Cnapter-7 Identity and I...
Transcript of Cnapter-7 Identity and I...
Cnapter-7
Identity and I aentity-Crisis
Chapter VII
Identity and Identity-Crisis This chapter deals with the problems of identity formation among the
Kabui Nagas in time and space. As already seen in the introduction chapter, the
process of identity formation of any community requires three processes of
reproduction, production and the tradition making. It is the latter that plays a
major role. Tradition implies a certain amount of stability and continuity of
behavior which is passed down from many generations. Any breach in -such
process lead to the crisis in identity. It does not mean that change should not occur
in that society. In fact change is inevitable in any society. And a significant
change is required inorder to adjust with the time. But unfortunately in the case of
the Kabui Nagas the changes that came was so powerful that it began to challenge
the traditional culture of the tribe. Soon then, the tribe which had a historic legend
of folktales, music and dances with oral history encountered with several external
forces and in the course of times their identity is questioned. In this line A.K.Rayl
observes that, "there is a profound cultural crisis brewing among the Naga people.
The rapid spread of Christianity during the past six decades or so together with
the post-world war II modernity and now consumerism has erupted into the
private precincts of traditional beliefs, mores, ethics and cultural values, and is
cons~q~ently causing cleavages and conflicts even within families. The fear of the
loss of the Naga cultural heritage looms large. As a reaction to this, there is a
move among the the educated elite to search for the 'roots' of the Naga being; for
they feel that the loss of the 'roots' will result in the extinction of the Naga
identity". Likewise Hutton in his book, 'The Angarrii Nagas (1969) with reference
to the changes among the Aos and Lothas argued that "Old beliefs and customs
are dying, the old traditions are being forgotten, the number of Christians or
quasi-Christians, is steadily increasing and the spirit of change is invading and
pervading every aspect of village life".2
Therefore, the Kabui Nagas who have evolved through a long history
preserving a unique identity in terms of customs and traditions, beliefs and faith,
I Ray, A.K. (2004) Change: The Law of life, in N.Venuh led.), Naga Society: Continuity and Change, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Shripa Publications, p.13. 2 Hutto", J.H. (1969)The Aogami Nagas, Bombay, Oxford University Press, 1969, p.23.
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rituals and festivals, and social practices like head hunting and the dormitory
system are now subjected to new forces. In terms of occupation, the dependence
in agriculture helped to establish common ways of living, setting up of joint
family system and adopting common property and religion. This building up of
well-knitted society is because of the fact that the tribe remained isolated and had
less interaction with the outside world. However, as they started migrating to
different directions, this tribe began to adapt and accommodate many cultural
traits from other ethnic groups. Besides migration, there are other factors like
conversion, British Colonialism, impact of modernization and global markets etc.
These factors consequently, led their aged old tradition in either lost or being
merged with the mainstream.
Migration:
Originally, the Kabui Nagas lived at Makhel and from there they migrated
towards Makuilongdi where they started practicing settled agriculture. Chapter II
talks about the origin and migration of this tribe. As already pointed out,
Makuilongdi was the cradle of Zeliangrong culture. A well-developed society
based on the shifting agriculture with polity, which looked like Chiefdom with
influence over the villages established by the brother and son of Nguiba. They
spoke a language akin to the Maram and ThangaL At Makuilongdi, the people
were divided into two major clans, Pamei and Newmei as indicated by the two
stone megaliths at Makuilongdi nam~fl as Pamei· Tao (stone) and Newmei Tao
(stone). Tradition says that during its heyday, Makuilongdi had a total of 7777
households. At Makuilongdi, the vibrant Zeliangrong culture and polity got
developed and reached its zenith. Remarkable changes had taken place in the life
of the people soon after their emergence from their legendary cave - Mahou-
Taobei, which is on the south-western direction of Mao of the North District of
Manipur. Though it is difficult to give proper explanation regarding the real
causes of the said changes, it may not be too unreasonable to presume that certain
factors like influence of the new environment, pressure on the land, famine,
drought, epidemics and blood-feuds, etc., might have certainly played a
considerable part in it Thus, if traditions are to be believed, then, there is no room
for doubt that his people was led, a long way, by the new spirit of adventure as
soon as they were out from the cave, and had exposed themselves for the first
time, directly to the tempting influences of the new environment around them.
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Thus, following the whims of the more powerful and daring adventurers from
amongst them, many of them started migrating, batch by batch, to distant hill
ranges which attracted them most.
Usually man of the past ages used to migrate, in batches from one
particular place to another or from one particular region to another in search of
better amenities of life. Instances of such a peaceful migration are not very rare
even in the present days. Thus in the recent past, quite a good number of people of
the Kabui tribe of the West District and the Kukis of the Tengnoupal district of
Manipur had migrated to the new land named Bei-Kapning -one of the most
fertile belts in Nagaland. In the same way, the establishment of a new village at
"Tong Long" referred to in one of ourtraditions20 where Khemjunang the leader of
the people, had killed large number of Mithuns on its inaugural function, also
undoubtedly shows a peaceful migration of the people of those days.
In those ancient days, it also happened now and then, that sometimes man
was compelled to move out of a particular place under the pressure -of certain very
unfavourable circumstances where life became risky due to repeated inter-village
or inter-tribal feuds. Thus, Kabui folksongs and folktales also give due
illustrations regarding devastations of a large number of villages through the joint
operations of these anti-social acts of foolery and velour of the past ages. In the
same way, the sad story relating to the devastation of a village named "'fazing-
Long" in the West district of Manipur, is still remembered by many, as one of the
most painful fire-side tales; while the small curvature lying between two small
hillocks named Phen-Teng still remains reminding the people of the two Rongmei
(Kabui) villages-ruunely "Sangjee and Longjaang" of the West District of
Manipur, regarding the foolhardiness of the past ages.
In view of such recurring dangers, it was a common practice of the
Rongmei people of the past to establish their villages in such a manner and at
such a part of the hills, where they must be in a comparatively better position to
. defend themselves successfully against such dangers of inter-village or inter-tribal
feuds. They used to establish their villages only in that part of the hills which
would afford them extra strategic advantages for their self-defence. Thus, in those
days, when any hero or any powerful group had the freedom to make f"aids upon
any other group, any time, the life of the villagers depended to a great extent, on
such extra - strategic advantages afforded by the topography of that particular
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place where the village stood. It is a fact that in the past ages inter-village or inter-
tribal feuds did really cause terrible havocs to the life of the people as well as the
stability of their villages much more than any other factors.
In the present state of our knowledge it will be difficult for us to give the
real cause of the movements of the people of those days from one part of the hills
to another, since such causes stood changing from people to people and from time
to time, and from place to place. The same is the difficulty in ascertaining the
exact date, chronology, etc. of their migration, although it is fact that for some
reason or the other, they moved and moved from age to age and established
villages at different places in different epochs.
Whatever might have been the real causes of their migration, this is a fact
that the Rongmei people began loosening their solidarity as soon as they were out
from their cave so much so that they started splitting and re-splitting themselves
into a number of groups, which were found establishing villages in different hill
ranges.
As a result, large number of villages came into existence on several hill
ranges. And it is a fact that the number of villages continued multiplying, year
after year, spreading continuously, at the same time, in the southern direction, till
at last, some of them came to the borders of the Lushai hills. Thus, names of
Rongmei villages in that area namely Lam-lang, Faina-Deeteng, Pei-Kasaothao,
etc. still reminds us of the Rongmei settlement in southernmost borders of
Manipur those days.
But in course of time, when the Kuki incursions into that region became
continuous and blood-feuds between the people became very frequent, some of
them started moving northward again, and came back to the present day
Khoupum and Nungba areas.
Here also the situation for those people who were returning there from the
south was not at all favourable and thus the traditional inter-village hostility of the
past ages started flaring up there, now and then. Moreover, pressure on land also
became very high with the influx of new immigrants into that region.
Consequently, some of them moved eastward and began occupying same parts of
the hill ranges lying to the West of the Imphal valley while some of them moved
westward in search of cultivable lands and started settlements on those parts, of
the hill ranges bordering Cachar.
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Very soon, the Rongmeis of the Eastern hill ranges facing the Irnphal
valley were tempted to migrate to the fertile valley, where people had a much
easier means of livelihood and at the same time, life there, was comparatively
secure. Instances of the Rongmei migration from the hills to the valley were not
very few during the British rule also - both before and after the Kuki rebellion of
1917-1919, when there was no security for life in those areas. Migration from
hills to the valley became all the more widespread and protracted during 19605
and 1970s also because of the hostile activities of the Naga underground
movements.
Thus, a migration of the Kabuis (Rongmeis) from the hills to the Manipur
valley was due partly to the comparative economic advantages of the valley and
partly to the lack of security for life in the Manipur hills. It is a fact that those who
had once come down from the hills, and had the real taste of the life in the valley-
better economic advantages and security-had ceased to entertain any more thought
of going back to the hills to face the real rigours of life there as before. It is a fact
that migration of the Rongmei people from the hills to the valley as well as from
the villages to the towns, becomes increasing in the present days because of better
amenities of life available in those places.
It is evident from the history that each migration brings lot of changes in
the social, economic, cultural and political spheres of the tribe. When changes are
taking place rapidly, there is always a threat to their identity.
The Meitei Expansionism:
From the 17th century onwards the Zeliangrong fought against the Cachari
attempt of aggression into Zeliangrong territory. They also resisted bravely and
unitedly against the expansion of the Meitei Kingdom, encroaching ,on the
southern part of their country-in the early part of the 18th century. However, the
Meitei gradually emerged powerful in the valley and began to expand their rule
by acts of invasion and SUbjugation on Zeliangrongs and other hill tribes. Since
the Meiteis have accepted Hinduism as a state religion, the notion of purity and
pollution was quite strong. They used many derogatory names for hill tribes such
as "Haos", Chingmi, Amangba etc. They also imposed on them -duties such as
demanding tributes, recruiting soldiers, porters and menials. FQr that purpose,
they arranged a broad survey of the Zeliangrong regions and other hill tribes and
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called them with their Manipuri names without any attempt to administer them
with their own people. In this line many argued that the term 'Kabui' was used by
them to mean the Rongmeis of Imphal who were engaged in polluted or degraded
jobs.
In this like manner, a new spice of relationships was added when India got
Independence and when the princely state of Manipur was awarded its statehood
in 1972. Under this new political system, the various ethnic groups of Manipur
who had diverse culture, languages, faith and beliefs came together. The style of
governance existed in this period was also different. For instance, the Hill tribes
of Manipur had and even now, a system of Valley Chieftainship, and the Meiteis
in the Valley had his Majesty - the King. When such diverse groups are bounded
under common territory or Nation State, there came a crisis of adjustment. Under
this new political set up, each ethnic group compete and struggle for ethnic
survival. Very soon, land became the exclusive property of the State. Legal laws
and rules are then formulated and enforced. Those groups who adhere to these
rules and regulations are accepted and recognized. The Meiteis, in the Valley in
no time, with its largest population emerged as the new champion of society. Very
soon, all aspects of life - economic, political, social and cultural came directly
under the hands of the dominating Meiteis. Only those groups who follow the
Meitei ways of life are accommodated. Others are considered inferior -or impure.
This process of Meiteization is found universally and for instance, the Kabui
Nagas who were believed to have settled in the Valley first among the Hill tribes,
adopted a religion like that of the Meiteis. The process of Meiteization came as a
response to the Meitei Hindu way of life. Because of the Meitei dominance in
economic and culture, other ethnic groups in the Valley try to pass for a Meitei.
Anything that they did became a new way of life for other ethnic groups. For
instance, the Loi/Chakpa has started using 'Singh' as their title. They have
adopted Sagei (Lineage) name as their forename. Many of them have even
accepted Vaishnavism.3 Like the Meitei, they have allotted a sacred place for
Funga, Sanamahi and Laimaren inside their households. They observed
Cheiraoba (worship of the God Sanamahi on the first day of the year) in the
3 Saha, R.K. op.cit. 1994, p.73.
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month of Sajibu. Besides the general Laiharaoba festival, they observe a special
Laiharaoba festival when no outsider is allowed to witness the same. The Yaithibi
also undergo a process of Meiteization. Like the Meitei, -they use Singh as their
title. They use Sagei name as their forename. They have even copy the Meitei
terms for showing respect to seniors. Like the Meitei, they have also sacred places
in their houses. The Sanamahi Yaithibi follows the Sanamahi Meitei in their daily
activities like life cycle rituals, and other annual festivals. The Bamons are more
accepted group by the Meiteis. They use the local language, eat local food and
even dress in the Meitei fashion. Though, the Bamons originally came from
outside Manipur, they have in course of time acculturated, encorporated all local
customs in such a manner that they cannot be easily marked off as outsiders. The
only difference between Meitei and Bamon is that, the latter use Sharma as their
title. Like the Gouriya Meitei, the Bamon pierce their ear, wear sacred thread, put
sacred marks on the foreheads etc. Priesthood and cooking are their traditional
occupation and they retain this after their Meiteization. They even participate in
the Meitei festivals, although their participation is peripheral. Nowadays, to
acquire indigenous status, they keep immunglai (household deity), worship lamlai
(God of countryside), and Umanglai (village God).
The Bishnupriya who are en masse Vaishnava, have much similarity with
the Gouriya Vaishnavite Meitei in their social and cultural aspects. Like the
Meiteis, they pierce their ears, wear sacred thread and beads, put sacred marks on
their foreheads and employ Bamons to propitiate their Gods and Goddesses. In
their houses, there are sacred places maintained religiously. They have adopted
their daily life cycle rituals, annual cycle of festivals from the Gouriya Meiteis.
Although, the Pangals follow Islam, they however did not stop adopting the
Meitei ways of life. They speak the same language as that of the Meitei, adopted
various lineages and also practice the elopement form of marriage.
In this process of Meiteization the people in the Valley belonging to .
different ethnic groups adopted almost every aspect of Meitei culture. It will be
apparent from the above brief description that all the ethnic groups in the valley
broadly share the culture traits of the dominant group, the Meitei. Even the so-
called outside groups - the Bamon, Bishnupriya and the Pangal share many of
these common traits including the language. Of all these groups, the Pangal
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because of their distinct crystallized great tradition with decisive sacred text, have
maintained their ethnic-cultural distinctions to a greater extent compared to the
other groups.
Adopting the dominant way of life is not very easy. Likewise, the Valley
Society of Manipur undergoes a lot of pain and strain in order to accommodate
and accept by the dominant group. Moreover, the Meiteis have, in course of time
undergone a deep rooted Vaishnavism, and the concept of purity and pollution
developed towards the other ethnic groups of the Valley. The Meiteis have
propagated that Lois are presently Scheduled Caste and profess lower status
occupation such as poultry fanning, distillation, pottery and so on. Therefore,
Lois are considered to be impure by the Meiteis. Likewise, the Yaithibi are
pushed hard and usually they are called outcaste because of their indulgence in
socially tabooed traditions like marrying near relatives like sisters, stepmothers
and other near kins. Earlier, during the native rule, the Yaithibi are untouchables
and were not allowed to move freely on the roads and streets. Even their shadow
was not to be touched by the Meitei. When they come out, they had to wear
higokmachuji (blue coloured cloth) and turban so that people could easily identifY
them from a distance.
The above explanation shows the kind of process which M.N.Srinivas
called it 'Sanskritization'. This process of assimilation and acculturation allows
exchanging many cultural traits and as a result contributing to submerge by the
dominant group.
British Colonialism:
The British conquest of the Zeliangrong people was the result of the British policy
of colonial expansion towards the Northeast India- particularly towards Manipur,
the Nagas and the Kacharis after their conquest of Assam in1826. The British did
not have a separate policy towards the Zeliangrong as such. But their general
policy greatly affected them as the Zeliangrong constituted major segments of the
territory and popUlation of North Cachar, Naga Hills and Manipur. The policy of
the British was an evolution to deal with the situation created by the Angami
expansionism and aggression on the frontier of the British territory, more on the
North Cachar and Upper Assam. The British conquest of the Zeliangrong people
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was completed with their annexation of North Cachar in 1854, the establishment
of the N aga Hills District in 1 &6 and the conquest of Manipur in 1891.
The British accounts of the Zeliangrong people in the 19th century give a picture
of the Zeliangrong society and culture. A separate chapter (chapter-3) deals with
the society, culture and religion of the Kabui Nagas. The colonial rule which
followed the annexation aimed at the extension of the empire, control of the
Angami raids on the Zeliangrong villages, abolition of head hunting, collection of
revenue to meet the expenses of the administration, judicial adjudication of the
disputes over the land, property and crime, and civilizing the tribes through
welfare activities such as education, health services and road communication.
The Zeliangrong people of Manipur were never administered during the
reign of the Kings of Manipur during the pre-colonial period. They exerted
political control over the villages located near the two important routes, known as
the Akhui route and the Cachar route. The Maharajas extracted tributes and
carried out military raids, if the villages did not pay tributes. The interests of
Manipur and the British were on the Cachar Road linking the Manipur Valley and
Cachar via Bishnupur, Khaupum, Nungba, Kala Naga (Oinamlong) and Jirighat.
After 1891, the British imposed their rule over the hill areas of Manipur which
were administered by the British Political agent. The British however did not
allow the Raja and Manipur State Darbar to extend their jurisdiction over the hills.
The British Political Agent and his Assistant who was a member of the Indian
Civil Service and ex-officio President of the Manipur State Darbar (PMSD)
looked after the administration. It was only after the suppression of the Kuki
Rebellion (1917-1919t that three Sub-divisions were created to administer Naga
Areas, the Northeast Sub-division at Ukhrul and the Northwest Sub-division at
Tamenglong to administer the Zeliangrong and the Southwest Sub-division at
Churachandpur. The Sub-divisions were kept under the charges of Sub-Divisional
Officer who were the Anglo-Indian members of the provincial Assam Civil
Service. The British did not interfere in the internal affairs of the tribes in their
4 Initially, it was against the British imperial and but later turned out to be against the Zeliangrong in the North West of Manipur including the Kabuis and the Tangkhuls in Northeastern Manipur and in some tracts of Upper Burma. This anti Naga action was aimed at the establishment of the Kuki authority over the Nagas and the occupation of their land for cultivation by the Kukis. See Kamei, Gangmumei (2004) A History of the Zeliangrong Nagas: From Makhel to Rani GaidinIiu, Guwahati, Spectrum Publications, pp.129-138.
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villages. However the hill areas were divided into five divisions, each division
under one Lam Subadar under where supervision seven Lambus were appointed
for the administration of the hill area. A Lambu was originally a Meitei official
who dealt with rural administration. When the tribal areas were brought under the
political control of the Maharajas of Manipur the tribes were not administered
directly. But there were a large number of Lambus who were not officially
appointed by the State but moved about in the hills and Valley to be broker
between the State official and the villages in respect of service under the Lallup
system. The Lambus were not properly supervised by the Kingdom of Manipur.
However, they were very oppressive in their dealings with the hill tribes, as they
were interested to supervise the maintenance of the trade routes. After the British
conquest, the Lambus were appointed and paid salaries, seven rupees originally.
They acted like a peon who acted as interpreter between the tribes and the state
officials including the British officers. The Lambus were also appointed from
amongst the educated and influential tribal families in the villages. At times, they
acted like the Dobasis of the Naga Hills in the interpretation of tribal customary
laws and deciding on the cases.
The Kabui village administration during this time was quite similar. The
Government entrusted their village Chiefs, known as the Khullakpas
(administrators), Khunpu (owner of the village), Luplakpa and the Meitei
Lambus, and Changloi (Advisor assistants) for the administration of the village,
judicial and revenue collection. The Khullakpas and Khunbus of the Kabui
(Rongmei) Nagas were heredity village functionaries. The village councilor the
Pei under the Khullakpas or Khunbus were entrusted with the collection of house
tax, solving any problems, and serve as a platform of discussion and debate. The
Zeliangrong people of Manipur State suffered during the colonial rule. The
interference in their culture like ban on head hunting, imposition of taxes, forced
labour and oppression, opening of schools, hospitals and repair of the bridle path
mostly done on forced labour brought hardships on the people.s Neither, the
British Government nor the Missionaries nor the Maharaja did enough to mollify
the resentment of the people. Their misery could not be adequately compensated
by the appointment of a few school teachers, peons, clerks, mad muhorris and
5 Ibid.p.139.
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Lambus. Therefore a rebellion against the British imperial was started by a young
mystic leader named Jadonang and continued by his disciple, the fiery and
charismatic girl, Gaidinliu. Robert Reid, a Governor of Assam called this
phenomenon of Jadonang and Gaidinliu as the Rebellion of the Kabui and Kacha
Naga.6 A historian described it as Kabui Rebellion because the leaders of the
rebellion belonged to the Kabui.7 The then <;hief Secretary of Assam
Mr.Crosgrave called it a Naga Raj Movement based on Political Agent
J.C.Higgins' telegram that a Kabui Naga Raj was proclaimed at Kambiron. A
writer describes it as the Naga Struggle against the British.8 This revolt has been
dealt separately in chapter 4.
During the colonial period, many administrators and political agents came
out with several writings on the Kabui tribe. Though references to the people are
found in the Chronicles of Manipur, the first English accounts of the Kabui Nagas
was given by Captain R.B.Pemberton, in his Report of the Eastern Frontier of
British India (J 835). He was the first European to have visit~d the Zeme,
Rongmei and Puimei villages. He used the term "Koupooees" to mean the people.
The second writer who refers to the Kabui people of the present Manipur,
Nagalandand North Cachar was John Butler in his Travels and Adventure in the
Province of Assam (J 855). But the pioneer work on the people on the people
living in Manipur was Co1.William McCulloch's Account of the Valley of
Munnipore and the Surrounding Hill Tribes published in 1859. McCulloch was a
British Political Agent posted in Manipur for many years. He was known at that
time as an expert on the state of Manipur and the surrounding hill tribes. But his
use of Pemberton's term 'Koupooee' and the Puimei term of 'Songboo and
Pooeeron' as the two Subdivisions, of the tribe has left behind a trail of identity
confusion. Otherwise his account reproduced elsewhere in this work IS very
important. In 1874, the Statistical Account of Manipur written by another
distinguished British Political Agent, Dr.R.Brown continued to add more to the
knowledge of the 'Koupois' tribe. He divided the tribe into three sub groups-
6 Reid, Robert (1942) History of Frontier Areas Bordering Assam, Shillong, Reprinted, Spectrum Publications, p.66. 7 J.Roy, A (1958) History ofManipur, Calcutta. 8 Yunuo, Asoso (1982) Nagas Struggle Against the British under Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu, Kohima, Leno Printing Press, p.89.
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Songbu (Rongmei), Koireng (Liangmei), and Koupui (puimei). Both McCulloch
and Brown exclusively dealt with the Kabui Nagas.
C.A Soppit was another officer who served in North Cachar Hills of
Assam. He wrote a complete work entitled, A Short Account oj the Kachcha Naga
(Empeo) Tribe in the North Cachar Hills in 1885. He used the term Empeo to
mean the Zeme. However, it did not have much circulation. In fact it was T.e.
Hodson who was then Assistant Political Agent of Manipur and who later joined
the London University as a Profeesor of Anthropology who wrote on the Kabui in
his Naga Tribes oj Manipur in 1911. The confused title of the tribe as Koupooee"
or Koupui was set to rest when he adopted the term 'Kabui' a name of the
Rongmei and Puimei used by the Manipuris. Kabui was the term used in the
ancient, medieval and modem history of Manipur. Dr. l.H.Hutton in his The
Angami Nagas in 1929 used the term kacha Naga to cover the four subgroups-
Zeme, Liangmai, Maruongmei and Kabui. Robert Reid's History oj Areas
Bordering Assam published in 1942 gives an account of the Ze1iangrong revolt
(1930-1940) whom he described as the Rebellion of the Kabui and Kacha
Nagas.Reid's history publicized the uprisings of ladonang and Gaidinliu. Ursula
Graham Bower's Naga Path, 1950 is a personal experience in the Zeme country.
However, these writings no doubt became the sources of information, but
it is also evident that such writings were undertaken simply for administrative
efficiency in which the real history was oft~n distorted. And even worst is the
inability of the writers ~o spell the correct tribe. Most of the present day
researchers refer to these colonial writings and often came with the subjective
conclusion. As the writings were almost recorded and published, to change into
correct usage became almost impossible. Thus, the identity assertion of the Kabui
Nagas to recognize as the' Zeliangrong' became impossible due to this factor and . in the course of time, by the development of Zeme, Liangmei and Rongmei
dialects and translation of bible into these dialects.
Conversion:
The introduction of the British colonial administration in Manipur after the
Anglo-Manipur war of 1891 and its new oppressive measures in hilly region
created a particular climate for the socio-political agitation in not only Manipur
but also in many parts of the North-East India. There were particularly two new
systems of oppressive measures, which crated a feeling of bondage among the
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people of Zeliangrong community. Firstly, the village chief who was traditionally
endowed with great prestige and responsibility in almost every aspect of their life
was replaced by a British appointed official called 'Lambus'. Thus, British
suppressed the little autonomy which these tribals enjoyed inside their traditional
social system. And it was again followed by the imposition of heavy house tax,
force subscription known as 'Pothang-senkhai', and force labour system known as
'Pothang' which gave a serious negative impact to the traditional tribal village
economy. These payments in the fonn of tax and SUbscription had to be made by
every household whether he/she was in a position to payor not, due to the reason
of sickness or extreme family misfortunes.
Secondly, along with the coming of British colonialism Christianity came
to the Zeliangrong area in 1917 and it started condemning every foundation of
their traditional culture and religious practices. This new religion considered their
forefathers' beliefs rites, ceremonies, feasts, customs and traditions as pagan. So
this new system political and religious policy of the British brought
discontentment to the people of Zeliangrong community. The circumstance
naturally created a sense of insecurity in the minds of the Zeliangrong people.
Thus it paved the way for starting an anti-colonial movement to protect their
identity.
Conversion is the most important factor leading to Identity crisis of the
Kabui Nagas. It was the Christian missionaries who were in direct contact with
the people. J. Lonkumar opined that, "In their pursuit of introducing the new
religion (Christianity) to the 'heathens' the missionaries not only changed the
lives of the people in tenns of religion but also changed their social organization
and social life. With conversion and education, the rate of change was
accelerated".9 The traditional Kabui Nagas combined culture and religion
together. This means that the study of culture includes the rituals and ceremonies
relating to their common beliefs and faith. Moreover, the festivals of the Kabui
Nagas always have the element of prayer and worship. However, when many
Kabuis were converted into other religion, they even stop celebrating their aged
old festivals.
9 Lonkumar. 1. (2004) The Ao Village Organisation: Origin to Present Day, in N.Venuh(ed) Naga Society: Continuity and Change, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Shripa Publications, pp.29-30.
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As a matter of fact, the converts even assert their identity through their
new religion. This is seen among Mizos of Mizoram and Nagas of Nagaland. The
Nagas of NagaI and have even declared as "Nagas for Christ".
As already been discussed earlier, the early Kabui Christians because of their
newfound faith were ostracized and displaced by their own fellowmen. They are
alienated and estranged by their own community and this is responsible as one of
the factors for establishing a separate and distinct identity within their own
community. They also feel that the traditional religion is too conservative and
superstitious which could not lead them to heaven. According to the bible, it is the
only Christians that go to heaven. As a matter of fact, these converts became more
modernize and influence from the west. This creates a situation where they began
to discard anything that is traditional and began to accept everything that is
modem and contemporary. Though, it helps them to bring more development as
the change is taking place at very high pace, no doubt, they have been away from
its ancestral beliefs and customs. Sometimes, the traditional believers question
these converts on the ground of bringing new faith that destroys the traditional
one.
This is in contrast with the black Christians from Africa. Though, besides
the Jews who suffered the most drastic dislocation and fragmentation, the black
Christians could maintain its identity through its unique songs and music which is
socially and politically binding. 10 Likewise, the Israelites were able to survive the
exile and come out of it without losing its identity. II
Beginning in the 19th century, the British entered into the lives of the
Northeast people in general and Manipur in particular in their quest for political
power and commercial interests. Describing the winds of change sweeping the
region, Hokishe Serna says:
"Changing circumstances, political alignments and social conditions were
sweeping over the entire northeast part of the country. The Ahoms had lost their control
over the Assam valley, opening the way for the Burmese imperialistic tendencies. The
Burmese invaders marched through the Patkai range to the Assam valley. Their growing
boldness alarmed not only the local tribes inhabiting the area but also the British who
10 Medom,N.Ricky (2002) The relevance of the Theological Motif of exile to the Naga's struggle for sovereignty as a people, Delhi, Published by Rev.Ashish Amos, the Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (ISPCK), pp.20-29. II Ibid. p.29.
2l{)
had their own e.:r:pansionist designs. Thus, the people of this area were caught between
two imperialistic forces eager to enlarge their sphere of influence ".12
This imperialistic struggle ended with the British emerging on top and
their presence in the area becoming more prominent. Moreover, for strategy and
security reasons, the British could not ignore this region and they began to study
on the people and land and found out the economic potentials of the regions as
well. This has drawn the Nagas into the British imperialist designs. 13
The intrusion into the N aga territories posed a danger to their freedom and
their ways of life. Thus the Nagas reacted against the British and this was
witnessed during the leadership of Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu. The British, in
their self-imposed mission of dominance continued to take away their rights and
land and further divided the people into 'administrative units'. This led to the
breaking up of whole villages and sometimes even families causing the alienation
of one Naga from another. 14
The role of early missionaries is significant at this moment. What the
British did to the land and people, the pioneering American missionary did to the
Kabui ancestral faith and their customs and traditions. They took upon themselves
the role of 'cultural change agents' and saw themselves serving as catalysts for
the natives. They branded all native customs and traditions as 'heathen practices'
and declared them as 'anathema,ls and forced their own culture upon this tribe.
Takatemjen, a contemporary Naga musician, laments the cultural change brought
by the missionaries in which many of the traditional institutions of the local
people were removed. He cites in particular the abandonment of an important
Naga institution, the 'Morung':
"In the wake of Christianity, however, many things developed to the
detriment of Naga culture. The greatest blow to Naga traditional culture came as
12 Serna, Hokishe, (1986) Emergence of Nagaland: Socio-Economic and Political Transformation and the Future, Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, Vikas Publishing House, p.13. 13 Ibid.p.14. 14 Medom,N.Ricky. op.cit.2002, p.40. 15 See for example M.M.Clark (1907) A Corner in India, Philadelphia, American Baptist Publication Society, reprinted by Christian Literature Center, Guwahati, Assam; A. Yanang (1986) Konyak, From Darkness to Light Guwahati, Assam, Christian Literature Center; Keviyiekielie Linyu, (1950) The Angami Church Since 1950 ,Kohima, Nagaland, Kheldi Printing Press. All these books indicate the upcompromising attitude of the missionaries insofar as the Naga
culture and traditions were concerned. They all had to go without any exception. There had even been instances when the missionary refused baptism to a Naga unless he/she did away with his traditional dress and put on the prescribed ones.
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result of the abandonment of Morung. The Morung was a Naga indigenous
institution and the centre of Naga culture. With the abandonment of the morung
many traditional values of the Nagas were lost; one of hem being Naga music and
dance".16
Thus, the 'cultural change' brought about by the early mlSSlonanes
abruptly interrupted the developing tribal story with irreparable and far-reaching
adverse effects. In fairness to these early missionaries, however, it is well worth
remembering the words of Joseph Puthenpurakal, as he writes that it would be
unjust to place all the blame on them. According to him, they were led by two
factors:
"First, the impressions they received when they reached the field; second,
the preoccupation of each missionary couple to report to the Board the success of
their labours in terms of the number of adherents". 17
To these two factors, Derell L. Whiteman adds another factor, the lack of
'anthropological insight'. In his words, "From the time of initial contact many
missionaries, lacking anthropological insight and an understanding of the concept
of culture have confused Christendom with Christianity and Western cultural
tradition with the Gospel of Christ" .18
It deserves to be mentioned here too, that the pioneering American
missionaries who came to the region, were a special kind of people. They
possessed not only zeal but also an adventurous spirit. They had to face untold
hardships and be prepared to face tragedies. 19 Their love for their God and sense
of responsibility for these 'heathens' were commendable as they crossed
thousands of miles across oceans, leaving behind comfort and companionship of
loved ones at home. However, their lack of understanding and appreciation of the
culture and traditions of the very people they were reaching out to, led them to
commit mistakes that caused irreparable damage. They used the 'theory of
16 Taketemjen (1990) Utilizing Naga Music, in Nagas'90, Guwahati, Assam, Published by Candid Sareo, p.IS. 17 Puthenpurakal, Joseph (1984) Baptist Missions in Nagaland: A Study in Historical and Ecumenical Perspective, ShilIong,Vendrame Missiological Institute, p.IS3. 18 Whiteman, D.L, as quoted by Takatemjen in Nagas'90, p.16. 19 For an account of the early experiences of pioneering missionaries, see P.T.Philip (1983) The
Growth of Baptist Churches in Nagaland (2nd Ed.), Guwahati, Christian Literature Center; Pamei, Ramkhun (1996) The Zeliangrong Nagas: A Study of Tribal Christianity, New Delhi, Uppal Publishing House; Vaiphei, S.Prim (1987) Different Cultural Practices Among the Tribal Christians in Manipur, Manipur, a publication ofMBC Literature Committee.
212
simplification,20 for their official and administrative records which later had done
injustice to the people. Thus, it is necessary to point out that in spite of their
sacrificial ministry in bringing the Good News of Jesus Christ to the primitive
Nagas, the collateral damage done to the culture and tradition, the very identity of
the people, cannot be ignored. To put Johann Baptist Metz words, "the symbols
and stories of the people are irreplaceable. Nothing will take their place if the
narrative tradition is interrupted or completely broken off and people's memories . . h d" 21 are extmgms e .
For thousands of years the Naga tribes remained untouched by higher
civilization. Neither Hindu culture nor Buddhism or even Islam spread to this land
where people persisted in an ancient type of culture.22But this situation was to
change soon. The coming of the British along 'with conversion affected the tribal
society adversely_ IiI this new and strange environment, the newly converts finds
acute problems of adjustment. They think but their mind is not quite their own.
They speak, but their voice does not sound quite natural. In fact, they are
somewhat unsure of standing by their own selves. On this regard David Buttrick
says that, "they have misplaced their stories and, as a consequence, their
identities".23 The Kabui Naga Christian today, thus, stands at a crossroads where
he has to rediscover himself and his identity. It will not do to simply hand him a
name-tag and tell him what his name is. He has to recover his "narrative ·d ." 24 1 entIty.
The problem of identity faced by the Naga Christian in general today and
the Kabuis in specific requires a re-examination of the cultural heritage, which
has been unwittingly discarded. Here Hokishe Serna rightly points out the need
for the Nagas to recall their past and 'reinvigorate and resuscitate the traditional
institutions ,25 in order to retell their story. However, in the same breath Serna,
also makes a sweeping statement in this regard, which could be an erroneous and
dangerous (for Naga Christian identity in general) statement:
20 This theory is self composition. See chapter I for explanation. 21 Metz,J.B. (1980) Faith in History and Society: Toward a Practical Fundamental Theology, New York, Seabury Press, p.148. 22 Nuh. op. cit. p.37. 23 Buttrick, David. (1987) Homiletic: Moves and Structures, Philadelphia, Fortress Press, p.lO. 24 Ibid. p.lO. 25 Serna, Hokishe, op.cit. 1986, p.166.
213
"It has to be remembered that the traditional sources of identity have
got to be abandoned immediately, for this unnecessarily creates an
apprehension and a fear complex among the Naga tribes; rather
traditions, customs and beliefs have to be slowly transcended through
modernization and acculturation ".16
Contrary to this feeling, the traditional source of identity is the very foundation of
society which cannot be easily forgotten. In fact, it can be argued that the identity
crisis of the Naga tribe in general and the Kabuis in particular is due to this
abandonment of traditional sources of identity. Similar argument was stated by
George Stroup when he says, "a Christian community unaware of its theological
tradition may suffer a form of religious and spiritual amnesia".27 Likewise,
Mircea Eliade shared his thoughts saying, " .. For nothing can begin, nothing can
be done, without a previous orientation; and any orientation implies a fixed point".28
The Kabui Naga ancestral traditions, customs and beliefs gave them the
orientation to face their world. As Eliade further points out, "if a world is to be
lived in, it must be founded,,29 and these were the very foundations of their
existence. Take away their traditions and customs and you take away their
identity. This effect, Serna himselflater points out:
"The rich social traditions, which made life so colourful and
attractive, are now being completely neglected. The various
gennas (ceremonies) and festivals, which united the people of a
tribe and were the main attractions of village life, are no longer
observed. Similarly, the feast of honour through which one
attained social prestige, is no longer celebrated. In other words,
the modern Naga is slowly becoming alienated. He has no roots
either in his home, his village, or his society. His education is not
even remotely related to his culture, environment or traditional
value system. Such alienation can be seen reflected in the
increasing frustration among the youth. This is leading to social
26 Ibid. p-167. 27 Stroup,G.W. (1981) The Promise of Narrative Theology: Recovering the Gospel in the Church, Atlanta; John Knox Press, p.33. 28 Eliade,Mircea (1959)The Sacred and the Profane, Orlando, Florida, Hardcourt Brace Jovanovich, p.22. "9 '. - Ibtd. p.22.
214
decadence. Hitherto unknown maladies like delinquency, mental
disorders, drug addiction, alcoholism and even crime are rearing
their ugly heads among Naga societies. The traditional family
system is also consequently disintegrating. This is leading to family
tensions, separation and divorce. The increasing breakdown of the
individual and family harmony is promoting an unhealthy ferment
h .. I " 30 among t e commumty at arge .
Modernization and acculturation in this respect have nothing to offer the Kabui
Naga Christian in tenns of fonning their identity. In fact, modernization takes
away from them what is real and meaningful and replaces it with what is unreal
and without value. Modernization has ushered in a culture of materialism and
hedonism leading to vain and illusionary activities, which in the ultimate analysis
are unreal and therefore profitless, replacing the rich heritage, which gave
mea~ing and purpose to life.
When we gazed at the contemporary Kabui society, it is dear that the
people are struggling to get their bearings today. With the advent of British
Colonialist, they were exposed not only to the outside forces which gradually
came to threaten their very existence but they were also deprived of much of their
ancestral lands. Then the early Western missionaries came and interrupted their
traditions by overpowering it with their own culture. In a social structure where
there were no written traditions this was all the more threatening as with the
passing of time the storytellers began to lose their memory. Based on the above
findings, it appears that special attention should be given to the tribal people, its
social and cultural uniqueness and finally reviving the lost identity of the tribe as
general.
Modernization:
Prof Gangmumei Kamei pointed out that "modem civilization in tribal
society is due to the contact with the British conquest and their colonial rule over
Manipur for over half a century. The contact with the European and their
administration resulted into a process of social change in Manipur including the
tribes. This change has been further accentuated after the massive economic
30 Serna, Hokishe. op.cit. pp.184-85.
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development programmes after India's independence".31 This process of social
and economic transformation has been described by Sociologists either as
modernization or westernization. M.N.Srinivas32 prefers to call such process as
westernization. He defined it as "the changes brought about in Indian society and
culture as a result of over hundred and fifty years of British rule, the term
subsuming changes occurring at different levels ...... technology, institutions,
ideology and values.,,33 However, the argument differs with Prof. Gangmumei
when he hesitates to use the term westernization in his study on hill tribes of
Manipur. He pointed out that "since the tribes of Manipur had comparatively
shorter period of contacts with the British, 56 years to be exact, but having been
brought into intimate contacts with India ....... it will not be appropriate to apply
the term westernization to this aspect of social change among the tribes of
Manipur.,,34 Whatever the term may be, we can argue that the interaction with the
British had resulted in many changes in the Kabui society. Therefore, it will not
be wrong to say that the coming of the British is accompanied with the forces of
modernization. It was during the colonial regime that the changes in the tribal
society like the Kabuis were taking place drastically. With the help of
missionaries, many Kabuis were converted into Christianity and started following
the western way oflife. The other people who remained.as non-christians also got
benefited by the introduction of so many new systems in their lives. The systems
of formal or western education, printing press, and telegraph changed the outlook
of the people immensely. This change was aggravated by the direct intervention
of the Government of India after its independence by implementing many
economic plans and programs to bring progressive development in Manipur. Thus
we see the traditional Kabuis coming out from their conventional customs and
competing with other ethnic groups. A debate on modernity and tradition has
already been discussed in the introductory chapter. As pointed out, modernization
creates a new system of worldviews, values and meanings to the people. Most
often this new system come in the way of the existing traditional elements and the
question arises whether one should adhere to the traditional system and practices
31 Kamei,G. (2006) On History and Historiography of Manipur, New Delhi, Akansha Publishing House,p.l45. 32 Srinivas,M.N. (1972) Social Change in Modem India, New Delhi, Orient Longman, p-49. 33 Ibid. p.55. 34 Kamei,G. op.cit. 2006, p.146.
216
or to allow changes in society. As the need f-or economIC development is
increasingly felt by all societies, in most cases people compromise their traditions
with such developments. Thus a new system created by modernization poses a
threat to the traditional values and meanings. Likewise, the Kabui N agas who
were proud of their rich culture and traditions for many decades came a point of
time where they have to compromise with the changing times. Therefore we see a
trend in most villages in the valley of Imphal where many traditional festivals
were either deleted or cut short. For instance, Rih Ngai (festival of war) is deleted
in many villages and in Sangaiprou it is merged with the general Gaan-ngai (the
festival of spring). The festival of Gaan-ngai which last for a long week is again
reduced to 4-5 days in most villages in ImphaJ.
It means that the process of modernization is quite strongly felt even in the
tribal community like the Kabui N agas. As a result of this impact we see many
people busy making their career and not attending or giving importance to any
village festivals. Most importantly, the need for quality education has driven
many youngsters to study outside the state especially in the place like Delhi,
Bangalore and Mumbai. As a result of wider interactions and higher education,
we find many youths getting employment in many central universities,
Government services both State and central and even in many research
institutions of India. This has also an impact on the families back horne. The
conservative families are now willing to send their children to outside Manipur
for better education and opportunities. The learning and exchange of ideas and
culture benefited the youths and this is reflected in performing the traditional
dances wherein many modem steps have been incorporated and added to give a
fresh and modem form of dance and songs.
A new trend has emerged in the Kabui s~ciety where the people are
looked down to those who resist social change. Many villages in Imphal such as
Kakhulong, Maj-orkhul and Keishamthong have developed rapidly. As these
villages are located in the heart of the Imphal city, they get maximum facilities
and this really helps them to compete even with the mainstream.
Therefore, the process of modernization that carne as a strong force in the
Kabui society somehow came in the way of retaining its traditional culture. It is
surprising to see that in· such viUages where development is progressing, there is
also an increase in identity consciousness of the people. It means that
217
modernization poses a threat in the tradition making of the tribe and the
hypothesis that was adopted is proved affinnative.
Globalization:
Globalization has been discussed as a complex ongomg process, like
Modernization, Sanskritization, etc. which runs across boundaries of nations and
encompasses the whole Earth turning it into a Global Village. Various kinds of
globalization are possible in the larger scenario like. Cultural Globalization,
Spiritual Globalization, Technological Globalization etc. Anthony Giddens
defines globalization as the compression of time and space. The compression of
space is because of the easier movement across borders, and time because it is
easier and quicker to reach out to people across globe which is facilitated by
technologies like internet, telephones etc. The process of Globalization according
to Prof. Anand Kumar35 is a cumulative process which involves globalization of
finance (FDls and FIls), commodities (like Coca Cola and Mc Donalds' etc), of
Brand na~es (like Gucci, Nike etc), of technology (like internet, WiFi etc), of
infonnation (like coverage of the 9/11 incidence) and the globalization of labour
(like software engineers), etc. Therefore, Prof. Kumar pointed out the five basic
aspects of Globalization which were discussed, viz.: capital, technology,
infonnation, commodity and labour. Besides these, he outlined eight facilitators
of globalization which throws a light in the contemporary society.
1. Market:
This has been a facilitator since ancient times; international trade has been a
feature since centuries, when the Portuguese and Dutch and English created
colonies worldwide. It has been seen that growing marketization creates growing
potential for globalization.
2. Money:
Money has been seen as a great mediator of globalization, which is the most
preferable means of exchange. With the increase in the use of plastic money
(credit cards etc), this process is increasing its pace.
3. Modernity:
Modernity is considered to be one of virtues in a globalized world. The more
modem an outlook one sports, more acceptability one gets in everybody's eyes.
35 This is quoted from his lecture delivered at Seminar Hall, Department of Sociology, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi on 161h February 2008 at 11 A.M.
218
Modernity is also put against nationality which in comparative terms is seen as a
less open and narrow concept.
4. Middle Class:
With the emergence of industrialization, came the middle class, which has since
then evolved and changed with time. It was engaged in the process of nation-
building and now they are the harbingers of globalization.
5. Media:
It is the media in today's world which has made the world look like our backyard,
and has helped evolve a familiarity with it. Media makes the world and its entire
phenomenon approachable and acceptable.
6. Migration:
Though not a new phenomenon yet it has increased in the wake of globalization
and in tum perpetuates it.
7. Quest for mobility:
Since the purchasing power of the people is increasing, it is leading for a desire to
acquire better and more. Man has become more ambitious with time, and the
increasing competitiveness is also responsible for this rush to move up in the
socio-economic hierarchy.
8. Multi-culturalism:
Large scale migration, effect of media, tourism etc has led to the emergence of
multi-culturalism which in tum gives it a push.
To him, the facilitators of globalization have also led to some problematic
situations in the society. The widening of gap between the rich and poor, the
deepening of disparity, the problem of relative deprivation is so conspicuous that
they are leading to debates in society. This has also led to changing power
equations in the society which can be seen in the form of new hegemony that is
emerging in the world. Further it was discussed that globalization is often
confused with "Americanization", which is not correct because though America
as a super power holds 30% of the world GDP, and the sustenance of the world
economy depends upon its economy, yet globalization is much wider a
phenomenon.
Another feature of globalization is that it is 'exclusive' and not 'inclusive',
that is the phenomenon involves only those who willfully participate in it, while
others are left behind, for e.g. the people suffering from chronic unemployment.
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Therefore, globalization today poses a tremendous challenge. The indicators of
development show a dismal performance in the majority parts of the world. While
in the world, more than 1.5 billion people in South Asia, Sub-Saharan region and
Latin America live on the verge of starvation, the case is equally bad in India.
According to the Census 2001, the literacy level of India is 65%. The peasants,
farmers and the socially and economically backward sections are the marginalized
section which is living under conditions of pauperization.
Globalization also differentiates in the fields which it promotes, for e.g. while
the service and industrial sector has seen a good growth in India, the agriculture
has become less profitable and saw a meager growth. This has led to the
phenomenal increase in the suicide rates amongst farmers in many parts of India.
Because of this there is a growing unrest and tension and conflict amongst people
and it is becoming difficult for them to match pace with the swift wave of
globalization. Globalization has also led to an increase in the wasteful expenditure
and consumerism. Therefore the society is -increasingly being divided into
'gainers' and 'losers' and thus widening the rift all the more.
This means that today, with the spread of global markets and universal
consumer culture, all communities are purely looked as mere consumers. The
process of globalization dictates homogenization of all societies and most often it
is the smaller groups that lose their identity or being merged with the mainstream.
It means that the philosophy which. preach oneness and equality in the eyes of
market laws provide no doubt a better platform of mass participation, But
surprisingly, this process also destroys the legitimate rights and identities of the
smaller groups, because it is the majority that dominates the smaller and less
influential ones. Therefore, the impact of globalization has directly or indirectly
affected the Kabui Nagas as they began to search for better livelihood which
ultimately brings 'disjunction to their traditional culture.
220