Commonwealth of Nations (CoN) · Commonwealth Secretary-General and Secretariat. A recent...
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Commonwealth of Nations (CoN) London International Model United Nations 17th Session | 2016
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Table of Content
Introduction to Commonwealth of Nations 3
Topic A: The question of the leadership of the commonwealth 5
History of the Problem 5
Statement of the Problem 8
Sources 10
Topic B: A Multilateral Free Trae Agreement for the Commonwealth 11
Statement of the Problem 11
Questions a Resolution Must Answer 15
Sources 17
Conference Information 18
Position Papers 19
Contact Details 20
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Introduction to Commonwealth of Nations
The Commonwealth of Nations is a voluntary international organisation that operates
by intergovernmental consensus of the member states. The member states, which
were once territories of the British Empire now run in communion through the
Commonwealth Secretariat and NGO’s organised through the Commonwealth
foundation.
The Commonwealth provides a platform for otherwise less able nations to speak at an
international platform and have their voice heard at par with the bigger players of
the world community. Apart from instilling a sense of importance and equivalence,
the commonwealth aims at helping developing nations raise their standard of
democracy, rights and governance.
Members:
The Commonwealth is the only international organisation that boasts to have
participation from all inhabited 6 continents and people from every religion and
cultural background. The 54 member states have shared heritage in language,
culture, law, education and democratic traditions, among other things, enables
Commonwealth countries to work together in an atmosphere of greater trust and
understanding than generally prevails among nations.
Charter and functional basis:
Even though CoN has no official charter; there are several declarations that highlight
the roles and ambitions of the commonwealth. The Balfour Declaration of 1926 was
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the first to define the motives of the Commonwealth. The Declaration
emphasised on the autonomous relationships shared between the British Empire and
its former territories.
The Singapore Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting of 1971 resulted in a
14-clause article obligated the Commonwealth to the over ambitious goals of world
peace, promotion of a representative democracy and individual liberty, the pursuit
of equality and opposition of racism, the fight against poverty, ignorance and disease
and free trade. Following the Lusaka Declaration, 1979 and the Langkawi Declaration
of 1989, gender equality and environmental sustainability were added to these
objectives. Most of these ideals were reinforced and underwent minor revision in the
Harare Declaration of 1991. The legal framework is defined as per the Westminster
Stature.
As of now, promotion of democracy and development take highest priority on the
Commonwealth agenda.
Decision Making:
The Heads of governments of the various members of the commonwealth meet every
two years. The summit, known as The Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting
(CHOGM), is held in a different state each year with the PM or President of the host
state taking on the role of Chair in office. The CHOGM remains the highest decision
making body of the commonwealth, the general purpose of the CHOGMs is the
review the remits and roles of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG).
The CMAG is an eight-member group of nations whose responsibility is to uphold the
commonwealth values as illustrated in the Harare Declaration. However, recent
accusations state that the CMAG has tended to limit its work only to unconstitutional
changes of government, and that it is not tackling the full range of serious or persistent
violations of Commonwealth values, this could result in a revised mandate to
empower the action group more.
Distinctiveness:
The Commonwealth of Nations is a voluntary organisation, which implies that coercion
is not as instrument of imposing policy. This distinguishing characteristic has been of
historical importance. It is a forum where every country despite their GDP and status
reach agreement by consensus. This has been instrumental in the success of the
commonwealth.
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Topic A: The Question of the Leadership of the
Commonwealth
Introduction
The Commonwealth of Nations (CoN) has now existed for 67 years, with only one
leadership change occurring within that time. This topic centers on preparations for
the next change in leadership, and discussion of the advantages and limitations of
the current governance structure. As it stands today, the monarchy of the United
Kingdom has always acted as Head of the Commonwealth, with a rotating roster of
leaders joining the Secretariat to maintain the CoN’s ability to provide debate and
consensus on global issues. But when the time for change comes, is this current
structure still suitable in the 21st century? And if it is to be changed, what should the
new structure entail? Who should take up that leadership? These are the issues that
delegates are invited to research and discuss.
History of the Problem
The London Declaration was created on 28 April 1949 at the annual Commonwealth
Prime Minister’s Conference, where the leaders of eight self-governing countries
gathered in London to decide the future of what was then known as the British
Commonwealth. In light of Ireland’s recent exit due to its transformation from
dominion of the United Kingdom into a republic, and India’s intention to do the same,
a meeting was required to adjust the Commonwealth to this new global reality.
King George VI, the reigning monarch in the United Kingdom at the time of the
declaration, endorsed the decision negotiated between the eight prime ministers. The
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British Commonwealth then transformed into the Commonwealth of Nations,
marked by three main provisions:
i) It allowed the Commonwealth to admit and retain members that had not
previously been dominions, which allowed it to include both republics and
indigenous monarchies;
ii) These members then became a voluntary body linked in a “free and equal
association”i in which the monarch of the UK was accepted as the symbolic
Head of the Commonwealth;
iii) The name then changed from the British Commonwealth to
Commonwealth of Nations in order to reflect the first change, leaning away
from a British dominance of the organisation.
Upon the death of King George IV, Queen Elizabeth II was invited to take his place.
Like her father, the Queen has been committed to the success of the Commonwealth
in her role as its Head for the past 63 years. The association known as the
Commonwealth Secretariat is housed in Marlborough House, London, a palace made
available for this purpose by the Queen. The universal language of the
Commonwealth is English, observing parliamentary forms largely used in Westminster,
with laws, institutions and traditions based upon the common law of England.
Therefore, despite having dropped the term “British” from its name, the
Commonwealth of Nations still retains a large degree of British influence and support
in the modern day.
Current governance of the Commonwealth of Nations
The Commonwealth of Nations has a two-tier hierarchy, with the Queen as its symbolic
head at the top and the Commonwealth Secretariat and Commonwealth
Foundation just below it.
Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II acts as the Head of the Commonwealth. Her role
includes a variety of symbolic functions, and has no maximum fixed term. It is up to
the leaders of the member states of the Commonwealth to decide upon a successor,
should the need arise.
The Commonwealth Secretariat is headed by the Commonwealth Secretary-General.
The first Secretary-General post was created in 1965 and was filled by Arnold Smith of
Canada, serving until 1975. The Secretary-General is the public face of the
Commonwealth, and is also the Chief Executive Officer of the Commonwealth
Secretariat. They are selected by Commonwealth leaders in the same manner as the
Head of the Commonwealth, but are subject to a maximum of two four-year terms.
The current Secretary-General is Kamalesh Sharma from India, and is the fifth
Secretary-General to preside over the Commonwealth of Nations.
In support of the Secretary-General, there are the Deputies Secretary-General. Their
roles range from having oversight responsibilities for various Commonwealth
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Secretariat divisions, advising and reporting to the Secretary-General on
economic and social development, and overseeing the political and legal work of
the Secretariat. There are currently three Deputies Secretary-General: Gary Dunn,
Deodat Maharaj and Dr Josephine Ojiambo. All Deputies are appointed by the
Secretary-General following a selection process.
The Commonwealth Chair-In Office is the leader of the Commonwealth country that
is acting as the host for the current Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting
(CHOGM), with the role coming into effect at the start of the CHOGM for two years.
Their purpose is to voice Commonwealth positions at high-level international forums,
and to reinforce the work on conflict prevention and resolution carried out in
Commonwealth countries by the Secretary-General.
The Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) deals with all violations of
Commonwealth political values when considered to be of a serious or persistent
nature, and can recommend measures for collective action. CMAG may also
consider situations of concern in member countries in a proactive, engaged and
positive manner. It is noted that the CMAG’S power to suspend or recommend to
Commonwealth leaders that a member state can be expelled for violations “is
unparalleled by other international organisations”, which may be something to
consider when debating the issue of the Commonwealth’s structure.
However, the CMAG can only be convened by the Commonwealth Secretary-
General, and is made up of a representative from the Chair-In-Office and foreign
ministers from eight countries within the Commonwealth. These ministers serve a two-
year term on the group.
Finally, the Board of Governors approves the Secretariat’s work plans and budgets on
an annual basis, and the work of the Commonwealth Foundation. All member
governments are represented via an AGM. This concludes the structure of the
Commonwealth Secretariat, and those associated with it.
The Commonwealth Foundation is noted as a “development organisation with an
international remit and reach, uniquely situated at the interface between
government and civil society”. Their mission statement is “to develop the capacity of
civil society to act together and learn from each other to engage with the institutions
that shape people’s lives”ii. Their structure is smaller than the Commonwealth
Secretariat, and is comprised of three main committees.
The Executive Committee is made up of selected members from the Board of
Governors, who meet on a quarterly basis to review resources and programmatic and
financial affairs.
The Grants Committee is a sub-committee of the EC, assessing applications for grant
funding three times a year from various Commonwealth countries.
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Finally, the Civil Society Advisory Committee is composed of representatives of
non-government Commonwealth organisations to provide guidance on the
programmes and long-term strategy of the Foundation.
Statement of the Problem
Criticisms of the leadership structure
A significant criticism of the structure of the Commonwealth’s leadership lies not with
the symbolic head in the form of the Queen, but with the powers of the
Commonwealth Secretary-General and Secretariat.
A recent controversy surrounding the decision to hold the 2013 CHOGM in Sri Lanka
created a debate about whether a Secretary-General should have more power to
lead the Heads of Government in a more determined direction.
Given the well-publicised human rights violations of Sri Lanka at the time, a multitude
of world leaders refused to attend the CHOGM in protest of its location. It even
created rifts between countries, with the Indian head of state boycotting a CHOGM
that had been organised by an Indian Secretary-General.
So should a Secretary-General and their Secretariat be more proactive in their power
as a small international organisation and exploit the space provided to them in order
to guide world leaders, rather than sit back and await the heads’ instruction?
It has arguably been done before, for example at the 1979 Lusaka CHOGM.
According to research undertaken at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, a great
deal of time and preparation was put into ensuring that the United Kingdom was
encouraged to press for a consensus with regards to the long-standing
Rhodesia/Zimbabwe crisis at the timeiii.
Various forums associated with the Commonwealth of Nations meet in anticipation of
the CHOGM in order to provide reports that also help the Secretariat in guiding
debate. For example, at the most recent 2015 Malta CHOGM, the reports published
by the four pre-CHOGM forums (Youth Forum, Women’s Forum, Business Forum and
People’s Forum) highlighted the need for debate on the issue of migration and ways
in which the Commonwealth can aid solutions to the problems faced by many
Commonwealth nations. This was then recognised in the official statement and
communiqué issued after the CHOGM had endediv.
Another issue that the leadership structure of the Commonwealth faces is the
anticipation of having to select a new Head of the Commonwealth, in the event that
Queen Elizabeth II should need to step away from her role. This is a decision that will
be made by all members of the Commonwealth under the guidance of the
Secretary-General and the Secretariat.
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There are various options laid before the Commonwealth of Nations with regards
to this issue:
i) Should the successor to the British monarchy be selected as the next Head
of the Commonwealth, in keeping with the previous decision taken back in
1952? In 1958, the Queen declared through the Letters Patent that Prince
Charles and his heirs and successors would be future Heads of
Commonwealth. Is this document now outdated?
ii) If not a member of the British monarchy, how will a new leader be selected,
and on what criteria?
If the second option were to be taken into account, delegates should also be mindful
of the influence that the United Kingdom and the British monarchy retain within the
Commonwealth today. They are the provider of the Commonwealth headquarters in
London, and are responsible for the majority of the day-to-day maintenance of the
Commonwealth Secretariat and Foundation. How would the redistribution of these
responsibilities be carried out, if at all?
Many countries do not have a well-developed policy on the question of the
leadership of the Commonwealth, as this debate has yet to come into fruition
between today’s leaders. However, there are nations that would have a natural
tendency to fall to one side of the debate, such as Commonwealth realms with strong
monarchical ties. Some leaders of member states such as New Zealand, Australia, the
United Kingdom and Canada have expressed their desire to see the Prince of Wales
succeed the Queen as head of the Commonwealth when the time comes for her to
step away from her duties, however the feeling is not unanimous amongst the CoN.
There are others who joined the Commonwealth as ‘newly’ formed republics, such as
India who has voiced a preference for a change in the leadership structure. A number
of African leaders have referred to the British domination of the Commonwealth as
neo-imperialistic and have thus called for a reform of the current leadership structure.
The Commonwealth has been criticized as one of the last reminders of “days gone
by,” as an illusion of the splendors of the empire upon “which the sun never set”.
Similarly, the Commonwealth members located on the Indian Sub-Continent continue
to yearn for a greater role in its leadership, as a reflection of the mainly economic
influence they now poses upon the modern world. The Commonwealth’s smallest
member states (located in the Pacific and Caribbean) seem to be content with the
current leadership (and proposed Anglo continuation) and have voiced little to no
critique.
It is up to the delegates of this committee to guide debate to reflect the views that
they believe their leaders would evoke in this situation, keeping in mind the issues set
out in this guide.
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Sources
Kirby, Michael. ‘Proposals for reform of the Commonwealth of Nations’, Law Quarterly
Review (Jan 2012), vol. 128, p.37-40
http://www.commonwealthfoundation.com/about-us Accessed 03/12/2015
http://www.commonwealthoralhistories.org/2013/the-commonwealth-crisis-
controversy-and-chogms/ Accessed 03/12/2015
http://thecommonwealth.org/media/news/commonwealth-heads-government-
statement Accessed 03/12/2015
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Topic B: A Multilateral Free Trade Agreement
for the Commonwealth
Introduction
As the Commonwealth is formed of a rather diverse group of nations, ranging from
highly economically developed to moderately or barely developed countries, a free
trade agreement would have to be designed to meet the diverse needs of each
Member State. Furthermore, the Commonwealth inhibits an unavoidable geographic
disadvantage, with its members strewn across the globe it is only physically connected
through poor and patchy infrastructure.
History of the Problem
Economic giants in the developing world for instance India or Nigeria would have to
coordinate their interests with developed nations such as Canada or Malta who in
turn are tasked with reaching an agreement with their smaller colleagues such as
Belize or Nauru. This cycle, of interest alignment is further complicated by already
existing international institutions with a strong economic character, such as the
European Union. Malta, Cyprus and the United Kingdom are not able to negotiate
free trade agreements with their Commonwealth colleagues unless they cease their
membership status within the European Union. This restriction, together with the rise of
Euroscepticism and the “in-out” referendum in the United Kingdom, has prompted a
rise in discussions concerning a Commonwealth Free Trade alternative to the
European Union, especially in the United Kingdom. With India, reporting a 7% GDP per
annum growth in 2015 and African economic powerhouses such as Nigeria and
Rwanda growing at a 9.5% GDP per annum for 2015 and 7% respectively, the
Commonwealth is beginning to look like an attractive alternative to the crisis riddled
European Union. British economists, such as Ruth Lea have argued that “the
Commonwealth in its richness and diversity mirrors today's global economy in a way
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that the EU simply cannot start to aspire to. In its global reach it speaks of the
future, and should not be regarded as a curious relic of Empire, whereas the EU will
continue its inexorable, relative decline.”
In general, the Commonwealth has agreed to work towards reducing trade barriers
whilst ensuring that those least developed and smallest in geographical size are not
presented with ‘the short end of the stick.’ Indeed, many Commonwealth nations fear
that if a Free Trade Agreement would be implemented their economies would be
exposed to a larger number of aggressive competitors from abroad, as more
developed nations would ‘swoop in’ and flood their domestic markets with their
foreign products, making it difficult for domestic producers to keep up with their often,
cheaper competition. Some, particularly powerful sectors of the domestic markets
might be able to exercise enough political influence to erect a protective mechanism
against threatening imports. Hence, even with numerous Free Trade Agreements in
operation around the world, in practice trade barriers continue to prevail.
Free Trade amongst nation states is viewed, by the vast majority of economists, as
capable of improving the overall economic welfare of a collectivity. Free Trade is
defined as trading without tariffs, quotas or other governmental barriers. This allows
each country to specialize in an area capable of export and generate competitive
products, which possess the qualities needed to penetrate foreign markets.
Currently, the Commonwealth provides its members with some preferential trade
conditions but there is no trade agreement between all member States. Historically,
most Commonwealth countries had some kind of special trade arrangement with the
United Kingdom, with Britain formally joining the then, European Economic
Community in 1973, these nations were forced to look elsewhere for favourable trade
conditions. Australia and Canada, two of the Commonwealth’s biggest economic
players have, for instance concentrated on trade relations outside the organization
(with the United States, for example), only a small percentage of their trade sector
hinges on the Commonwealth. Similarly, India has chosen to expand eastward for
economic and political influence whilst the African nations have looked inwards for
greater trade opportunities. Malaysia and Singapore have in turn, shifted their focus
towards South East Asia. However, Commonwealth nations are subject to a few
regional groups and agreements operating between one another, including but not
limited to:
-agreements falling under the umbrella of the African Union (AU) (for example
the Economic Community of West African States) between some of the
following AU members Algeria, Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burundi, Cabo Verde,
Cameroon, Chad, Comoros, Congo Brazzaville, Cote d’Ivoire, DR Congo,
Djibouti, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana,
Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi,
Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda,
Sahrawi, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, the Seychelles, Sierra Leone,
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Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Sudan Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia,
Uganda Zambia Zimbabwe.
-the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) between Brunei,
Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore,
Thailand and Vietnam
-the Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) between Australia, Brunei
Darussalam, Canada, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand,
the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, the United States, the People’s Republic
of China, Mexico, Papua New Guinea, Chile, Peru, the Russian Federation, and
Vietnam
-the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA) between Antigua and
Barbuda, Argentina, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile,
Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador,
Grenada, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico, Nicaragua,
Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and
the Grenadines, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, the United States, Uruguay
and Venezuela
Some argue that a Free Trade Agreement for the Commonwealth is in fact,
unnecessary or unprofitable. A vast majority of member states have already joined
some type of alternative economic collectivity, such as ASEAN or the FTAA. It is
unclear how, or indeed if a significant number of Commonwealth nations would
benefit from such an undertaking. Canada and Australia for instance, two of the
Commonwealth’s export giants have expressed their skepticism over such an
agreement as their interests lie at odds with traditional import heavy nations, such as
Samoa and the Seychelles.
Advantages and Limitations
In the last few decades, the notion of a free trade agreement for the Commonwealth
has seen a revival amongst a number of Commonwealth-related organizations. The
Commonwealth Secretariat, for instance has expressed its interest in expanding the
trade relationships amongst the members of the Commonwealth, whilst many
members in turn have publicized their desire to cultivate such relationships but have
also asserted the practical difficulties associated with such proposals. In 2005 at the
Commonwealth Business Summit in Malta, member states were urged to consider “the
possibility of establishing a Commonwealth preferential, or free trade area.” Intra-
Commonwealth trade is responsible for about one-sixth of total trade within the
Commonwealth, with the average fluctuating around the one-third mark of each
member’s total trade capacity (for some States intra-commonwealth trade accounts
for as much as half of their total trade). Intra-Commonwealth trade has grown slowly
yet steadily over the last decades from 12% in the 1990s to 16% in 2008. In some
member states, Commonwealth trade makes up the majority of total trade such as in
Botswana and Namibia, who rely heavily on Commonwealth imports as well as St
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Vincent and Samoa, who export primarily to the Commonwealth (90% of foreign
trade). This trend does not only hold true for the smaller, least developed
Commonwealth countries but also speaks for economic giants such as India. The
Commonwealth accounts for around 21% of India’s exports and approximately 17%
of its imports. For Australia and South Africa, the Commonwealth market is responsible
for around 23% of their total exports. Furthermore, studies have shown that despite the
lack of a common trade agreement within the Commonwealth, trade is nevertheless
still easier due to common languages, legal systems, principles of democracy, good
governance and corporate customs. The Canadian author, Cameron wrote: “if the
Commonwealth today were an economic bloc, it would be equal in size to the United
States; it would have 13 of the world’s fastest growing economies; it would possess
most of the world’s leading knowledge economies outside of the US; it would have
one third of the world’s population; and would represent 40 per cent of the
membership of the World Trade Organisation.”
On the other hand, economists have forecasted a further decline of trade in goods
amongst the Commonwealth nations, with only six of the Commonwealth’s 53
member states accounting for 84% of the organizations exports and the overall trade
in goods having decreased since the 1960s (admittedly at a moderate rate). The 36
smallest States (who compromise the majority of the Commonwealth countries) are
only able to enjoy a tiny share of the ‘Commonwealth Export Pie’, many of these
States had previously relied upon preferential trading terms with the United Kingdom
and have since been forced to settle for sometimes, less than favourable
arrangements. These smaller States have thus begun to look elsewhere for import
needy markets, the Caribbean Commonwealth members for example, sought to
export their fish to the United States due to its proximity. Others have negotiated with
the European Union for Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) which are aimed at
“promoting sustainable development and growth” but also the “gradual integration
of ACP (African, Caribbean and Pacific) countries into the world economy”. The
European Union provides its partners with the following structure:
-political dialogue
-development support
-economic and trade cooperation
Therefore, some have concluded that the Commonwealth is gradually becoming
obsolete with 80% of all its exports destined for markets located outside the
organization.
Free Trade Agreements encourage nations to specialize in a sector capable of export;
indeed some Commonwealth country’s industry is already concentrated in such a
manner. Many of the Commonwealth’s smallest economies rely on the export of
services, such as tourism and yet these circumstances are unlikely to develop further
with the introduction of a free trade arrangement (i.e. flights are unlikely to become
cheaper and a boom in hotel real-estate cannot be derived from a Free Trade
Agreement).
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In recent years, free trade agreements have come under public scrutiny for failing to
take into account environmental and labour concerns. Activists fear that unrestricted
trade within a collectivity will generate a “race to the bottom” scenario and
contribute to a stagnating fall in labour and environmental standards. Labour rights
and environmental protection mechanisms would be tossed aside in favour of
cheaper products and greater profits. Countries, whose industry is sharply regulated
through legislative measures (such as Canada), might thus want to consider the
broader implications a free trade agreement inhibits.
On the other hand, free trade has historically encouraged cross-border technology
sharing which has allowed for a rise in real wages and the investment in more
environmentally friendly production techniques. The Commonwealth, as an institution
has already raised awareness for such concerns, amongst other causes, it has focused
on “inclusive economic growth and sustainable development” and championed the
“creat[ion] [of] climate financing frameworks” which is why some have argued, that
the Commonwealth as an organization would be the ideal breeding ground for an
inclusive, fair Free Trade Agreement.
Indeed, the United Kingdom has often drawn parallels between “increased free and
fair trade” and “an increased commitment to democratic values.” Recently, the idea
of a trade agreement for the Commonwealth has been shifted back into the spotlight
“we want the Commonwealth to become a leading voice in the global economy,
working to liberalise trade, break down barriers for international business, resist
protectionism and contribute to the Doha Development Agenda.” The
Commonwealth has the unique ability to give smaller, more vulnerable countries who
often wield only a limited degree of soft/hard power, the chance to voice their
opinions as equals and receive assistance from other Commonwealth
States. Furthermore, as it currently stands, the Commonwealth includes some of the
fastest growing markets in the global South such as India, South Africa, Malaysia,
Bangladesh and Singapore; a common trade agreement might very well act as an
incentive for further economic growth.
Questions a Resolution Must Answer
As the delegates embark upon further research in anticipation of the conference,
they will undoubtedly uncover a variety of sources either applauding a free trade
agreement or rejecting it on a number of grounds. Delegates are asked to remember
that they are not required to support the idea of a free trade agreement but, in line
with their nation’s foreign and economic policy, may suggest other means of
increasing trade within the Commonwealth and strengthening its economic
character.
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Whether delegates choose to back the creation of a Free Trade Agreement for
the Commonwealth or a more general expansion of intra-commonwealth trade, they
may want to consider a formal meeting with the Ministers of Trade or Industry of all
Commonwealth countries, the implications of the Doha Development Round and the
World Trade Organization (WTO) Rules (which virtually all Commonwealth countries
are part of).
Recommended further reading
1. ‘The role of the Monarchy in the Commonwealth’
http://www.royal.gov.uk/monarchandcommonwealth/queenandcommonw
ealth/queenandcommonwealth.aspx
2. Hall, H. Duncan. Commonwealth: a history of the British Commonwealth of
Nations, London: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1971
3. Kirby, Michael. ‘The Commonwealth of Nations today: historical anachronism
or focus for universal values?’, Commonwealth Law Bulletin (2011), vol. 31(1),
p.39-59
4. Mayall, James. ‘Democratizing the Commonwealth’, International Affairs (April
1998), vol. 74(2), p. 379
5. Tong, Raymond. ‘Perspective on Commonwealth evolution’, Contemporary
Review (March 1992), vol. 260, p.121
6. Cameron, Brent. The Case for Commonwealth Free Trade: Options for a New
Globalization. Trafford Publishing, 2006. Print.
7. "Economic Development." Commonwealth Network. N.p., n.d. Web. 5 Dec.
2015. <http://www.commonwealthofnations.org/commonwealth-in-
action/economic-development-2/>.
8. Khor, Martin. "BILATERAL/REGIONAL FREE TRADE AGREEMENTS: AN OUTLINE OF
ELEMENTS, NATURE AND DEVELOPMENT IMPLICATIONS." Third World Network.
N.p., Sept. 2005. Web. 5 Dec. 2015. <www.twn.my/title2/par/mk005.doc>.
9. Ahmed, Kamal. "Forget Europe, Its Time for the Commonwealth." The
Telegraph. Telegraph Media Group, 11 Feb. 2012. Web. 05 Dec. 2015.
<http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/comment/kamal-
ahmed/9076348/Forget-Europe-its-time-for-the-Commonwealth.html>.
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Sources
"Biennale Report of the Commonwealth Secretary-General 2013-2015." The
Commonwealth. N.p., n.d. Web. 5 Dec. 2015.
<http://thecommonwealth.org/sites/default/files/BR220013-2015.pdf>.
Chowdhury, Jayanta Roy. "The Commonwealth: A Free Trade Area?" Times of Malta.
N.p., 09 Feb. 2012. Web. 05 Dec. 2015.
http://www.timesofmalta.com/articles/view/20120209/business-comment/The-
Commonwealth-A-free-trade-area-.405965
"European Commission Directorate-General for Trade." Africa, Caribbean, Pacific
(ACP). N.p., 06 May 2010. Web. 05 Dec. 2015.
<http://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/countries-and-regions/regions/africa-caribbean-
pacific/>.
Holmes, Frank. "The Commonwealth and a Free-Trade Area in Europe." International
Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol. 34, No. 1 Jan. 1958. Web. 5
Dec. 2015.
Irwin, Douglas, A. "International Trade Agreements.": The Concise Encyclopaedia of
Economics. Library of Economics and Liberty, n.d. Web. 05 Dec. 2015.
http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/InternationalTradeAgreements.html
Lord Howell of Guildford. “The Commonwealth: A Global Network for the 21st Century”
The Round Table. 100:414, 251-255. 09 June 2011. 05 Dec.
2015. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00358533.2011.574897
Sir Sanders, Ronald. "A Commonwealth Free Trade Area Is Neither Likely Not Desirable."
Commonwealth Advisory Bureau (2012): n. pag. Opinion Piece. Web.
http://www.sirronaldsanders.com/Docs/A%20Commonweralth%20Free%20Trade%20
Area%20is%20neither%20likely%20nor%20desirable.pdf
"The Ultimate Eurosceptic Fantasy: Putting Faith in the Commonwealth." The
Economist. The Economist Newspaper, 30 Oct. 2011. Web. 05 Dec. 2015.
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LONDON INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2016 .
Conference Information
When looking for information regarding LIMUN 2016 (and subsequent editions) your
first step should be to visit our website: www.limun.org.uk
LIMUN in social media
Please follow updates from us through our social media channels:
London International Model United Nations (LIMUN)
@LondonMUN
When tweeting about this year’s conference (your preparations, journey to/from
London or when live-tweeting the events during the conference itself) –
- please use hashtag #LIMUN2016
Agenda & Rules of Procedure
The agenda for the 2016 conference is available online at
www.limun.org.uk/agenda
Since its 16th session last year, LIMUN has introduced changes to its Rules of Procedure.
The revised Rules can be accessed here: http://limun.org.uk/rules
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LONDON INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2016 .
Position Papers
What is a position paper?
A position paper is a statement of policy, which is intended to communicate an
overall position of a country on a particular topic debated in the committee. Position
papers should be brief and outline the general policies rather than specific measures.
Each delegate should submit one position paper per topic to be debated by the
committee (note: most of the committees have two proposed topics). Each paper
should be approximately one page per topic.
LIMUN offers a short guide on how to write a position paper. It is available on our
website: http://limun.org.uk/FCKfiles/File/PP_Guide.pdf
Deadlines
The deadline for the submission of delegates’ position papers is 20 February
2016. Failure to submit by this deadline will render delegates ineligible for
Diplomacy Awards.
Positions Papers will have to be submitted in a publicly-accessible Dropbox, to
be provided by committee directors. At their discretion, directors may provide
feedback in individuals cases if so requested.
The most worthy work submitted in a committee will earn the delegate a Best
Position Paper Award. The length of any one paper should not exceed 500
words.
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LONDON INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2016 .
Contact Details
For any enquiries relating to your committee proceedings or if you want to get in touch
with your committee’s Directors, or for submission of position papers:
- please e-mail: [email protected]
Other enquiries regarding the Conference:
- please e-mail: [email protected]
Before contacting LIMUN please make sure you have read FAQ section on our
website: http://limun.org.uk/faq
LONDON INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2016 .