAllah, we also learned that this location issafe, by Allah’s blessings. The place isclean and we are very comfortable.

Usama Bin Laden. [inaudible] whenpeople see a strong horse and a weakhorse, by nature, they will like the stronghorse. This is only one goal; those whowant people to worship the lord of thepeople, without following that doctrine,

will be following the doctrine of Muham-mad, peace be upon him.

[UBL quotes several short and incom-plete Hadith verses, as follows:]

“I was ordered to fight the people untilthey say there is no god but Allah, and hisprophet Muhammad.”

“Some people may ask: why do youwant to fight us?”

“There is an association between thosewho say: I believe in one god andMuhammad is his prophet, and those whodon’t [inaudible].”

“Those who do not follow the true fiqh.The fiqh of Muhammad, the real fiqh.They are just accepting what is being saidat face value.”

Usama Bin Laden. Those youth whoconducted the operations did not acceptany fiqh in the popular terms, but theyaccepted the fiqh that the prophet Muham-mad brought. Those young men[inaudible] said in deeds, in New York andWashington, speeches that overshadowedall other speeches made everywhere elsein the world. The speeches are understoodby both Arabs and non-Arabs—even byChinese. It is above all the media said.Some of them said that in Holland, at oneof the centers, the number of people whoaccepted Islam during the days that fol-lowed the operations were more than thepeople who accepted Islam in the lasteleven years. I heard someone on Islamicradio who owns a school in America say:“We don’t have time to keep up with thedemands of those who are asking aboutIslamic books to learn about Islam.” Thisevent made people think (about trueIslam)which benefited Islam greatly.

Shaykh. Hundreds of people used todoubt you and few only would follow youuntil this huge event happened. Now hun-dreds of people are coming out to joinyou. I remember a vision by Shaykh SalihAl-((Shuaybi)). He said: “There will be agreat hit and people will go out by hun-dreds to Afghanistan.” I asked him (Salih):“To Afghanistan?” He replied, “Yes.”According to him, the only ones who staybehind will be the mentally impotent andthe liars (hypocrites). I remembered hissaying that hundreds of people will go outto Afghanistan. He had this vision a yearago. This event discriminated between thedifferent types of followers.

Usama Bin Laden. [inaudible] we cal-culated in advance the number of casual-ties from the enemy, who would be killedbased on the position of the tower. We cal-culated that the floors that would be hitwould be three or four floors. I was themost optimistic of them all. [inaudible]due to my experience in this field, I wasthinking that the fire from the gas in theplane would melt the iron structure of thebuilding and collapse the area where theplane hit and all the floors above it only.This is all that we had hoped for.

Shaykh. Allah be praised.

Usama Bin Laden. We were at [inaudi-ble] when the event took place. We hadnotification since the previous Thursdaythat the event would take place that day.We had finished our work that day andhad the radio on. It was 5:30 p.m. ourtime. I was sitting with Dr. Ahmad Abu-al-((Khair)). Immediately, we heard thenews that a plane had hit the World TradeCenter. We turned the radio station to thenews from Washington. The news contin-ued and no mention of the attack until theend. At the end of the newscast, theyreported that a plane just hit the WorldTrade Center.

Shaykh. Allah be praised.

Usama Bin Laden. After a little while,they announced that another plane had hitthe World Trade Center. The brothers whoheard the news were overjoyed by it.

Shaykh. I listened to the news and Iwas sitting. We didn’t...we were not think-ing about anything, and all of a sudden,Allah willing, we were talking about howcome we didn’t have anything, and all of asudden the news came and everyone wasoverjoyed and everyone until the next day,in the morning, was talking about whatwas happening and we stayed until fouro’clock, listening to the news every time alittle bit different, everyone was very joy-ous and saying “Allah is great,” “Allah isgreat,” “We are thankful to Allah,” “PraiseAllah.” And I was happy for the happinessof my brothers. That day the congratula-tions were coming on the phone non-stop.The mother was receiving phone callscontinuously. Thank Allah. Allah is great,

September 11, 2001


praise be to Allah.(Quoting the verse from the Quran)

Shaykh. “Fight them, Allah will torturethem, with your hands, he will torturethem. He will deceive them and he willgive you victory. Allah will forgive thebelievers, he is knowledgeable abouteverything.”

Shaykh. No doubt it is a clear victory.Allah has bestowed on us...honor onus...and he will give us blessing and morevictory during this holy month ofRamadan. And this is what everyone ishoping for. Thank Allah America cameout of its caves. We hit her the first hit andthe next one will hit her with the hands ofthe believers, the good believers, thestrong believers. By Allah it is a greatwork. Allah prepares for you a greatreward for this work. I’m sorry to speak inyour presence, but it is just thoughts, justthoughts. By Allah, who there is no godbut him. I live in happiness, happiness...Ihave not experienced, or felt, in a longtime. I remember, the words of Al-Rab-bani, he said they made a coalition againstus in the winter with the infidels like theTurks, and others, and some other Arabs.And they surrounded us like the days...inthe days of the prophet Muhammad.Exactly like what’s happening right now.But he comforted his followers and said,“This is going to turn and hit them back.”And it is a mercy for us. And a blessing tous. And it will bring people back. Lookhow wise he was. And Allah will give himblessing. And the day will come when thesymbols of Islam will rise up and it willbe similar to the early days of Al-Muja-hedeen and Al-Ansar (similar to the earlyyears of Islam). And victory to those whofollow Allah. Finally said, if it is thesame, like the old days, such as Abu Bakrand Othman and Ali and others. In thesedays, in our times, that it will be the great-est jihad in the history of Islam and theresistance of the wicked people.

Shaykh. By Allah my Shaykh. We con-gratulate you for the great work. ThankAllah.

[Tape ends here. Second segment of BinLaden’s visit, shows up at the front of thetape.]

Usama Bin Laden. Abdallah Azzam,Allah bless his soul, told me not to recordanything [inaudible] so I thought that wasa good omen, and Allah will bless us[inaudible]. Abu-Al-Hasan Al-((Masri)),who appeared on Al-Jazeera TV a coupleof days ago and addressed the Americanssaying: “If you are true men, come downhere and face us.”

[inaudible] He told me a year ago: “Isaw in a dream, we were playing a soccergame against the Americans. When ourteam showed up in the field, they were allpilots!” He said: “So I wondered if thatwas a soccer game or a pilot game? Ourplayers were pilots.”

He (Abu-Al-Hasan) didn’t know any-thing about the operation until he heard iton the radio. He said the game went onand we defeated them. That was a goodomen for us.

Shaykh. May Allah be blessed.

Unidentified Man Off Camera. AbdAl Rahman Al- (Ghamri) said he saw avision, before the operation, a planecrashed into a tall building. He knewnothing about it.

Shaykh. May Allah be blessed!

Sulayman ((Abu Guaith)). I was sittingwith the Shaykh in a room, then I left togo to another room where there was a TVset. The TV broadcasted the big event.The scene was showing an Egyptian fami-ly sitting in their living room, they explod-ed with joy. Do you know when there is asoccer game and your team wins, it wasthe same expression of joy. There was asubtitle that read: “In revenge for the chil-dren of Al Aqsa’, Usama Bin Ladin exe-cutes an operation against America.” So Iwent back to the Shaykh (meaning UBL)who was sitting in a room with 50 to 60people. I tried to tell him about what Isaw, but he made gesture with his hands,meaning: “I know, I know—”

Usama Bin Laden. He did not knowabout the operation. Not everybody knew[inaudible]. Muhammad ((Atta)) from theEgyptian family (meaning the Al Qa’idaEgyptian group), was in charge of thegroup.

Shaykh. A plane crashing into a tall

building was out of anyone’s imagination.This was a great job. He was one of thepious men in the organization. He becamea martyr. Allah bless his soul.

Shaykh (Referring to dreams andvisions). The plane that he saw crashinginto the building was seen before by morethan one person. One of the good religiouspeople has left everything and come here.He told me, “I saw a vision, I was in ahuge plane, long and wide. I was carryingit on my shoulders and I walked from theroad to the desert for half a kilometer. Iwas dragging the plane.” I listened to himand I prayed to Allah to help him. Anotherperson told me that last year he saw, but Ididn’t understand and I told him I don’tunderstand. He said, “I saw people wholeft for jihad...and they found themselvesin New York...in Washington and NewYork.” I said, “What is this?” He told methe plane hit the building. That was lastyear. We haven’t thought much about it.

But, when the incidents happened hecame to me and said, “Did you see...this isstrange.”

I have another man...my god...he saidand swore by Allah that his wife had seenthe incident a week earlier. She saw theplane crashing into a building...that wasunbelievable, my god.

Usama Bin Laden. The brothers, whoconducted the operation, all they knewwas that they have a martyrdom operationand we asked each of them to go to Amer-ica but they didn’t know anything aboutthe operation, not even one letter. But theywere trained and we did not reveal theoperation to them until they are there andjust before they boarded the planes.

Usama Bin Laden. [inaudible] then hesaid: Those who were trained to fly didn’tknow the others. One group of people didnot know the other group. [inaudible]

[Someone in the crowd asks UBL to tellthe Shaykh about the dream of ((Abu-Da’ud)].

Usama Bin Laden. We were at a campof one of the brother’s guards in Qanda-har. This brother belonged to the majorityof the group. He came close and told methat he saw, in a dream, a tall building inAmerica, and in the same dream he sawMukhtar teaching them how to play

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karate. At that point, I was worried thatmaybe the secret would be revealed ifeveryone starts seeing it in their dream. SoI closed the subject. I told him if he seesanother dream, not to tell anybody,because people will be upset with him.

(Another person’s voice can be heardrecounting his dream about two planeshitting a big building).

Usama Bin Laden. They were over-joyed when the first plane hit the building,so I said to them: be patient.

Usama Bin Laden. The differencebetween the first and the second plane hit-ting the towers was twenty minutes. Andthe difference between the first plane andthe plane that hit the Pentagon was onehour.

Shaykh. They (the Americans) were ter-rified thinking there was a coup.

[Note: Ayman Al-Zawahri says first hecommended UBL’s awareness of what themedia is saying. Then he says it was thefirst time for them (Americans) to feeldanger coming at them.]

Usama Bin Laden (reciting a poem):I witness that against the sharp bladeThey always faced difficulties and stood

together...When the darkness comes upon us and

we are bit by aSharp tooth, I say...“Our homes are flooded with blood and

the tyrantIs freely wandering in our homes”...And from the battlefield vanishedThe brightness of swords and the hors-

es...And over weeping sounds nowWe hear the beats of drums and rhythmThey are storming his fortsAnd shouting: “We will not stop our

raidsUntil you free our lands”...

Bin Laden visit footage complete. Footageof the visit to the helicopter site followsthe poem.

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Q. Sir, what do you expect Americans toget out of the bin Laden tape? Andwhat do you say to some of the Islamicworld who contend it’s a farce or afake?

President Bush. Well, for those whocontend it’s a farce or a fake are hopingfor the best about an evil man. I mean,this is bin Laden unedited. This is binLaden—the bin Laden who has murderedpeople. This is the man who sent innocentpeople to their death by—this is a manwho is so devious and so cold-hearted thathe laughs about the suicide, so-called sui-cide bombers that lost their lives.

It is preposterous for anybody to thinkthat this tape is doctored. That’s just a fee-ble excuse to provide weak support for anincredibly evil man.

And, you know, I had mixed emotionsabout this tape because there’s a lot ofpeople who suffered as a result of his evil.And I was hesitant to allow there to be avivid reminder of their loss and tragedydisplayed on our TVs. On the other hand,I knew that it would be—that the tapewould be a devastating declaration of guiltfor this evil person.

Ron.

Q. Sir, two things. Is Osama binLaden cornered? And when you weighthe pros and cons of either option,would you rather take him alive so youcan question him, or dead so you don’thave to deal with him?

President Bush. I don’t care. Dead oralive, either way. I mean, I—it doesn’tmatter to me.

Secondly, I don’t know whether we’regoing to get him tomorrow, or a monthfrom now, or a year from now. I reallydon’t know. But we’re going to get him.And I—the American people must under-stand that I have no timetable in mind.There’s no—I don’t have a calendar that Isay, well, gosh, if he’s not gotten by thiscertain moment, then I’ll be disappointed.Because I am pleased with the progressthat we’re making in Afghanistan. I mean,

there is no such thing as a Taliban. Wehave liberated, literally liberated villageafter village from incredible barbaricbehavior toward women and children.

I think one of the joyous parts of thiswar, if there is such a thing as a joyouspart of a war, is to see the—is to see whatit means for our country and our allianceto free people. We’re achieving a lot ofour objectives. But we’re chasing a personobviously who is willing to send suicidebombers, on the one hand, and hide in acave. Somebody who is—encouragesyoung people to go kill themselves, andhe, himself, refuses to stand and fight.And so he may hide for a while, but we’llget him.


We want to thank you for coming to theWhite House to celebrate Eid. It’s so niceof you to be here. It reminds us how muchwe all have in common, how similar boysand girls are, no matter what their religionmay be. So thanks for being here today.We’re really thrilled you’re here.

Eid is a time of joy, after a season offasting and prayer and reflection. Eachyear, the end of Ramadan means celebra-tion and thanksgiving for millions ofAmericans. And your joy during this sea-son enriches the life of our great country.This year, Eid is celebrated at the sametime as Hanukkah and Advent. So it’s agood time for people of these great faiths,Islam, Judaism and Christianity, toremember how much we have in common:devotion to family, a commitment to carefor those in need, a belief in God and Hisjustice, and the hope for peace on earth.

We also share a custom I know all ofyou are excited about, and that’s givinggifts to children. And after this is over, Ihave a little gift for you, from the WhiteHouse. This season is meant to be a timeof rejoicing, as well as a time of generosi-ty. I’m proud that our country, during Eid,is helping the people of Afghanistan. AndI’m proud that the children of America,through America’s Fund for Afghan Chil-dren, are giving food and clothes and toysto the children of Afghanistan.

The people of Afghanistan have sufferedso much, and we’re committed to helpingthem in their time of hardship and in their

September 11, 2001


time of need. These are challenging daysfor our nation, but holidays like this oneremind us about how much we have to bethankful for, and that God delights in joyand generosity of men and women andchildren. People of every faith are wel-come here in the people’s house. Peopleof every background are welcome to comehere to the White House.

I want to thank you all for coming, andI’d like to go read, if you don’t mind, readfrom a book to you. Is that okay? Howabout that. Let’s go do that, and then we’llgo back over here. We’ve got a special giftfor you.

Thank you all for coming. We’re gettingready to leave. I may answer a few ques-tions if you have some. Stretch, and thenRon.

Q. Mr. President, have you—with thecampaign against the Taliban windingdown to a very small area ofAfghanistan, will you consider thisoperation a success if Osama bin Ladenis at large?

President Bush. Osama bin Laden isgoing to be brought to justice. It may hap-pen tomorrow, it may happen in a month,it may happen in a year. But he is going tobe brought to justice. He’s on the run. Hethinks he can hide, but he can’t. We’vebeen at this operation now for about twoand a half months, and we’ve madeincredible progress. And one of the objec-tives I’ve said, in this theater, in all the-aters for that matter, is that we want alQaeda killers brought to justice. And we’llbring him to justice.

Q. What do you know, sir, aboutwhether he’s still in Afghanistan? Andhave you spoken to the Pakistani gov-ernment about helping you to track himdown if, in fact, he has fled across theborder?

President Bush. Well, the Pakistaniswill help us, and they are helping us lookfor not only one—Osama bin Laden, butfor all the al Qaeda murderers and killers.They will be brought to justice. And it’sjust a matter of time, as far as I’m con-cerned. We’ve got all kinds of reports thathe’s in a cave, that he’s not in a cave, thathe’s escaped, that he hasn’t escaped. Andthere’s all kinds of speculation.

But when the dust clears, we’ll find outwhere he is, and he’ll be brought to jus-tice.

Q. Will you order a military tribunalfor him?

President Bush. You know, one thing ata time, Ron. I do have the option of mili-tary tribunals, because I think it’s going tobe a way to protect national security mat-ters. But I’ll make that judgment when webring him to justice.

Q. On another matter, sir, have inves-tigators concluded the anthrax used inthe mailings have a domestic source?Are you looking for—

President Bush. Well, we’re still look-ing on that. We’ve all got different feel-ings about it. I—and we’re gathering asmuch information. And as soon as wemake definitive conclusions, we’ll share itwith the American people.

Q.—what the next steps might be infighting terrorism in other countries orregions?

President Bush. Yes, we’re looking. Imean, any time there is somebody harbor-ing a killer or a terrorist, we will workwith them to bring those people to justice.And one of the things I won’t do, ofcourse, is tell the enemy what our nextmove will be. I’m working to build—tokeep our coalition strong.

Colin Powell and myself and others inthe administration are constantly talkingto world leaders to encourage them to cutoff money, or disrupt killer cells thatmight be hiding in their countries. We’vemade great progress. We’ve arrestedover—I think it’s over 300 now. We’rebeginning to shut down financial institu-tions around the world.

Not every operation needs to be a mili-tary operation to be successful against theterrorist networks. And I’m pleased to tellyou that the coalition is working coopera-tively. And we’re sharing a lot of intelli-gence between nations, and it’s having aneffect.

Q. So might Iraq be next, probably?

President Bush. Oh, no, I’m not going

to tell the enemy what’s next. They justneed to know that so long as they plan,and have got plans to murder innocentpeople, America will be breathing downtheir neck.

Q. Mr. President, what are you learn-ing about John Walker’s involvement inthe Taliban or al Qaeda, and should heface the death penalty if he’s found tobe a—

President Bush. I’m going to let theappropriate law enforcement agenciesmake recommendations to me. He hasbeen questioned, properly questioned bythe U.S. government. I have yet to see thetranscript myself. But we’ll make thedecision on what to do with Mr. Walker.He is a U.S. citizen. Obviously, I’ve saidthat U.S. citizens will not go into militarytribunals. And so we’ll make the determi-nation whether or not he stays within themilitary system or comes into the civiljustice system, the civil system in Ameri-ca.

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The following videotaped remarks byUsama Bin Laden were originallybroadcast on Al Jazerra television.

Three months after the blessed strikesagainst world atheism and its leader,America, and around two months after thefierce crusade against Islam, we mustreview the impact of these events.

The latest events have proved importanttruths.

It has become clear that the West ingeneral and America in particular have anunspeakable hatred for Islam.

Those who lived under continuous U.S.raids for the past months are aware of it.

How many villages have been destroyedand how many millions have been pushedout in the freezing cold?

These men, women and children whohave been damned and now live undertents in Pakistan, have committed no sin.

They are innocent. But on a mere suspi-cion, the United States has launched thisfierce campaign.

We have witnessed the true crimes of

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those who call themselves humanists andclaim to be defenders of freedom.

Only seven grammes of explosives areneeded to kill someone, but the UnitedStates has used bombs weighing sevenmillion grammes proving their hatred ofthe Taleban and Muslims.

When the youths—may God receivethem as martyrs—blew up (the U.S.embassy) in Nairobi, less than two tonneswere used.

The United States then said it was a ter-rorist act and a mass destruction weapon,while they unscrupulously used twoseven-tonne bombs, of seven milliongrammes each.

After they (the Americans), for no rea-son, bombed entire villages to scare theinhabitants, the defense secretary said itwas the United States’ right to exterminatethe peoples since they are Muslim andsince they are not American.

It is a blatant crime. A few days ago, they bombed al-Qaeda

positions in Khost (eastern Afghanistan)and dropped—in what they said was amistake—a radio-guided bomb on amosque where ulemas were praying.

They targeted the mosque, killing 150Muslim worshippers.

It is the hatred of crusaders. Terrorism against America deserves to

be praised because it was a response toinjustice, aimed at forcing America to stopits support for Israel, which kills our peo-ple.

We say that the end of the United Statesis imminent, whether Bin Laden or hisfollowers are alive or dead, for the awak-ening of the Muslim umma (nation) hasoccurred.

It is important to hit the economy (ofthe United States), which is the base of itsmilitary power...If the economy is hit theywill become reoccupied.

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President Bush. Good morning. As youcan see, I’ve invited a guest to come to theranch. Tommy Franks is no stranger toTexas. After all, he was raised in Midland,Texas. And I’m looking forward to takinghim over to the house here in a minute tosay hello to Laura. Both of them went to

Midland Lee High School, at about thesame time.

But Tommy has just come back fromthe Afghan theater. He gave me a fullbriefing on what he saw and what heheard. We just got off of a teleconferencewith the national security team, to discusshis trip and to discuss what’s taking placein Afghanistan.

I want to thank you for coming, Tommy.I am real proud of the military, and I’mproud of the commander. Tommy hasdone everything we’ve asked. He is fulfill-ing the mission with patience and disci-pline and success. He’s a down-to-earth,no-nonsense guy. Precisely the kind ofman we need to lead a complex missionsuch as this.

You know, a couple of months ago, a lotof people said that this administration andour military really weren’t sure what wewere doing. But I had confidence allalong. And the reason why I did—confi-dence in the success of what we set out todo—was because I had a chance to bebriefed by Tommy Franks on the strategyand on the plan, and on how we weregoing to use our United States military.And he hasn’t let us down. The countryneeds to be proud of the military, and onereason that I’m so pleased to welcomeTommy, is to be able to say that out loudin Tommy’s presence.

So I’m going to have Tommy say a fewwords, and then we’ll be glad to answer acouple of questions.

General Franks. Thank you, Mr. Presi-dent. As the President said, my wife and Irecently have had an opportunity to bewith a bunch of great young people—sol-diers and sailors, airmen, Marines—in thefront-line states around Afghanistan and inAfghanistan, and Kandahar and at CampRhino and up in Kabul. We had a chanceto meet with these young people who aredoing the work for the nation.

We also had a chance to attend theinstallation ceremony in Afghanistan,where we saw Mr. Karzai and members ofthat team form an interim government inAfghanistan, where for the first time indecades, more than 26 million people willhave an opportunity to have their way rep-resented in that government.

And the combination of seeing thesegreat young people and seeing thismomentous event just filled me with a

desire to be able to brief the President onwhat’s going on over there in the theater,on what our people are doing, how theyfeel about what they’re doing.

And so, Mr. President, thanks verymuch for having me out here in Crawford.

President Bush. You bet. Scott.

Q. Mr. President, what’s your reac-tion to the new bin Laden tape thisweek? And do you fear he’s now allud-ed the manhunt? Also, are you con-cerned that if military tribunals requirea unanimous verdict for the deathpenalty, some terrorists could avoid exe-cution?

President Bush. Let me start with thefirst of your three questions. Which waswhat? I’ve already forgotten.

Q. What’s your reaction to the binLaden tape. Are you afraid he’s alludedthe manhunt.

President Bush. Oh, the tape, yes. Ididn’t watch it all. I saw snippets of it onTV. You know, it’s—who knows when itwas made. Secondly, he is not escapingus. This is a guy who, three months ago,was in control of a county. Now he’smaybe in control of a cave. He’s on therun.

Listen, a while ago I said to the Ameri-can people, our objective is more than binLaden. But one of the things for certain iswe’re going to get him running and keephim running, and bring him to justice.And that’s what’s happening. He’s on therun, if he’s running at all.

So we don’t know whether he’s in acave with the door shut, or a cave with thedoor open—we just don’t know. There’sall kinds of reports and all kinds of specu-lation. But one thing we know is that he’snot in charge of Afghanistan anymore.He’s not in charge of the—he’s not theparasite that invaded the host, the Taliban.We know that for certain. And we alsoknow that we’re on the hunt, and heknows that we’re on the hunt. And I likeour position better than his.

In terms of whether or not the tribunalswill be able to render the justice neces-sary, that—I spoke to the Secretary ofDefense today about the story in the news-

September 11, 2001


paper. Evidently, somebody in our govern-ment wanted to show off to his family, orher family, in between Christmas and NewYear’s by leaking information in the pressthat he or she thought would be helpful tothe government. The truth of the matter isthe Secretary of Defense hadn’t even seenthe report that was on the front page ofAmerica’s newspapers.

So my answer to your question, Scott, isI know that the leaked report is prelimi-nary, that they’re still in discussions abouthow best to bring justice. But one thing isfor certain, that whatever the proceduresare for the military tribunals, our systemwill be more fair than the system of binLaden and the Taliban. That is for certain.The prisoners that we capture will begiven a heck of a lot better chance in courtthan those citizens of ours who were inthe World Trade Center or in the Pentagonwere given by Mr. bin Laden.

David. Good to see you.

Q. Good to see you.

President Bush. Thank you.

Q. Can you say with confidence nowthat Osama bin Laden in no longer in aposition to mastermind another terror-ist attack against the United States orour allies? And related to that, youtalked about 2002 being a year of war.What can you say to prepare the Amer-ican people for what that vision is, whatthey need to be prepared for, as com-pared to what they’ve seen inAfghanistan?

President Bush. Well, I hope 2002 is ayear of peace. But I am also realistic, andI know full well that bin Laden and hiscronies would like to harm America again,bin Laden and his cronies would like toharm our allies. How do I know that? Ireceive intelligence reports on a dailybasis that indicates that that’s his desires.And therefore, the United States must bevigilant, must make sure we continue tofocus on our homeland security measures,must disrupt, must use our intelligence-gathering network to prevent the enemyfrom attacking.

And so, while I hope 2002 is a year ofpeace, I’m realistic. As to whether or notbin Laden is in control of some network,who knows? The thing we’re certain about

is that he’s on the run, that he’s hiding incaves, if hiding at all. And the other thingI’m certain about is we will bring him tojustice. I don’t know whether it’s going tobe tomorrow, but Tommy will tell you thatI haven’t said, Tommy, get him tomorrow.I said, just get him. And we will. We willbring him to justice.

We don’t know, David, whether or nothe’s given any orders to any of his sol-diers, but we take nothing for granted.And so our country still remains on alert,and we’re actively looking for anybodywho would harm America.

The shoe bomber was a case in point,where the country has been on alert. Astewardess on an American Airlinesflight—or a flight attendant on an Ameri-can Airlines flight was vigilant, saw some-thing amiss, and responded. It’s an indica-tion that the culture of America has shift-ed to one of alertness. And I’m gratefulfor the flight attendant’s response, as I’msure the passengers on that airplane. Butwe’ve got to be aware that there are stillenemies to the country. And our govern-ment is responding accordingly.

Q. Mr. President, do you think thatIndia and Pakistan are sliding towardwar?

President Bush. One of the things thatwe discussed today in the national securi-ty conference, and I discussed yesterdaywith members of my national securityteam, was the India and Pakistan issue.Colin Powell has spoke to both sidestoday, urging restraint, urging calm. I waspleased to—I’m pleased to note that Presi-dent Musharraf has announced the arrestof 50 extreme terrorists—extremists orterrorists. And I hope India takes note ofthat, that the President is respondingforcefully and actively to bring those whowould harm others to justice.

The war on terror is not just an Ameri-can war on terrorists, it’s a civilized gov-ernment war on terror that we’re talkingabout here. But my government and myadministration is working actively to bringsome calm in the region, to hopefully con-vince both sides to stop the escalation offorce. And as I say, I’m pleased that Presi-dent Musharraf is responding to the Indianrequests to round up those who would doharm to others and incarcerate them,which he did.

Q. Are you making any calls yourself,sir?

President Bush. Not yet. I will if needbe. As a matter of fact, I have been mak-ing calls recently to leaders in our ownhemisphere. I spoke to the Presidents ofMexico and Uruguay, Chile and Brazilabout the Argentinean situation. I made itclear to those governments that we wantto work with them, to work together tomake sure that the Argentineans under-stand that we will support a plan that sus-tains economic growth. We’re willing tooffer technical assistance through theIMF; that our government is aware ofwhat’s taking place and that we’re fullyengaged in the issue.

Q. Mr. President, some say that theevents of 2001 have changed you, whileothers say that you’re the same personyou always were—

President Bush. Yes.

Q. Who’s right? Or is it fair to saythere’s some truth in both arguments?

President Bush. Talk to my wife. Idon’t know. I don’t spend a lot of timelooking in the mirror. Except when I combmy hair. And—listen, I’ll give you a hint.I liked coming to the ranch before Sep-tember the 11th; I like coming to theranch after September the 11th.

Q.—the war for a moment. Have youhad any contact with Ken Lay or otherEnron officials in the last six weeks—

President Bush. No.

Q.—and do you think that there issomething the government should do tohelp Enron—

President Bush. I have had no contactwith Enron officials in the last six weeks.Do I think the government ought to helpwhat now?

Q. Help Enron or do something tohelp prevent some of these employeesfrom losing their life savings.

President Bush. Well, I think the life

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260 Winter 2002

savings issue is something we need tolook into. I think it’s very important tounderstand what took place. The govern-ment will be looking into this. I mean, theSEC will be looking into matters, Con-gress appears to be looking into matters.There will be a lot of government inquiryinto Enron and what took place there.

I’m deeply concerned about the citizensof Houston who worked for Enron wholost life savings. It’s very troubling to readthe stories about those who locked upEnron stock—had their Enron stocklocked up in their 401K plans, and thensaw their savings dissipate. I think it’svery important for us to fully understandthe why’s of Enron. And there will beplenty of investigations.

Q. Sir, will you make recess appoint-ments—

President Bush. Thinking about it. Idon’t know yet. I’m right now focused onthe military operations in Afghanistan andgiving Tommy a tour of my ranch. But I,at the appropriate time, will take a good,hard look at recess appointments.

I’m disappointed that a lot of myappointments were stalled in the UnitedStates Senate, weren’t given a hearing.This Scalia man got out of committee, butnever given a vote on the floor of the Sen-ate. He’s a good fellow, he ought to beapproved. But I’ll take a good, hard lookat all the options available to me.

Q. Mr. President, is there a timetablein your mind for withdrawing U.S.troops from Afghanistan? Or as long asbin Laden is still on the run, do youimagine them being there indefinitely?

President Bush. I imagine us beingthere for quite a long period of time. Butmy timetable is going to be set by TommyFranks. Tommy is in charge of the mili-tary operations; he’s in charge of the mili-tary. I’ll let Tommy speak for himself, butI will tell you this—we won’t be makingpolitical decisions about what to do withour military.

I gave Tommy a mission; it was a well-defined mission. And Tommy is in chargeof getting that mission done, and whenTommy says, “Mission complete, Mr.President,” that’s when we start movingtroops out. But until he says that, I am—I

will make the case to the American peoplethat we’re doing the right thing.

Q. What’s your definition of the mis-sion being complete in Afghanistan, sir?

President Bush. In Afghanistan? Well,Taliban gone, the country secure, thecountry stable, that al Qaeda cells roundedup, Taliban fighters brought to justice. Theover 6,000 troops, prisoners being held—prisoners of war being held by our alliesinterrogated, finger-printing. I mean,there’s a lot to do. And the American peo-ple just must understand when I said thatwe need to be patient, that I meant it. Andwe’re going to be there for a while. And Idon’t know the exact moment when weleave, David, but it’s not until this missionis complete.

The world must know that this adminis-tration will not blink in the face of danger,and will not tire when it comes to com-pleting the missions that we said wewould do. The world will learn that whenthe United States is harmed, we will fol-low through. The world will see that whenwe put a coalition together that says, “joinus,” I mean it. And when I ask others toparticipate, I mean it. And in order to leadthe coalition, we must show that we willcomplete the mission. And part of thatmission is, as Tommy will tell you, is tomake sure that Afghanistan is a stablecountry.

And he’s got a lot to say on that if youwant him to talk about it. Okay, bring theman to the Mike.

Q. General Franks, could you talkabout how you took evasive action whenyou were fired upon the other day?There was a report yesterday that yourhelicopter was fired upon.

Q. You should get right to that, sir,after you do the first question.

General Franks. Let me take that—letme take your question first. As we lookaround, today we have more than 50nations involved in this coalition effort,and around Afghanistan, providing sup-port and so forth. We have 26 nations rep-resented at our headquarters down inTampa, Florida. We have 16 nations repre-sented on the ground or in the air or at seaaround Afghanistan.

And it’s interesting that over the past 10days, the numbers I’ve just described havegrown rather than shrinking. I think theview is that Afghanistan is a part of aglobal effort against terrorism, that we’llstay in Afghanistan as long as it takes todo what the President has said. We will doaway with the Taliban, and that has beendone. We now have a legitimate interimgovernment in Kabul.

We will destroy the al Qaeda terroristnetwork inside Afghanistan. We will takecare of the screening and the work thatneeds to be done with all thesedetainees—finger-printing, DNA work,photography, screening, interrogation.We’ll determine which ones need to bebrought out and need to be handled insome form of legal process.

How long will that take? I think thePresident said it immediately after the11th of September, and I think many of ushave said it about every day since then: Itwill take as long as it takes.

Interesting to me, the fact that theseyoung people standing at Kandahar Air-port a few nights ago, in the middle of thenight, watching the USO show, showedme absolutely no desire to leave their mis-sion at all. And so, I think it’s best for allof us to recognize that we will not be hur-ried, we will not be pressed into doingsomething that does not represent ournational objectives. And we will take aslong as it takes.

And a very short answer to the businessof the helicopter—I have been told since Itook that helicopter ride that someonetook a shot at the helicopter. I didn’t see itwhen it happened, and I believe it mayhave happened, but then again, this isAfghanistan and we have pockets of Tal-iban still in that country. And that’s one ofthe reasons that we’re going to stay thereuntil we have mopped all that up.

Q. Mr. President—

President Bush. Yes. It’s your big day,Scott, two questions.

Q. A one-part question this time, Ipromise.

President Bush. Four questions, excuseme.

Q. Would you prefer to see bin Laden

September 11, 2001


captured and questioned about theattacks and possible future attacks?

President Bush. You know, dead oralive is fine with me.

Q. Mr. President, you mentionedArgentina and you talked about yousupport more technical assistance fromthe IMF for them. Would you supportmore money for Argentina from theIMF, or has the well kind of run drythere?

President Bush. Well, it depends uponwhat Argentina decides to do. The key forArgentina is to get her fiscal house inorder, get monetary policy in order, and todevelop a plan that will show sustainedeconomic vitality and economic growth.

But it’s up to Argentina on how to developthe plan. As you know, there’s been aninterim government in place, there will beelections in a couple of months. And thepoint we’ve made to the Argentinean gov-ernment, as well as to our friends in theregion, is that we will be willing to helpthem develop the plan, if they ask fortechnical advice. It will all be donethrough the IMF.

But the first order of business is for theArgentineans to develop a plan to show ushow they’re going to get their house inorder. They’ve got a lot of work to do,but—and all of us that are concernedabout Argentina are willing to worktogether to get the job done. There wasnear unanimity on my phone calls to theother leaders in the region that—of thecourse of action that I just laid out.

Q. Have you decided that anybodyshould be subjected to a military tri-bunal?

President Bush. Well, Americansshouldn’t, as you know. I mean, I exclud-ed any Americans.

Q. Of the prisoners, have you decidedthat any one—

President Bush. Oh, have I made anydecisions yet? Not at all, not yet, Dave.We’re still—I still want to make sure thatthe—I still want to see what the Secretaryof Defense recommends as to how to pro-ceed. He has—as I said, he hasn’t seen thenow famous document that some Ameri-can decided to leak.

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262 Winter 2002

1993February 26. The World Trade Center inNew York City is damaged when a carbomb explodes in a garage beneath thebuildings. Ramzi Yousef, an Islamic fun-damentalist with ties to Al Queda, waslater convicted of being the mastermindof the attack.

1996Usama Bin Laden issues a declaration ofwar against the United States for theirmilitary presence (“occupation”) in SaudiArabia and the Middle East (“the holylands”).

1998August 7. Truck bombs hit Americanembassies in Tanzania and Kenya. UsamaBin Laden is indicted for mastermindingthe attack. The U.S. responds by bombinga reported Al Queda training camp inAfghanistan and a chemical factory in theSudan. The attack on the factory is laterbroadly suspected to have been based onfaulty intelligence.

2000October 12. A boat loaded with explo-sives rams into the U.S.S. Cole off ofYemen. Bin Laden and his organizationare linked to the attack.

2001September 11. Two hijacked airplanes

slam into the World Trade Center towersin New York City. Both towers aredestroyed. A third airplane crashes intothe Pentagon, damaging the Defensecomplex. A fourth hijacked plane,believed to be targeting Washington,D.C., crashes in rural Pennsylvania. Theattacks killed three thousand civilians,and caused billions of dollars in damage.

September 12. The United Nations Secu-rity Council passes Resolution 1368 con-demning the attacks, calls for “interna-tional cooperation to bring justice to theperpetrators, organizers, and sponsors ofthe outrages” and “to prevent and eradi-cate acts of terrorism.” NATO envokesArticle V for the first time in its history,declaring the terrorist attacks on the Unit-ed States were attacks on all NATO mem-ber countries.

mid-September. Usama Bin Laden’s AlQueda terrorist network emerges as theprime suspect in the attacks. The oppres-sive Taliban regime comes under fire forharboring the network in Afghanistan.The United States begins diplomaticefforts to gather support for military retal-iation, focusing early efforts on Pakistan.

September 20. In an address to Congressand the American public, President Bushstates “all evidence” points to the respon-sibility of Al Queda, and demands the

Taliban government hand over Bin Ladenand other Al Queda leaders or face mili-tary action. Bush declares that there willbe a long, multi-stage, multi-faceted waragainst terrorism.

October 4. The British release documentsdetailing the links of Usama Bin Ladenand Al Queda to the terrorist attacks.

October 7. The United States and GreatBritain begin the military campaign inAfghanistan against Al Queda and theTaliban regime.

mid-November. Northern Alliance troops,supported by United States airstrikes andcovert operations, achieve a series ofdefeats against the Taliban.

December 5. U.N. sponsored talks inBonn lead to an agreement amongtribal leaders on a provisional governmentin Afghanistan.

December 6. The Taliban surrender theirlast stronghold of Kandahar.

December 22. Hamid Karzai, a western-educated Afghan tribal leader, is sworn inas president of an interim government inAfghanistan.

Sources: U.S. State Department, New YorkTimes, Time Magazine.

CCHHRROONNOOLLOOGGYY

I don’t know why people do that. Iguess either to make you feel good, and-orto make themselves feel good. But, never-theless, it was not very helpful. And as theSecretary of Defense said, he hasn’t evenseen the document yet. But they’re work-ing through, and we’re working through,as you know, all the other types of casesthat have come forward. I mean, asTommy said, there’s a lot of people to bequestioned, and there’s also a lot of deci-sions to be made as to how to run thesefolks through our system. And we’re justnot quite there yet. We’ve got time.

Q. What about Walker?

President Bush. Well, same situation.We’ve got time. And Walker is well-berthed on a U.S. warship. It’s a heck of alot more comfortable on that ship than hewas in the basement of that prison. Whenhe decided—when he was captured, Walk-er made a terrible decision, and our sys-tem is such that he’ll have proper justice.But he’s working with the enemy, andwe’ll see how the courts deal with that.

Q. Sir, were you upset that that SecretService agent was kept off that plane?Because you have been saying this—

President Bush. Yes, I was. I talked tothe man this morning. I told him howproud I was that he was by my side. He’shere on the ranch, and he’s guarding me.And, of course, I was. We’ll let thefacts—they’re going to get the facts out.There’s an inquiry going on as to specifi-cally what took place. But if he was treat-ed that way because of his ethnicity, thatwill make me madder than heck.

Q. There are increasing news reportsthat bin Laden escaped to Pakistan—

President Bush. Oh, yeah? Well, sorryto interrupt your question, but if you’dasked me the question yesterday, youwould have said there’s increasing newsreports that he’s dead, and the day before,that he’s hiding in a cave. In other words,there’s increasing speculation about binLaden. But what one shouldn’t speculateon is if he’s alive, he’s on the run. Andyou don’t need to worry about whether ornot we’re going to get him, because weare. And it’s just a matter of time.

I mean, I’ve read reports where he diedhis hair red. That’s not going to stop usfrom finding him.

Q. But what assurances have you got-ten from President Musharraf that ifthat is the case, that he’ll find him andturn him—

President Bush. Well, I appreciate that.President Musharraf has been very help-ful. Tommy has visited with him, I visitedwith him, the Secretary of Defense hasvisited with him. And he said he will helpin all matters. And we believe he’ll helpwith Mr. bin Laden, too, if, in fact, hehappens to be in Pakistan. Who knowswhere he is. But one thing is for certain;he’s on the losing side of a rout. And theother thing for certain is we’re not goingto stop until we get him and all those mur-derers that are associated with him.

And who knows how many we’ve gottento date, because we’re gathering evidence.We don’t know whether some of thosepeople are in those caves. And Tommy dida fine job of shutting them down. Theymay still be locked up in there. And asyou know, we’re sending troops up in thatregion to take a look at some of the cavesto find out what’s in there. And we’regoing to have to dig some of them out.

But as time will go on, we will knowmore and more about how successfulwe’ve been. The point is, is that we aregoing to be there for a while. I’m patient.The commander on the ground is execut-ing the plan, and the American people arein strong support of what’s taking place.


Q. Any information on the whereaboutsof bin Laden or Omar? Is there a newpursuit underway now?

President Bush. No. Yes, I mean, thesame pursuit: we’re going to get him andit’s just a matter of when. You know, youhear all kinds of reports and all kinds ofrumors. You’ve got people saying he’s in acave, people saying he’s dead, people say-ing he’s in Pakistan. And all I know is thathe’s running—and any time you get a per-son running, it means you’re going to gethim pretty soon.

And same with Mullah Omar. It’s just amatter of time, and I’m patient and so isour military. There is no artificial timelines or, you know, deadlines. The defini-tion of success is making sure the Talibanis out of existence, helping rebuildAfghanistan and disrupting this interna-tional terrorist network. And we’re doing adarn good job of it, too.

* * * *

Q. What can Americans expect in theupcoming year, in terms of homelandsecurity? What’s next, sir?

President Bush. Well, what’s next isreally a focus on health, a focus on—interms of making sure the public healthsystems work. We’re reviewing all ourvisa policies. We’re looking at our immi-gration policies. We’re looking at borderpolicies, both with Canada and with Mexi-co. And we’ll continue doing what we’redoing now, which is any time we get alead, we’re going to disrupt—we’re goingto bring them in and give them a chanceto protect Americans.

The FBI, the whole culture of the FBIhas changed, for the better. The FBI’smain task now is to protect Americansfrom further attack. The country is onalert. And a classic case was the personwho tried to put the bomb in his shoe anda flight attendant on the American flightalertly notified people and they got it. Andhe’s now—we’re now giving him a chanceto tell us what he knows about terror andabout al Qaeda.

But 2002 will—the country will still beon alert, we’ll still be working hard toprotect the American people.

Q. Is there a special alert now? Theterrorists have shown an inclination tostrike around New Year’s—

President Bush. Well, or Christmas. Imean, there’s all kinds of excuses forthem to attack. Let’s just put it this way,that the administration and the govern-ment has not—is on alert and have beensince 9/11. And the American people real-ize we have a new culture. And that is oneof being vigilant. We’ve got people work-ing overtime during the holidays. Youknow, we’ve got CAPs still flying around;anybody tries to harm an American,

September 11, 2001


there’s a good chance we’re going to gethim.

Q.—for the American people?

President Bush. Well, it is that we’re ablessed nation. God has richly blessedAmerica. And for that, we ought to begrateful. We’re a nation that has gonethrough incredible suffering and hardship.Yet, as a result of it, we’re a strong nationand a united nation. And 2002, in myjudgment, is going to be a great year.

It’s going to be a great year becausepeople are going to be able to find workagain. It’s going to be a great year becauseour military is going to do the job theAmericans expect. It’ll be a great yearbecause at home we’ll protect the Ameri-can people. And it’s going to be a greatyear primarily because Americans havetaken a look inward, reassessed their val-ues; have realized that some of the basicsin life are that which is most important—love of faith, love of family. And as aresult, our communities have beenstronger. So I’m really looking forward to2002.

1. White House Press Release, September 11, 2001.2. Dept. of State Press Release, October 5, 2001.3. Dept. of State Press Release, October 5, 2001.4. White House Press Release, September 11, 2001.5. White House Press Release, September 11, 2001.6. White House Press Release, September 11, 2001.7. Dept. of Defense Press Release, September 11,

2001.8. White House Press Release, September 11, 2001.9. United Nations Press Release (SG/SM/7948), Sep-

tember 11, 2001.10. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister

(http://www.number-10.gov.uk/), September 11,2001.

11. NATO Press Release (PR/CP(2001)121), Sep-tember 11, 2001.

12. NATO Press Release (PR/CP(2001)122), Septem-ber 11, 2001.

13. United Nations Press Release (SC/7141), Septem-ber 11, 2001.

14. Text from the Chinese Embassy to the UnitedStates, September 11, 2001. (http://www.china-embassy.org/eng/20265.html)

15. Text from the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs.16. Dept. of State Press Release, September 12, 2001.17. Dept. of State Press Release, September 12, 2001.18. Dept. of State Press Release, September 12, 2001.19. White House Press Release, September 11, 2001.20. Text from the Congressional Record.21. Dept. of Defense Press Release, September 12,

2001.22. Dept. of State Press Release, September 12, 2001.

23. White House Press Release, September 12, 2001.24. White House Press Release, September 12, 2001.25. Dept. of Defense Press Release, September 12,

2001.26. Dept. of State Press Release, September 12, 2001.27. NATO Press Release ((2001)124), September 15,

2001.28. Dept. of State Press Release, September 12, 2001.29. White House Press Release, September 12, 2001.30. White House Press Release, September 13, 2001.31. United Nations Press Release (SG/SM/7949),

September 12, 2001.32. United Nations Press Release (SC/7143), Septem-

ber 12, 2001.33. United Nations Press Release (A/RES/56/1), Sep-

tember 12, 2001.34. Text from the European Union (IP/01/1265).35. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.36. Text from the Embassy of the Russian Federation

(www.russianembassy.org).37. Text from the Pakistan Ministry of Foreign

Affairs (www.forisb.org).38. Text from the Pakistan Ministry of Foreign

Affairs (http://www.forisb.org/).39. Text from the Iraqi Mission to the United Nations

(http://www.iraqi-mission.org/).40. White House Press Release, September 13, 2001.41. White House Press Release, September 13, 2001.42. White House Press Release, September 13, 2001.43. NATO Press Release, September 13, 2001.44. Dept. of State Press Release, September 13, 2001.45. White House Press Release, September 13, 2001.46. Text from the Senate Foreign Relations Commit-

tee Web Site.47. Text from the Congressional Record.48. White House Press Release, September 14, 2001.49. White House Press Release, September 14, 2001.50. Dept. of State Press Release, September 14, 2001.51. White House Press Release, September 15, 2001.52. White House Press Release, September 15, 2001.53. White House Press Release, September 16, 2001.54. Dept. of Defense Press Release, September 16,

2001.55. Text from the Egyptian State Information Service.56. White House Press Release, September 17, 2001.57. Dept. of State Press Release, September 18, 2001.58. Dept. of State Press Release, September 17, 2001.59. Text from the Iraqi Mission to the United Nations.60. White House Press Release, September 18, 2001.61. White House Press Release, September 18, 2001.62. Dept. of Defense Press Release, September 18,

2001.63. United Nations Press Release (SC/7148), Septem-

ber 18, 2001.64. White House Press Release, September 19, 2001.65. White House Press Release, September 19, 2001.66. Text from the Office of the President of Pakistan

(www.pak.gov.pk).67. Text from the Embassy of the Russian Federation

(www.russianembassy.org).68. Text from the Embassy of the Russian Federation

(www.russianembassy.org).69. Dept. of State Press Release, September 19, 2001.70. Dept. of Defense Press Release, September 20,

2001.71. White House Press Release, September 20, 2001.72. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.73. White House Press Release, September 20, 2001.74. NATO Press Release September 20, 2001.75. White House Press Release, September 20, 2001.76. Dept. of State Press Release, September 21, 2001.77. United Nations Press Release (SC/7152), Septem-

ber 21, 2001.78. White House Press Release, September 24, 2001.79. Text from the Embassy of the Russian Federation

(www.russianembassy.org).80. White House Press Release, September 24, 2001.81. White House Press Release, September 24, 2001.82. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.83. Dept. of State Press Release, September 26, 2001.84. White House Press Release, September 26, 2001.

1. Text from the Guardian.85. NATO Press Release September 28, 2001.86. United Nations Press Release (SC/7158), Septem-

ber 28, 2001.87. Text from the United Nations web site on terror-

ism.88. NATO Press Release October 4, 2001.89. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.90. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.91. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.92. White House Press Release, October 7, 2001.93. Text from the BBC (http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/eng-

lish/world/south_asia/newsid_1585000/1585636.stm).

94. Dept. of Defense Press Release, October 7, 2001.95. Text from the Office of the President of Pakistan.96. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.97. United Nations Press Release (SG/SM/7985),

October 8, 2001.98. Text from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign

Affairs.99. White House Press Release, October 8, 2001.100. Dept. of Defense Press Release, October 8,

2001.101. Dept. of Defense Press Release, October 8,

2001.102. White House Press Release, October 9, 2001.103. United Nations Press Release (SG/SM/7989),

October 9, 2001.104. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.105. Dept. of Defense Press Release, October 9,

2001.106. White House Press Release, October 10, 2001.107. White House Press Release, October 10, 2001.108. Dept. of State Press Release, October 10, 2001.

109. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.110. White House Press Release, October 11, 2001.111. White House Press Release, October 11, 2001.112. Dept. of Defense Press Release, October 12,

2001.113. White House Press Release, October 15, 2001.114. United Nations Press Release (SG/SM/7997),

October 15, 2001.115. Dept. of Defense Press Release, October 15,

2001.116. Dept. of State Press Release, October 16, 2001.117. White House Press Release, October 17, 2001.

Feature

264 Winter 2002

118. Dept. of State Press Release, October 17, 2001.119. Dept. of Defense Press Release, October 18,

2001.120. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.121. White House Press Release, October 21, 2001.122. Dept. of Defense Press Release, October 22,

2001.123. White House Press Release, October 23, 2001.124. Text from the Pakastani Ministry of Foreign

Affairs.125. White House Press Release, October 24, 2001.126. Dept. of State Press Release, October 24, 2001.127. White House Press Release, October 26, 2001.128. White House Press Release, October 29, 2001.129. Dept. of Defense Press Release, October 29,

2001.130. Text from the Iraqi Mission to the United

Nations.131. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.132. Dept. of Defense Press Release, November 4,

2001.133. Text from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign

Affairs (www.fmprc.gov.cn).134. Text from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign

Affairs (www.fmprc.gov.cn).135. White House Press Release, November 1, 2001.136. Dept. of Defense Press Release, November 1,

2001.137. Text from Egyptian State Information Service

(www.sis.gov.eg).138. Text from the BBC.139. Dept. of Defense Press Release, November 3,

2001.140. Dept. of Defense Press Release, November 4,


2001.142. White House Press Release, November 6, 2001.143. Dept. of Defense Press Release, November 6,

2001.144. White House Press Release, November 7, 2001.145. White House Press Release, November 8, 2001.146. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.147. White House Press Release, November 9, 2001.148. White House Press Release, November 9, 2001.149. White House Press Release, November 9, 2001.150. White House Press Release, November 10, 2001.151. Text from the Pakistani Mission to the United

Nations.152. White House Press Release, November 10, 2001.153. Dept. of State Press Release, November 12,

2001.154. United Nations Press Release (SG/SM/8024),

November 13, 2001.155. United Nations Press Release (SG/SM/8023),

November 13, 2001.156. Text from the Saudi Mission to the United

Nations.157. Dept. of Defense Press Release, November 13,

2001.158. Text from the Russian Ministry of Foreign

Affairs.159. Text from the Office of the U.K. Prime Minister.160. United Nations Press Release (S/RES/1378),

November 14, 2001.161. Text from the BBC (http://news.bbc.co.uk/).162. Dept. of Defense Press Release, November 15,


2001.164. Dept. of State Press Release, November 20,

2001.165. Dept. of State Press Release, November 28,

2001.166. United Nations Press Release (SG/SM/8049),

November 29, 2001.167. Dept. of Defense Press Release, November 30,

2001.168. White House Press Release, December 2, 2001.169. White House Press Release, December 4, 2001.170. Dept. of Defense Press Release, December 4,

2001.171. Text from the United Nations

(http://www.uno.de/frieden/afghanistan/talks/agreement.htm)

172. United Nations Press Release (SG/SM/8068),December 5, 2001.

173. United Nations Press Release (SC/7234),December 6, 2001.

174. Dept. of State Press Release, December 6, 2001.175. Dept. of Defense Press Release, December 6,

2001.176. White House Press Release, December 7, 2001.177. Dept. of State Press Release, December 10,

2001.178. White House Press Release, December 11, 2001.179. Dept. of Defense Press Release, December 14,

2001.180. White House Press Release, December 14, 2001.181. White House Press Release, December 17, 2001.182. Text from the BBC.183. White House Press Release, December 28, 2001.184. White House Press Release, December 31, 2001.

September 11, 2001


SSeepptteemmbbeerr 1111,, 22000011:: TTeerrrroorriisstt AAttttaacckk aanndd tthheeRReessppoonnssee bbyy tthhee UUnniitteedd SSttaatteessI. September 11, 2001: The Attack

Remarks by President Bush, September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . .2Remarks by Secretary of State Powell, September 11, 2001 . .2Remarks by Secretary of State Powell, September 11, 2001 . .3Remarks by President Bush, September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . .4White House Press Briefing, September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . .4Excerpt from White House Press Briefing,

September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5Remarks by Secretary of State Rumsfeld, Chairman

of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Shelton, Secretary of the Army White, Senator Levin, and Senator Warner,September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6

Statement by President Bush, September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . .9Statement by United Nations Secretary General Annan,

September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10Statement by British Prime Minister Blair,

September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10Statement by NATO Secretary General

Robertson, September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10Statement by the North Atlantic Council,

September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10Statement by President of the United Nations

Security Council, September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11Letter from Chinese President Jiang to President Bush,

September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs Press Statement,

September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11Remarks by Secretary of State Powell, September 12, 2001 .11Remarks by Secretary of State Powell, September 12, 2001 .13Remarks by Secretary of State Powell, September 12, 2001 .14Remarks by President Bush, September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . .15Remarks by Senator Schumer, Senator Warner,

Senator Clinton, Senator Allen, and Senator Biden,September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .15

Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld,September 12, 200 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .21

Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .22

II. September 12-October 6, 2001: Building Support for a AResponse

White House Press Briefing, September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . .25Remarks by President Bush, September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . .27Statement by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld,

September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,

September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .28Statement by the North Atlantic Council,


September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29Proclamation by President Bush, September 12, 2001 . . . . . .30Letter from President Bush to the Speaker of the

House of Representatives, September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . .30

Statement by United Nations Secretary-General Annan,September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .30

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1368,September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31

United Nations General Assembly Resolution 56/1,September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31

Statement by European Union President Prodi,September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31

Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair,September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31

Statement by Russian Ambassador Lavrov,September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .33

Statement by Pakistani President Musharraf,September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .33


Open Letter from Iraqi President Hussein to the Government and People of America and other Western Nations, September 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .34

Remarks by President Bush, New York Governor Pataki, and New York City Mayor Giuliani,September 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .36

Remarks by President Bush, September 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . .37Proclamation by President Bush, September 13, 2001 . . . . . .38Statement by the NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council,

September 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .38Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,

September 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .38White House Press Briefing, September 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . .40Remarks by Senator Biden, September 14, 2001 . . . . . . . . .41Senate Joint Resolution 23, September 14, 2001 . . . . . . . . .42Executive Order, September 14, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .42Remarks by President Bush, September 14, 2001 . . . . . . . .43Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,

September 14, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43Remarks by President Bush, Secretary of State

Powell, and Attorney General Ashcroft,September 15, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .45

Remarks by President Bush, September 15, 2001 . . . . . . . . .47Remarks by President Bush, September 16, 2001 . . . . . . . .47Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld,

September 16, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .49Remarks by Egyptian President Mubarak,

September 16, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .50Remarks by President Bush, September 17, 2001 . . . . . . . . .50Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,


September 17, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .52Open Letter from Iraqi President Hussein to the

People and Government of the United States and other Western Countries, September 17, 2001 . . . . . .55

Remarks by President Bush, September 18, 2001 . . . . . . . . .57Statement by President Bush, September 18, 2001 . . . . . . . .58Remarks by Secretary of State Rumsfeld,

September 18, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .59Statement by the President of the United Nations

Security Council, September 18, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .61

List of Documents


Remarks by President Bush and Indonesian President Megawati, September 19, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .61

Joint Statement by the United States and the Republic of Indonesia, September 19, 2001 . . . . . . . . . .63


Remarks by Russian President Vladimir Putin,September 19, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .65

Excerpt from Remarks by Russian Foreign Minister Ivanov, September 19, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .67

Remarks by Secretary of State Colin Powell and Russian Foreign Minister Ivanov, September 19, 2001 . .68

Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld,September 20, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .69

Remarks by President Bush and British Prime Minister Blair, September 20, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .72

Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair and French President Chirac, September 20, 2001 . . . . . . . . .73

White House Press Statement, September 20, 2001 . . . . . . .73Remarks by NATO Secretary General Robertson and

Deputy Secretary of State Armitage,September 20, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .74

Address by President Bush, September 20, 2001 . . . . . . . . .74Remarks by Secretary of State Powell and

Chinese Foreign Minister Tang, September 21, 2001 . . . .77Statement by the President of the United Nations

Security Council, September 21, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .78Executive Order, September 24, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .79Statement by Russian President Putin,

September 24, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .80Remarks by President Bush, Secretary of

Treasury O’Neill, and Secretary of State Powell,September 24, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .81

Letter from the President to the Speaker of the House and the President Pro Tempore of the Senate,September 24, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .85

Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair,September 25, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .85

Remarks by Secretary of State Powell and Egyptian Foreign Minister Maher,September 26, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .87

Remarks by President Bush,September 26, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .88

Interview of Taliban Leader Omar,September 21, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .89

Excerpt from Remarks by NATO Secretary General Robertson, September 28, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . .90

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373,September 28, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .91

Remarks by World Leaders at the United Nations General Assembly Session on Terrorism,October 1-4, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .92

Remarks by NATO Secretary General Robertson and Russian President Putin, October 4, 2001 . . . . . . . .109

Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair,October 4, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .110

Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair and Russian President Putin, October 5, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . .113

Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair and Pakistani PresidentMusharraf, October 5, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .115

Remarks by President Bush, October 7, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . .116

III. October 7 to November 13, 2001: Military Action InAfghanistan

Statement by Usama bin Laden,Released October 7, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .117

Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Myers,October 7, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .118

Statement by the Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs, October 7, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .122

Statement by British Prime Minister Blair,October 7, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .122

Remarks by United Nations Secretary-General Annan, October 8, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .123

Remarks by the Spokesman for the Chinese Foreign Minister, October 8, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .124

Remarks by President Bush and Homeland Security Director Ridge, October 8, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . .124

Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and Uzbekistani President Karimov, October 8, 2001 . . . . .125

Remarks by Secretary Rumsfeld and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Myers, October 8, 2001 . . . . . . . .127

Remarks by President Bush and German Chancellor Schroeder, October 9, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .131

Message from United Nations Secretary-General Annan to the Organization of Islamic States Conference,October 9, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .134

Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair,October 9, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .134

Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Myers,October 9, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .138

Remarks by President Bush, October 10, 2001 . . . . . . . . .141Remarks by President Bush and NATO Secretary

General Robertson, October 10, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . .142Remarks by Secretary of State Powell, October 10, 2001 . .143Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair and

Egyptian President Mubarak, October 11, 2001 . . . . . .143Remarks by President Bush, October 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . .145Remarks by President Bush, October 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . .146Remarks by Secretary Rumsfeld and Chairman of

the Joint Chiefs of Staff Myers, October 12, 2001 . . . . .150Remarks by President Bush and Italian Prime Minister

Berlusconi, October 15, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .155Statement by United Nations Secretary-General Annan,

October 15, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .156Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Myers,October 15, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .156

Remarks by Pakistani President Musharraf and Secretary of State Powell, October 16, 2001 . . . . . . . . . .158

Exective Order, October 16, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .162Remarks by Secretary of State Powell and Indian

External Affairs Minister Singh, October 17, 2001 . . . .162Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and

List of Documents

318 Winter 2002


Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair,October 19, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .165

Joint Statement by President Bush and Russian President Putin, October 21, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .167

Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld andChairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Myers,October 22, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .168

Remarks by President Bush, October 23, 2001 . . . . . . . . .170Remarks by Pakistani President Musharraf,

October 23, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .171Statement by President Bush, October 24, 2001 . . . . . . . . .174Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,

October 24, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .174Remarks by President Bush, October 26, 2001 . . . . . . . . . .176Remarks by President Bush, October 29, 2001 . . . . . . . . .177Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and


Letter from Iraqi President Hussein to Western Nations and Governments, October 29, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .182

Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair and Syrian President Assad, October 31, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . .184

Remarks by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Myers,October 31, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .186

Press Release by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs,November 1, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .190

Remarks by the Spokesman of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, November 1, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .191

Statement by President Bush, November 1, 2001 . . . . . . . .191Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Myers,November 1, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .192

Remarks by Egyptian President Mubarak,November 2, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .194

Statement by Usama Bin Laden,Released November 3, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .195

Remarks by Russian Minister of Defense Ivanov, November 3, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .197

Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and Pakistani Foreign Minister Sattar, November 4, 2001 . .198

Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and Indian Minister of Defense Fernandes, November 5, 2001 . . .200

Remarks by President Bush, November 6, 2001 . . . . . . . . . .201Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and

Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Pace,November 6, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .202

Remarks by President Bush and Secretary of State Powell,November 7, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .203

Remarks by President Bush and British Prime Minister Blair,November 8, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .204

Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair and Pakastani President Musharraf, November 9, 2001 . . . .205

Executive Order, November 9, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .207Joint Statement by the United States and India,

November 9, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .207Remarks by President Bush and Indian Prime Minister

Vajpayee, November 9, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .208Remarks by President Bush, November 10, 2001 . . . . . . . .209Remarks by Pakistani President Musharraf,

November 10, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .212Joint Statement by President Bush and President Musharraf,

November 10, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .214Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,

November 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .215Statement by United Nations Secretary-General Annan,

November 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .216Remarks by United Nations Secretary-General Annan,

November 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .216Statement by Saudi Ambassador Shobokshi,

November 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .217Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Myers,November 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .219

IV. November 13-19, 2001: The Collapse of the TalibanRegime

Joint Statement by President Bush and Russian President Putin, November 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .224

Remarks by British Prime Minister Blair,November 14, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .224

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1378,November 14, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .226

Remarks by Taliban Leader Omar, November 15, 2001 . . .227Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and

General Franks, November 15, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .227Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld,

November 19, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .230Remarks by Secretary of State Powell, Japanese Minister

Ogata and Treasury Secretary O’Neill,November 20, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .232

V. November 20-December 5, 2001: Addressing ImmediateNeeds and Planning for Transition in Afghanistan

Remarks by Secretary of State Powell and United Nations Secretary-General Annan, November 28, 2001 . . . . . . .234

Remarks by United Nations Secretary-General Annan,November 29, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .235

Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Pace,November 30, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .236

Remarks by President Bush, December 2, 2001 . . . . . . . . .237Remarks by President Bush, December 4, 2001 . . . . . . . . .237Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Myers,December 4, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .238

Agreement on Provisional Arrangements in Afghanistan Pending the Re-Establishment of Permanent Government Institutions,December 5, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .240

Statement by United Nations Secretary-General Annan, December 5, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .244

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1383, December 6, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .244

List of Documents


Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,December 6, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .244

VI. December 6-31, 2001: Considering the Next Stage in theResponse

Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Pace,December 6, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .246

Remarks by President Bush, December 7, 2001 . . . . . . . . .248Remarks by Secretary General Powell and

Russian Foreign Minister Ivanov,December 10, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .250

Remarks by President Bush, December 11, 2001 . . . . . . . .251Remarks by Usama bin Laden,

Released December 14, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .254Remarks by President Bush and Thai Prime Minister

Shinawatra, December 14, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .257Remarks by President Bush, December 17, 2001 . . . . . . . .257Remarks by Usama Bin Laden,

Released December 27, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .258Remarks by President Bush and General Franks,

December 28, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .259Remarks by President Bush, December 31, 2001 . . . . . . . .263

TThhee UUnniitteedd SSttaatteess WWiitthhddrraawwss ffrroomm tthhee AAnnttii--BBaalllliissttiicc MMiissssiillee TTrreeaattyyStatement by Russian President Putin,

November 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .266Excerpt from Remarks by President Bush,

January 26, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .266Excerpt from Remarks by President Putin,

January 26, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .267Remarks by President Bush, May 1, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .267Remarks by Senator Levin, May 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . .269Remarks by Secretary of State Powell and

National Security Advisor Rice, June 16, 2001 . . . . . . .272Remarks by Russian President Putin, June 18, 2001 . . . . .274Testimony by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld,

June 21, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .277Remarks by Under Secretary of State Bolton,

August 21, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .280State Department Press Briefing, August 22, 2001 . . . . . . .283White House Press Statement, September 4, 2001 . . . . . . .284Remarks by Russian President Vladimir Putin,

September 19, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .284Press Release by the Russian Embassy,

September 28, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .285Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,

October 21, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .286Remarks by President Bush and Russian President Putin,

October 21, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .287Excerpt from United Nations General Assembly

Resolution 56/24, November 2, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .289Statement by the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs,

November 3, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .290Remarks by President Bush and Russian President

Putin, November 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .290Joint Statement by President Bush and Russian

President Putin, November 14, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .292Remarks by President Bush and Russian President Putin,

November 15, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .293Remarks by National Security Advisor Rice,

November 15, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .294Remarks by Senator Biden, November 15, 2001 . . . . . . . . .296Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,

November 18, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .299Remarks by Senator Biden, December 5, 2001 . . . . . . . . . .300Remarks by Secretary of State Powell and

Russian Foreign Minister Ivanov, December 10, 2001 . .300Department of State Press Briefing, December 12, 2001 . .302Remarks by Senator Biden, December 12, 2001 . . . . . . . . .304Text of Diplomatic Notes Sent to Russia, Belarus,

Kazakhstan, and Ukraine, December 13, 2001 . . . . . . .306Statement by President Bush, December 13, 2001 . . . . . . .307Statement by Russian President Putin,

December 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .307White House Press Statement, December 13, 2001 . . . . . .308Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,

December 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .308Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld,

December 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .308White House Press Briefing, December 13, 2001 . . . . . . . .309Statement by NATO Secretary General Robertson,

December 13, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .311Press Release by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs,

December 14, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .311Statement by United Nations Secretary General Annan,

December 14, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .311Department of State Press Briefing, December 14, 2001 . . .311Remarks by Secretary of State Powell,

December 16, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .312Remarks by Colin Powell, December 16, 2001 . . . . . . . . .312Remarks by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and

Russian Defense Minister Ivanov,December 17, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .313

ARCHIVE: Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Anti-ballistic Missile Systems (the ABM Treaty) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .315

List of Documents

320 Winter 2002

Comprehensive collection of public statements subsequent to 9/11 attacks (Foreign Policy Bulletin)

News & Politics

Transcript of Comprehensive collection of public statements subsequent to 9/11 attacks (Foreign Policy Bulletin)