Colin Baker

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Adult language learning: a survey of Welsh for Adults in the context oflanguage planning

Colin Bakera*, Hunydd Andrewsb, Ifor Gruffyddc and Gwyn Lewisb

aSchool of Education, Bangor University, UWB, Holyhead Road, Bangor LL57 2PZ, UK;bESRC Bilingualism Research Centre, Bangor University, Bangor, UK; cNorth Wales Welsh forAdults Centre, Bangor University, Bangor, UK

(Received 28 April 2010; final version received 19 September 2010)

This article discusses the importance of adult language learning when a minoritylanguage is threatened. Language acquisition planning attempts to reproduce thelanguage across generations. The research context is Wales with its strong historyof adults learning Welsh. The history of the Welsh language shows a decline in thelast century, but increased emphasis on language acquisition planning, includingadults learning Welsh, has halted the decline. Using a longitudinal design and amulti-method approach, the research aims to understand learners expectations,experiences, outcomes and course issues such as retention and progression. Thearticle reports the initial results from a sample of 1061 adults beginning to learnWelsh, obtained using questionnaire survey methodology. The results suggest thatthere is a match between the motivations and aspirations of adult languagelearners and the theory of language acquisition planning. Integrative motivationwas stronger than instrumental motivation in commencing the Welsh language-

learning course, although both motivations were present and can be regarded asconceptually but not necessarily psychologically separate. Managing the expecta-tions of course members to enable higher retention rates was found to beimportant. Language acquisition planning depends on such learners moving tofluency in the language, and thereby to daily language use.

Keywords: adult language learning; language planning; Wales; Welsh language;language revitalisation; adult education

Introduction

Part of preserving our planet is sustaining the worlds wealth of languages. Adult

language learning is a key component in saving that treasury of languages. Thisarticle commences by outlining the current scholarly interest in preserving the

worlds endangered languages, and how adult language learning is an important

component in language resurrection, language planning and language revitalisation.

It then briefly shares the context of the Welsh language, followed by a consideration

of Welsh for Adults classes within the context of the Welsh language revival.

The research is the initial stage in a longitudinal design that follows adults in

language-learning classes for three or more years using a multi-method research

methodology. It is the first piece of research in Wales that follows adult learners of

Welsh as a second language from Entry-level beginners courses to more advanced

*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]

Evaluation & Research in Education

Vol. 24, No. 1, March 2011, 4159


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courses that develop fluency in Welsh. The research derives from key issues in

language planning theory with the aim of monitoring one of the priorities of Welsh

language revival.

Theoretical background

The exact number of languages alive in the world is disputed. Various estimates range

from about 5000 to over 7000 languages (Lewis, 2009; Mackey, 1991; Moseley &

Asher, 1994; Nettle & Romaine, 2000; UNESCO, 2009). The dispute is due to the

difficulty in defining each separate language (Shohamy, 2006), in differentiating a

language from a dialect and especially problems of gathering reliable and valid

information about languages in large expanses such as Africa, South America and

parts of Asia.

There is also disagreement about the number of languages that will soon be

extinct. There is, however, growing agreement that many or most of the worldslanguages are dying languages (Krauss, 1992; Nettle & Romaine, 2000). Krauss

(1992, 1998) estimated that between 20% and 50% of the worlds existing languages

are likely to die or become perilously close to death in the next 100 years. Wurm

(2001) estimated that 50% of the worlds languages are endangered species. Lewis

(2009) classified 516 languages as nearly extinct, that is with just a few elderly

speakers still alive. The distribution of those 516 languages is: Africa (46), North and

South America (170), Asia (78), Europe (12) and The Pacific (210).

Some scholars fear it could be worse. In the long term it is a very realistic

possibility that 90% of mankinds languages will become extinct or doomed to

extinction (Krauss, 1995, p. 4). This estimated 90% death:10% safe ratio is based

on such languages no longer being reproduced among children. That is, a languagedies when only elderly people speak the language and it is no longer being

transmitted to children in families and school, in particular. Therefore, language

planning theory has developed in the last decade to provide a framework for the

resurrection and revitalisation of threatened languages (Baker, 2010).

Language planning

Language planning attempts to reverse the fortunes of endangered languages by top-

down and bottom-up interventions. Language planning theory requires three

interdependent interventions (Baker, 2008): status planning (e.g. raising the status

of a language within society across as many institutions as possible); corpus planning

(e.g. modernising terminology, the standardisation of grammar and spelling); and

acquisition planning (language reproduction by increasing the number of speakers

and uses by, for example, initiatives with parents, language learning in school and

adult language classes).

The foundation of language planning is acquisition planning. The inter-

generational transmission of a language in the family plus language learning in

bilingual or multilingual education is an essential but insufficient foundation for

language survival and maintenance (Baker, 2003; Gathercole, 2007; Lambert, 2008;

Morris & Jones, 2007, 2008; Shin, 2005). Acquisition planning is particularlyconcerned with not only language reproduction in the family, but also language

d i h l ( d l l i )

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In all minority languages, there are families who use the majority language rather

than the minority language with their children, due to e.g. urbanisation, education,

employment, status and prestige. If this occurs across two or three generations, the

minority language will decline and die. A lack of family language reproduction is a

foundational and direct cause of language decline. Language acquisition planning is

therefore partly about encouraging parents to raise their children bilingually. In

terms of this article, it implies the need for parents to become fluent in a minority

language that is under threat and engage in daily usage. Adult language learning,

particularly for parents, is therefore one component in language planning interven-

tions.

Language acquisition planning also involves learning a second language in

education as a means of producing more language speakers (Baker, 2003). Through

not only bilingual education, or second- and third-language learning, but also via

adult classes (e.g. Ulpan), the potential numbers of minority language speakers can

be increased. In terms of this article, adult language learning is a way of increasing

the stock of language speakers of a threatened language, not only as parents whotransmit that language to their children, but also as employees, for example, to give

the language a purpose and function.

One major theory of language planning is summarised in a four-part model

(Baker, 2010):

Acquisition planning

(1) family language reproduction;

(2) bilingual education pre-school to university; and

(3) adult language learning.

Status planning

societal level

(1) institutionalisation e.g. use in local and national government and organisa-

tions; and

(2) modernity e.g. use on television and WWW.

Usage/opportunity planning

individual level

(1) economic and workplace instrumental; and(2) culture, leisure, sports, social, religious and social networks integrative.

Corpus planning

(1) linguistic standardisation (e.g. by dictionaries, school and TV);

(2) public vernacular (clear or plain Welsh).

Thus, one element in language preservation and revival is adult language learning.

This has been recognised in language revivals (e.g. Israel, Hebrew; Scotland, Gaelic;

Ireland, Irish; Spain, Basque and Catalan; New Zealand, Maori; the USA, NativeAmerican Indian languages such as Navajo; and not least Welsh in Wales). From the

1970 h i W l d l l l i idl i f

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numbers and quality. Wales is now recognised as having among the very best

approaches to adult language learning in the world (Baker & Jones, 1998). It is the

Welsh context for adult language learning that will now be presented.

The Wales adult language-learning context

During the last century, the Welsh language declined from around one in every two

people in Wales speaking Welsh to one in five. According to decennial censuses, the

proportion of Welsh speakers had fallen from 54.4% in 1891 to 20.8% in 1971 (Welsh

Assembly Government, 2003; Williams, 2000). Concern about the fate of the language

led to what Jones (1999) referred to as a time of linguistic awakening. The 1960s and

1970s saw the beginning of a campaign to safeguard the language and a surge of

interest in Welsh classes for adults (Morris, 2000). For example, in 1976 the Council for

the Welsh Language had identified adult learners as possible participants in reversing

the decline in the number of Welsh speakers (Council for the Welsh Language, 1976).

The Welsh Assembly Governments Iaith Pawb: A National Action Plan for aBilingual Wales (2003) set a target of increasing the proportion of Welsh speakers in

Wales by 5% by 2011. Subsequent reports on the provision of Welsh language classes

for adults made a clear link between this provision and the potential achievement of

the Welsh Assemblys goal (ELWa, 2004; Estyn, 2004; Powell & Smith, 2003; Welsh

Language Board, 2004).

A network of Welsh for Adults classes was earlier established by various

institutions the University of Wales, Further Education colleges, the Workers

Educational Association, Local Education Authorities and voluntary organisations

(Morris, 2000). The number of courses rose rapidly from 186 in 1971, for example,

to 373 by 1974. According to a report by the University College of Wales,Aberystwyth, over 5000 learners attended courses during 1972/1973. Most courses

provided once-weekly evening classes (Council for the Welsh Language, 1976). It

became apparent, however, that it was important for learners to experience as much

contact time as possible with the language (Powell & Smith, 2003). This led to a

development which has been described as one of the most significant in the field

the establishment of intensive Welsh Wlpan courses (Morris, 2000; Welsh Office,

1984).

These courses were inspired by the revival of Hebrew in Israel (Rees, 2000).

Following the Second World War, intensive Hebrew Ulpan courses were established

in Israel to cater for the large influx of immigrants from different countries. The first

Ulpan course was held in 1949, providing 36 hours of lessons a week, with an

emphasis on spoken Hebrew (Baker & Jones, 1998). One of the course tutors,

Shoshana Eytan, was invited to Wales in 1972 to discuss her experiences, and in 1973

the first Welsh Wlpan course was established in Cardiff. This course offered learners

10 hours of lessons a week, over a period of 10 weeks. The 100 hours contact time

with the Welsh language during this relatively short period contrasted sharply with

most other Welsh courses at the time, which offered approximately 40 hours of

lessons in a year (Rees, 2000). The Wlpan course was considered a great success

(Rhys, 1986) and was soon followed by a number of similar courses in various

locations in Wales (Rees, 2000). Since then, intensive courses have become the

responsibility of Higher Education institutions, on the whole, while once-weeklyclasses are provided by Further Education Colleges, the Local Education Authorities

d h (M i 2000 P 1997)

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Other important developments in the 1970s included the establishment of

intensive residential courses, the first of which was held at the University College

in Lampeter during the summer of 1975 (Rees, 2000). The success of this month-long

course led to the development of an annual eight-week residential summer course

(Powell & Smith, 2003). It was commended in a report by the Welsh Office (1984),

which highlighted the importance of residential courses in general for adult learners

in Wales. Among other providers of residential tuition was the Nant Gwrtheyrn

Welsh Language and Heritage Centre on the Llyn Peninsula. Its first course was held

in 1982 (Clowes, 2004). Within less than a decade, thousands of adult Welsh learners

had attended the centre (Fforwm Iaith Genedlaethol, 1991). Clowes (2004) and

Newcombe (2007) have referred to the centres important role in making fluent

speakers of Welsh learners.

R. Jones (1993) referred to the 1980s as The Welsh learners decade, due to the

rapid increase in the number of adult learners during this period. In the autumn of

1981, for example, 3872 learners attended Welsh courses for adults (Welsh Office,

1984). By 1988 the number of learners had reached 8000 and by 1991 there were11,000 (Prosser, 1997). This prompted R. Jones (1993) to predict a time when second-

language Welsh speakers would outnumber native speakers. By 1994/1995, there were

15,894 enrolments on Welsh courses for adults and within another decade the

number had increased again to 25,465 (Newcombe, 2007). Welsh for Adults was

described by ELWa (2004) as one of the biggest adult-learning programmes in Wales.

A number of factors contributed to the considerable increase in demand for this

provision. The Welsh Language Board (1999) described the development of a more

positive attitude towards the language in Wales, for example, an increase in the

number of parents who were choosing Welsh-medium education for their children,

and the corresponding effect on demand for Welsh classes for parents:

Gwelwyd cynnydd amlwg yn y nifer o rieni syn anfon eu plant i ysgolion cyfrwngCymraeg. [. . .] Rhagwelir y bydd galw cynyddol am wersi gan rieni wrth i r Gymraegennill lle amlycach yn y gymdeithas sydd ohoni heddiw.

[An evident increase has been seen in the number of parents who send their children toWelsh medium schools. [. . .] It is foreseen that there will be an increasing demand forlessons by parents as Welsh attains a more prominent place in todays society.] (WelshLanguage Board, 1999, p. 6)

Developments on a statutory level had a positive impact on the status of the

language. The use of Welsh in the workplace gained a higher profile following the

Welsh Language Act of 1993, which demanded equal treatment of Welsh and English

by public sector institutions (Welsh Language Board, 1999). Clowes (2004) and

Mann (2007) agreed that the Language Act had contributed to the increasing interest

in Welsh, and Clowes also referred to the impact of the National Assembly for Wales,

established following a referendum in 1997. B. Jones (1993, p. 10) argued those the

success of language revitalisation partly depended on adult learners: in the

restoration of the language, the determining factor is and must be the adult-learning

movement. He contrasted adults position and influence within society with those of

children, arguing against reliance on the education system for language restoration.

However, he underlined the link between language learning among adults andchildren by recommending the provision of Welsh classes for adults within reach of

i h l i W l Th i i i i W l h l f d l

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corresponded with a rapid increase in the provision of Welsh-medium schooling

throughout Wales, even in the most anglicised areas:

Even in Gwent, the most English of the Welsh counties, the growth of Welsh-mediumeducation has been strong and consistent and has acted as a catalyst for Welsh classes

for adults. (Jones, 1999, p. 448)

A growing awareness of the advantages of bilingualism also inspired an increasing

number of adults of all social backgrounds to learn the language (Jones, 1999).

However, the social and political context is not only about the increasing aware-

ness of the plight of the Welsh language, integrative and instrumental motivation to

learn a language (Gardner, 1985). There is also a social history of conflict and

controversy. Protests by language activists wanting political devolution and language

group rights, and parents demanding Welsh-medium education for their children,

particularly in urban areas (e.g. Cardiff and Swansea), areas of high immigration of

English monolinguals, as well as in heartland areas, have placed pressure on

politicians and policymakers to reverse the trends of Welsh language decline. Such

protest and activism has stirred the conscience, and occasionally been divisive, but

served to place Welsh language learning higher up the priority list of politicians and

parents. While adult Welsh language learning has not been controversial in itself, it

has nevertheless prospered from revitalisation efforts following protest about the

decline of the Welsh language.

Despite the undoubted flourishing of Welsh for Adults provision during the

second half of the twentieth century, the field has not lacked criticism. Morris (2000)

described how the provision evolved rather than developing in a planned manner.

He criticised the lack of clear planning by the Welsh Office and, subsequently, the

National Assembly for Wales which, he claimed, undermined the development of acomprehensive immersion programme for adults as part of a wider language policy.

Morris argued that the success or failure of the Welsh for Adults movement, and thus

the struggle to revitalise the language, depended on the approach to language

planning in Wales:

The potential for successful language shift reversal in this field is evident as is thepotential for resource-draining failure unless these developments are brought aboutwithin the context of sensitive and sound language planning. (Morris, 2000, p. 214)

Estyn (2004), Her Majestys Inspectorate for Education and Training in Wales, also

called for better strategic planning and increased support at a national level in order

to improve the provision of Welsh for Adults throughout Wales.

Another aspect which has drawn frequent criticism is the funding of Welsh for

Adults. Estyn (2004) noted that a number of aspects of the provision, including

staffing and the development of resources, were being significantly limited by

funding. Lack of funding was also restricting growth in the sector, and therefore the

number of successful adult learners. Several reports highlighted a discrepancy

between the funding provided for Welsh for Adults and that allocated to English for

Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL), and called for higher funding for Welsh

(ELWa, 2004; Estyn, 2004; Powell & Smith, 2003; Welsh Language Board, 1999,

2004). In addition, a major cause for concern, according to Estyn (2004), was thelack of progression by learners from beginners courses to more advanced levels.

N b (2007) d h W l h L B d (2004) l d i hi

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and Estyn (2004) stressed the importance of resolving the issue in order to increase

the number of fluent Welsh-speaking adults.

Comparisons have been drawn between the teaching of Welsh to adults in Wales

and the situation of minority languages in other countries. Several reports have

referred to the teaching of Basque to adults in the Basque Autonomous Community

(BAC), drawing attention to the BAC government-funded HABE Institute for Adult

Literacy and Basquisation (Powell & Smith, 2003; Welsh Language Board, 2004).

Statutory support for the Basque language was enshrined in the 1982 Act of

Normalisation of the Basque Language (Amorrortu, 2003). As a result of this Act,

many civil servants were required to learn Basque and were released from their work

on a full-time basis to attend classes at public expense (Gardner, 2000). Basque

language classes for adults became very popular during the 1980s, attracting over

100,000 learners during 1986/1987 alone (Baker & Jones, 1998).

Morris (2000) pointed out that the strength of the Basque adult language

movement lay in HABEs close connection with the BAC governments Department

of Culture. He contrasted this situation with the devolvement of responsibility forWelsh for Adults to quasi non-governmental organisations in Wales. Powell and

Smith (2003) compared learner contact time in both countries and pointed out that

the average Welsh learner spent less time in weekly classes (up to 6 hours) than the

average Basque learner (at least 10 hours). Estyn (2004) noted that the funding of

Welsh for Adults compared unfavourably with that of other minority languages. In

2006, the Welsh Assembly Government announced the establishment of six new

regional Welsh for Adults centres, with an investment of 4.6 million over 28 months.

A further three-year investment of almost 6.8 million was made in 2008. This can be

compared with the annual budget for teaching Basque to adults, which in 2002/2003

was t27 million (Powell & Smith, 2003).In the same way that those in the field of Welsh for Adults look to other countries

for inspiration, others look to Wales. Newcombe (2007), for example, described a

visit by Gaelic teachers to Wales in 1994. Developments in Wales, therefore, can be

considered of international significance. Given the importance of adult learners in

the context of language revitalisation, it is essential that large-scale, longitudinal

research is carried out in order to effectively inform the further development of

Welsh for Adults and the field of adult language learning as a whole. It is in this

context that the research project described below is situated.

Research methodology

Overview

The overarching aim of the research is to study adult language learners of Welsh in

all the six districts of North Wales starting Entry-level beginners courses in 2008/

2009 and 2009/2010. Through a multi-method approach of structured question-

naires, focus groups, observation and interviews, the research aims to discover the

effectiveness of various teaching styles and different types of provision, to identify

learners experiences and expectations, and to study progression, retention and

language proficiency and use. To achieve this aim, the research design is longitudinal,

with students commencing courses from 2008 to 2010 being followed through forthree or more years. This appears to be the first longitudinal study of adult language

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analysing the first questionnaire survey. It focuses on learners personal and social

characteristics, and particularly on their expectations and reasons for learning Welsh.

Survey methodology

In the six districts/counties of North Wales, (Anglesey, Gwynedd, Conwy, Denbigh-

shire, Flintshire and Wrexham) there are 11 providers of courses for learning Welsh

as an adult (e.g. Further Education Colleges). From late 2008 to early 2010, all such

learners were targeted. Thus the whole population of Welsh language adult learners

was included rather than a sample. Specifically, a questionnaire was given to all adult

Welsh language learners throughout North Wales at the start of beginners courses

from September 2008 to January 2010.

The questionnaire was developed as follows. It was initially compiled by adapting

some questions from existing adult language-learning survey questionnaires,

including those used for student evaluation purposes in Wales and beyond. Language

use surveys were also reviewed, particularly the Welsh Language Boards 2004 WelshLanguage Use Survey and the UK National Student Survey (NSS). The research

team also invented new questions to fit the aims of the project.

The initial drafts were then refined by being sent for evaluation and feedback to

local course leaders, regional Centres and national stakeholders, e.g. the National

Assembly for Wales, and to language-learning experts in the UK and Europe. In July

2008, the questionnaire was piloted with a focus group of adults (n06 beginners)

who were attending Bangor Universitys summer courses for Welsh learners. The

participants were asked to complete the questionnaire at home and then to discuss it

in a focus group lasting close to 1 hour. Following this, the questionnaire was

redrafted and finalised, and distributed to the population of respondents fromSeptember 2008.

In terms of protocol, the questionnaire was distributed by tutors during the first

lesson of each course. The forms were collected during the same lesson, sealed in an

envelope in the presence of the learners to ensure confidentiality, and returned to the

research team. The questionnaire asked learners about their previous experience of

Welsh for Adults, their current knowledge of Welsh, their reasons for learning the

language and their expectations of the course. It also requested personal details such

as gender, date and place of birth, time spent living in Wales, educational

background, experience of Welsh in education and the use of Welsh in the family.

Sample

While all adult language learners in North Wales were targeted from September

2008 to January 2010, not all questionnaires were returned. While tutors who

distributed the questionnaires during their lessons obtained maximal response, not

all tutors and providers distributed the questionnaires. While initial agreement had

been obtained with all providers, for pragmatic reasons, not all of the population of

adult language learners were given the forms. Details about this are given below.

However, this raises the issue of generalisation and whether the respondents are

representative of those language learners who were not given the questionnaires to

complete. The answer regarding generalisation is quite positive. Given that the wholepopulation of language learners were targeted and not a purposive or convenience

l l h ld h b f ll li bl H d

48 C. Baker et al.
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to imperfect engagement by providers and tutors, and not due to non-cooperation by

respondents. While there were geographical variations in imperfect engagement,

nevertheless, individual and social characteristics such as gender, age and previous

Welsh language-learning experiences are unlikely to be different between respondents

from different locations. Therefore, we are reasonably content that generalisation is

possible across the population of language learners in North Wales. Beyond North

Wales, no generalisation is possible, and generalisation will require the research being

extended throughout Wales, and the research tools being used in other adult

language-learning contexts in other countries.

In 2008/2009, the total population of Welsh adult language learners in North

Wales was 1350. Due to imperfect engagement by some providers, 773 questionnaires

were returned (57.3% response rate) rather than 1350. To attempt to increase the

number of returns, 555 extra adult language learners were targeted in 2009/2010 to

attempt to balance previous imperfect engagement. Limited success was apparent, as

from the 555 targeted number, 288 were returned (51.9% response rate). Thus in

total, the targeted population was 1905, with 1061 adults completing questionnaires(55.7%).

Of those who returned the questionnaire, 69.3% are female and 30.7% male.

When asked about their previous experience, 28.2% of learners replied that they had

attended a previous course and 13.6% that they had started but not completed a

course. The majority of learners (58.7%) were born in England, while close to a third

(32.3%) were born in Wales. It is important to note that only 13.2% had not studied

Welsh before. Partly due to the Welsh language being compulsory in the National

Curriculum of Wales (age 516), many in the sample had previous experience of

Welsh language learning. For example, 31.3% of respondents had learnt Welsh in

primary school, either before the National Curriculum was implemented or after.The following tables indicate learners length of residence in Wales, their experience

of Welsh in education and their highest qualifications, and provide some indication

of the nature of the sample (Table 1).

Research results

To ascertain the match between language planning theory and personal reasons for

learning Welsh, respondents were asked Why did you decide to learn Welsh? with 22

sub-dimensions. This question basically seeks to elicit the motivation for joining an

adult language course with an underlying conceptual framework partly based on

Gardners (1985) research on instrumental and integrative motives for language

learning.

Instrumental motivation is basically utilitarian in nature. Adult language learners

may wish to acquire a second language for employment, promotion or status, for

example. In comparison, integrative motivation is more about joining in and

identifying with the target languages social and cultural activities. However, some

individuals motives may be both instrumental and integrative (e.g. assisting their

children in bilingual schooling). Research on integrative and instrumental motiva-

tion tends to link the former with a greater likelihood of becoming fluent in the

language, and claims it is more long-lasting since it concerns friendships and longer-

term relationships rather than short-term economic goals (Baker, 1992; Figure 1).The results suggest that adult language learners are strongly motivated by

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60% of respondents indicate that helping their children with their homework, and

speaking to their children in Welsh are major motivations for language learning. In

general, integrative motivation appears stronger in this sample than instrumentalmotivation, with integration into Welsh-speaking communities close to the top of

this rank ordered graph.

It is noticeable that adult language learning is weakly connected with expressed

needs to access mass media in Welsh. Relatively low percentages of respondents

indicated that learning Welsh to access Welsh television and radio, or print and

electronic media is important to them. For language planning, mass media gives

status to a language, yet it results in a more passive connection to the language. In

particular, actively speaking a language rather than passively listening to a language

is needed for the transmission and reproduction of a language across generations.

Another way of testing out whether language planning theory matches personalhistories and experiences is to evaluate why respondents had not completed a

previous course. For language planning to be successful, non-retention should ideally

relate to temporary, short-term and instrumental reasons rather than longer term

issues about commitment, motivation and integrative purposes. While this question

was relevant to only 138 respondents (as others were commencing their first Welsh

language learning course or had completed a previous course), the question also has

practical value in terms of retention strategies for such courses (Figure 2).

The results suggest that non-retention is partly due to personal circumstances

such as other commitments and lack of time. Self-perceptions regarding non-

retention also relate to the course itself. Around a fifth of respondents found thelanguage difficult to learn, or the pace of the course too fast, experiencing slow

progress and a lack of self confidence Such self perceptions relate to expectations

Table 1. Background profile of the sample.

Percentage (%)

Years living in WalesB1 15.3

12 9.634 9.356 6.47' 59.3

Learnt Welsh in schoolPre-school 13.2Primary school 31.3Pre-ordinary level/GCSE 26.4Ordinary level/GCSE 15.1Advanced level 0.5Degree 0.3None 13.2

Highest qualificationOrdinary level/GCSE 23.2Advanced level 11.7Degree 30.6Higher degree 11.4Professional qualification 17.9Other 5.2

50 C. Baker et al.
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about the course, and send a clear signal to course providers that such expectations

need to be educated and managed for retention and completion.

What were the expectations of respondents? For language planning theory, it is

important that course members want to be active speakers and transmitters of the

language, and use the language in family and other social contexts. In contrast,

although far from unimportant, speaking correctly and passively experiencing the

language in the media are less important in the reproduction of language across

generations (although these are important for the status of a language). The posed

question was: By the end of this course, which of the following do you think you will

be able to do? (Please tick as appropriate) (Table 2).The ordered table below indicates that among the 10 sub-dimensions, there were

four major expectations: to be able to greet people, engage in small talk, pronounce

in Welsh and understand simple conversations. There was much less expectation to

engage with Welsh language mass media. Given that this referred to Welsh language

beginners courses, with more intermediate and advanced courses to follow if desired,

then participating in extended conversations might be considered an example of

over-expectation with a chance of disappointment and non-retention.

Finally, a match between language planning theory and adult language learning

prioritises the transmission of Welsh from adults to children. While every

encouragement must be given to people of any age to learn a minority language,language revival depends on the language being reproduced in successive generations

of children Th s in ad lt lang age learning one major target m st be potential

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

To listen to Welsh radio

To read Welsh websites

To read Welsh newspapers or magazines

To watch Welsh TV

To gain a qualification

A requirement of my current job

To speak with work colleagues

To help gain employment

To participate at my local school

To improve career prospects

To feel more Welsh

To speak with my friends

Other

To speak with work clients or customers

To speak with other family members

To improve general skills or knowledgeTo integrate into my local community

Moved to a Welsh-speaking community

Interest in the language

To speak with my children

Moved to Wales

To help my children with homework

Percentage

Very important Important

Figure 1. Reasons for learning Welsh.

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10.05.00.0

Too much oral work

Didn't like some other people in the class

Not enough grammar

Lack of use of IT

Too far to travel

Financial reasons

Others in the class holding me back

Poor quality course material

Didn't like the tutorLack of objectives to the course

Learning pace too slow

What we learnt wasn't useful

Too much written work

Lost interest

Poor quality tutor

Too much grammar

Holding back the class

Didn't like the teaching method

Lack of self confidence

Didn't progress quickly enough

Family pressures

Lack of opportunity to practise

Personal reasons

Learning pace too fast

Welsh a difficult language to learn

Lack of time

Other commitments more urgent

Percentage

Figure 2. Reasons for not completing a course.
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parents and parents of young children. If such parents become sufficiently competent

and confident in that minority language, then transmitting that language to their

children enables that language to live in the next generation.

Since some course members were in families that were already Welsh speaking,

especially children learning Welsh as a second language in school, the posed questionasked about context rather than intention. Therefore, this survey asked the question:

Which members of your family speak/spoke Welsh? (Figure 3).

The results show that the context for learning Welsh is primarily familial. That is,

respondents indicated that their context for the learning of Welsh was primarily

children (and partners). This indicates that course members are motivated to learn

Welsh particularly when they can support their children who often are also learning

Welsh. In terms of language planning, this is a most positive and promising result. A

less positive result would be a context where grandparents and not children were the

Welsh language targets, and where language usage would be with a previous rather

than a new generation.

Multivariate analyses

Much of the above analysis argues for separation between instrumental and

integrative reasons for language learning, with the latter having a strong link to

language planning. This raises the question as to whether a latent variable analysis of

the 22 items that were given as a reason for commencing an adult language-learning

course would locate those two conceptual categories as separate or interlinked.

Therefore, the 22 items were entered into an exploratory factor analysis to locate the

underlying dimensions.Principal axis factoring was used as the method of extraction, with Varimax with

K i li i h i h d Whil bli Di Obli i d

Table 2. Expectations of the course.

Very well Fairly well Partly A little Not at all

Greet people withbasic words

61.7 32.0 4.4 1.8 0.1

Make general smalltalk

46.0 37.0 12.1 4.8 0.2

Pronounce Welshwords

41.7 50.6 6.0 1.6 0.1

Read Welshnewspapers ormagazines

5.6 20.7 35.9 27.1 10.6

Take part in extendedconversations

9.6 26.0 34.1 21.3 9.1

Understand extendedconversations

11.6 30.4 38.2 15.6 4.1

Understand simple

conversations

31.6 51.9 12.4 4.0 0.2

Understand Welshradio programmes

7.2 21.3 38.9 26.2 6.3

Understand Welsh TVprogrammes

7.6 23.1 41.1 23.3 4.8

Write simple messages 19.9 37.2 23.7 15.3 4.0

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Promax rotations were run, the factor structure and order of factors on these threedifferent types of rotation were identical. Due to a few of the oblique factor loadings

being greater than one, the Varimax solution is reported.

The KaiserMeyerOlkin measure of sampling adequacy gave a high coefficient

of 0.85 while Bartletts Test of Sphericity was statistically significant at the pB0.0001

level.

The following table provides the results of a four factor solution (as indicated by

a Scree Test with the eigenvalues of all four factors being over 1.0). The percentage of

the total variance explained by these four factors was 48.5% (Table 3).

The rotated solution extends beyond a simple instrumental/integrative division.

The first latent variable concerns an expressed desire to engage with Welsh mass

media (e.g. TV, radio, print and websites). Thus the high loadings indicated in

bold print in the table below denote an interest in Welsh mass communication

services. The second latent variable has seven high loadings (above 0.35) and

relates to wanting to learn Welsh for employment, career prospects, gaining a

qualification/skills/knowledge and speaking Welsh with work colleagues, clients

and customers. This dimension relates to the instrumental motivation for adult

language learning.

A third latent variable contains four high loadings expressing a desire to learn

Welsh to speak to ones own children, help them with their homework, participate in

a local school and speak Welsh to other family members. This relates to the

integrative motivation for language learning, with the family at the forefront. Thisreveals that one dimension in such motivation connects with minority language

0.0 10.0 20.0 30.0 40.0 50.0 60.0 70.0

Brother

Sister

Father

Mother

Mother in law

Father in law

Grandmother

Grandfather

Child 3

Partner

Child 2

Child 1

Percentage

Speaks/spoke fluently

Speaks/spoke a little

Figure 3. Family members who speak/spoke Welsh.

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transmission in the family, which is a key element in language planning. The fourth

dimension contains four relatively high loadings (above 0.3) and relates to learning

Welsh to identify with a Welsh-speaking community, to feel more Welsh, to integrate

into the local community, to speak with friends and out of an intrinsic interest in the

language itself. This is another integrative dimension in adult language learning. Itrefines thinking about the integrative dimension, separating the nuclear family from

wider social networking, including in the community.

Detailed analyses were made of factor scores compared with the individual and

social characteristics by extensive correlation analyses. Such analyses showed no

statistically significant differences on the four dimensions based on age, gender,

language background or educational qualifications. Kendall non-parametric correla-

tions between age/gender/educational qualifications with the four latent variables

(12 correlations in all) ranged between zero and 0.14. Such dimensions appear

relatively generalised across adult language learners of different background

characteristics. This suggests that the four major dimensions for commencing acourse are not specific to particular categories of people.

Table 3. Varimax rotated factor matrix.

Factor

Reason for learning Welsh 1 2 3 4

Moved to Wales 0.064 0.024 0.041 0.648Moved to a Welsh-speaking

community0.027 0.118 0.066 0.616

To feel more Welsh 0.239 0.134 0.110 0.411To integrate into my local

community0.143 0.118 (0.002 0.658

Interest in the language 0.257 0.183 0.110 0.424To gain a qualification 0.207 0.501 0.155 0.068To improve general skills or

knowledge0.218 0.396 0.070 0.222

To help gain employment 0.069 0.772 0.116 0.106To improve career prospects 0.020 0.836 0.083 0.049

A requirement of my current job 0.093 0.600 0.132 0.022To speak with work colleagues 0.128 0.548 0.145 0.205To speak with work clients or

customers0.128 0.527 0.192 0.214

To participate at my local school 0.170 0.230 0.592 0.091To help my children with

homework0.042 0.153 0.874 0.023

To speak with my children 0.063 0.142 0.884 0.068To speak with other family

members0.225 0.246 0.470 0.206

To speak with my friends 0.339 0.173 0.231 0.322To watch Welsh TV 0.810 0.083 0.155 0.138To listen to Welsh radio 0.860 0.107 0.070 0.143To read Welsh newspapers or

magazines0.833 0.150 0.078 0.155

To read Welsh websites 0.783 0.205 0.071 0.142Other reason 0.255 0.192 0.163 0.165

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Discussion

This article has focused on the necessity of adult language learning relating itself to

theoretical notions in language planning. This is a global issue for all minority

languages in the world and not just Welsh. The following discussion therefore aims to

relate to adult language learning in any country or context.Adult language learning can be valuable for a kaleidoscope of excellent reasons

(e.g. accessing the culture of that language, mental stimulation, social networking,

travel and vacations, employment and promotion, religious participation, identity

and community networking). Each of these reasons makes adult language learning

purposeful, worthwhile and beneficial. On an individual basis, each reason provides

justification for the supply of adult language learning, plentiful provision, high-

quality teaching and learning and successful outcomes in terms of fluency and usage.

In terms of society, and particularly in terms of the preservation of the rich

treasury of the worlds languages and cultures, adult language learning is an

important component in language planning. Given that language planning, as a

foundation, requires the acquisition of a threatened language by children, parents

and others who will transmit that language to successive generations, adult language

learning enables such acquisition. Not exclusively, but importantly, parents and

teachers who will reproduce the language in children so that language can survive

across a few generations, are arguably the most important members of adult

language-learning classes.

This survey, designed as the first stage in a longitudinal design that will follow

course members from beginners classes to the more advanced classes, was driven by

two ambitions. First, course providers and teachers need to know the motivations

and expectations of their clientele. Knowing their motivations and expectations,

contexts and profile, enables a course to be appropriately presented, with needs,

hopes and desires kept in mind. Second, and the rationale for this article, such

courses are considerably subsidised by the public purse, and this can be well defended

by the need for language revival and revitalisation. Given that such courses are one

building block in language planning, then elements of language planning theory need

to influence, even match, course provision, policy and practice. The motivations and

expectations of course members are important so as to test whether language

planning needs are paralleled to those reasons for attending the course. This is a

topic wherever adult language learning takes place, irrespective of whether it is

Maori in New Zealand, Gaelic in Scotland or Navajo in the USA.

The results of the research indicate that a particularly positive match occurred

between the motivations, personal contexts and aspirations of adult language

learners questioned in this survey. A positive match will occur when foundational

tenets of language planning theory parallel course members reasons and expecta-

tions for learning a minority language as an adult. It is argued that a foundational

tenet is language acquisition planning. Such acquisition planning stresses the

quintessential nature of parents passing on the language to their children in the

family (as well as schooling increasing the stock of language speakers).

On four indices in the research, this parallelism occurred. First, the expressed

reasons for learning Welsh were predominantly integrative in nature, with speaking

to children in the family and helping them with their homework given as importantreasons for attending the course. Such reasons tended to be rated as more important

h i l d di G ll l

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integrative reasons predominated over shorter term instrumental reasons. While

utilitarian reasons are important for example, that the minority language is linked

to the economy such reasons may be less long-lasting than integrative reasons.

Such instrumental reasons were given less prominence in responses.

However, there is a danger in separating integrative and instrumental motiva-

tions. There are reasons why parents invest time and effort in raising their children to

be speakers of a minority language. While identity, community engagement, social

networking, culture and leisure are all important, nevertheless the links between a

minority language and employment rather than economic marginalisation, affluence

rather than poverty, career prospects rather than career stagnation, require a

minority language to be connected with a language economy. Parents will question

why they should bring up their children in a minority language and send them to

heritage language education. Part of the answer has to be that there is economic

value to learning the language, and this occurs in other minority language contexts

such as Basque in Spain and Irish in Ireland.

In the same way, parents and teachers in any minority language context need astrong basis for using the minority language in classroom content-learning and not

just for second-language learning. While national identity, community and cultural

language usage, mental stimulation and preservation of heritage may be good

reasons for minority language education, the connection between language learning

in school and employment, affluence and career prospects makes minority language

learning attractive to children and their parents.

That is, for parents to transmit a minority language to their children, utilitarian

reasons as well as integrative reasons may be an important part of the rationale.

Motivation for language learning exists in terms of complexity and interaction, is

something that tends to not be easily observed from a survey questionnaire, and inthis longitudinal research it will be further examined by focus groups and interviews.

Second, the review of literature noted that retention on such adult language-

learning courses is problematic. Course members start with the best of intentions, the

highest of motivations and the most enthusiastic of expectations. Yet language

learning takes years rather than days, continuous practice rather than short lessons

and commitment across time rather than quick wins. The dropout rate therefore can be

high even when a good teaching style, environment, classroom ethos and high-quality

materials and excellent staff are present. The analysis of reasons for not completing a

previous course indicated that expectations may have been too high, variously in terms

of expected time commitments, speed of learning and the need to practise.

For language planning purposes, this result suggests that increased clarity is

needed at the commencement of a course regarding the amount of progress likely to

be made, specific waypoint targets, pragmatic rather than idealistic expectations of

fluency, and the need and opportunity to practise between lessons. If expectations are

not managed, retention rates may be low, and hence language planning targets to

increase the minority language population may become compromised. A third result

indicated that most were realistic in terms of restricted outcomes from a beginners

course, and that result gives some optimism for language planners who need

retention to be as high as possible.

The fourth result indicated that the context in which many course members

operatedwas with their children who were also learning Welsh. Given the crucial natureof minority language transmission in the family in language planning theory, this result

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extended family, then that is most desirable. However, when the language is learnt to

aid the reproduction of the language in children, the future of the language is much

more secured, in the family, in society and in any nation across the world.

AcknowledgementsThe support of the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), the Higher EducationFunding Council for Wales and the Welsh Assembly Government is gratefully acknowledged,as this research derives from their funding of the Centre for Research on Bilingualism inTheory and Practice at Bangor University.

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