Colloquial Eastern Cham...Eastern Cham is an Austronesian language spoken by about 100,000 people in...

Chapter X: Eastern Cham 1

Colloquial Eastern Cham

Marc BrunellePhú Văn Hẳn

Eastern Cham is an Austronesian language spoken by about 100,000 people inthe provinces of Ninh Thuận and Bình Thuận, in south-central Vietnam (Brunelle2008). Eastern Cham communities are scattered throughout these two provinces andare interspersed with Vietnamese communities. As a result, all Eastern Chamspeakers are now at least fluent in Vietnamese and younger speakers usually speak itnatively. Until the 19th century, Cham (along with other Chamic languages andpossible some Mon-Khmer languages) was the language of the “confederation” ofChampa, a mandala-type kingdom located on the central coast of Vietnam that wasgradually absorbed by the Vietnamese state from the 10th to the 19th century. As aformer state language, Cham has a long written tradition, despite the fact that its scriptis now barely used (Brunelle 2008).

Although there have been a number of descriptions of Eastern Cham, most ofthem have focused on the written language or on the formal language that is usuallyvolunteered by speakers in data elicitation sessions (Aymonier 1889; Aymonier andCabaton 1906; Moussay 1971; Bùi 1995; 1996a; b; Thurgood 2005; Moussay 2006).However, the differences between the colloquial and formal languages and thecontexts of functional use of each variety strongly suggest that Eastern Cham is nowin a diglossic situation (Brunelle 2008; 2009). The two varieties show markeddifferences, especially in their phonologies and in the degree to which they have beenaffected by Vietnamese. The goal of this article is to complement previous work bypresenting a basic description of the colloquial language, which, as a living andquickly evolving language, is the locus of language convergence. The data providedin this paper are therefore entirely given in their colloquial form. We are well awarethat this is controversial and that many Cham intellectuals oppose any scholarlydescription of what they consider a corrupt form of speech. However, as thecolloquial variety is de facto the real language of the community, we believe itdeserves to be described.

The data presented in this paper have been collected from a large number ofconsultants living in Ninh Thuận province and Hồ Chí Minh City over the past fewyears. They have been complemented and double-checked against the intuitions ofthe second author, who is a native speaker of Eastern Cham born in the village of VụBổn, in Ninh Thuận. The reader should keep in mind that grammaticality judgmentsare difficult to elicit in a language that shows substantial sociolectal and dialectaldiversity, does not have clear standards and is barely taught in schools. Overall,Cham speakers have much less rigid grammaticality judgments than speakers of largewritten languages like English, French or Vietnamese. Widespread bilingualism inVietnamese further increases the tolerance of speakers to forms that would probablyhave been judged ungrammatical a few generations ago.

2 Marc BrunellePhú Văn Hẳn

1. PhonologyOur phonology section slightly departs from the basic organization found in

other chapters of this book. Since the basic word template plays a crucial role in thephonotactic restrictions found in Eastern Cham, it will be addressed first (§ 1.1) andwill be followed by descriptions of segmental (§ 1.2) and suprasegmental phonemeinventories (§ 1.3).

1.1. Basic word template and syllable structureThe formal variety of Eastern Cham has two main types of word templates:

monosyllables and sesquisyllables (Blood 1967; Thurgood 1996; 1999).Sesquisyllables are words made up of “a syllable and a half” (Matisoff 1973), i.e.disyllabic words with a major syllable and a reduced minor syllable. The final ormain syllable of a sesquisyllable is stressed and exhibits the entire array of possiblephonological contrasts, while its presyllable only contains a subset of the vowels,onsets and codas found in the main syllable. This is shown schematically in (1a).

(1) Word shapes in the formal (a) and colloquial (b) varietiesa. σ σ

(C) (V) (C) C (G/L) V (C)b. σ

(C) C (G) V (C)

By contrast, the colloquial variety (1b) has lost most of its sesquisyllables, dueto a diachronic process of monosyllabization (Trung-tâm Văn-hoá Chàm 197?; Alieva1991; 1994; Brunelle 2005b; 2009). Exceptions include religious and learnedvocabulary items, which could be considered as inherently formal. A fewsesquisyllables are also preserved to avoid homophony. The best example of that isthe contrast between tt apăn ‘eight’ and thampăn ‘nine’, which would both be realizedas [păn] if they were monosyllabized.

Monosyllabization has taken place either through the loss of the entirepresyllable, or through the elision of its vowel and the formation of an onset clustercomposed of the onset of the presyllable and the onset of the main syllable. Thecomplete loss of the presyllable or the formation of an onset cluster, and the exactrealization of clusters (if clusters are formed at all), greatly vary across villages, agegroups and genders. Without a full sociolinguistic survey, it is difficult to lay outprecise rules, but two general principles seem to constrain the outcome ofmonosyllabization:

1) Clusters usually follow the sonority hierarchy, although some clustersconsisting of a nasal and a stop can violate it, as in mta ‘eye’.

2) If the onset of the main syllable was originally a liquid [l] or [r], a cluster isusually formed (as in plɛɛ j or mlɛɛ j ‘village’ < palɛɛ j).

An important point regarding the syllable structure given in (1) is that there are nowords without onset. Several dictionaries and grammars omit to mark onset glottalstops or choose not to do it for convenience (Moussay 1971; Bùi 1995; 1996a), butthe presence of the onset glottal stop is carefully marked elsewhere (Blood 1967).

1.2. Segmental phonemes: consonants and vowelsTwo factors constrain the phonotactic distribution of segments in Eastern

Cham: the syllable in which they stand and their position in the syllable. As the


colloquial variety is now almost entirely monosyllabic, the segments found inpresyllables could be omitted. However, some words related to religion or othercultural activities are inherently formal and are therefore sesquisyllabic even in thecolloquial language. We thus give the segmental inventory of presyllables, even ifthey are relatively uncommon.

1.2.1. Consonants

Main syllable onsets

The full inventory of consonants, given in (2), surfaces in the onset of themain syllable. There are five places of articulation: labial, dental, palatal, velar andlaryngeal. In addition to three series of stops (plain voiceless, voiceless aspirated andvoiced implosive), there are voiceless fricatives, nasals, liquids and glides.

(2) lab. dent. pal. vel. lar.plain stops p t c k Ɂasp. stops ph th ch kh

implosives ɓ ɗ ʄfricatives s hnasals m n ɲ ŋliquids l, rglides j wpreglottalized glides Ɂj Ɂw

This inventory is fairly consensual. The only divergence between authors isthat Moussay treats the preglottalized glides /Ɂw-/ and /Ɂj-/ as simplex phonemes(Moussay 1971) whereas other scholars analyze them as sequences of glottal stopsplus glides (Blood 1967; Bùi 1996a; Phú 2003). The distribution of medial glidessuggests that the second solution is preferable: all onsets can be followed by themedial glides /-j-, -w-/ except the contentious preglottalized glides themselves.Another interesting fact about glides is that onset /w-/ cannot form a cluster withmedial /-j-/, but that the cluster /jw-/ is possible, as in jwa, ‘because’. The liquids /r/and /l/ can also be found in medial position. They never form clusters with sonorantsin the formal variety, but often combine with /m-/ in the colloquial variety.

Some onsets have several possible realizations. The aspirated /ph, th, kh/ canbe realized as [f, s, x] respectively. The sonorant /w/ frequently alternates with [v]and [ʋ], while /r/ can be pronounced as [r], [z], [j] or [ʒ]. The voiced fricative [z] isalso a common surface form of /j/. Combinations of onsets and medial glides orliquids have an even wider array of possible realizations. For example, /tr-/ can berealized as [tr-], [tʃ-] or [c-] and /tl-/ is often changed to [kl-]. These variants arelargely determined by sociolinguistic factors, but since many of them are alsoidiosyncratic, they will not be discussed in detail here. What is interesting is that anumber of them, especially the realization of [ʋ] as [v] and of aspirated stops asfricatives seem to bring the Cham inventory closer to Vietnamese. The fact [th] is theonly Eastern Cham aspirate that does not spirantize seems to support this claim, as itis also the only aspirated stop in modern Vietnamese.

Main syllable codas

As in most Mainland Southeast Asian languages, the coda consonant inventoryof Eastern Cham is a subset of onset consonants. It is given in (3).


(3) lab. dent. pal./vel. lar.plain stops p [p~wɁ] t c [jɁ] Ɂfricatives s [jh] hnasals m n ŋglides j/w

Several authors mention the fact that the coda stops of Eastern Cham aredebuccalized (Aymonier 1889; Blood 1967; Moussay 1971; Hoàng 1987; Bùi 1996a).This has led other researchers to posit a process of place neutralization in codas (Phú,Edmondson and Gregerson 1992; Thurgood 1999). The actual situation is far frombeing that simple. Codas are often debuccalized, but contrasts are still maintained.While coda /-p/ is realized as either [-p] or [-wɁ] and coda /-c/ is systematicallyreduced to [-jɁ], coda /-t/ is still preserved everywhere, except in the word kt eɁ ‘what’,historically hakt ɛɛ t. It has also been claimed that coda /-h/ is dropped (Phú,Edmondson and Gregerson 1992), something that has been disproven with acousticevidence (Brunelle 2005b; 2006).

A type of coda neutralization that is not controversial is the merger of thedental sonorants /-l, -r/ (Bùi 1996a). They are usually realized as [-n] in Ninh Thuậnand as [-j] in Bình Thuận (the location of the exact isogloss is unclear). In formalspeech, [-r] and [-l] are still found, although the relatively high proportion ofhypercorrect forms in which [-l] is used for an etymological /-n/ suggests that this isnot a regular alternation.

Presyllable onsets

Presyllable onsets are a subset of main syllable onsets, as shown in (4). Twoof the classes of onsets found in main syllables are not found in presyllables:implosive stops and aspirated stops. There is one exception to this generalization: theaspirated stop /th/ was recently reintroduced in the inventory because a diachronicchange turned most instances of onset /s/ into /th/, thus creating an asymmetry in thedistribution (Proto-Chamic *sălipăn > colloquial Eastern Cham thampăn). A finalobservation is that velar nasals are never found in presyllable onsets.

(4) lab. dent. pal. vel. lar.plain stops p t c k Ɂasp. stops th

fricatives s hnasals m n ɲliquids l,rglides j w

Presyllable codas

Presyllables rarely have codas. These codas can be either /h/, as in tt ăhlaɁ ‘I -formal’ or nasals homorganic with the following main syllable onset, as in tănrăn‘plain’. They are given in (5).

(5) laryngeal hnasals homorganic nasal


1.2.2. Vowels

The best description of the modern vowel inventory of Eastern Cham is foundin Bùi (1996). We will therefore use Bùi’s grammar as a basis for comparison withother descriptions.

Main syllables

In main syllables, there are nine vowel qualities. Seven of these nine vowelshave a length contrast. This contrast is not found in the front and back mid vowels /e/and /o/ which only occur as long vowels. Long vowels are much longer than shortvowels in wordlist reading (2:1 ratio), but this ratio seems smaller in running speech.The complete inventory is given in (6).

(6) i/i ɨɨ /ɨ u/ue ɘɨ /ɘ oɛɨ /ɛ ă/a ɔɨ /ɔ

Contrastive length is overlooked by Blood, who writes that: “there are neithervowel clusters nor length contrast in the predominant syllable pattern” (Blood 1967),but it is accurately reported in other sources (Moussay 1971; Bùi 1996a). It is subjectto two phonotactic constraints: Open syllable vowels are always long and vowelsclosed by /-h/ or /-c/ [-jɁ] are always short.

There are two diphthongs, /ie/ and /uo/. They are treated as separate phonemesin all environments by some authors (Moussay 1971; Bùi 1996a). However, sincethey are frequently realized as the monophthongs [i] and [u] in closed syllables, theycould be treated as free variants of the long vowels /i/ and /u/ in that environment. Onthe other hand, /ie/ and /uo/ occasionally contrast with the long vowels /i/ and /u/ inopen syllables (Blood 1967), a contrast that is restricted to a handful of minimal pairs.

There is some allophonic variation in vowel realization. For example, /o/ isfrequently raised to [u] before nasals. Since that type of allophony tends to vary fromvillage to village and between gender and age groups, we will not attempt to describeit. Part of this variation could perhaps be attributable to contact with Vietnamese:some vowel changes are common to both Eastern Cham and south-central Vietnamesedialects (for example, /e/ often centralizes to /ɘ/ in closed syllables in both languages).

Presyllables

To our knowledge, there are only two explicit descriptions of the vowel sub-inventory of presyllables (Bùi 1996a; Thurgood 2003). The vowels found inpresyllables are a subset of the main syllable vowel inventory, as shown in (7).

(7) i ɨɨ uɘɨă

There is no length contrast in presyllables and vowels tend to be very short inthis environment; they usually sound even shorter than short vowels in main syllables.Additionally, these vowels tend to be further centralized to a short schwa, even inrelatively formal speech.


1.3. Suprasegmental phonology: register and tonePhonological register originates from the loss of the voicing in onset stops

after the break-up of Proto-Chamic (Blood 1962; Bùi 1996a; Thurgood 1996; 1999).The basic pattern is given in (8). Voiceless and voiced aspirates underwent the sameprocess as plain voiceless and voiced stops. Implosives, on the other end, maintainedtheir voicing. Following previous work, we mark register as a subscript dot under theonset consonant (Moussay 1971). The choice of an open dot rather than the full oneused by Moussay has been made to avoid confusion with the retroflex subscript.

(8) Proto-Chamic Cham Glosspăk > păɁ ‘at’băk > pp ăɁ ‘full’

Phonetically, register is realized on the rhyme through a combination of pitch,intensity, vowel quality, voice quality and duration, but pitch and voice quality are itsmost robust correlates (Phú, Edmondson and Gregerson 1992; Brunelle 2005b; 2006).In short, the high register, that stems from Proto-Chamic voiceless stops, voicelessaspirated stops and sonorants, is characterized by a relatively high pitch and a modalvoice. The low register, which is the reflex of voiced stops and voiced aspiratedstops, has a lower pitch, a breathy voice, and tends to lengthen the vowels on which itis superimposed. The register contrast is neutralized in implosives and preglottalizedglides. Phonetically, syllables headed by these consonants usually have a high pitchand a modal phonation.

1.3.1. Register spreading and monosyllabicization

Historically, register spread rightwards through sonorants, but was blocked bystops. Examples of register spreading are given in (9).

(9) Written Cham Gloss Formal variety Colloquial varietyjalan ‘road’ cp alan [cp alp an] kp lan~lp andaɁa ‘to invite’ tp aɁa [tp aɁp a] Ɂp a

Because of the monosyllabicization process described above, presyllableswere dropped in casual speech, which lead to the extension of the register contrast tosonorants in minimal pairs such as ni ‘here’ and np i (< pp ani) ‘follower of nativizedIslam’. As a result, the register contrast is now found in monosyllabic words headedby all consonants, except implosives.

1.3.2. Tonal developments?

It has long been observed that the two registers of Eastern Cham are subject toallophonic pitch variations conditioned by codas (Blood 1967; Moussay 1971; Bùi1996a). Recently, some authors have made a stronger claim, proposing that codaconsonants are either lost or reanalyzed as suprasegmental elements, shifting thephonemic burden to the pitch curve itself and thus leading to the formation of acomplex tone system (Hoàng 1987; Phú, Edmondson and Gregerson 1992; Thurgood1993). Careful recordings and phonetic analysis reveal that although codas are oftendebuccalized (§1.2.1), they are not dropped and they maintain their patterns ofcontrast (Brunelle 2005b; 2006). Further, the pattern of allophonic pitch variation isvariable across speakers, making it impossible to distinguish more than a two-waycontrast in pitch (Brunelle 2005b; 2006). A final piece of evidence that suggests that


Eastern Cham does not have a complex tone system is the important role of intonationin information structure (assuming that languages with complex tone systems limit therole of intonation for functional reasons). Intonation often distinguishes sentencestypes and accompanies sentence-final particles (Blood, DL 1977; Blood, DW 1977).

It is still tempting to analyze the two-way register contrast of Eastern Cham astwo-tone system (Blood 1967). There is limited evidence for or against such ananalysis, but word game data suggest that register is a segmental property of onsetsrather than a suprasegmental property of the rhyme (Brunelle 2005a). If this iscorrect, we have to adopt the position that Eastern Cham is still a relativelyconservative Southeast Asian register language, despite intensive contact with tonalVietnamese.

2. MorphologyA few aspects of Eastern Cham morphology are discussed in this section. We

will start with the loss of morphological affixes in Cham and the central role ofcompounding in word formation (§ 2.1). We will then assess the role of a few typesof morphological processes that are common in Mainland Southeast Asia: psycho-collocations (§ 2.2), elaborative expressions (§ 2.3) and productive reduplication (§2.4).

2.1. Word structureWhile Cham originally had a small set of prefixes and infixes (Aymonier

1889; Bùi 1996a; Moussay 2006), modern colloquial Eastern Cham has lost them.Their functions have now been taken over by periphrastic structures. For example,classical Cham paɓăŋ ‘to feed’ (causative pa- + ɓăŋ ‘eat’) is now rendered as ka ɓăŋ,literally ‘give to eat’.

Compounding is now the most frequent word formation strategy is EasternCham. Strategies for compounding are reviewed and classified in detail in Bùi(1996a, § 4.4.1). For the sake of brevity, only a few examples will be given here.Compounds can include identical or different parts of speech. Note that EasternCham distinguishes adjectives (or perhaps more accurately, stative verbs) and activeverbs. A stative verb can be preceded by pp jăɁ ‘very’, while an action verb cannot, asshown in (10).

(10) a. lt ăɁ pt jăɁ sit. I very small ‘I am very short.’

b. *lt ăɁ pt jăɁ ɓăŋI very eat‘I eat a lot.’

In (11), examples of all possible types of compounds are given. In the firstthree pairs of examples (11a-c), a coordinative compound (without a semantic head)and a subordinative compound are given. All other examples (11d-i) are headed.Almost all these compounds belong to the same word category as their first element.

(11) a. N+N plɛɨ j kp an village + country ‘hometown’


tp eh mɔ vehicle + cow ‘oxcart or, by ext., any other vehicle’

b. A+Atp ah krah bright + beautiful ‘luminous’ɁjaɁ pp lɔɨ w sunny + hot ‘sultry’

c. V+Vɗom klaw talk + laugh ‘to joke’tɔŋ poh hit + beat ‘to maltreat’

d. N+VɁja mɲum water + drink ‘drinking water’tp aj tăm rice plant + transplant ‘transplanted rice’

e. V+Nwăn kpkp laj forget + forest ‘confused’kp wah cp in search + money ‘to earn a living’

f. N + Atp aj cp uɁ rice + black ‘high-quality rice’cp a klɔh guy + blind ‘incorrigible person’

g. V + A ɗom kɘh speak + vulgar ‘to utter obscenities’Ɂjɘɨ Ɂ lap look + cheap ‘to despise’

h. A + N sam kɛɨ j beautiful + male ‘handsome’ sit sɛɁ small + body ‘small-bodied’

i. A + Vɓon Ɂjɘɨ Ɂ easy + watch ‘good-looking’kan pp ac difficult + study ‘hard to learn’ These compounds are not all lexicalized to the same degree. While plɛɨ j kp an

‘hometown’ (11a) is highly lexicalized (kp an ‘country’ is now relatively rare in thespoken language), the decompositionality of kan pp ac ‘hard to learn’ (11i) is muchgreater and new compounds can be productively created by combining kan ‘difficult’with other verbs.

2.2. Psycho-collocationsPsycho-collocations are a type of expression in which a psycho-noun, a noun

referring to a body part, is combined to a ‘psycho-mate’, typically an adjective, toexpress personal qualities or mental states (Matisoff 1986). Psycho-collocations arecommon in all language families of Southeast Asia (Matisoff 1986; Jaisser 1990; Oey1990). Colloquial Eastern Cham also has them, although they seem far less commonthan in Jingpho, Thai, Malay or Hmong.

Our non-exhaustive list of psycho-nouns includes half a dozen body parts,illustrated by the examples in (12). There is about the same number of psycho-mates,


prɔɛ ŋ ‘large’ being the most common one. Note that contrary to Thai, it is not possibleto reverse the order of the psycho-noun and its mate (Matisoff 1986).

(12a)kp hɘh ŋin beautiful + hand ‘skillful’kp lɛh klaj tired + penis ‘exhausted (men)’prɔɨ ŋ taj large + liver ‘reckless, foolhardy’prɔɨ ŋ rup large + body ‘self-important’prɔɨ ŋ kɔɁ large + head ‘arrogant’prɔɨ ŋ tjan large + belly ‘generous’

Reduplicated psycho-nouns with coupled mates are not common in Cham.The only example our consultants could come up with is in (12b). Finally, we foundone example of a psycho-noun with antonymic mates (12c).

(12b)tp ah bɔɁ tp ah mta bright + face + bright + eye ‘proud’

(12c) sam taj beautiful + liver ‘good hearted’chaɁ taj ugly + liver ‘evil, bad (of a person)’

To sum up, psycho-collocations are attested in Cham, but do not seem to bemuch more common than in Western languages. It is unclear if the examples that wefound are remnants of a previously much larger set or if the number of Cham psycho-collocations has always been relatively small.

2.3. Elaborative expressionsAn elaborative expression is a form of reduplication based on rhyming or

alliteration (Enfield 2005). Elaborative processes are not productive in the sense thatthey do not obey regular rules of segmental transformations. Like other SoutheastAsian languages, Eastern Cham has an extremely large number of elaborativeexpressions. In the examples given in (13), the base is bolded.

(13)cɔh rɔh (cwah rwah in Bui 1996a) ‘choose’ from rɔh ‘choose’ sup lup ‘pitch dark’ from sup ‘dark’mi măn ‘very fast’ from măn ‘fast’lăŋ loi ‘clear’ from lăŋ ‘to explain.

Interestingly, the base of Cham elaborative expressions can be either the right or theleft element, which further exemplifies their non-regular shape. As in other MainlandSoutheast Asian languages, elaborative expressions can sometimes be quadrisyllabic,but this seems limited to the two examples in (14).

(14)pp an kp laj pp an klɔ ‘pell-mell, meaningless’ kp laj ‘forest’lin pin lan pan ‘pell-mell, meaningless’ Not decomposable


2.4. Productive reduplicationContrary to other Mainland Southeast Asian languages that have a number of

reduplication templates following relatively transparent phonological and semanticrules (REF to Vietnamese, Khmer and Thai chapters), the only form of regularreduplication found in Eastern Cham is full reduplication. Contrary to Bùi 1996a,who claims that reduplication can have either an intensifying meaning or anattenuative meaning, our speakers’ judgments (including the second author) onlysupport the later, which mirrors Vietnamese. A few examples of attenuativereduplication are given in (15).

(15)sam sam ‘cute’ from sam ‘beautiful’pp

hoŋ pphoŋ ‘redish’ from pp

hoŋ ‘red’khăŋ khăŋ ‘hardish’ from khăŋ ‘hard’

3. Grammar and syntaxIn this section, we will introduce a few basic facts about the noun phrase (§

3.1) and the verb phrase (§ 3.2), and will then move on to the basic sentence structure(§ 3.3).

3.1. Nominal domain

3.1.1. Basic structure of the NP

The basic structure of the NP has already been described for conservativevarieties of the language (Bui 1996, Thurgood 2003). The colloquial variety has thesame basic template:

(16) (Qt) (Clf) (N) (Mod) (Dem)

For example:

(17) klɔɛ w nɨɛ Ɂ paj sit nithree CLFrabbit smallDEM‘These three small rabbits.’

Qt can be a numeral (17) or quantifier (18), a sequence of two quantifiers (19) or acombination of both (20)

(18) ttt om nɨɛ Ɂ paj sit nisome CLFrabbit small DEM‘These few small rabbits.’

(19) pt ih tt om nɨɛ Ɂ paj sit niall some CLFrabbit small DEM‘All of these few small rabbits.’

(20) pt ih klɔɛ w nɨɛ Ɂ paj sit niall three CLF rabbit small DEM‘All three of these small rabbits.’


A classifier can be either a sortal classifier (21) or a measure term (22) (Grinevald1999, 2000).

(21) klɔɛ w pt ɔh ɲin nănthree CLF bowls DEM‘Those three bowls.’

(22) klɔɛ w ɲin thɛɛ j nănthree bowls rice DEM‘Those three bowls of rice.’

The noun that heads the NP can be omitted and replaced by its classifier if it consistsof old information, as in (23).

(23) klɔɛ w nɨɛ Ɂ paj sit ɓăŋ ka-rot, min ha nɨɛ Ɂ ct ɔh kt ɛɛ j.three CLF rabbit smalleat carrot, but one CLF break tooth‘Three small rabbits eat carrots, but one breaks a tooth.’

Finally, Mod can be a stative verb, a possessive or a subordinate clause. The latter arenot normally introduced by a complementizer, but optionally can, perhaps because ofVietnamese influence. This optionality is illustrated in sentence (24).

(24) kt ru (lac) lt ăɁ kt ɔɁ sɛɛ j pt roj thɔɛ w (lac) nɨɛ Ɂ sɛh păŋ o.Teacher COMP I meet day yesterday know COMP CLF pupil listen NEG‘The teacher(s) I met yesterday know(s) that the pupils do not listen.’

3.1.2. Classifier device

As pointed out by Bùi (1996a), there are relatively few sortal classifiers inCham. They include pp ɔh, which is used for fruit and vegetables, most objects and afew abstract nouns, kp ah, which is used for objects that come in pairs, ɓɛɨ Ɂ, which isused for long objects, pp lah, which is used for flat objects, raŋ/nɨɁ which are used forpeople and tt rɛɛ j/nɨɛ Ɂ, which are used for animals. Overall, there seems to be fewersortal classifiers in modern colloquial Cham than in the written variety described byMoussay (2006). Besides classifiers proper, a number of nouns that refer to thecategory to which an object belongs can also be used as sortal classifiers (Thurgood2003): phun ‘tree’, hla ‘leave’, kan ‘fish’… Containers and units of quantity can beused as mensural classifiers. Syntactically, sortal and mensural classifiers behaveidentically, as shown in (21-22).

Classifiers are used to individualize mass nouns, which constitute the largemajority of the Cham lexicon. When referring to one or several specific units of amass (like pt uj, the mass noun denoting pigs in general), one must single them out, justas English speakers must talk about containers of water instead of ‘waters’. Thecontrast between a mass noun and singled out instances of that mass noun isillustrated in (25-26).

(25) mɔ mɨ thaŋ.cow enter house‘A cow walks into the courtyard. / Cows walk into the courtyard.’


(26) nɨɛ Ɂ mɔ tt ɔɁ băŋ hrɘɛ Ɂ tt rɛɛ j.CLF cow PROG eat grass 1pp‘The cow is eating our plants. / The cows are eating our plants.’

However, some nouns are intrinsically count nouns and do not requireclassifiers. This includes most nouns denoting time spans, like hrɛɛ j ‘day’, kinshipterms, like mɛɁ ‘mother’ or wa ‘older uncle/aunt’, and many abstracts nouns likeilimo ‘culture’. An example is given in (27).

(27) hlt ă? pt ac pt aj kt ɔn tt wa thun.I study Saigon two year‘I studied in Saigon for two years.’

As in Vietnamese, classifiers can be omitted when listing set of objects (tt wacăm, klăw kun, paɁ jon ‘2 Chams, 3 Cambodians, 4 Vietnamese’).

3.2. Verbal domain

3.2.1. No inflection

Eastern Cham verbs are never inflected. Aspect is marked through a set ofmarkers that can either precede the verb or follow the VP (Bùi 1996a; Thurgood 2003;Moussay 2006). The list of aspect markers given in (28) is not exhaustive, butillustrates the most common aspectual distinctions.

(28) Aspect markersa. Progressive: tp ɔɁ V (gramm. from tp ɔɁ ‘to sit’)b. Near prospective: cp ɛɁ V (gramm. from cp ɛɁ ‘to be near’)c. Completive: pp lɔh/cp ɘ]VP

d. Completive emphatic: hu V (gramm. from hu ‘to have, to get’)e. Incompletive: ka V … (Ɂo)]VP

f. Negative: Ɂo]VP

g. Iterative: ʋɘɨ Ɂ]VP

h. Attemptive: Ɂjɘɨ Ɂ]VP (gramm. from Ɂjɘɨ Ɂ ‘to watch’)

Examples (letters as above):Base sentence: kɔɛ w băŋ ʄăm

I eat vegetablesa. kɔɨ w tp ɔɁ băŋ ʄăm : I am eating vegetables.b. kɔɨ w cpcp ɛɁ băŋ ʄăm: I on the verge of eating vegetables. c. kɔɨ w băŋ ʄăm pp lɔh/cp ɘh : I have eaten vegetables already.d. kɔɨ w hu băŋ ʄăm: I did eat vegetables.e. kɔɨ w ka băŋ ʄăm (Ɂo): I haven’t eaten vegetables yet.f. kɔɨ w băŋ ʄăm Ɂo: I haven’t eaten vegetables (YN question if intonation rises)g. kɔɨ w băŋ ʄăm ʋɘɨ Ɂ: I eat the vegetables again.h. kɔɨ w băŋ ʄăm Ɂjɘɨ Ɂ: I try out the vegetable.

Verbal modifiers seem exclusively aspectual (Thurgood 2003), with oneexception. The preverbal future marker thi V (also si) seems to be a tense marker inthe sense that it refers to the action as taking place in the future, regardless of its


internal unfolding or aspectual structure. This is similar to the Vietnamese futuremarker sẽ.

3.2.2. Verbal categories

Southeast Asian languages tend to follow similar paths of grammaticalization.Most of the time, lexical verbs are grammaticalized as aspect markers or prepositions.Colloquial Eastern Cham also follows this trend, but much less systematically thanother languages of the region.

The best described case of this phenomenon is the grammaticalization of theverb ‘acquire’ into an aspecto-modal marker expressing possibility, permission orresult (Enfield 2001; 2003). An almost identical case, the grammaticalization of hu‘to have, to get’, has already been described for formal Eastern Cham and for Tsat, arelated language (Thurgood and Li 2003). Thurgood and Li propose that hu hasfollowed three paths of grammaticalization in Chamic languages. Their scenario ismostly based on Tsat and only partially illustrated with Cham data, but it does seem toapply to colloquial Eastern Cham, where two of the three paths are attested, while thethird is borderline.

The original meaning of hu ‘to have’ is preserved in Eastern Cham, as in (29)although the second meaning of ‘to receive or to acquire’ is not found.

(29) ɲu hu ttt wa ttt rɛɛ j ppt aw.3ps have two CLF buffalo‘He owns two buffaloes.’

The first path of grammaticalization found by Thurgood and Li is thetransformation of hu into an existential copula that is used to introduce newinformation (Thurgood 2003; Thurgood and Li 2003). It is attested in Eastern Cham,as shown in (30).

(30) hu tt wa nɨɛ Ɂ sɛh naw pt ac.COP two CLF pupils go study ‘There are two pupils who go to school.’

The second path of grammaticalization of hu closely follows the pathdescribed by Enfield. According to Thurgood and Li, the steps along this path are thefollowing:

Deontic ability > Physical enabling by an external agent > Social enabling by anexternal agent > Permission

To the exception of the first step, deontic ability, these steps are all synchronicallyattested in colloquial Eastern Cham, as demonstrated in (31-33).

(31) Agent-external, physical enabling:Klt an niɁ lo, tt eh pa hu Ɂo.road narrow very vehicle go.through HU NEG ‘The road is too narrow, the car cannot go through.’


(32) Agent-external, social enabling:thɔɛ t ct ɨŋ naw pt ac hu.poor also go study HU‘The poor can also study.’

(33) Permissionkɔɛ w naw mɁin thaŋ jut hu lɛɛ j?1ps go play house friend HU Q‘Can I go play at your house?’

The third path of grammaticalization of hu, found in Tsat by Thurgood and Li,ends in a resultative meaning. Resultatives with hu are not perfectly grammatical incolloquial Eastern Cham, but elicit mixed judgments, as shown in (34) and (35).

(34) ? Ɂoŋ tha kt lɛh hu ŋăɁ kt eɁ Ɂo. grandfather old tired HU do nothing NEG

‘The old man is so tired that he doesn’t do anything.’

(35) ? naj năn pt ac khăn Ɂăn soj hu ɗom sam. aunt DEM study language English long HU speakbeautiful

‘She studied English a long time so she speaks it well.’

Although these examples do not attest the existence of a resultative structure, theirborderline status does highlight the naturalness of the path followed by Tsat.

Two other Cham verbs have been grammaticalized into aspectual markers.The first one, Ɂjɘɛ Ɂ ‘watch’, has become a VP-final aspect marker meaning ‘to try’.Note that this aspect marker can be used regardless of the success or failure of theattempt. The full verb is given in (36), while its grammaticalized form is given in(37).

(36) lt ăɁ Ɂjɘɛ Ɂ tivi.1ps watch television‘I watch television.’

(37) lt ăɁ wăɁ răɁ Ɂjɘɛ Ɂ.1ps write letter watch‘I try to write a letter.’

The last grammaticalized verb, tt ɔɁ, seems to have followed a slightly more

complicated path. Its original meaning is ‘to sit’ (38), but it has also taken themeaning of ‘to stay’ or even ‘to be at’ (39). It has also evolved into a preverbalprogressive aspectual marker (40). The grammaticalization of ‘sit’ as a progressivemarker is common cross-linguistically (Heine and Kuteva 2005: 209, 213) andespecially well-represented in Southeast Asia. In Eastern Cham, however, as pointedout in Thurgood (2005), tt ɔɁ has also taken on an adverbial function (41). Thurgoodproposes to translate it as ‘meanwhile’, but it in colloquial Eastern Cham, it seems tobe a contrastive topicalizer that could be roughly translated as ‘as for’.


(38) Ɂoŋ năn kt lɛh lo jɔɛ w năn jɘ naw tt ɔɁ păɁ thaŋ.grandfather DEM tired much so DEM so go sit at house‘That old men is very tired so he goes sit in the house.’

(39) kɔɛ w ttt ɔɁ ttt i panraŋ.1ps stay at Phan.Rang.‘I live in Phan Rang.’/‘I am in Phan Rang.’

(40) kɔɛ w tt ɔɁ wăɁ răɁ.1ps PROG write letter‘I am writing a letter.’

(41) tt ɔɁ kɔɛ w naw pt ɛɛ j kt ɔn.as.for 1ps go Saigon‘As for myself, I go to Saigon.’

The second type of function word that is often derived from verbs in Southeast

Asia is prepositions. In this respect, Eastern Cham is different from its immediateneighbours in that almost all of its prepositions are distinct from verbs. The onlypreposition that derives from a verb is pjɛh ‘in order to’, which is a grammaticalizedversion of the verb pjɛh ‘to put’.

(42) hɨ pjɛh telefɔn ŋɔɛ Ɂ pt an.2ps put phone on table‘You put the phone on the table.’

(43) lt ăɁ pt ac săp Ɂaŋklɛ pjɛh naw pt ac Ɂja ŋiw.1ps study language English in.order.to go study country out‘I study English to go study abroad.’

3.2.3. Serial verb constructions

To our knowledge, Thurgood (2005) is the only explicit discussion of serialverb constructions in Eastern Cham. Although his paper is based on a moreconservative variety of the language, Thurgood’s generalizations hold in colloquialEastern Cham as well. A full discussion of serial verb construction is obviouslybeyond the scope of this paper, but it is clear that some Cham verb sequences obey thecriteria proposed elsewhere (Durie 1997; Vittrant 2006): Cham serial verbconstructions 1) capture a single event, 2) share their subject, 3) are not syntacticarguments of one another and 4) have the intonation of a single phrase. While mostexamples spontaneously produced in everyday life involve directional verbs (as in44), others are perfectly symmetric and express complex actions (as in 45).

(44) kɔɛ w mɨɛ Ɂ kiɁ naw tt ɔɁ păɁ năn.1sg take chair go sit at DEM‘I take the chair and go sit over there.’

(45) ct a klu mɨɛ Ɂ kan hnɨɁ ɓăŋ.boy name take fish cook eat‘Klu catches the fish, cooks it and eat it’


3.3. Clausal organizationThe basic clause structure of Eastern Cham is SV(O), where V can be either an

action or a stative verb, as in (46) and (47) respectively.

(46) lt ăɁ pt ujI happy‘I am happy’

(47) lt ăɁ hwăɁI eat‘I eat’

Like Classical Cham (Moussay 2006), colloquial Eastern Cham does not havean attributive copula and simply juxtaposes the subject and the predicate in attributiveconstructions, as in (48). However, colloquial Eastern Cham increasingly toleratesthe Vietnamese copula là, adapted as lp a, as in (49).

(48) ɲu nɨɁ sɛhhe CLF pupil‘He is a pupil.’

(49) ɲu lt a nɨɁ sɛhhe COP CLF pupil ‘He is a pupil.’

Eastern Cham marks indirect objects with prepositions.

3.3.1. Ellipsis of arguments

Like many languages of the area, colloquial Eastern Cham readily allowsellipsis of arguments. The subject and the object can both be omitted if they arerecoverable from the context. In the short paragraph in (50), optional elements are inparentheses.

(50) pt roj ct a klu naw mu.Yesterday boy name go ricefield‘Yesterday, Klu went to the field.’

(ɲu) wah kan prɔɛ ŋ.3ps fish.v fish.n big‘He caught a big fish.’

(ɲu) băŋ (ɲu)3ps eat 3ps‘He ate it.’

The subject of the second sentence, which is easily recoverable from thecontext, can be dropped. Finally, in the third sentence, both subject and object can beomitted. Note that the use of two third person singular pronouns in the same sentencewould be awkward. If neither the subject nor the object are dropped, the object islikely to be realized as the noun kan.


3.3.2. Information structure

Topicalization is a common way to focus important information. As noted byThurgood (2005: 8), topics are often, but not always, marked with the topic markernăn (or Ɂăn in fast speech), which is derived from the proximate demonstrative. Thefunctional split in the use of năn can be illustrated by sentences like (51), where itsdemonstrative and topicalizer functions co-occur:

(51) pt an năn năn tt ɔh loj.guy DEM TOP PROG swin‘That guy is swimming.’

We show in examples (52-55) that various parts of a sentence can betopicalized. The topicalized clause always ends with a high tone, even if thetopicalizer năn is omitted.

(52) klu (năn) wah kan prɔɛ ŋ tt ɔɁ loj tt lăm Ɂja krɔŋ.name TOP fish.vfish.n large PROG swim in water river‘Klu, (he) caught a big fish that was swimming in the river.’

(53) kan prɔɛ ŋ tt ɔɁ loj (năn) klu wah tt lăm Ɂja krɔŋ.

fish.n large PROG swim TOP name fish.v in water river‘A large fish that was swimming, Klu caught (it) in the river.’

(54) kan prɔɛ ŋ tt ɔɁ loj tt lăm Ɂja krɔŋ (năn) klu wah.fish.n large PROG swim in water river TOP name caught‘A large fish that was swimming in the river, Klu caught (it).’

(55) ?tt ɔɁ loj tt lăm Ɂja krɔŋ (năn) klu wah kan prɔɛ ŋ.PROG swim in water river TOP name fish.v fish.n large ‘Swimming in the river, Klu caught a big fish’ (ambiguous: not clear who is swimming)

3.3.3. Other

Two additional questions need to be addressed. First, yes/no questions can bemarked with a simple rising intonation, or more commonly with the sentence finalparticle lɛɛ j or o, again with a rising intonation. The particle o, originally a negativeparticle, seems to be a calque from Vietnamese không, which can also be either anegative particle (when preverbal) or an interrogative particle (when sentence-final).This is similar to open questions, which are marked with sentence final questionmarkers, without wh-raising, and have the same rising intonation (Blood, DW 1977).Intonation can be contrastive: when realized with a level intonation, the final particleo turns a declarative sentence into a negative sentence.

(56) kt ru ni naw lɛɛ j? (Rising intonation) teacher DEM go Q‘Does this teacher go?’

(57) kt ru ni naw o? (Rising intonation)teacher DEM go Q‘Does this teacher go?’


(58) kt ru ni naw o. teacher DEM go NEG‘This teacher doesn’t go.’

Secondly, entire sentences can be nominalized by adjoining them to the nounpt ruɁ ‘work’. They can then be used like basic NPs. This is very similar to thecorresponding Vietnamese strategy in which the nominalizer is việc ‘work, business’and to Burmese, in which there is a nominalizer ye3 meaning ‘affair, matter, business’(Vittrant, this volume).

(59) pt ruɁ klu wah kan Ɂoh ʄɔɛ wɁ jwa ɲu tt ɔɁ tt i thaŋ.NMLZ name fish.v fish.n NEG exact because he PROG in house‘That Klu caught a fish cannot be true because he was at home.’

4. Semantics and pragmaticsIn this section, we will discuss a few semantic domains that are typically very

rich in Southeast Asian languages (§ 4.1) and will discuss some pragmatic propertiesof the language (§ 4.2).

4.1. Common semantic domains

4.1.1. Food terminology

The distinction in Thai and Burmese noun between rice and what is eaten withrice is not reflected in Cham nouns, but is expressed verbally. The verb hwăɁ refersto the action of eating rice (with or without other types of food), while ɓăŋ refers tothe fact of eating without rice.

As in other Southeast languages, rice is designated by a number of lexicalitems, depending of its state in the process of cultivation or preparation forconsumption. Rice seedlings are referred to as nt ih, rice plants and unhusked rice astt aj, husked rice as pt rah/pt jah and cooked rice as thɛɛ j. Sticky rice, on the other hand, iscalled ɗewɁ.

4.1.2. Fine lexical distinctions in verbs

As in other Southeast Asian languages, some actions are rendered by a widerange of verbs with fine-grained semantic nuances. We will focus on the same set oflexical fields as the other papers included in this book.

Cutting

A variety of verbs express the idea of cutting in Cham. Most languages, asillustrated by the English glosses in (60), have wide range of terms to express the ideaof cutting, but this seems to be especially true in Southeast Asia. Verbs for cutting arenot associated to specific instruments, even if some co-occurrences are more frequentthan others.

(60)Cut : kăɁ Split : ppp lah Mince : thiɁSlice : căɁ Chop : chɔh Saw : keɁCut off : tăɁ Chop down : kɔh


Carrying

The concept of carrying is more interesting in that Cham, like other MainlandSoutheast Asian languages, has a surprising number of lexical distinctions to expressit.

(61)Bring: pp aCarry under one’s arm: kp im Carry on one’s shoulder: kp uj Carry on a vehicle: cp ɨŋ Carry on the body, wear: pp ăɁ Carry in one basket tied to a perch held on shoulder: kp lămCarry in two baskets tied to a perch held on shoulder: nɔŋ

Drying

Cham only has three verbs for the concept of drying. The general action of dryingsomething is expressed by either ɓu or praŋ, while the action of drying something ona fire is expressed by the verb kt han.

Directional verbs

In order to add directionality to a Cham verb, an adverb of direction is added afterthe verb (ŋɔɁ ‘up’, trun ‘down’…). The verb itself remains identical. Some verbs arealso intrinsically directional like ɗiɁ ‘to go up’.

4.2. Pragmatics and discourse

4.2.1. Final particles

Eastern Cham has a wealth of final particles that have been extensivelydescribed by Doris Blood (Blood, DW 1977). She classifies them into eight discretecategories, which could be reorganized depending on one’s theoretical framework.We provide below one example of each of these final particle categories, appended tothe same basic clause.

(62) Base sentence: ct a ka naw pt ac.boy name go study‘Ka goes to school.’

Negatives: cp a ka naw pp ac Ɂo. (flat int.) ‘Ka does not go to school.’Limitives: cp a ka naw pp ac min. ‘Ka goes to school first/only.’ Interrogatives: cp a ka naw pp ac lɛɨ j? ‘Does ka go to school?’Imperatives: cp a ka naw pp ac mɛɨ Ɂ! ‘Go to school, Ka!’Prohibitives: cp a ka naw pp ac cp oj! ‘Do not go to school, Ka!’Emphasizers: cp a ka naw pp ac ɗa! ‘Ka went to school, I’m afraid!’Responses: cp a ka naw pp ac ke. (rare) ‘Ka does not go to school at all’Vocatives: cp a ka lɘj! ‘Hey, Ka!’

Blood is dividing these eight categories into smaller groups. Negatives andlimitives are clause-final, while all other categories are sentence-final. As such,negatives and limitives can be combined with particles of the other categories.Example (63) illustrates this type of combination.


(63) cp a ka naw pp ac wɘɨ Ɂ haj!boy name go study again IMP‘Ka, please go back to school!’

However, there does not seem to be a further division of final particles into syntacticcategories associated to specific slots. Blood does list a few bimorphemic particles,but they seem lexicalized and indecomposable. Further, there is also significantvillage-to-village variation in the use of final particles. A full typology of finalparticles will require more systematic study.

Note that the intonation associated with final particles can be contrastive. Forexample, the negative sentence given in (58) becomes interrogative if associated to arising intonation (cf. § 3.3.3). In most cases, however, the intonation associated tofinal particles seems largely fixed; variation in intonation can at most express subtlenuances of doubt, surprise, annoyance…

4.2.2 Politeness

Politeness is often marked through address forms. In Eastern Cham, as inmany Southeast Asian languages, kinship terms are the default terms of address. Acommon way of expressing politeness is treat one’s interlocutor as if they were mucholder than their actual age. For example, old women might address middle aged menas Ɂaj ‘older brother’.

Besides kinship terms, some pronouns are specifically used for politenesspurposes. For example, the first person singular pronoun has an unmarked variant(kɔɛ w) and a variant that is used with social superiors in formal contexts (lt ăɁ). In somefamilies, lt ăɁ is even the default first person pronoun when addressing older relatives,replacing kinship terms. The first person plural pronoun tt rɛɛ j can also be used as afirst person singular pronoun when talking to a social equal or inferior in a respectfulway. Finally, the second person singular pronoun hɨ is used to address social equalsor inferiors, while social superiors are addressed with kinship terms. All otherpronouns are neutral with respect to politeness. All pronouns are gender-neutral.

Another way of expressing politeness is to start sentences with the verb likɔɛ w‘request, ask’ followed by the term of address normally used with the interlocutor.This device, which seems to mirror Vietnamese xin (same meaning), is quite formaland could be translated as ‘allow me to ask you…’ or ‘allow me to address you…’.

5. ConclusionWe have seen in this paper that Eastern Cham shares a number of grammatical

features with other languages of Mainland Southeast Asia, more specially withVietnamese, a language with which it has been in contact for centuries and in whichthe entire language community is now bilingual. Cham is perhaps the mostcompelling case of language convergence in the area because, as convincinglydemonstrated by Thurgood (1996, 1999) more than a decade ago, it has replaced somany of its Austronesian features with Vietnamese and other Mon-Khmer features. Itis difficult to disagree with Thurgood’s claim that internal change in Chamiclanguages has been channeled and oriented by the familiar properties of neighboringlanguages, but we must underline that we still have to explain why some features ofCham have been so dramatically modified, while others seem to have resistedconvergence. While areal surveys give us a detailed snapshot of the work that has tobe done and diachronic linguistics informs us on steps in which convergencegradually unfolds, the underpinnings of language convergence will only be fully


understood with in-depth studies of bilingualism, language use and language changeat the micro-sociolinguistic level.

AcknowledgementsSpecial thanks to Thanh Thị Hồng Cẩm and to several less regular Eastern Chamconsultants for providing us with their intuitions and grammaticality judgments.

References

Alieva, Natalia F. 1991 Morphemes in Contemporary Spoken Cham: Qualitative and Quantitative Alternations. Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 20(2). 219-229.

Alieva, Natalia F. 1994 The progress of monosyllabization in Cham as testified by field materials. In: Cecilia Ode and Wim Stokhof (ed.).Proceedings of the Seventh International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics (ICAL). 541-549. Amsterdam: Rodopi.

Aymonier, Étienne François 1889 Grammaire de la langue chame. Saigon: Imprimerie coloniale.

Aymonier, Étienne François and Cabaton, Antoine 1906 Dictionnaire Cam-francais. Paris: E. Leroux.

Blood, David L 1977 A three-dimensional analysis of Cham sentences. In: David Thomas, Ernest W. Lee and Nguyễn Đăng Liêm (ed.).Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics No.4: Chamic Studies. 53-76: Pacific Linguistics.

Blood, David L. 1967 Phonological Units in Cham. Anthropological Linguistics 9(8).15-32.

Blood, Doris W. 1977 Clause and Sentence Final Particles in Cham. In: David D. Thomas, Ernest W. Lee and Nguyẽn Đăng Liêm (ed.).Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics no.4: Chamic Studies. 39-51: Pacific Linguistics Series A.

Blood, Doris Walker 1962 Reflexes of Proto-Malayo-Polynesian in Cham. Anthropological Linguistics 4(9). 11-20.

Brunelle, Marc 2005a Register and tone in Eastern Cham: Evidence from a word game. Mon-Khmer Studies 35.

Brunelle, Marc 2005b Register in Eastern Cham: Phonological, Phonetic and Sociolinguistic approaches. Ph.D., Linguistics, Cornell.

Brunelle, Marc 2006 A phonetic study of Eastern Cham register. In: Paul Sidwell and Anthony Grant (ed.).Chamic and Beyond. 1-36. Sidney: Pacific Linguistics.


Brunelle, Marc 2008 Diglossia, Bilingualism, and the Revitalization of Written Eastern Cham. Language Documentation and Conservation 2(1). 28-46.

Brunelle, Marc 2009 Diglossia and Monosyllabization in Eastern Cham: a Sociolinguistic Study. In: James Stanford and Dennis Preston (ed.).Variation in Indigenous Minority Languages. 47-75. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Bùi, Khánh Thế 1995 Từ điển Chăm-Việt. TP. Hồ Chí Minh: Khoa học xã hội.

Bùi, Khánh Thế 1996a Ngữ Pháp Tiếng Chăm. Hà Nội: Nhà Xuất Bản Giáo Dục.

Bùi, Khánh Thế 1996b Từ điện Việt-Chăm. TP. Hồ Chí Minh: Nhà xuất bản Khoa học xã hội.

Durie, Mark 1997 Grammatical structures in verb serialization. In: Alex Alsina, JoanBresnan and Peter Sells (ed.).Complex Predicates. 289-354. Stanford: CSLI Publications.

Enfield, Nick J. 2001 On genetic and areal linguistics in Mainland South-East Asian:Parallel Polyfunctionality of 'acquire'. In: Alexandra Aikhenvald and Robert M. W. Dixon (eds.).Areal Diffusion and Genetic Inheritance: Problems in Comparative Linguistics. 255-290. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Enfield, Nick J. 2003 Linguistic epidemiology : semantics and grammar of languagecontact in Mainland Southeast Asia. London: Routledge/Curzon.

Enfield, Nick J. 2005 Areal Linguistics and Mainland Southeast Asia. Annual Review of Anthropology 34. 181-206.

Grinevald, Colette 1999 Typologie des systèmes de classification nominale. Faits de Langue 7(14) 101-122.

Grinevald, Colette 2000 A morphosyntactic typology of classifiers In G. Senft (ed.)Nominal classification, 50-92. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Heine, Bernd and Kuteva, Tania 2005 Language Contact and Grammatical Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Hoàng, Thị Châu 1987 Hệ thống thanh điệu tiếng Chàm và các kí hiệu. Ngôn Ngữ(1-2). 31-35.

Jaisser, Annie 1990 DeLIVERing an introduction to psycho-collocations with SIAB in Hmong. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 13(1). 159-178.

Matisoff, James 1973 Tonogenesis in Southeast Asia. In: Larry Hyman (ed.).Consonant Types and Tone. 71-96. Los Angeles: USC.

Matisoff, James 1986 Hearts and minds in South-East Asian languages and English : an essay in the comparative lexical semantics of psycho-collocations. Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale 15(1). 5 - 57.


Moussay, Gérard 1971 Dictionnaire cam-vietnamien-français. Phan Rang: Trung-tâm Văn hoá Chăm.

Moussay, Gérard 2006 Grammaire de la langue Cam. Paris: Les Indes Savantes.

Oey, Eric M. 1990 Psycho-collocations in Malay. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 13(1). 141-158.

Phú, Văn Hẳn 2003 Cơ cấu ngữ âm và chữ viết tiếng Chăm Việt Nam và tiếng Melayu Malaysia. Ph.D., Viện Khoa Học Xã Hội.

Phú, Văn Hẳn, Edmondson, Jerold and Gregerson, Kenneth 1992 Eastern Cham as a Tone Language. Mon Khmer Studies 20. 31-43.

Thurgood, Graham 1993 Phan Rang Cham and Utsat: Tonogenetic Themes and Variants. In: Jerold Edmondson and Kenneth Gregerson (ed.).Tonality in Austronesian Languages. 91-106. Honolulu: U of Hawaii Press.

Thurgood, Graham 1996 Language Contact and the Directionality of Internal Drift: The Development of Tones and Registers in Chamic. Language 72(1). 1-31.

Thurgood, Graham 1999 From Ancient Cham to Modern Dialects : Two Thousand Years of Language Contact and Change. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.

Thurgood, Graham 2005 A Preliminary Sketch of Phan Rang Cham. In: K. AlexanderAdelaar and Nikolaus Himmelman (ed.).The Austronesian Languages of Asia and Madagascar: Curzon Press.

Thurgood, Graham and Li, Fengxiang 2003 The grammaticalization paths of Proto-Chamic *hu ‘receive’. Proceedings from the Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society 39(1). 205-214.

Trung-tâm Văn-hoá Chàm 197? Số Đặc-biệt về Ngôn-ngữ Chàm. Roh twah sưu-tầm.28.

Vittrant, Alice 2006 Les constructions verbales en série, une nouvelle approche du syntagme verbal birman. Bulletin de la Société Linguistique de Paris 1. 305-368.

Colloquial Eastern Cham...Eastern Cham is an Austronesian language spoken by about 100,000 people in...

Documents

Transcript of Colloquial Eastern Cham...Eastern Cham is an Austronesian language spoken by about 100,000 people in...