Communist Media Economics

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www.mediajournal.org

74 JMM Vol. 3 No. II 2001

Studies on economic aspects of the me-

dia usually focus on countries and me-

dia sectors which operate in some sort

of market-led system, while economicanalysis of alternative media systems is

somewhat less served in the research

literature. This article examines the fea-

tures and development of a media sec-

tor in communist system from an eco-

nomic point of view and considers to

what extent consumer perspectives

were taken into account in communist

media. The subject is arguably not only

interesting from a historical but the

point of view of the legacies of theformer regime after the collapse of the

system as they have had profound im-

pact on the economics and manage-

ment of the media in all former com-

munist countries. The focus of the

article is on the print media of three

former communist countries, Czecho-

slovakia, Hungary and Poland as case

study for the analysis.

Functions and Control

of Communist Media

Communist media is usually perceived

to be distinctively different from other

types of media systems. Characteristic

features include specific functions of

the media, certain forms of media con-

trol and particular ways in which me-

dia production and consumption were

organised in communist societies.

These specific features were rooted in

the ideological underpinning and dis-tinct historical developments of com-

munist societies.

McNair (1991, p9) draws attention in his

study on the Soviet media to the fact

that the two men who are usually con-

sidered to be founding fathers of thecommunist system, Marx and Lenin

were themselves journalists. Both men

regarded the media as powerful institu-

tions in society which could play an

important role in a communist revolu-

tion. Marx viewed the media as poten-

tial devices with which the proletariat

would overcome its isolation and create

a communist society (McNair, 1991,

p13). Similarly, Lenin gave the media an

important role in the organisation ofcommunist society. He believed that the

media were not only a collective pro-

pagandist and a collective agitator, but

also a collective organiser.

However, as McNair, Sparks and others

point out neither man developed pre-

cise ideas about the workings and man-

agement of the media (Sparks, 1998;

McNair, 1991). The distinctive features

of the communist media system devel-

oped mirroring the particular politi-

cal, economic and social conditions in

Soviet Union and other communist

states, and subsequently were modified

as historical changes proceeded during

the 20th century.

It is generally viewed that the mass

media in communist societies were in-

tegral parts of the power structure and

were used as means of control and pro-

paganda. Criticism of the regime wasnot permitted. Media content was cen-

sored and many times carried some edu-

cational message. The dominance of

political and educational functions of

the media also meant that consumer

perspectives, entertainment and com-

mercial roles were of less importance.

Martin and Chaudhary (1983, p27) argue

that sensationalism, crime news and

human interest stories were disapproved

of and neglected unless there was a les-

son to be learned. It is the party, not

the audience, that determines content

priorities, and the Communist parties

are interested in entertainment only in-

sofar as it serves as a sugar coating for

the indoctrination pills (Martin and

Chaudhary, 1983, p233).

Although Western literature usuallyperceived the media of all former com-

munist states as having the same fea-

tures and structures, there were sub-

stantial differences between the

countries as a result of dissimilar his-

torical developments, cultural back-

ground and traditions. Furthermore,

the media sectors of former commu-

nist countries were not static and were

subject to changes as political, eco-

nomic and social conditions alteredduring the decades of communism.

The countries which are the subjects of

this case study were in fact among

those whose media went through con-

siderable changes as a result of politi-

cal uprisings and economic reforms.

The main features of the media did not

change significantly between different

phases, but the level of censorship and

the importance of other than political

functions of the media altered. These

changes were important especially in

Hungary and Poland, because the roles

of the media shifted towards somewhat

more entertainment by the 1980s. Rea-

sons for the changes in the media in-

cluded the 1956 revolution in Hungary,

the 1968 reform movement in Czecho-

slovakia, the political changes in Po-

land in 1970 and in 1980-81, and eco-

nomic reforms which were carried out

with different emphasis and enforce-ment in Poland and Hungary from the

late 1960s.

Communist Media Economics

and the Consumers

The Case of the Print Media of East Central Europe

by gnes Gulys,Cantenbury Christ Church University College, United Kingdom


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Media control in communist countries

varied in form, degree and perceptibil-

ity. Media legislation was usually not

very elaborate. Several authors point

out that media laws and regulations

were incomplete and in some areas

practically non-existent in communist

countries (see for example, Gergely,

1997; Bozki, 1995). The lack of compre-

hensive media legislation was a way to

exercise firmer control. Informal rules

and administrative tools worked better

to oversee the operation of the media,

while on the surface the regimes re-

tained a cleaner image. Communist

media legislation was usually vague,

and rights and provisions often contra-

dicted existing practices of media con-trol. For example, in none of the three

countries was private ownership in the

media banned explicitly, however, a

governmental decree required a licence

to print before launching a new title or

a publishing house. This licence was is-

sued by the communist authorities and

only state institutions and social

organisations were entitled to apply.

There were different forms of mediacontrol in the three East Central Euro-

pean countries during the communist

era including formal and informal, di-

rect and indirect, visible and hidden.

The specific forms of media control al-

tered to an extent as a result of politi-

cal, social and economic developments.

Control of media content was a perma-

nent feature of the regimes throughout

the period, although the severity of cen-

sorship varied.

From the mid 1970s underground me-

dia sector emerged in many communist

countries. The three East Central Euro-

pean countries, but especially Poland,

had among the largest and most buoy-

ant unofficial media sectors during the

last decades of the communist era. The

role of underground media was signifi-

cant because it provided an alternative

source of information and forum for

public discussion. Social scientists in

the region referred to the arena the

unofficial media created as a second

publicity or parallel communications

system (see, for example, Giorgi, 1995;

Jakubowicz, 1990; Kovts, 1995; Skilling,

1989). Underground publications usu-

ally covered subjects which were tabooin the official media world. However,

they rarely provide daily news informa-

tion and did not aim to cater for enter-

tainment. Jakubowicz (1990, p340)

estimates that 60 percent of Polish

samizdat books dealt with social and

political issues, 25 percent with histori-

cal subjects and 15 percent with litera-

ture.

As a result of the emphasised educa-tional and propaganda roles of the

media not only political and informa-

tion content was closely watched, but

that of entertainment as well. The au-

thorities were keen to protect the read-

ers from the filth of capitalism and

capitalist consumer society. Thus, for

example, publishers were restricted

from publishing books in areas such as

horror, occult or pornography and sen-

sational content was limited in news-

papers and magazines. Kovts (in

Giorgi et al, 1995, p20) estimates that

in Hungary 17 percent of the total cir-

culation of periodicals was dedicated

to cultural and entertainment content

in 1986, while 74 percent to general

information and politics.

Further forms of media control in-

cluded certain economic and opera-

tional practices such as restricted access

to production facilities and materials,

central planning of production and dis-

tribution, central control of prices and

politically decided state subsidies. Am-

biguity of ownership of many press

titles also played a part in the supervi-

sion over the sector (Jakab and Glik,1991; Jakab, 1989). The owner of a num-

ber of periodicals was not the company

which published it, but a political or

social organisation which was suppos-

edly the founder of the title although

many times they had little to do with

the actual production of it.

Economics

of Communist Media

The economics of communist media

was markedly different from that of

market-led media. An economic model

developed by Jnos Kornai is applied

here for a closer examination of the

system. According to Kornai (1993) the

main mechanism which dominates the

economy in the communist system is

bureaucratic coordination. This makes

it distinctly different from other eco-

nomic systems in which market coor-

Table 1: The input-output flow between social sectors in communist system the role of bureaucratic and market coordination in Kornais theory

supplier sectors

state-owned companies

cooperatives

formal private sector

informal private sector

households2

allocation of investmentresources

user sectors

state-ownedcompanies

B

B

0

0

B+M

B

cooperatives

B

B

0

0

B+M

B

formal

private sector

B+M

B+M

M3

M

0

0

informal

private sector

0

0

M

M

M

0

households1

B+M

B+M

M4

M

1 households as the buyers of consumer goods andservices

2 households as the sellers of labour force3 with bureaucratic intervention4 with bureaucratic intervention

Notes:

B = bureaucratic coordination

M = market coordination

0 = no transactions

The grey areas represent those, which are applicableto media sectors. Modification of the theory is felt

needed in the darker shaded areas.Source: based on Kornai, 1993, p132, Table 3.1.


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dination, ethical coordination, com-

munity and family coordination play

important/dominant roles in the op-

eration of the economy. In the commu-

nist system these other mechanisms

are present, but their roles are far less

significant than bureaucratic coordi-

nation. Table 1 illustrates how Kornai

sees the roles of bureaucratic and mar-

ket coordination in the input-output

flow between social sectors.1

Private ownership was not allowed in

media markets, thus formal private

sector did not exist. Underground me-

dia arguably could count as an infor-

mal private sector. However, market

forces did not play a dominant role intheir case as the main aim of produc-

tion was not financial gain. Hence be-

side market mechanism community,

ethical and social coordination could

be added in the areas represented in

darker grey shade in Table 1.

In most aspects of media management

and economics bureaucratic coordina-

tion and central control were dominant

mechanisms. Communist authoritiesdetermined media production, distri-

bution and market developments. This

meant that market indexes such as

costs and prices did not carry real mar-

ket information (Glik et al, 1990,

p282). Paper, printing and distribution

capacities were rationed and their costs

fixed by the authorities.2 The allocation

of resources was decided not on the ba-

sis of economic performance of a given

publishing house, but on its political

position and the political importance of

its products.

The relation between state-owned me-

dia companies and cooperatives as sup-

pliers and households as buyers was

somewhat different as the transactions

between them were determined by both

bureaucratic and market forces. While

advertising played an insignificant role,

consumers did have to pay a price for

media products. Although newspapersand magazines carried some advertise-

ments these were mainly classified ads

and revenues from advertising were not

substantial in the finances of media

companies. In Hungary, which country

was probably the most relaxed in this

respect, 10 percent of the revenues of

national dailies came from advertising

during the second part of the 1980s

(Jakab, 1990, p263).

Consumer prices of media products

were set centrally. Their costs were clas-

sified as fixed-price commodities and

for political reasons they were kept low

and did not reflect the real costs of

production and distribution. Books,

newspapers and other periodicals were

cheap relative both to wages and to

other consumer products. Prices were

low in order to make these products

accessible to everyone so the political,

social and cultural messages of the au-

thorities were disseminated to the larg-

est possible audience. The price policy

differentiated between categories of

media products prioritising education-

ally and ideologically important areas.

Thus, for example, textbooks and chil-

dren books were much cheaper than

other types of books.

As a result of distinctive features ofcommunist media economics the op-

eration and business pressures of com-

panies were markedly different from

those in market-led media systems.

Table 2 summarises the main differ-

ences in short-term behaviour of com-

panies in the two systems.

Table 2 illustrates that most aspects of

business operation of companies weredetermined or influenced by the au-

thorities in communist system. Glik

(1995, p3) lists parameters which were

prescribed for media companies by the

authorities: the amount of newsprint

available, the average number of

printed copies, the price of a copy, the

highest possible proportion of unsold

copies, the tariff of distribution per

copy and the total amount of salaries.

An important aspect of communist

media economics was the central con-

trol of the finances of companies. Me-

dia firms financed their operation

from the sales of their products and

subsidies from the state.

Media production in general was not a

lucrative business in communist East

Central Europe. Milkovich (1981, p19)

and Villnyi (1985, p101) reckon that

90 percent of book titles in Hungary

were published with different degreeof state subsidies during the late 1970s

and the 1980s. Communist authorities

Table 2: Short-term behaviour of companies in market-led and communist systemsSource: based on Kornai, 1993, Table 12.1, p290.

Private company in market-

led economic system

Mainly to increase profit and

survive in the market

Decided in the market;

free entry; business failure leads

to market exit

Firm

Strong

Price decided by the company,

subject to market conditions

Uncertain for the company;

depends on market conditions

Wishes to sell as much as possible

of its products; tends to oversup-

ply and excess capacity

Restricted

State-owned company in

communist economic system

Mainly the recognition of the

authorities; most important criteria

is to fulfil central orders and plans

Bureaucracy decides about every

entry and exit

Soft

Weak

Price decided by the authorities,

but the company can influence it

Certain for the company

Does not wish to sell more than

agreed in plan; no oversupply and

excess capacity

Tends to oversubscribe

Interest;

aims of production

Market entry and exit

Budget limits

Price sensitiveness

Price fixing

Demand

Supply

Acquisitions of inputs


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provided substantial financial support

to media businesses, however, at the

same time they removed any profits.

The finances of whole industries were

organised in a redistribution system

where financially successful firms

cross-subsidised loss-making compa-

nies. Cross-subsidising also worked

within companies, whereby losses of

titles were covered with surplus of

other titles. The system ensured that

the finances of media companies were

secured and firms did not have to

worry about market risk, profit or

bankruptcy. As financial security was

provided, there were no real incentives

for companies to be profitable or im-

prove their financial performance.Communist media companies did not

have to deal with related business ac-

tivities such as marketing, promotion

or distribution. In the book sectors, for

example, there was a national whole-

saler which took care of delivery, stock-

ing and selling of books while publish-

ing houses did not have to organise

those aspects of the business.

Although bureaucratic coordinationwas the main mechanism it would be

a mistake to assume that media com-

panies were completely impotent

organisations. They could in fact influ-

ence the success of the firm to an ex-

tent ( both on paper and in terms of

workload and work satisfaction for the

employees ( its prestige and long-term

development. The most important fac-

tor in this was the ability of managers

in bargaining. To receive paper and

printing allocations from the authori-

ties was one thing the amount and

quality of these depended on the bar-

gaining position of the company. To

improve their bargaining position

companies often did not tell the entire

truth to the authorities about their ca-

pacities, input or resource require-

ments (Kornai, 1993; Villnyi, 1985).

Many of the firms tended to paint a

somewhat bleaker picture about their

finances, and did everything to achievea production level which was neither

too low nor too high for the plans.3

Structure

and Development

of Communist

Print Media

The main structural features of com-

munist media markets included high

levels of concentration, limited compe-

tition, state ownership, lack of vertical

integration and central planning of

market entry. These structural features

were used as control mechanisms over

the media. An interesting structural

feature of communist media markets

was the lack of vertical integration.

Publishing houses, for example, were

not permitted to own printing facilities

or distribution networks.

Communist media markets were

highly concentrated which was a result

of bureaucratic coordination and had

little to do with market competition

and forces. Media production and dis-

tribution were carried out by huge

state-owned companies which enjoyed

a monopoly in their field. This made

political and financial control easier

and more effective. In Poland, for ex-ample, a giant concern RWS Prasa-

Ksiazka-Ruch (Robotnicza Spldzielnia

Wydawnicza Prasa-Ksiazka-Ruch; The

Workers Publishing Cooperative Press-

Book-Movement) dominated the print

media sectors throughout the commu-

nist era. In 1988 the concern published

74.6 percent of the newspaper titles4

and 51.5 percent of the weekly titles,

while giving 85.2 percent of the total

circulation of newspapers and 70.1 per-

cent of weeklies (Polish Publishing in

Figures, 1990).

In Czechoslovakia print media compa-

nies and markets were controlled sepa-

rately in the Czech lands and Slovakia.

In the former there were a few state-

owned firms which dominated press

and periodical publishing. The largest

publishing house was Rud Prvo

which published among others half

of the total circulation of national dai-lies and most of the regional press dur-

ing the 1970s and 1980s (Giorgi et al,

1995). In Hungary, four large state-

owned companies dominated press

and periodical publishing. These were

Hrlapkiad, Pallas, the Communist

Partys publishing house, Ifjusgi, the

Communist Youth Associations pub-

lishing house and Npszava, the Work-

ers Unions publishing house. During

the second part of the 1980s the four

companies together published all daily

newspapers, 96 percent of the week-

lies, 77.9 percent of the monthlies

(Jakab and Glik, 1991) and 65 percent

of all periodicals with 96 percent of

total circulation (Giorgi et al, 1995,

p19). There was no competition be-

tween the four publishing houses as

each specialised in certain sectors.

Communist media markets were not

only concentrated but segmented as

well which further limited competi-

tion between companies and media

products. In magazine publishing, for

example, most titles targeted specific

groups such as youth groups, women,

pensioners, certain industrial groups

and the like and there was no other

titles with similar target audience.Similarly in the book markets publish-

ing houses were specialised: there was,

for example, one publisher for children

books, one for medical books, one for

contemporary literature, one for text-

books and so on. In the national daily

newspaper markets the title of the

Communist Party dominated. In the

Czech lands Rud Prvo (Red Light), in

Hungary Npszabadsg (Peoples Free-

dom) and in Poland Trybuna Ludu

(Peoples Tribune) were the leading

newspapers throughout the commu-

nist period.5 They were the most influ-

ential newspapers with far the highest

circulation figures. Apart from the or-

gan of the Communist Party there was

a national daily of the government, one

owned by the National Front, one by

the Trade Union and a few other major

social organisations. In the regional

press markets there was one title for

each county which was controlled bythe regional committees of the Com-

munist Party.6


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4000

3000

2000

1000

01955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1983 19881950

Figure 1: Number of press titles in communist East Central Europe

Figure 2: Circulation of press titles in communist East Central Europe (million)

Poland Hungary Czech lands

Sources: various including Goban-Klas, 1994;Statistical yearbook, United Nations, 1990; PolishStatistical Office as quoted in: Lojek et al, 1988;Polish Publishing in Figures, XXXV: 1989; Statisztikaivknyv, 1991; Kkay et al, 1991; Szecsk and

Fodor, 1973; Federlni Statistick_ Vrad, HistoriskStatisticka Rocenka CSSR, 1985; Statistick RocenkaCeskoslovensk Socialistick Republiky 1989.

3500

3000

2500

2000

15001000

500

01955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1983 19881950

Poland Hungary Czech lands

Sources: various including Goban-Klas, 1994;Statistical yearbook, United Nations, 1990; PolishStatistical Office as quoted in: Lojek et al, 1988;Polish Publishing in Figures, XXXV: 1989; Statisztikaivknyv, 1991; Kkay et al, 1991; Szecsk andFodor, 1973; Federlni Statistick_ Vrad, HistoriskStatisticka Rocenka CSSR, 1985; Statistick RocenkaCeskoslovensk Socialistick Republiky 1989.

Figure 3: Circulation of daily/weekly/monthly titles in Hungary (million)

1600

1400

1200

1000

800

600

400

200

0

1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1983 19881951 dailies weeklies monthlies

Source: KSH, Statisztikai vknyv, 1996.

Czech lands Hungary Poland

14000

12000

10000

8000

6000

4000

20000

1955 1960 1970 1975 1980 1982 1985 19881950

Figure 4: Book Title output in communist East Central Europe

Sources: various including Biekowska et al, 1990;Zld, 1987; Simek and Dewetter, 1986; KSH, 1991;Statistick Rocenka Ceskoslovensk SocialistickRepubliky 1989.

Czech lands Hungary Poland

Figure 5: Number of published book copies in communist East Central Europe

300000

250000

200000

150000

100000

50000

01955 1960 1970 1975 1980 1982 1985 19881950

Note: a circulation figure is a total (global) year circulation of all press titles.


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The performance and development of

media markets in former communist

countries reflected the characteristics

of communist media economics, struc-

tures of the markets and the specific

functions of the media. Figure 1 and 2

illustrate the development of the press

sectors in the three East Central Euro-

pean countries during the communist

era.

In Hungary and Poland the number of

press titles increased during the period

especially in the 1980s. In the Czech

lands the number of press titles re-

mained at roughly similar levels be-

tween the 1960s and the late 1980s.

Circulation of press titles increased in

each of the three cases during the pe-

riod, however there were differences

between the countries. In Poland there

was a sharp increase in circulation fig-

ures during the second part of the

1960s, while in Hungary and the Czech

lands the growth was more gradual. In

all three countries the increase for the

whole period was quite substantial.

Reasons for the differences betweenthe three countries in aspects of press

production included their specific po-

litical and economic developments,

particular media policies of the com-

munist authorities and variations of

communist media system.

A general feature of communist press

sectors was the overemphasised role of

national daily newspapers. Figure 3 il-

lustrates the development of different

press titles in Hungary in relation to

each other. The overemphasised role of

daily newspapers was maintained

throughout the period.

Similar to the press sectors, the book

markets of the three countries ex-

panded considerably during the de-

cades of communist era. Figure 4 and 5

illustrate the development of the book

markets. The number of published

book titles increased in Poland andHungary during the 1970s, but de-

creased during the second part of the

1980s as a result of economic and po-

litical changes. In the Czech lands the

number of book titles remained at

comparable levels between the 1960s

and the late 1980s.

The number of published book copies

fluctuated more (see Figure 5). In the

Czech lands book copies increased

gradually after a slump during the sec-

ond part of the 1950s. In Poland follow-

ing a drop in the early 1960s the num-

ber of published book copies grew

considerably especially during the

1980s. In Hungary book copies in-

creased continuously and expanded

particularly during the 1970s. The ex-

pansion, however, stopped by the mid1980s probably as a result of general

economic problems in the country.

The expansion of print media sectors in

the three countries was secured by gen-

eral economic development of the com-

munist era as a whole, increasing living

standards, specific features of the com-

munist media system, relatively high

levels of subsidies and a strong press

and book culture. The development ofprint media sectors was determined by

central plans and increase in produc-

tion was subsidised by the state. In fact

state supports were important factors

in the rate of growth. The size of subsi-

dies varied during the period in the

three countries depending on prevail-

ing ideological pressures and particular

political and economic situations.

Changes in media consumption and

consumer trends were not always com-

parable with patterns of support in

communist media and cultural poli-

cies. The prioritisation of certain politi-

cal titles in circulation figures on the

part of the authorities did not corre-

spond to similar interest from the

population in many cases. Kovts, for

example, found that in the mid-1980s

the over-prioritised communist daily

Npszabadsg in Hungary was read by

one third of the population, while re-

gional newspapers on average by 50percent and the womens weekly Nk

Lapja by 34 percent (Giorgi et al, 1995,

p21). Table 3 illustrates the changes in

consumption of different media forms

in communist Hungary. It is noticeable

that television viewing increased con-

siderably from the 1960s to the 1980s

and the only media form which lost in

popularity was cinema.7

Summary

The article discussed features of com-

munist media economics and in gen-

eral the characteristics of communist

media system. The print media of

Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland

Table 3: Media consumption in communist Hungary Source: based on Kpeczi, 1986.

media form media consumption % of population older than 10 years of age

1964 1981

television viewing 65 94

radio listening 88 94

newspaper readership 80 87

periodicals readership 70 76

book readership 56 65

cinema 69 38

theatre 36 24

concert 5 11


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during the communist era were used

as case study for the analysis. It was

argued that the media had emphasised

political and educational functions

during the communist era and that

bureaucratic coordination played a de-

cisive role in the production and opera-

tion of media sectors. It was shown that

the authorities closely controlled me-

dia production and operation by vari-

ous formal and informal methods. Me-

dia companies in communist societies

did not have to respond to consumer

trends as in market-led systems. Al-

though consumer demands could not

be completely ignored, they were

mainly followed if they fitted with the

political and cultural policies of theauthorities.

Specific structural features of media

markets which included high level of

concentration, limited competition,

state ownership, lack of vertical inte-

gration and central planning of market

entries were examined. The perfor-

mance and development of communist

print media in the three East Central

European countries were discussedand it was argued that central plan-

ning rather than consumer trends

played significant role in the expan-

sion of many media sectors during the

communist era. It was also emphasised

that the media systems of the three

countries were not static and there

were some shifts in media operation

and production.

Notes

1 Although state-owned companies and coopera-

tives dominated the economies of communist

countries some sort of private sector did exist.

The importance of the private sector varied from

country to country and from period to period

during the communist era. Hungary and Poland

were characterised by relatively large and active

private sectors by the mid 1980s, which were also

referred to as the countries second economy.

Kornai distinguishes between formal and infor-mal private sectors. By the latter one he means

the production of goods or services by individu-

als for another for money or payment in kind

such as private medical services, translating,

typewriting, cleaning or transportation services

(Kornai, 1993, p116).

2 There were some changes in the extent of which

prices were fixed. In Hungary, for example, as a

result of economic reforms certain prices were

partly freed during the 1970s and 1980s. Fixed

prices for printing was abolished in 1979, which

created some space for financial manoeuvres for

the companies involved.

3 Kornai refers to this economic behaviour as

ratchet-effect, which means that as a result of

the built-in mechanisms of the communist eco-

nomic and political system the central plan

could only be fulfilled, and the next plan could

only be increased (Kornai, 1993).

4 Polish statistics define newspaper as a periodi-

cal published 2-6 times a week.

5 Circulation of Rud Prvo was 900,000 during

the early 1980s, that of Npszabadsg 750,000,

and that of Trybuna Ludu around 1 million

(Lendvai, 1981). In 1988 Rude Pravo had a circu-

lation of 1,132,000, followed by Svobodne Slovo

with half million circulation and Zemedelske

Noviny with 385 000 copies (Giorgi et al, 1995).

In Hungary Npszabadsg was published 720-

750 thousands copies during the second part

of the 1980s, while the second largest daily

Npszava had a circulation between 300-350

thousands.

6 Communist daily newspaper markets did not

have popular titles similar to those which domi-

nated Western markets mainly because of the

different roles of the media. The closest thing to

a popular press in the three countries during the

communist era were evening papers such as the

Esti Hirlap in Hungary, Vecerni Praha in Czecho-

slovakia and Kurier Polski in Poland. The content

of these titles was similar to other dailies, how-

ever the articles were shorter and they contained

more human interest stories. East Central Euro-

peans could also try to escape the off icial press

line by reading a sports daily, which was pub-

lished in each of the three countries. The devel-

opment of these titles, however, was closely con-

trolled and their circulation was not allowed to

surpass any major title.

7 The numbers of cinema goers decreased in the

Western world as well . The rea sons, in both

worlds, were the popularity of televi sion, socialchanges and changes in the media industries.

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About the Author

gnes Gulysgnes Gulysgnes Gulysgnes Gulysgnes Gulys ([email protected]) is a

Senior Lecturer in Media and Cultural

Studies at Canterbury Christ Church Univer-

sity College, Canterbury, United Kingdom.

Her research focuses on media economics,

globalisation, international communication,

communist and post-communist media.

Communist Media Economics

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Transcript of Communist Media Economics