Cognitive Corpus Analysis
Transcript of Cognitive Corpus Analysis
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knowledge, namely, Lakoff and Johnson (1980/2003), have revealed to us
that we are not only surrounded by metaphors in their ubiquity, but we
also live by them even when we are not aware of it. If we take for example
a common expression Ill be there around five oclock, we would hardly
expect from an average speaker to recognize the preposition aroundas ametaphor, and that is exactly what it is, the metaphorical transfer from the
concrete and visible world of space into the abstract and invisible world of
time. And there is no other way of expressing it! Such an example and
many similar ones will show that the internal structure of metaphors
reveals itself as a universal category of human race, but at the same time
the external realisation of metaphors in particular languages is revealed as
a manifestation of particular cultures and all kinds of social groups and
pertaining discourses.
In order to understand this new approach we need to explain how
metaphors work and how they are structured. The first distinction we
should make is the one between conceptual and linguistic metaphors.
Conceptual metaphor is a natural part of human thought, and linguistic
metaphor is a natural part of human language (Lakoff and Johnson 2003,
247). Natural means intrinsic.
Conceptual metaphor is explainedas understanding and experiencingone idea in terms of another (Lakoff and Johnson 2004, 5) This processis called mapping, which takes place from a source domain of mainly our
bodily experience into a more abstract target domain, e.g.:
LOVE IS JOURNEY
Target Source
One mapping within a conceptual metaphor LOVE IS JOURNEY can
produce a number of linguistic metaphors where love is expressed and
explained with the structure of journey:
Look, how far weve come.We are at a crossroads.Well just have togo our separate ways.I think this relationship has gone off the track.
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The initiators of this new cognitive approach recognize three basic types of
metaphors:
- structural
- orientational (space)
- ontological (entities)
Structural metaphors are explained as the ones where some aspects of the
target domain are understood and structured by corresponding aspects and
structure of the source domain. Typical examples of such simple structural
metaphors are:
ARGUMENT IS STRUGGLE (WAR)
She attackedevery weak point in my argument.His criticisms were right on target.He retreatedfrom his position on nuclear arms.Those comments about your wife were really below the belt.
TIME IS MONEY
You are wastingmy time.
This gadget willsave you hours.
Ive investeda lot of time in her.Dictionary making is very time-consuming.
More complex cases of structural metaphors are orientational metaphors
where we are not dealing any more with only one concept structured in
terms of another but with a whole system of concepts with respect to one
another. Typical examples are those related to spatial orientation: up-
down, in-out, front-back, deep-shallow, central-peripheral Such
concepts are not arbitrary; they have a basis in our physical and cultural
experience:
HAPPY IS UP; SAD IS DOWN:
Im feeling upHes really low these days.Ifellinto depression.You are in high spirits
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GOOD IS UP; BAD IS DOWN
That was a low trick.
She has high standards.
But our physical experience is not entirely limited to spatial or
orientational relations. It is closely associated to all kinds of physical and
visible objects that surround us and which provide the basis for a wide
variety of so called ontological metaphors. In other to grasp or understand
abstract notions and non-physical things we materialize them and view
them as physical entities and substances, a process known in Gestalt-
psychology as reification:
MIND IS MACHINE
I cantprocess new ideas so late at nightAfter the first ten minutes the audience justswitched off.I could never discover what makes him tick.I am a little rusty today.
KNOWLEDGE IS FLUID
We were extremely impressed by the depth of his understanding.
Our company has a reservoirof expertise.
They have watered down his ideas.The committee dilutedmy proposals.
These examples offer enough evidence how metaphors are structured and
how deeply they are immersed in our ever-day language and our
conceptualization of reality. If we accept the fact that metaphorical lang-
uage and thought are closely interrelated, then we cannot avoid reflecting
on the rather disputable Sapir Whorf Hypothesis. The Sapir-Whorf
Hypothesis is composed of two basic views of language and thought. The
first is known as Linguistic Determinism, because it claims that
peoples thoughts are determined by the categories available to them in
their language (Pinker 1994, 56). This can be broken up into strong
determinism, i.e. that thoughts are completely determined by language (insome cases that thought and language are identical), and weak
determinism, which claims that thought is somehow affected by language.
This leads us to the second component of the hypothesis, so called
Linguistic Relativity claiming that people who speak different languages
will think about the world in different ways. For example, the way we
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divide or carve up the world is arbitrary, and this carving is different by
each language. So, the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis is claiming that language
itself affects our perception and categorisation of the world, and that
language will vary in this respect.
Having in mind all pros and cons of those who speak in favour and those
who speak against it, we can conclude that the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis in
its radical form, implying that language determines our thoughts, proves
to be far-fetched, but a weaker form, that claims that the way in which we
understand reality may be influenced by the kind of language we use, is
generally accepted.
The above conclusion implies the question, can the way in which we use
metaphors influence the way we see the world? If it can, how does it
work? In other to answer this question some interactive metaphor relations
have to be explained. The study of metaphor has shown that a meta-
phorical meaning is not limited by a mapping relation established between
exclusively one source and one target domain, but instead we deal with
much complex relations being the result of interaction of more different
tenors and vehicles, i.e. target and source domains. In this respect, the most
challenging inter-relations are multivalency and diversification (Goatly
2007, 12).
Multivalency is described as the case when the same source domain is
applied to various target domains:
GOOD IS HIGH (Dubrovnik is a top destination)MORE IS HIGH (The prices of property in Dubrovnik issky high).
Because these different targets GOOD (MORALITY / QUALITY) share a
multivalent source they may become associated into an equation MORE =
GOOD. This concept, deeply enrooted in the Western economy and
culture, reinforces patterns of excessive wealth accumulation and
consumption as part of the society ethic. In the opposite sense it is worth
remembering different religious attitudes which promote economicmodesty as a moral imperative.
Another pair of multivalent sources is:
CHANGE IS PATH (Attitudes to womenshiftedin the 19th century)
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SUCCESS IS PATH (She is intelligent and hardworking; I'm sure she'llgoa long way).
This might suggest equation CHANGE = SUCCESS which, according to
A.Goatly is a pattern of consumers behaviour widely recognized in the
Western culture especially in buying the latest and most fashionable
products even if we dont need them, so we frequently change clothes,
cars, mobile phones, etc.
Particularly interesting is the case ofdiversification, which is the opposite
of multivalency, and where different source domains lead to one target
domain:
POLITICAL ACTIVITY IS STRUGGLE (We have won our most difficultbattles in the development of our country)POLITICAL ACTIVITY IS PATH (Weve passed the most difficult
stages on our way to the EU).
So, if we have accepted the idea deriving from Sapir-Whorf hypothesis
that our thoughts are influenced by language, and if we accept the fact that
our way of thinking is metaphorically structured, the question is whether
we can identify somebodys value identity either individual or collectivefrom the dominant metaphorical concepts in ones discourse.
The research that I have done (Susac 2007) through the corpus analysis of
four election campaigns registered in the Internet editions of three major
daily newspapers in Croatia (Vjesnik, Vecerni list, Slobodna Dalmacija)
spanned the period of five years and has proved from more than one
thousand extracted examples that there is evidence of significant
inclination of conservative and liberal parties towards different types of
metaphors. The most dominant source domains in Croatian political
discourse are STRUGGLE and PATH as shown in the Graph 1. and the
first one is visibly preferred by the leading conservative party HDZ
(Croatian Democratic Union), unlike the latter preferred by the leadingsocial-democrat party SDP (Social Democratic Party). The latter is
especially emphasised by the fact that the leading conservative party
significantly outnumbers social-democrats in the overall number of
metaphors used in election campaigns and that the metaphors of PATH
used by the social-democrats are the only ones that outnumber any type of
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metaphors used by conservatives. By coincidence or not, the previous
name of the Social Democratic Party was the Party of Democratic Change,
and if we recall the frequently present multivalency example CHANGE IS
PATH, a possible pattern may be found that will support the assumption of
ideologically loaded metaphors.
Graph 1. The distribution of the most dominant metaphorical source domains
used by political parties members in Croatian election campaigns 2000 2004.
The question whether there are some ideologically loaded metaphors
appears to be particularly interesting in the contemporary research in the
field of cognitive linguistics. This has been the focus of interest of George
Lakoff, the initiator of this new approach to metaphor ever since he pub-
STRUGGLE
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HNS SDP HSS HSLS HDZ HSP
PATH
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HNS SDP HSS HSLS HDZ HSP
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lished his masterpiece book Metaphors we Live by in 1980 and of some re-
cent researchers in particular Andrew Goatly who in his recently published
book Metaphor and Hidden Ideology (2007) has traced back the ety-
mology of numbers of dominant metaphors in Western society and showed
us how deeply they are enrooted in our everyday language practice and
thought respectively. So, it is not surprising that some prominent scholars
in the field of cognitive linguistics like Zoltan Kovecses in the afterword
of Goatlys book suggests that: we need to uncover these ideologically-
loaded metaphors and look for alternative ones''This of course resemblesthe logic of political correctness and new language prescriptivism, but
even if we do not approve of this new form of language prescriptivism, we
should certainly be aware of it.
Beside the issue of political identity possibly revealed via dominant
metaphors, the above mentioned research was also aimed at carrying out a
contrastive analysis of English and Croatian conceptual systems, especially
focusing on the subject of metaphor universals and culturally specific
metaphors. Namely, almost everything we have known about cognitive
processes and metaphorical concepts relies on the analysis of the English
based corpus and valid conclusions about universal metaphors and those
culturally determined concepts are not possible without a deep insight into
conceptual systems of as many world languages as possible. This is arather new and an ongoing process in a few research projects carried out
worldwide and as a major reference point most of the researchers indicate
Master Metaphor List of the Berkely University created by Lakoff,
Esperson and Scwartz (1991), and which served as initial point for creating
other existing data basis. This in the first place refers to the data base
browser available on the web sites of the University of Hamburg which
makes possible automatic two-way research of source and target domains
in German, English, and French, together with language examples found
by the post-graduate students of linguistics of the University within their
research of a given corpus.
My research mostly relied on a model of less known METALUDE data base, but interactively the most elaborated data base created at the
University of Lingnan in Hong Kong within the Department of the English
language. It is the most unique data base launched by Andrew Goatley,
only partly referring to the Berkely list, since the former one includes
examples in Chinese as well. The metaphor research is classified according
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to the lexeme units which further on indicate source and target domains or
root analogies which correspond to basic metaphorical concepts. All this
suggested that we were dealing with a useful and articulate browser which
could provide various approaches to the metaphor research and
presumably could serve as a solid model for a similar data base in the
Croatian language and other languages as well.
The results of the above mentioned corpus analysis and the respective
metaphor classification have definitely justified a high applicability of
Goatlys model on the conceptual analysis of the Croatian language,
especially in view of the fact that it was limited to a rather specific type of
discourse, namely the political one, and that the Metalude model was
created on a much wider genre pattern in the English language. The results
have shown that out of 179 conceptual mappings registered in Croatian
language corpus, only 14 of them (8%) were not listed in Goatlys English
classification (Susac 2007, 282). This offers us a firm proof of high com-
patibility between English and Croatian language conceptual systems,
although they belong to two different language families (Germanic and
Slavic).
Beside the high similarity in the two conceptual systems the results have
proven a high degree of overlapping in lexical items used for expressingthe same concepts in both languages. Of the 668 lexemes registered in
Croatian corpus the Metalude data base offers 375 English equivalents in
the same conceptual meaning, which is over 50 %. Additional research of
examples taken from British National Corpus or the existing metaphor
dictionaries would certainly provide even a higher percentage, which
proved to be right through just an evanescent overview of examples
offered by Sommer and Weiss (1996).
There is no doubt that all the registered differences between the two
languages are culturally related and rather specific and should be treated as
such. But the real question is whether all the metaphorical overlappings
and similarities between the two languages can be viewed as metaphoruniversals?
If we take as an example the above mentioned orientational metaphors,
they reveal another important aspect of some metaphors and that is their
metonymic motivation. Metonymy is not less important focus of cognitive
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research than metaphor is and it is mostly based on cause-effect and part
for the whole relations. The basic difference is that metonymic mappings
occur within a single domain, unlike metaphors between two or even more
domains as in latest theories of conceptual integration (Fauconnier, G. and
Turner, M., 1998). This metonymic motivation is not surprising since the
largest number of metaphors is a product of our bodily experience and we
know that some physical reactions are caused by certain emotions.
Namely, sadness is followed by lowering our heads and happiness by
raising them. There are lots of similar concepts deriving form our bodily
experience, e.g. DIFFICULTY IS HEAVINESS (difficulty of lifting heavy
objects), KNOWING/UNDERSTANDING IS SEEING (most of infor-
mation we gather through visual channel), AFFECTION IS WARMTH
(the most primary physical sensation of a baby embraced by his/her
mother) etc. This implies the hypothetical conclusion that all the meta-
phorical concepts deriving from our bodily experience and reactions that
we all share as members of the same human race are metonymically
motivated and as such universal. No doubt that the research of conceptual
systems in other languages will further justify or partly reject such
assumptions, but such research cannot be carried by taking random and
intuitive language examples, but only with a hard mining work of corpus
analysis.
With the above conclusion the metaphorical and metonymical motivation
of a language sign becomes the subject of semiotics because it puts in
doubt the principle of the arbitrariness of the sign. This is also emphasized
by a well known fact that metaphors can be found not only in language but
the same ubiquity is present in non-verbal signs as well (Chandler, Daniel,
2002). In other words, iconicity, indexicality and symbolism of the sign
are deeply enrooted in the theory of metaphor and ever since it started
being viewed as a cognitive phenomenon the semiotics of all kinds will
have to refer to it in order to get a deeper insight into the signs we live by
and the way they are used as a means of communication between different
cultures.
Literature:Deignan, A., 2005. Metaphor and Corpus Linguistics. Amsterdam, Philadelphia:
John Benjamins Publishing Co.
Chandler, Daniel, 2002. Semiotics: the basics. New York: Routledge.
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Fauconnier, Gilles and Turner, Mark, 1998. Conceptual Integration Networks. In:
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http://cogsci.berkeley.edu/http://cogsci.berkeley.edu/