Comparative Analysis of Soco-Cultural and Contextual Context that Shape Ethical Decisions in Pakistan and United StatesANALYSIS OF SOCIO-CULTURAL AND STRUCTURAL CONTEXTS IN PAKISTAN
AND UNITED STATES
A Dissertation in
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The dissertation of Mehnaz Jehan was reviewed and approved* by the following:
Roger Shouse
Learning and Performance Systems
James F. Nolan JR.
Harmanowics Professor of Education
Chair of Graduate Program
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Abstract
on exploring contextual realities to develop a comprehensive and holistic understanding of
leadership concepts to improve leadership practices. In this regard, this study aimed at explaining
socio-cultural and structural contexts that shape high school principals’ ethical decision-making
in Pakistan and the United States. The study is comprised of a comprehensive literature review as
well as primary data collection from Pakistan.
I employed qualitative paradigm to achieve the purpose of this study. In depth and semi-
structured interviews provided the main strategy to seek principals’ experiences with ethical
challenges in Pakistan. Furthermore, phenomenological underpinnings informed and guided my
interview strategies. I have not engaged in a formal phenomenological investigation, which
required adapting methods and substantial knowledge of phenomenological philosophy.
Dilemma analysis, a widely used strategy to study ethics in educational leadership, provided
ways of seeking principals’ experiences with ethical challenges and decision-making at two
stages. At the first stage, I shared with the principals two dilemmas depicting real situations in
the context of Pakistan for their comments. At the second stage, I employed “Real life,
respondent generated dilemmas” in an hour and half long semi-structured interviews to help
them think of at least three critical challenges or issues they experienced in their professional
lives.
Findings reveal that the high school principals in Pakistan work in varied environments
and are pulled in different directions. Each direction has its own conflicting demands creating
dilemmas for them. Moreover, the socio-cultural and structural forces impact at various levels
and color principals’ decisions. Since this study takes an initiative of highlighting a need to
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understand ethical dimensions of educational leadership in the context of Pakistan, it was limited
in scope. Hence, the study recommends investigating the concept of ethics in depth, focusing on
ethics relative to women in leadership practices, as well as differences in ethical leadership
between private and public school principals.
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STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM AND CONTEXT OF THE STUDY .................................................................................... 2
PURPOSE AND QUESTIONS.......................................................................................................................................... 6
CHAPTER 2 ................................................................................................................................................................. 9
IMPACT OF SOCIO-CULTURAL CONTEXT ON SCHOOLING ......................................................................................... 19
CHAPTER 3 ............................................................................................................................................................... 21
COMPARATIVE UNDERSTANDING OF ETHICS ........................................................................................................... 38
SECTION II ............................................................................................................................................................... 40
High School Principals’ Responsibilities in Pakistan and United States: Review of Prior Studies ................... 40
SECTION III .............................................................................................................................................................. 56
............................................................................................................................................................................ 56
RESEARCH STRATEGY .............................................................................................................................................. 63
Data collection My primary data came in two phases. ....................................................................................... 64
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Ethical issues ...................................................................................................................................................... 76
Researcher “Bias” .............................................................................................................................................. 77
Researcher’s role ................................................................................................................................................ 80
CHAPTER 5 ............................................................................................................................................................... 82
AN EXAMINATION OF ETHICAL CHALLENGES FOR HIGH SCHOOL PRINCIPALS IN PAKISTAN
..................................................................................................................................................................................... 82
Textural Descriptions/ Principals’ Stories .......................................................................................................... 88
EMERGENT THEMES ................................................................................................................................................. 98
Geselschaft vs. Gemeinschaft: Intense pull between organizational bureaucracy and “organic” demands ..... 98
Pressure of culture/ religious mores: “Unwritten Rules” ................................................................................ 102
Intensity of potential of threats to survival ....................................................................................................... 105
“A tussle between emotional and professional aspects of working as a principal” ......................................... 108
SECTION II ............................................................................................................................................................. 110
SECTION III ............................................................................................................................................................ 118
CHAPTER 6 ............................................................................................................................................................. 121
SECTION III ............................................................................................................................................................ 131
APPENDIX B ........................................................................................................................................................... 145
Figure 2: Conceptual Framework …………………………………………….............................22
Figure 3: Hierarchy of a culture and multi-level cultures (Cheong 2000)…………....................23
Figure 4: Review of Prior Studies ……………………………………………………................44
Figure 5: Nature of Issues ……………………………………………………………………....83
Figure 6: Multipolar Environment …………………………………………………………......122
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Table 1: Similarities and Differences in Principals’ Responsibilities in Pakistan and United
State………………………………………………………………………………………56
Table 2: Research on Socio-cultural and Structural Contexts in Pakistan and United
States……………………………………………………………………………………..67
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Acknowledgements
I am grateful to my Dissertation Advisor Dr. Roger Shouse. Without his support and guidance, I
would not have been in the PhD program at Penn State. I am also thankful to Dr. Semali who
introduced me to the world of Comparative and International Education and guided me through
various courses. I also extend my deepest regards to Dr. Stefkovich who sparked my interest in
the concept of Ethics in Educational Leadership. My gratitude also goes for Dr. Nolan whose
mentoring during my Humphrey Fellowship Program at Penn State helped me with professional
development opportunities within and outside State College.
I am thankful to Aga Khan Education Services, Pakistan (AKESP, North) for providing me with
the professional opportunities during my employment. I also appreciate the support extended to
me during my data collection in Pakistan.
In addition, I thank all my friends and colleagues who have contributed in my intellectual growth
in many ways.
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Introduction
This study stems from my desire to look at ethical aspects of principals’ decision-making
in the context of Pakistan. My experience of working as a principal of a girls’ school, in
Northern Areas (Gilgit-Baltistan) of Pakistan, yielded unique insights about principals’ work in
that context. I worked in an environment, which always seemed to force my decisions in
direction I least desired empathetically as well as professionally. Sometimes situations resulted
in sleepless nights thinking about the right courses of action and consequences of my decisions.
As a leader, the responsibility of making the right choices and picking the right courses of action
lied upon my shoulder. I realized that I was expected to make decisions meeting others’ wishes
rather than following policy. I had to be extra cautious in making the right choices.
However, I did not know what to name this process until I enrolled in Ph.D. program and
took courses in Ethics in Educational Leadership at Pennsylvania State University. I learned
about ethical decision-making processes and how principals address challenges keeping in mind
the “best interest of the students” (Stefkovich 2005). Thus, my assessment of my experiences and
learning of ethical frameworks in educational leadership program developed my interest in
carrying out a study to yield an understanding about ethical challenges for Pakistani principals
and see how these ethical challenges are different or similar from the principals’ challenges in
the United States.
The purpose of this chapter is to present a case about the importance of understanding the
nature of ethical challenges in Pakistani schools while providing a picture of differences in a
Western and Eastern context like Pakistan.
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The fundamental ingredients forming a school culture include values, beliefs, practices,
and its members. While the fundamental recipes of school culture in Pakistan and United States
may be similar, they may pose differences. How principals go about solving ethical challenges in
one context, may be remarkably different in the other. For instance, in Pakistan Principals work
in a highly complex social setting where their interactions as decision makers carry the influence
of culture, ethnicity, language, religious beliefs and contradictions from historical legacy. In the
United States, however, similar socio-cultural forces may be at play, historical legacies may
account for deep differences. The following vignette from a school in Pakistan serves to illustrate
the peculiar differences in both contexts.
Scenario: This incident took place at one of colleges for girls situated in an urban area.
The college had a dormitory for students from far off areas. The dorm had strict rules about the
students’ visitors and guardians.
One night the warden discovered that a student did not return after the weekend. This
created a stir among the boarding staff, and the warden decided to, immediately, inform the
principal of the matter. The next morning the principal arrived and asked other students if they
knew the missing girl’s whereabouts. Meanwhile, the girl arrived to attend her classes, but, as
soon as the principal saw the student, she addressed her in front of everyone. The principal, after
asking, “Where is your boyfriend?” Go bring your boyfriend, right now,” ordered the student to
pack up, and leave the dorm. She would no longer stay in the dorm, but she could continue her
studies at the college. After experiencing such humiliation, the student could not continue her
studies and left, never to be seen again.
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Examining this vignette highlights some pertinent differences in the socio-cultural and
structural levels of the schooling in Pakistan and United States. For instance, the principal’s
reaction reflects a pressure to maintain a certain code of conduct for girls that conforms to that
society’s values of chastity and modesty. The reaction also reflects principal’s assumptions
(deeply ingrained) that if the girl spent a night out it must have been with a boy, which is taboo
in the religious and social context of Pakistan. Hence, the principal was confronted with societal
norms and standards as she worked to make the decision to expel the student from the dormitory.
On the other hand, a principal in the United States might have been concerned with the student’s
safety and security rather than thinking about whether or not the student spent the night with a
boyfriend. At a structural level, the principal had the authority and discretion to make a decision
on the spot without even involving any other stakeholders such as parents. Moreover, parents of
the student reacting to that decision withdrew their daughter. Moreover, the student’s voice was
absent. The student did not have a chance to clarify or justify her position. The student paid the
price for her action in the form of humiliation, expulsion and disgrace by her family. However,
such a decision could have been challenged in the court had it been in the United States’ setting.
So, these social values and norms color principals’ personal and professional values so
much so that they often follow what is “right” according to the society’s standards instead what
is “in the best interest of the student” (Shapiro & Stefkovich, 2011). The best interest of the
student is often defined by the society and implemented by the guardians of the social norms and
values. Hence, norms and expectations in Pakistani society “…have a significant effect on the
behavior [and values] of head teachers and those with whom they interact” (Simkkins et.al. 1998,
p.138). Culture defines the “equation” principals use to balance needs of students with other
defined needs of the institution.
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In addition, Pakistani principals are caught in the midst of socio-cultural system that does
not provide a space to discuss such problems explicitly because of an emphasis on silencing the
complex ethical issues for the sake of group uniformity, which helps preserving cultural
integrity. Most importantly, the principals and their colleagues may not even be aware of the
importance of discussing such issues because the cultural norms and practices overwhelm the
individual’s rights to respect, honor and choice. Hence, no attention has been paid, neither in the
research scholarship, nor in the professional trainings to understand the nature of complex issues
and how principals have to combat them when faced with resolving ethical challenges.
Also, although often the professional practices are informed by Western theories of
teaching and learning, many practices and ideas seem resistant to western ideas. For instance,
corporal punishment is discouraged in the western schools. However, corporal punishment has a
deep-rooted importance in Pakistani society at all levels including the school. It is considered an
important aspect of teachers or principals’ authority to discipline the child. Hence, without
understanding the local realities, the Westerners’ ideas may not help much in improving the
professional Eastern practices at a substantial level. Therefore, the field of comparative
education provides a window “…to understand how two systems, at the levels of the group and
individual, relate to each other” (Tiandis & Berry 1981, p.106) in terms of practice and meanings
attached to those practices. Therefore, the investigation of practices in the local settings, and
people’s understanding and meaning of the concepts are part of the comparative studies. For this
purpose, the comparativists in educational research suggest to “seek[ing] out units of analysis
that are intrinsically appropriate to the task in hand” (Philips 2006, p. 313).In this regard,
comparativisits emphasize to take “comparability” and “equivalence” into account.
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Comparability refers to the condition “existing when two measures are expressed in the
same units thus making possible direct comparison” (Good cited in Raivola 1985, p. 362) In
other words; the elements of the concept under study are of the same level. Triandis and Berry
(1981), further, explain “…when a common underlying process exists can there be the possibility
of interpreting differences in behavior. When such dimensional identity or common underlying
process is demonstrated, then comparability is established”(p. 8). In this regard, high principals’
decision-making processes in the contexts of Pakistan and United States provide a basis for
comparability in my study.
Equivalence: is “a state of being essentially equal or equivalent” (Google dictionary).
Equivalence is to establish the level of individuality/ uniqueness of the instrument and the groups
under study in order to achieve comparison. Triandis & Berry (1981) divide equivalence into
categories of “functional” and “conceptual” equivalences. The former refers to comparison
between people or institutions in the form of a similar problem that generates behavior with a
similar purpose. For instance, functional equivalence in comparative studies specifies same level
of teachers, students, socio-economic background, gender of the students and teachers. As such
in the study high school principals’ experiences of ethical challenges in Pakistan are compared
with the secondary school principals’ experiences of ethical challenges in the United States.
Conceptual equivalence, on the other hand, refers to a representation of a common
ground between theory and phenomenon to “…discover the local meaning of concepts within the
cognitive systems of the people and groups being compared” (Triandis and Berry 1981, p.9).
Raivola (1985) calls it cultural equivalence and emphasizes that the “comparative analysis
should focus attention on the isomorphism of the elements of the systems” which can be
described through evidence including stories, rules and the ways things are done in a culture.
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This implies that the strategy to getting to the meanings people attach to the concepts in different
culture should be uniform which can be either seen through observations, interviews or any other
way.
“Comparability” and “equivalence” are relevant to my study at two levels. Firstly, I have
analyzed secondary data in the form of empirical studies, which focus on high school principals’
work in Pakistan and United States. I have described the procedure in detail in the chapter on
methodology. Secondly, conceptual equivalence, in my study, is evident in the form of literature
about the concept of ethics in Islam and comparison of it to the western practices. This will help
readers understand the concept in a culture other than their own and to be able to comprehend the
principals’ practices, experiences, and nature of ethical challenges in a Pakistani context. A
detailed discussion is provided in the chapter on literature review.
Purpose and Questions
Thus, the purpose of my study is to explain socio-cultural and structural context that
shape ethical decision of secondary school principals in Pakistan and United States and highlight
differences in meaning. I also strive to identify a) the structural context in which secondary
school principals construct their ethical decisions in Pakistan and United States, b) identify
challenges they experience in constructing and implementing their ethical decisions. The
following questions guided my purpose.
- What are the socio-cultural contexts that shape the meaning and practices of ethical decision
making among secondary school principals in Pakistan and United States?
- In which structural context do principals construct their ethical decisions in Pakistan and United
States?
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- What challenges do they experience in implementing those decisions in Pakistan and United
States?
The study is significant at three levels:
Firstly, it brings to the fore complexities of the socio cultural system that pose ethical
challenges for principals in Pakistan. These complexities have gone largely unexamined locally
and globally, and which, in the context of Pakistan are critical to consider in light of issues
related to improving principals’ practices. Often the research studies that revolve around the
importance of the role of principals’ decision-making in Pakistani schools have focused on the
applicability of the western theories of school leadership. Western theories assume western way
of thought and western social realities that do not match to the local reality.
Secondly, findings will illuminate school policy and provide a direction for training
school principals about the complexity of ethical dilemmas in school leadership. It will help set a
direction for the training programs to target their focus to ethical implications of the principals’
decision.
Thirdly, literature emphasizes investigating the applicability of Western theories of
school leadership in other contexts. Hence, the study will add to the existing knowledge base
about principals’ experiences of ethical challenges in a non-Western context, and it will add a
new insight to the ethical dilemmas in Educational leadership.
Organization of the Study
The first chapter serves to orient the reader of the importance of contextualizing ethical
decision making by highlighting the differences in socio-cultural and structural contexts. The
second chapter describes the socio-cultural context of Pakistan. The third chapter discusses
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framework and literature review that helped to conceptualize this study. This chapter also sets
base for comparative analysis of socio-cultural and structural contexts through review of
empirical studies about high school principals’ work in Pakistan and United States. The fourth
chapter details the methodology used to carry out this study. Chapter five presents findings and
analysis of primary data collected in Pakistan. Last chapter details the discussion, implications
and limitations of the study.
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Contextual Background of the Study
The purpose of this chapter is to describe Pakistani society in general to help reader
develop a holistic picture of the relationship between ethical challenges discussed in chapter 4
and socio-cultural and structural context. In Pakistan, such ethical conflicts arise in a traditional
and highly complex socio-cultural system, which poses serious problems for school principals
wishing to promote equitable and effective learning among all types of students.
Figure 1: Map of Pakistan
Source: www.google.com
Historical Context
Pakistan, formally known as the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, came into existence on August 14,
1947 because of the efforts of the founder Mohammad Ali Jinnah and other Muslim leaders.
Contemporary Pakistan bordering “Iran and Afghanistan on the West, India on the east, and the
Arabian Sea on the south is strategically located to the east of the Persian Gulf and in close
proximity to China and Russia” (Talbot 1998, p.21).
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Contemporary Pakistan consists of four provinces: Punjab, Sindh, Pukhtunkhwa,
Balochistan. In addition, there are other regional territories: Federally Administered Tribal Areas
(FATA), and Gilgit-Baltistan (Formerly known as Federally Administered Northern Areas,
FANA). Islamabad, a federal territory, is capital of the country (Salfi & Saeed, 2007). All areas
circumscribing contemporary Pakistan have cultural, traditional and linguistic variation, which
make each distinctive. However, what binds them all is the religion of Islam, which was the
backdrop of creation of Pakistan and a national language Urdu.
The contemporary Pakistan includes the areas that were once the hub of the Indus Valley,
which is known for well-organized, agricultural, political, educational and social systems. Then
the arrival of Aryan in 1500 to 2000 BC brought Hindusim to the region. History for the South
Asian Subcontinent also witnessed the emergence of Christian era. Then conquerors and sufis
brought Islam to the South Asian Subcontinent. Mohammad Bin Qasim was the first Muslim
conqueror who overcame Sindh (one of the four provinces in Pakistan) in AD 712, and thereafter
the growth of Islam took place during the seventh and eight centuries ( Malik 2006). During this
period an “Indo-Islamic culture flourished within a tolerant and blended milieu where Sufi
poetry and similar mystical literature by Hindu Bhagats and Sikh Gurus flourished concurrently.
Along with social and cultural development in the region, the Muslim rulers in the
Subcontinent considered education an important task. Different measures were taken during
different eras. For instance, education was made free for anyone who wanted to educate
themselves or their children from the time of Mohammad Bin Qasim (695-715) to the Mughal
Emperors Humayoun (1540-1556). According to the historians, these measures ended the
class/cast systems prevalent in the subcontinent before the dawn of Islam. As a result, many
Hindus from the lowest castes converted to Islam and benefitted from such measures. However,
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with the fall of Mughal emperor and beginning of British rule, education took a different turn.
Now education was considered synonymous with the English language and all were required to
abandon their language and be schooled in English.
According to the historians, the requirement to learn English created a wide gap as some
Muslims resisted because they considered it against their Islamic traditions and some could not
afford English education. In other words, many considered the British system as elite’s system.
This created a system of “high and low classes” (Khalid & Khan 2006). It was during the British
Raj that took place in 1857, Muslims of the Subcontinent realized a need for a separate homeland
because of “the circumstances_ political, social, and many economic....” (Burki 1986, p.1).
Hence, Pakistan came into existence on August 14, 1947. However, Pakistan has, in its
short sixty year political history, gone through varied political turbulences and “has tried half-
dozen different political systems and four formal constitutions, promulgated in 1946,1956, 1962,
and 1973, respectively” (Burki 1986, p.2). Although “political and constitutional struggles” led
to the way of creating Pakistan, “the country faced military governments …while politicians
were either incapacitated in establishing enduring democratic institutions or simply proved
incompetent” (Malik 2006).
Religious Context
Pakistan is an Islamic country that was created for the Muslims of subcontinent and the
population is of 97% Muslim. However, “as an institutionalized religion, the house of Islam is
divided into sects, jurisprudential schools, and spiritual tariqas (circles). As such, Sunnis
represent 80% of the total and Shias constitute the other 20%. All sects “agree on basic beliefs
and practices; it is only on the interpretations of their religion and early Muslim history that they
differ (Malik 2006, p.34). Islam as a religion is very significant and a strong part of each
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Muslim’s life. Individuals are taught about their religious obligations. Families as well as other
social and religious institutions e.g. schools and mosques emphasize on individual accountability
to religious responsibilities (Stewart, Bond, & Zaman, 1999).Moreover, religious interpretations
and cultural customs dictate ethical and moral norms and relationships in Pakistani society.
Analyzing the changes in the Pakistani society and the role of religion in Pakistani
society since 1947, Qadeer (2006) opines, “ …the rise of political Islam and global Islamic
movements have become potent forces in the reorganization of the Pakistani society. Islamism,
as a force of social change, is a distinct phenomenon in Pakistan” (p.18).
Moreover, Hakim & Aziz (1998) identify local maulvi (local religious leaders), the
maulana or Ulemma and the pir as types of religious authority performing the task of interpreting
religion to the masses. For these maulivis and maulana “Islamic society is based on complete
segregation of sexes and the subordination of women to men” (p.731).
On the contrary, according to Hussain (1987) cited in Hakim & Aziz (1998)
reduction of the status of women by the religious scholars is a proof of a double standard
for modesty and chastity, one for men and another for women. The Quran fixed a
uniform standard … [for] both sexes…. But the ulema in the classical age discounted the
ability of the woman to guard her chastity, and advocated her segregation from male
society. Unobtrusively, the woman, through the negative attitude of segregation thrust
upon her by the ulema, was made sentinel of male chastity. This is what the present day
ulema deduce from the seclusion and veiling of women (p.731).
This implies that there is a huge dichotomy between maulvis and educated / secular
scholars like Hussain in terms of their understanding of ethical and moral norms set by the
religion. Most importantly, this dichotomy exists in the Muslim world at large.
Educational Context
At the time of creation in 1947, Pakistan faced enormous challenges. It both had a huge
task of settling the refugees, and establishing a political track for the country. Education was one
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of the sectors that faced huge challenges at the time of partition, afterwards, and still. The
country has not been able to address educational issues due to “bad governance, and red tape,
apathy, corruption, short-lived governments, conflicting policies, confusion and lack of
direction” (Khalid & Khan 2006, p.309). The fundamental challenge is a lack of consensus as to
what the purpose of education should be and how to achieve it. One stratum views education as
a means of achieving the ideology of Islam or Islamic life, which is considered the basis for
creation of Pakistan. One group thinks that modern education with emphasis on science and
technology should be part of education encouraging that our youth is capable of discovering
knowledge rather than receiving knowledge. More importantly, in general “education is not
perceived as a vital, central need of Pakistani society: it is, therefore, not accorded protection
enjoyed by other institutions” (Hoodhbhoy 1998, p.4).
Thus, it has been a dream to see our young girls and boys alike in schools. When it comes
to girl’s education, the situation seems more dismal as girls are more at risk of not enrolling in
schools or dropping out of school due to economic, socio-cultural and religious interpretations
and behaviors. Upadhyah, Barton and Zahur (2005) identify three important factors that lead to
low enrollment of girls in poor communities. “Education is not highly valued in poor
communities because it does not increase a girls’ economic or occupational status. Early
marriages of daughters lead to lower returns on the education investments for girls, and girls
need to help with child care and other duties of the home” (p. 730).
Education System: Education is the responsibility of the state. Nonetheless, there are
various systems running in the country due to lack of governments’ interest in improving quality
of public education. Moreover, the public system is way underperformed as a huge amount of
national budget goes to defense. Khalid and Khan (2006) identify six major groups of
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community members or local organizations, English only private schools, community schools
and colleges and religious educational institutions” (p. 311). These systems run with huge
differences in “their curricula, infrastructure and fee and salary structure” (Azam 2009, p.11).
In addition, the public education system is highly centralized with a federal minister at
the top who plans and monitors education in the country, and implementation is the
responsibility of the Provincial Education Departments, district governments and NGOs (Oduro
et.al. 2007, Farah & Rizvi 2007, Rizvi 2008). A Curriculum Wing (CW) in the ministry performs
the task of writing curricula for the whole country and deviation from it yields serious
consequences. Analyzing the role of CW, Hoodhboy (1998) postulates, “the curricula devised by
its ‘experts’ often have the wrong emphases, containing outdated concepts, and not providing for
a relevant and useful education. Instead, the CW appears preoccupied with the propagation of
ideological doctrines rather than proper education of children” (p.11). Furthermore, criticizing
the ideological aspects, Talibani (1996) opines: “the emphasis on ideological education has
intensified cultural and religious differences, resulting in communal conflicts and resentment of
other cultures and other areas of knowledge” (p. 82).
In addition, Azam (2009) points to the treatment of the students in public schools and
asserts that corporal punishment is a common norm that affects “self-esteem or self-respect.”
Moreover, “…their sense of relative deprivation gets intensified when they find themselves
unable to compete with the graduates of English medium institutions and cadet schools and
colleges for employment and other opportunities” (p. 11).
Although efforts were made to decentralize the education system by empowering districts
to plan and manage its resources since 2001, the efforts did not come to fruition. Oduro et.al.
15
(2007) reviewed studies that counted factors for this failure such as, tension between district and
provincial education departments over their respective roles and authority, increased interference
by local politicians in the district education offices…weak school- community relationships and
lack of collaboration between district education administration and school management
committees….” (p.10).
Private educational institutions (not all of them though) are characterized by “wealthy
individuals, a Board of Governors, politico-religious organization (NGO), and International non-
governmental organizations (INGO)” (Khan 2012). Depending on where the private educational
institution is located, the schools try to provide better resources in terms of teachers, furniture
and other facilities. It is critical to note that what binds the private and public system is an
emphasis on an annual examination system and students’ test scores.
In the Madrassa system, education is free along with lodging and food. However, the
education system is extremely traditional where the students are considered “empty vessels” and
the teachers’ authority is ultimately and unquestioned. The emphasis is on transmission of
knowledge in which “education is the downward communication of a fixed body of knowledge
given from somewhere or by somebody” (Hoodbhoy 1998, p.6).
In addition, a highly- centralized system curtails a head teacher’s role as leader” (Oduro,
Dachi, Fertig, Rareiya 2007, p.15). Concluding a study, Donald & Warwick (n.d.) asserts, “with
no clear definition of who they are and what they are supposed to do, school heads are adrift in
the educational system” (p.21). As such, Oduro et.al. (2007) cite Swai (2002) in highlighting the
cultural realities of the education system and its challenges, “school leaders are not questioned
or criticized [by parents], school management and parents do not trust the teachers; leadership
16
positions are ‘protected’ by those in post; and educational policies largely reflect political agenda
and therefore, do not promote efficiency or accountability” (p. 15).
Socio-cultural Context of Pakistan
Islam (2004) used Hofstead’s four-dimensional model of national cultures (power
distance, individuality, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance) as an analytical framework to
analyze characteristics of Pakistan’s contemporary administrative culture. Although his analysis
focuses on administrative culture in Pakistan, these characteristics are generalizable to other
spheres of life as well, because “the societal norms have led to the development and pattern
maintenance of institutions in society with particular structures and ways of functioning. These
institutions, once established, reinforce the societal norms and the ecological conditions that led
to their establishment” (Hofstead 2001, p.11).
For instance, Pakistani society has a high- power distance characteristic, which can be
observed in the social institution of family structure e.g., relations between husband and wife,
brother and sister, son and daughter. Since the society is patriarchal in nature, the family is led by
an “eldest male who occupies a position of paramount authority,” who exerts this authority to
subjugate all family members to “religious and ethical obligations” (Hakim & Aziz 1998, p.50).
Furthermore, “family, biradari (clan), tribe, and ethnicity define an individual’s place in
society and inform her/his beliefs and behaviors” (Qadeer 2006, p.188), which creates dynamic
relationships between individual and society (Islam 2004). Upadhyah et.a. (2005) elucidate this
relationship;
Pakistan has a layered identity. A Pakistani has a religious identity (as a Muslim) an
ethnic identity (e.g. Punjabi or Sindhi), a national identity (Pakistani), a caste identity,
and a Biradai identity. These identities are greatly influenced by larger social structures
and customs and together provide a Pakistani with a set of expectations and social norms
for living (p. 729).
These multiple roles and relationships sometimes cloud his/ her individuality because
they place constant pressure and accountability on an individual in the form of expectations of
loyalty. Since, biradari dominates the social life of its members, so deviation from it may result
in serious consequences making it inevitable to keep intact with biradari norms to preserve their
identities. This has led to a “kinship-based social structure” resulting in a culture of “sifarish”
(kin networking) as a way of influencing the decision-making process and gaining personal
benefits (Islam 2004). As such, “as more and more rules are created to avoid uncertainty, more
ingenious ways of circumventing the rules are favored simultaneously” (Islam 2004, p.324).
Ethical and Moral Norms
Most of the contemporary practices are a blend of Islamic and local cultural practice
because of a shared political cultural history between Pakistan and India. When Islam came to
the subcontinent, many Hindus converted, but they retained many of their local and traditional
customs, which blended with the customs and values of the Muslims who brought Islam to the
subcontinent. For instance, the system of land ownership that led to feudal practices governs part
of religious practices in some of the regions in the country.
These practices have created a void between the majority and the landowners (minority)
who exert a strong control over the lives of these poor people (Hakim & Aziz 1998, Azhar
2009). In addition, in Pakistan, gender roles are predefined in terms of religious, social, cultural
norms and values. This differentiation in gender roles has resulted in inequalities especially for
women. Islam (2004) attributes exclusion and segregation of women to purdah that inhibits
women’s movement as much as possible.
18
Hakim and Aziz (1998) describe two categories of restriction on women in Pakistan
society, which may be a blend of various local cultural and religious practices. The first category
includes “legal restriction and inequalities” based on the interpretation from Quran, Hadith,
Sunnah and traditional Sharia laws for “legislating women’s inequality and legitimizing the
gender relations of feudal/tribal origins” (Qadeer 2006, p.201). “Purdah-hiding of women from
men” (p.730) constitutes the second catergory. Mirza analyzes that the function of veiling,
as a behavior code imposed on women in order to reduce sexual tension in public places
presents a good example of the fact that within the purdah-system it is basically the
women-not the men- who are made responsible for maintaining gender segregation
(p.18).
But Weiss (2001) asserts,
When a female seeks to traverse social boundaries, the objection raised seldom
questions whether she will behave herself properly or what she might do wrong, but
instead ‘what ill others think?’ It is not the intrinsic value of the female’s action but the
social value placed on respectability_ izzat and sharafat_ that has long suppressed
women’s inventiveness in response to challenges (p.68).
Thus, “if a man should violate a social norm, it may raise some concern, but if a woman
violates virtually any social norm, it becomes a calamitous event for her family, with disastrous
results for the woman’s future” (Mirza 2002, p.30). There is a difference between how men and
women are judged for their behavior.
However, Qadeer (2006) presents three models of femininity in Pakistani society because
of the changes in the social history of the country. First is a traditional Muslim woman who
remains at the house as part of her moral, social and religious obligations. Second is a modern
woman who has acquired “liberal values” through education or social class and is seen publically
in her career or profession. Third are the women who “imbibes religious piety, puritanical
19
values, and demands a share in public life be it a job or political socialization” (p.200). It is
pertinent to note that all three kinds of women are also cultural traditions bound (Qadeer 2006).
Impact of Socio-cultural Context on Schooling
The, religious and socio-cultural practices have a strong impact on all aspects of life
especially schooling in Pakistan. This impact can be observed in many ways. For instance,
“schooling…is gender segregated to conform to Islamic ideology” (Chowdhury 1996, p.192).
Girls’ schools face strict rules in terms of maintaining discipline and ethically/morally
appropriate behaviors. Any movement or action that seems to violate the rule is considered
morally suspicious. Therefore, girls are under serious scrutiny to maintain their “izzat”
(decency).
Consequently, schools are a place to reinforce the social norms and perceptions about
women’s participation in the wider sphere of life. Those girls who have opportunities to go to
schools receive an education that reiterates the emphasis on their roles and responsibilities as
mothers and wives (Weiss 2001, Azhar 2009). Otherwise, “in culturally restrictive environments,
adolescent girls may be viewed as morally suspect if they continue going to school” (Chowdhury
1996, p.199).
Moreover, “school teaching is oriented toward …monitoring behavior” (Updhyaha et.a.
2005). The tension for a principal of a girls’ school is to strive to help her students to get the
freedom to think and empower themselves through education, and monitor their behavior in a
way that girls do not deviate from the societal norms. Hence, the principals of the girls’ schools
are as scrutinized as girls are, to maintain the societal expectations and moral standards.
Therefore, principals, out of fear of damaging reputation for the institutions, try to be as strict in
their monitoring of girls as possible.
20
In short, Pakistani society presents multiple complexities for its members especially
educational leaders. The fundamental principles of the society stem from religious ethics
interpreted through a cultural lens. Accordingly, there is a clear distinction and definition of the
roles each member has to play within a family, tribe or society at large.
21
Conceptual Framework & Literature Review
This chapter consists of three sections. Section I presents the conceptual framework of
the study followed by a comprehensive review of the literature. This literature is, further,
supplemented by a comparative understanding of the construct of ethics in Islam versus West.
Section two presents a review of empirical studies about the high school principals’ work in
Pakistan and United States followed by a synthesis in the third section.
Section 1
The conceptual framework in this study takes a cultural lens to understand “culture’s
influence” to establish educational leadership in the Pakistani context. Walker (2003) places an
enormous emphasis on using the concept of culture to understand leadership practices as ethics
and leadership are culturally constructed. (p. 150). School principals in particular work in a
framework constructed and defined by contextual realities. Hence, this framework focuses on
culture at societal/national/community level and school/organizational level, which interact to
influence school process. The unit of analysis is the high school principal because their work is
framed by contextual realities.
Socio-cultural and Structural Complexities and Psycho Moral Tensions for Principals
Four main elements define the structure of the framework above: socio-cultural context,
structural context, and principals’ leadership and psycho-moral tensions. The subsequent sections
explain each element in the light of the literature.
Socio-Cultural Context
What is Culture?
There is not a single definition of culture in the literature to have a definite idea of what it
is. Hofstead (2007), a pioneer in generating discourse about the differences in cultures across
nations, views it as “collective programming of the mind, which distinguishes one group or
category of people from another” (Hofstead 2007, p.484). Schein (2004) describes cultures as
“the accumulated shared learning of a given group, covering behavioral, emotional, and
Socio cultural
cognitive elements of the group members’ total psychological functioning” (P.17). For Swindler
(1986), culture is a “tool kit of symbols, stories, rituals, and world-views” (p.273). For Walker
(1998) “Culture is learned, not inherited. It derives from one’s social environment, not from
one’s genes. (p.570). This implies that culture is not something one is born with: rather, it is
acquired through experiences, and exposure to a certain environment.
Accumulating the views of Hofstead, Neuijen, Ohayv, & Sanders, (1990), Pettigrew
(1990) Detert, Schroeder & Mauriel (2000) describe it as “…holistic, historically-determined,
and socially constructed, and it involves beliefs and behaviors, exists at a variety of levels, and
manifests itself in a wide range of features of organizational life” (p.851). Cheong (2000) also
pulls various aspects of culture together, agreed upon by other scholars, and defines it as “as
system of shared assumptions, beliefs, values, and behaviors in a given group, community, or
nation” (p.209). In a nutshell, culture is an amalgamation of values, beliefs, and practices that
also functions as a form of social control. As such, values and beliefs craft a framework for
ethical practices, and principals are expected to conform to the framework and integrate the
values into their practices. Cheong (2000) further presents a “hierarchy of culture” at many
levels.
Figure 3: Hierarchy of a culture & multi-level cultures (Cheong 2000)
Multi- level Culture
Hierarchy of a culture classroom culture school culture community culture societal/ national
Superficial classroom social norms school social norms community social norms societal social norms
Values shared in the values shared in the values shared in the values shared in
Classroom classroom community nature
Deep assumptions shared assumptions shared assumptions shared assumptions shared in
in the classroom in the classroom in the community the society/ nation
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Cheong (2000) further presents six propositions to explain the relationship among
different levels of culture. Firstly, the contextual culture can directly or indirectly affect the
school members through their behaviors/ attitudes or values and beliefs. Secondly, “pre-existing
characteristics” (personal values and beliefs) may play a role in resisting or surrendering to the
contextual culture. Thirdly, shared values, beliefs and assumptions result in a strong culture at
any level. Next, contextual culture may affect motivation to perform directly or indirectly.
Lastly, the performance of the school members may be constrained though organizational and
structural culture of the school. Moreover, it is also important to note that the lowest level is the
least variable and the most difficult to verbalize or explain. The top level, however, will tend to
vary, especially in terms of individual values.
Societal culture
Epstein (1989) postulates, “like individuals, nations have explicit and implicit belief
systems…covert culture, manifested in what people say and write about how one should behave,
a covert culture whose rules must be inferred from how people actually behave” (p.20).
Although the study of culture as a variable to understand “human behavioral patterns,
social norms, ceremonies, values and beliefs at community and national level” (Cheong 2000,
p.209) takes its roots from the field of anthropology, the concept of culture as an analytical tool
has seeped through the field of educational administration and leadership. More importantly, the
phenomenon of globalization developed an awareness and understanding of cross-cultural
studies to analyze the compatibility of Western theories of education in other contexts. As a
result, the concept of culture (at the societal level) as an analytical tool to understand the
relationship between leadership practices has made its way into educational leadership research
because:
25
It [culture] influences the predilections of individual leaders as well as the nature of
interactions with others in the school and its community. Moreover, it determines the
particular educational emphasis or goals that prevail within a culture’s system of
schooling (Hallinger & Leithwood, 1998, p.132).
For instance, the proponents of societal culture as a lens to understand school leadership
emphasize culture to help “rethink constructs that have been taken for granted and identify new
problems of significance” (Hallinger & Leithwood 1996), as well as to develop “comparative
model[s] of educational leadership and management, based on cultural and cross cultural
analysis” (Dimmock & Walker 2000). The use of societal culture in understanding educational
leadership practices is also pertinent because:
The concept of culture captures reality by enabling explanations of human and
organizational behavior to be expressed in terms of interactions between individuals
(their personalities), the organizations and institutions in which they live and work, and
the larger environment that circumscribe both (Dimmock & Walker 1998, p.562).
This implies that culture as a basic determinant develops a holistic picture of concepts
under study, especially in the field of educational leadership. For instance, Walker and Hallinger
(2007) draw an extremely powerful and inevitable pictures of what happens when western
notions are applied without taking into consideration the deep culturally-held beliefs and
realities:
in general, East Asians are supposed to be less concerned with personal goals or self-
aggrandizement than are Westerners. Group goals and coordinated activities are more
often the concern. Maintaining harmonious social relationships is like to take precedence
over achieving personal success. Success is often sought as a group rather than as a
person badge of merit. Individual distinctiveness is not particularly desirable. For Asian,
feeling good about themselves is likely to be tied to a sense that they are in harmony with
the wishes of the groups to which they belong and the meeting with the group’s
expectations. Equality of treatment is not assured nor is it necessarily regarded as
desirable (Walker & Hallinger 2007, p.49).
26
Therefore, notions such as “democratic community, community of learning and teaching,
empowerment, individuality, community involvement” that emphasize on the importance of
individuals and individuality, equality, and creativity when taken to the Eastern context may
“collide with the existing cultural norms of East Asian societies.”
For this purpose, Dimmock & Walker (1998) view the use of culture to uncover
deeper organizational phenomenon that may appear to be disguised or hidden by
apparent surface similarities. The conceptual and analytic properties of culture can help
expose the more covert aspects of school organization as well as promote the
investigation of relationships between schools and their immediate and the larger
environment (P.562).
For example, in the words of Hallinger (2004)
This means that principals tend to accept the orders of their superiors just as teachers
accept the orders of their principals. People find it uncomfortable, inappropriate, and
impolite to question authority in ways that would be considered quite mild in low power
distance cultures such as the US or Australia. This has been the natural order within
Asian educational bureaucracies for past generations, and more broadly within Southeast
Asian societies at large (P.68).
Nonetheless, Dimmock & Walker (1998) point to confusion surrounding the concept of
culture when it is used in relation to the organization. According to them, there is a disagreement
among cultural theorists “whether culture is something a school has or is.” One school of thought
treats culture “as a variable” which the school has and which can be “manipulable and
controllable” (Dimmock & Walker 1998). The other school of thought according to Dimmock &
Walker treats culture as school is which is the “result of negotiated and shared symbols and
meanings or the product of human actions” (p.563). Dimmock and Walker (1998) take one-step
further to identify significant loopholes in both definitions as: “Neither of the two interpretations
of the organizational culture considers the relationship between the organization and its broader
social environment” (p.563). This brings up two problems in understanding the concept of
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culture (school/organization). Firstly, it seems that the school culture is seen as limited to the
school boundaries and separate from the wider culture of the society. This could be true to some
extent as each organization has its own culture. However, the members of the organization also
bring their baggage of value and beliefs influenced by wider context. Secondly, people know
what schools are but not what culture is. They treat the idea as a convenient phrase. This seems
to be true as the formation of culture as a product, or as a process depends on actions of and
interaction among the members of the organization and this interaction is not limited to an
organization. Rather the members of the organization also carry baggage of values and beliefs
influenced by wider contexts.
Walker & Dimmock (2002) and Dimmock & Walker (2005) propose six dimensions of
societal culture to help analyze influence at micro (school) level. The first dimension centers on
power relationships that analyzes the extent to which power in a society is distributed through
institutions, or is concentrated in the hands of few. The second dimension revolves around the
concepts of individualism versus collectivism. Societies based on “group oriented” cultures focus
more on relationships and collective needs as opposed to the individual performances in the
“self-oriented” culture. For instance, Pakistani society is more group oriented than individual.
Individual actions may bring shame to the entire family, tribe or group. Thirdly, dimensions of
“Consideration/aggression” focuses on how cultures in societies work to resolve problems.
Conflicts are resolved through assertiveness and exercise of power in “aggression society,”
whereas compromise and negotiation are part of conflict resolution in “consideration societies.”
The fourth dimension views how cultures react to social situations – whether people in
society in general are proactive to change the social condition or they are “fatalistic.”In the later
type, people tend to stick to traditional rules and dogmas in order to avoid uncertainty and risk
28
taking. Next, the“Generative/ Explicative” dimension defines culture in terms of its receptivity or
lack of receptivity to innovations and new ideas. In explicative culture, people tend to adopt
ideas developed elsewhere. The last dimension focuses on “limited relationship/ holistic
relationship.” The limited relationship cultures define roles as fixed/ permanent where as in other
cultures relationships are based on personal considerations and associations, on individuality.
Although analysis of a culture using the above dimensions is interesting, few cultures
are absolute in any one dimension. These dimensions can be interrelated and interactive as one
may lead to generating another. For instance, collectivism may lead to a dimension of
“consideration” in problem resolution. These dimensions are also helpful in analyzing how a
society’s culture leads to complexities in everyday activities for its members, and how these
complexities lead to challenges for principals in schools. Thus, it is noteworthy that schools are
not separate from the larger society, and the society’s cultural influences have significant effects
on professional responsibilities of the principals.
For example, Walker & Hallinger (2007) delineate ways that differentiate principals’
work in the East Asian culture from the principals’ work in the Western culture. They highlight
the junctures created by cultural and contextual realities and external reform demands inspired
by the Western theories and research in education. For instance:
Cultural and institutional context come together to influence the lives of school leaders
through innumerable avenues. These range from their immutable dedication to family,
through policies, methodologies, and theories imported from foreign lands, through
systemic demands for uniformity and accountability, as well as parental cries from
parental cries for creativity and diversity…. The hybrid setting which forms the nexus of
culture and institutional context sees regional principals struggling to determine what is
right, and indeed “what is”, within a life of blurred identity (P.263).
29
Moreover, the way cultural beliefs filter into the school world can be analyzed from this
principal’s quote in Hallinger et al. (2000) cited in Walker & Hallinger 2007).
Sometimes even if we want to involve staff more actively in determining the direction
and procedures for change they misunderstand us. If we really spend a lot of time asking
their opinions, they even begin to think we don’t know how to do our job! It’s as if they
say, “you’re the principal. If you have to ask me, it must mean that you don’t know what
you’re doing (p.269).
Thus, the Asian teachers get uncomfortable when asked for ideas, whereas, American
teachers get uncomfortable when they are not. Dimmock (1998) supports these findings by
citing Hui (1990) “participative leadership is counterproductive in Chinese societies… a
participative superior is seen as indecisive and, therefore, not worthy of respect” (P.372). Hence,
the western theories of effective leadership practices may lead to problems for principals rather
than solving the issues at hand.
Structural/ School Context
The fusion of societal and organizational cultures can be hard to understand because
organizations exist within the wider circle of society and, now, globally. Thus, a “cultural
perspective locates the school as an institution of cultural transmission in an open social system”
(Hallinger 2004, p.70). Walker & Dimmock (2005) postulate that organizations develop their
own cultures and “may be conceived as superimposed on or interactive with the societal culture”
(p. 24). Moreover, each organization will develop its own way of enforcing its values and beliefs
(Johanson, 2005). In this regard, Johansson (2005) cites five climate types in an organization that
are relevant to leadership practices in schools. For example, the instrumental climate tends to
make decisions based on selfish interests. Caring climate, on the other hand, tends to be
empathetic. However, it is pertinent to understand what accounts for selfish or caring motive. A
30
“Law and order” climate tends to focus on professional codes and conducts. Rules climates focus
on policies and procedures developed within an organization. Such a climate seems to be more
authoritative as “rules have a strong existence in the form of institutionalized expectations and
organizational features such as bureaucratic rationality” (Angus, 1994, p. 75). Independent
climates give members wide latitudes to make their own decision.
Walker & Dimmock (2002) drawing upon Hofstede’s (2001) cultural dimensions
explicate five characteristics of organizational culture specific to schools. These dimensions
either focus on people, their professional developments, and welfare, exchange of ideas within
and across organizations, or focus on tasks, rules and regulations. In addition, Dimmock and
Walker (2000) propose eight comparative aspects of the school, which may be helpful in
understanding its basic structure. These include:
- the school’s physical resources;
- financial resources;
- public or private system of schooling;
- the time structures in the form of time tables and academic year;
- human resource and their configurations in terms of students selection;
- teachers;
- decision –making structures_ centralized or decentralized.
Walker (2003), raising a question whether organizations are “cultural free or culture
bound,” points to two schools of thought, convergence and divergence. The proponents of
convergence believe that since the organizations are required to be managed in a certain way,
they employ universal strategies to accomplish this. The proponents of divergence believe that
31
organizations are culture bound because “their internal cultures and formal structures reflect their
external environmental cultures” (Walker 2003, p.152). This later concept seems to be fitting to
the context of school because “school, as an institution of cultural transmission…reflects the
predominant values and norms of the larger culture” (Hallinger 2004. P.70).
Hence, organizational cultures differ from each other, yet they reflect the wider cultural
aspects because of the society’s cultural influences on individuals’ beliefs and practices. As such,
Angus(1994) emphasizes: “Schools should be seen as cultural site in which entrenched
expectations and hegemonic understandings act as background rules influencing the actions of
organizational participants” (p. 75). Furthermore, Hanson (1996) postulates that the social
culture influences organizational culture through “human inputs, material inputs, and constraints
in terms of expectations of parents, requirements of law and policy, values and social norms”
(p.113). Hence,
school administrators are not in control of the external systems that play major roles in
the conduct of affairs in their organizations. School administrators rarely write their
conclusions and make their decisions on a clean slate. The choices open to them are all
too confined by decisions made by unseen managers, judges, or bureaucrats in other
places who are applying other priorities (Hanson, 1996, p.115).
Lumby & Fosket (2008) also identify three aspects of the interaction between society
and the school; “cultural input, process and operations within the school, and cultural output”. In
this regard, cultural input consists of societal or external cultural context in which the school is
located, and the culture brought to the school by its members (students, teachers, staff and
parents). Processes within the school revolve around everyday operations, norms, values
behaviors and actions, which reflect cultural messages. Lastly, cultural output refers to the
overall purpose and aims based on two dimensions: the school’s day-to-day interaction with the
32
outside world, and “cultural product” of the school in terms of its graduates. Often the students
who graduate from the school are representatives of their schools in terms of the aspirations,
values and visions they hold about themselves as members of the society, as well as for their
communities.
Principal’s Leadership
The role of school principals has been recognized immensely in the educational
leadership literature because of the responsibilities of allocating resources, assigning
responsibilities to the teachers, dealing with students, parents or community matters and setting
policies for the school. Therefore, principals’ decisions carry ethical implications and if they are
not taken deliberatively, they may lead to serious consequences for others. This brings us to the
ethical aspects of a principal’s leadership, which involves complex dilemmas with uncertain
choices for them. Hence, Beckner (2004) suggests understanding the types of dilemma in order
to be able to make ethical decisions because of “the fact that many aspects of human interactions
are ambiguous- the surrounding circumstances are not clear they may be subject to
interpretations or cultural perspectives, or their meanings may be uncertain” (p.91).
Psycho-moral tensions/ dilemmas
The word dilemma comes from Greek and comprises two words “di means two, and
lemma means a fundamental proposition.” So, ethical dilemmas consist of situations where two
moral values collide (Beckner 2004). The contemporary ethical literature in educational
leadership has been striving to offer frameworks, guidelines and/ or strategies that may help
practicing principals analyze issues in a morally- informed manner as well as for aspiring
principals to see what lies ahead on the roads they want to travel. As ethics gain more focus with
the realization that ethical issues are an integral part of principals’ everyday lives in schools,
33
universities in the United States offer courses to train veteran principals, and prepare aspiring
principals regarding the ethical issues prevalent in schools. Thus, Beckner (2004) suggests the
following types of dilemmas that a principal might encounter.
Truth versus loyalty that refers to the conflict between honestly/integrity and
commitment, responsibility, or promise keeping
Individual versus community that refers to a situation involving “self against others, or a
smaller group against a larger group”
Short-term versus long-term that refers to “needs or desires are contrary to those which
will probably occur in the future”
Justice versus mercy that includes, “law versus love, equity versus compassion, and
fairness versus affection”
Responsibility includes dilemmas of “discretion and accountability”
Role conflicts refer to the situation when an administrator’s multiple roles suggest
different actions”
profession codes of ethics
stakeholders or participants in a situation
Dilemmas of policy making revolve around conflict of a policy maker’s perspective of
the public interest and the common interest against what law prescribes
Personal morality includes conflicts between personal, moral standards and social
standards
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Democracy and obligation_“when executive judgment differs from the majority will of
the people”
Values, beliefs, and ethical decision-making
In the words of Willower & Licata (1997) values are “conceptions of the desirable and
administrators regularly make choices from among competing conceptions of the desirable” (P.1)
and the process of making this choice holds moral implications. They term this process as
“valuation” to refer to the “process of choosing from and implementing conceptions of the
desirable with an awareness of and sensitivity to their potential consequences for a variety of
individuals and groups, as well as multiplicity of values typically affected by implementation”
(p.26). Begley (1999) asserts: “The making of choices is usually termed “decision making” and /
or “problem solving”” (p.240). Willower (1999) proposes “consequence analysis” as part of the
valuation process to identify and recognize the consequences (both positive and negative) and be
able to “head off or mitigate” inadvertent or unforeseen consequences.
Begley (1999) defines values as, “those conceptions of the desirable which motivate
individuals and collective groups to act in particular ways to achieve particular ends” (p.237).
He further identifies three kinds of situation where value conflict arises. Firstly, “nonnegotiable
personal core values of the individual may run counter to professional or organizational
requirements.” Secondly, “value conflicts may also occur as outcomes of interactions among two
or more individuals.” Thirdly, “conflicts occur among the domains of personal values,
professional values, and/ or organizational values” (p.240).
Ryan (1999) postulates, “values are inevitably context-dependent. Social existence is
such that morality is necessarily acknowledged, talked about, and put into practice in particular
situations” (p.89). Hence, values are part of the social fabric so much so that they are practiced
35
further suggests it is necessary for school administrators [principals] to recognize the sometimes
hidden or taken-for-granted values that guide their actions and those of others and which may
have substantial impacts on every one’s lives” (p.90).
Ethics literature (Begley, 2008; Starratt, 1994; Noddings, 1999; Rallies et.al., 2008;
Kowalski, 1991, 1995, 2008; Gray & Smith, 2007) in educational leadership place a particular
emphasis on values and beliefs because they are “social and interactive processes: consequently,
they are culturally influenced” (Dimmock & Walker, 2005, p.12). Identification and
understanding of personal and professional values are paramount in addressing ethical challenges
in a morally informed manner. Leonard (1999) stresses that “examination of educators’ beliefs
about the purpose of education may also reveal much about the level of value consciousness that
educators bring to their decision making” (p. 219). Shapiro and Stefkovich (2011), supporting
the point, argue that this examination will lead to understanding and insight about individuals as
persons and professionals, about what they believe to be “right and wrong, ” the way they make
decisions, and the nature of those decisions.
This implies that school leaders need to be cognizant of societal expectations while
seeking to achieve their own goals (personal/ professional). This will “require an integration of
personal and professional values, their visions of the purpose of schooling, and vision and values
of the key external holders” (Lumby & Fosket, 2008, p. 48). This sounds easier said than done in
a context where principals are held accountable for not following the social values and norms as
Hellman (2001) asserts,
School administrators are people who have devoted years to the study and practice of
delivering an educational program within communities. The day-to-day work of the
principalship is affected by culture, community, politics, power, and gender, factors,
36
which color the meaning that is constructed by individual administrators (P.143).
Begley’s (1999) study in Sweden and Canada highlight the importance of personal values
as they were “found to be significant influences on decision making, rational value types
predominate in the valuation process of school principals, personal preferences are infrequently
articulated, and transrational principles are employed under particular circumstances” (p.251).
On an opposing source, Roche (1999) focuses on catholic school principals’ responding to the
ethical dilemma, postulating, “principals often base their responses on moral and ethical
dilemmas on consequentialist and nonconsequentialist arguments, which reflect the espoused
(explicit) and assumed (implicit) values on which their policies and practice are based” (p.267).
Moreover, ethicists in educational leadership have explored and examined the
relationship between ethics and educational leadership to provide a guided structure as to what to
pursue, and how to pursue in terms of ethical principles, which may help principals address
ethical challenges. Such efforts are critical for leadership practices. Rizvi (1995), for example,
views “the need for conceptual resources” necessary for better understanding of the impact of
ethical principles in principal’s personal and professional lives” (p.96). In this regard, in his work
emphasizing the need for systematic structure in order to build “ethical schools,” Starrat (1994)
presents a framework, which combines “care, justice, and critique” to create a picture of how
each dimension is contingent on and complementary to each other (p.1). Literature does not
provide any fixed sequence of these aspects (Begley 1999) but in my opinion care provides the
basis for making decisions because “…while caring often springs into action when justice has
made a decision, it can also be used to anticipate likely consequences before a decision is made”
(Nodding 1999, p.12).
Nodding (1999) refers to care as a process that takes into consideration how to help
37
people get through their problems. However, in the educational settings, care means systematic
decisions and action that “respond to needs and interest” (Noddings, 1999, p.12). Justice is
referred to “…claims of the institution to serve both the common good and the rights of the
individuals in the school” (Starrat 1994, p.51) which supports the idea “…it is a preferred
relationship between institutions and human beings” (Nodding 1999, p.7). This relationship, in
the educational settings, demands that the school leadership “…reflects dialectically on the
conditions of existence and the structure of power” (Foster 1986, p.32). This, further, leads us to
the concept of critique. Paradoxically, principals need to have control through a hierarchical
structure and yet they must ensure everyone’s participation in decision-making. It is hard to
create that balance because allowing others to participate in decision-making means giving away
power. There is a blurred line between how much power should be shared and how much should
be retained. Therefore, Foster (1986) recommended a “critical approach” for principals to deal
with the “…tensions that arise from their needs to controlling structure and liberating
individuals” (p.32).
Furthermore, expanding on Starrat’s framework of ethical dimensions, Shapiro and
Stefkovich (2011) added a fourth aspect called “ethics of the profession” with a view that as each
profession is required to have ethical boundaries to work in, so does the profession of education.
It is noteworthy that their idea of ethics for the profession goes beyond the regular “mission
statements/ ten commandments” and includes principals’ personal and professional values,
which influence decisions. The ethics of the profession is built on the foundation that if
principal is confronted with a complex situation then the decision should be grounded “in the
best interest of the students.” Hence, Shapiro and Stefkovich (2011) seem to be supporting
Starrat in terms of providing a systematic outline of how we want to “build ethical schools.”
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This implies that principals should be able to use their discretion to understand the sensitivity of
a situation and make a choice of decision that best satisfies the need. However, applying this to
the Pakistani context may not be as easy as it might be in the context of the United States. The
problem for the Pakistani principals is that they have to work in a framework, which has already
been defined by social norms and cultural practices. The principals have to maneuver within that
framework, which does not leave much room for them to go beyond the framework.
Comparative Understanding of Ethics
Much of the research argues that cultural and contextual realities define and redefine
leadership and its various aspects (Begley & Johansson, 2003; Shah 2006). Ethics is one such
aspect ingrained in cultural and religious contexts. For instance, the word for ethics in Islam is
“Akhlaq,” and this is construed to have the same meaning as morality (Siddiqui 1997).
Nonetheless, Muslim thinkers and philosophers do seem to distinguish between ethics and
morality based on Quranic teachings, such as,
…ethical perspectives are about what guides an individual or a community in choices that
concern the ‘good,’ relating closely to perceptions of who one is and how best to live in
one’s universe. Morals…are specifically about the rules that concern what is right or
wrong, whether for the individual or society” (Sajoo, 2004, p.7).
However, Western thought tends to distinguish between the terms “ethics” and
“morality,” derived from Greek and Latin respectively (Siddiqui 1997). The former examines
“questions of right and wrong, what is humanly good, and why practices are moral or immoral”
and the later “involves the actual process of living out these beliefs” (Stefkovich 2006, p.3).
With slight variation in how ethics and morality are described in the Islamic perspective and
Western schools of thought, the bottom line is that ethics provides a philosophical framework of
morality for practices. Ethics is philosophy (values), and morality encompasses practices
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(actions). However, it is tough to establish a hard line between what is ethical/unethical and
moral/immoral. For instance, stealing is unethical and immoral. However, what if the person
steals because his/her child is dying of hunger and there is no choice but to steal? The action may
well be considered immoral when stealing is wrong, but ethically it could be right because the
person stole to save his child’s life.
Moreover, the use of intellect and rationale are considered pivotal in achieving harmony
in ethics and morality in Western as well as Islamic ethics. For instance, for the earlier Muslim
philosophers’ (Al-farabi, Ibn-Sina, Ibne-Rushd) use of intellect and rationale was a source of
getting to the theoretical knowledge of ethics that guided their practices in a way that contributed
in “furthering the ultimate goals [happiness] of individuals and community” (Nanji 2006, p.7).
In addition, ethical concepts of humanity, equity/equality, justice, care, accountability,
human rights, freedom, respect, individual/ social responsibility, reflection, and inquiry,
presented in the Western literature particularly in educational leadership, are not new to the
Islamic ethics (Sajoo 2004, Nanji, 2006, Jamal 2008,). These concepts were part of practices of
Muslim philosophers in the past, because “the central emphasis of Islam’s ethical ideal is
enablement of each person to live up to his exalted status as vicegerent of God on earth…”(Sajoo
2004, p. 99). It implies that the human is the center of the whole universe and is entrusted with
the capabilities of reflection and inquiry.
Furthermore, according to Islamic ethics, there is no dichotomy between spiritual and
worldly life because “service of God is not only worship but also service to humanity and
abiding by the duty of trust towards the rest of creation” (Sajoo 2004, p. 100). There is also an
“…emphasis on equality and justice in Islam [that] aims at inclusion and embracing diversity”
(Shah 2006, p.376) because according to the Holy Quran, humanity was created from a single
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soul and was divided into tribes and communities so that people recognize each other and strive
for mutual goodness (Nanji,2006, Jamal, 2008, Sajoo 2004). Hence, synthesizing the importance
of developing a comparative understanding of religions and their ethics, Beckner (2004)
postulates
even a cursory understanding of moral and ethical thinking from leading religions of the
world today will help us to better understand, recognize, and benefit from what human
beings through the ages have understood being the guiding principles from religion for
application to daily life (P.18).
This implies that a critical understanding of ethics at various levels may benefit
principals’ leadership practices in their schools. This is important because often the theoretical
teachings are interpreted through a cultural lens, and most often, culture takes precedence over
religion or religious teachings. For example, the religion Islam lays an emphasis on equality of
men and women for education, heredity and so forth. However, cultural practices in the Muslim
societies do not conform to this teaching: rather, they follow a tribal practice of limiting
women’s status and roles than men.
Section II
High School Principa