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LAND, CASTE AND POWER IN BIHAR

Bihar rural economy is primarily characterized by land relations

and is centered on land. It provided the people their livelihood and it

remained the biggest source ofincome and earning. In past the entire

socio-economic structure was woven around land, and at present land is

still the most dominant mode through which the power and prestige is

acquired in the rural areas. After independence, with the abolition of

landlordism, the rise of rich peasantry has brought the middle social

stratum of society- the middle land based castes- to leading position in

the rural economy and in state politics. Some of the middle level

peasants occupy dominant position in the economic and political system

of the village. Now these middle castes aim at a greater share in power

politics, jobs, and educational institutions. A new social stratification

based on education, income and occupation is gradually taking shape.

Transfer of power to the upper backwards continued at the local level

along political line. There is a noticeable transfer of power in the

countryside to the backwards.

In 1891, the number of people engaged in agriculture was 61.24

percent. Even after such a long period, the situation has not been

changed. In a typical Bihar village, up to early years of twentieth century,

112

the following socio-economic structure was existing. On the top was

usually a big zamindar, and below him were one or many intermediary

tenure holders. Under whom came occupancy and non-occupancy ryots.

Generally, occupancy ryots with larger landholdings sublet a part of their

holdings to sharecroppers of different varieties who were lumped together

as under ryots. The occupancy ryots, especially those belonged to four

upper castes relied on labourers for agricultural operations, partly or

fully, they themselves performed, only supervisory functions.

In most of the cases, the zamindars and intermediary tenure

holders were Bhumihars and Rajputs, though Brahmins, Kayasthas,

Ahir, Bania, Kurmies and Muslims also existed here and there. The

occupancy and non- occupancy ryots came largely from backward

castes, and agricultural labourers consisted mostly from the people from

scheduled castes and scheduled tribes and from weaker sections of the

backward castes.

Our concern in this chapter will be with the following issues:

>- Which castes have been dominant in the villages as far as land

ownership and political power is concerned. This chapter seeks to

examine the interplay between caste and land control in the rural

Bihar.

>- What has been the impact of the abolition of the zamindari system

on the ownership of land by various castes?

113

TABLE4-(i)

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERN IN BIHAR IN 1891

Occupation No. of People Engaged Percentage of Total

People Engaged

Government service 2,46,744 0.90

Pasture and agriculture 1,66,54,685 61.24

Personal service 11, 13,125 4.09

Preparation and supply of 32,30,772 11.88

material substances

Commerce, transport and 6,09,623 2.24

storage

Professions 3,45,783 1.27

Indefinite and independent 49,95,417 18.37

Total 2,71,96,149

Caste and Land Control in Rural Bihar

The relationship between caste and land became rigid to some

extent by the introduction of zamindari land rights under British rule.

Virtually all great landlords among Hindus were Brahmins, Bhumihars

and Rajputs, although not all households among the upper caste were

landlords. The majority of upper caste households were small landlords

and rich peasants. The most numerous members of the middle peasants

were Ahirs or Yadavas, the largest caste group in all district of Bihar,

followed by the traditional cultivating castes of kurmis and koeris. Some

114

Y ada vas, kurmies and koeris whose holdings were too small to provide

subsistence also worked as agricultural labourers. More frequently,

untouchable castes such as chamars, musahars and Dusadhs,

performed field labour for which they were paid wages in kind. These

castes were distributed more or less evenly throughout the state.

TABLE-4(ii)

CASTE IN BIHAR

Category Caste Groups Percentage of Total Population

Twice-born Brahmin 4.7 caste Bhumihars 2.9

Raj puts 4.2 Kayasthas 1.2 Bania 0.6

Upper shudra Ahir(yadavas) 11.0 Kurmis 3.6 Koiri 4.1

Lower shudras Bar hi 1.0 Dhanuk 1.8 Kahar 1.7 Kandu 1.6 Kumhar 1.3 Lohar 1.3 Mallah 1.5 Nai 1.4 Tatwa 1.6 Teli 2.8 Other shudras 16.0

Muslims 12.5 Scheduled castes 14.9 Scheduled tribes 9.1 Total 100.0 Source: Blair, 1979.

Caste in Bihar can be broadly categorized in six groups, five

twice-born castes, constitute 13.6% (Brahmin-4. 7 percent, Bhumihars-

2.9, Rajputs 4.2 percent , Kayasthas-1.2 percent and Banias-0.6

115

percent). Upper Shudras or OBCs - 18.7% (Yadavas-11 per cent,

Kurmies-3.6 percent and Koeris - 4.1 per cent), lower Shudras or

extremely backward castes 32 percent, Muslims 12.5 per cent ,

Scheduled Caste- 14 percent and Scheduled tribes 9.1 percent. Amongst

the upper castes, the Brahmins have the highest ritual and social status,

while Bhumihars and Rajputs have been landlords and major

landowning castes. Kayasthas have been educationally the most

advanced community in the state. Most of the big landlords are member

of twice born castes while most of the poor, landless laborers belong to

scheduled castes and other deprived castes.

The social structure of rural Bihar 1s mainly dictated and

conditioned by land relationships. In Bihar, the British never managed to

establish more than a limited raj. The provincial administration could

raise less than half the average amount of land revenue per thousand of

the population than other provinces and spent less than any other

provincial government on administration at the district and the divisional

levels. In 1911, fewer than 100 district officials were spread over 21

districts, while expenditure on the police per 1000 population was the

lowest in British India1. In all regions of Bihar, provincial government

was able to rule only on terms acceptable to the great rajas and

Zamindars who continued to be recognized as both the political and

social leaders of the people in their respective estates.2 Even before the

mutiny of 1857, the British has enlarged the legal powers of zamindars

1 Stephen, Henningham, Peasant movements in colonial India, Canberra, Australian national university, 1982. 2 J.S. Jha, Early revolutionary movements in Bihar, 1906-1920, K.P. Jiasawal Research institute, Patna, 1977

116

and their agents to formidable level. By contrast, the zamindars ignored

government regulations to give the tenants written pattas stipulating the

rents and other conditions of lease. The zamindars further paid no

attention to government orders requiring the appointment of patwaris or

accountants at the village to record revenue transactions

As company rule gave way to that of crown, the main

imperative for the British in Bihar became a closer alignment between

the great landlords and the colonial state. The maximum benefits of the

government- zamindars alliance went to the old Hindu families in

possession of great estates, especially the Darbhanga raj, which

dominated Darbhanga and Muzzafarpur. Other major beneficiaries

included the Hathua Raj, which owned the northern part of Saran

district, and controlled smaller estates in Champaran, Sahabad,

Darbhanga and Muzzafarpur. The Betiah Raj in Champaran; the

Dumraon estate in Sahabad; and Ramgarh raj in Chottanagpur also

derived maximum benefit in this way.

Overall, the zamindari system established production relations,

which allowed zamindars to extract the surplus from agriculture, without

having any need to invest in improved cultivation practices. The system

therefore gave way towards commercialization of production among the

rich peasantry only and not for everybody. Consequently, it allowed the

zamindars to manipulate status value in order to protect their position. It

is indeed, difficult to disentangle the economic and social basis of upper

caste dominance at the villages. The large number of petty proprietors

were in no position to enhance rents or levy cesses on their tenants.

Nevertheless, the right to collect rents from ryots was by itself a source of

117

prestige. This confirmed the zamindars supenor social position. Upper

caste households among all size groups, showed an overwhelming

preference for leasing out or cultivating their land with hired labourers

over working their holdings themselves or with the help of family

labour.The bhumihars and rajputs emulated the Brahmans m hiring

ploughmen as a means of enhancing their social prestige.

The Brahmanical life style also provided the authoritative social

model for the few landholders of shudra rank. The practice among low

caste Hindus leasing out land occurred mainly among larger owners. The

practice of leasing out land among the backward classes and scheduled

castes families was amazing especially when they themselves formed the

agricultural labourers' groups in village. Apart from many other factors,

leasing out land seemed to provide added social prestige in the villages to

families of backward class groups. 3 The zamindars were also clever in

manipulating the ritual gulf between tenants of twice born and shudra

rank to deprive the peasantry of the natural sources of leadership from

the most assertive sections of among its ranks. Few tenants in Bihar

were Brahmins or kayasthas, about 10 percent were bhumihars, but a

significant proportion were Rajputs. The bulk of tenants- cultivators

came from among the Ahirs, koiri, and kurmis. 4 Grierson found that in

the villages a clear distinction was made in the treatment of high caste

and low caste tenants that subordinated the economic definition of their

ranking to that of ritual status. Tenants of high and low castes were

3,G. Ojha, Land problems and land reforms, Sultanchand and sons, new Delhi, 1977. 4

, Francine frankel R., Caste land and Dominance in Bihar, in Frankel, Francine Rand M.S.A.Rao (eds), Dominance and State power in Modem India, Decline of a social order, oxford university press, New Delhi.

118

referred to by different generic names, lived in separate quarters of the

village and were granted unequal term of tenure. Moreover, tenants from

high castes were not required to do begar or unpaid labour on the

landlords' fields, although they were required to send their own field

labourers for such works, low caste ryots customarily performed begar

and were much more subservient. s

Role ofBPKS

It is worthwhile to mention here the role of Bihar Pradesh

Kisan Sabha (BPKS), because it was the only peasant movement

committed to class struggle. It started from small beginning in 1927, as

the Kisan sabha in west Patna district and was expanded in 1929, to the

Bihar Pradesh kisan sabha, and in 1936, established a national presence

as the all kisan sabha .. Its leader was swami sahajanand sarswati. He

belonged to a small zamindar family in Gazipur district of eastern Uttar

Pradesh. 6 He combined the role of a religious reformer, congress

nationalist, kisan leader, and militant agitator without becoming wedded

to any political ideology or party organization. Although his strategy to

bring together the landlords and the tenants together was unsuccessful

in the surrounding countryside, peasant leaders emerged in other parts

of Bihar. In 1929, when it was formed it had the support of almost all the

congress leaders in the state. Most believed it would strengthen the

congress organization by drawing peasants into the civil disobedience

5 George Grierson A., Bihar Peasant life, cosmo publications, 1885. 6 Francine Frankel R.op.cit.

119

movement. The relationship between the Bihar Pradesh congress

committee (BPCC) and the BPKS were very close. However, in course of

time, tensions between the two organizations built up slowly.

Militant local activists took up the cause of the peasantry in

pressing for reduction of rent, although the top congress leadership had

decided to avoid all agrarian issues. The zamindars retaliated by

instructing their ryots to have nothing to do with the civil disobedience

movement. Sahjanand became suspect when they began to disassociate

themselves from Gandhi whose emphasis on non-violence appeared to

them more and more designated to defend landlords' classes. Moreover,

he clearly intended to emphasis the rights of poor peasants and

agricultural labourers in agrarian struggles. In practice, the grass root

organization of the movement was never put in place, partly because the

activities of the BPKS revolved so closely around Sahjanand's personality

that the activities of the provincial kisan sabha were run informally from

Bihita ashram.7

Sahjanand, who wanted to keep the BPKS out of party politics,

nevertheless began to rely on the radical left inside the congress for

political support. At the urging of the socialist, he led the BPKS, in 1935,

to endorse zamindari abolition without compensation. He also went along

with the socialists, in 1936, when they formed the All India kisan sabha

(AIKS) which brought under a single organizational umbrella all kisan

Sabhas then active in the country. The all India kisan manifesto, which

claimed to represent all small landowners, tenants and landless

labourers, in effect challenged the assertion of congress that it was the

7 ibid.

120

main kisan organization. Its radical programmes included abolition of all

zamindari tenures without compensation, as well as immediate demand

of reduction of rent by fifty percent cancellation of rent and revenue

arrears occupancy rights to all tenants.

In 1930, the condition of the cultivators of Bihar had

dramatically deteriorated. In north Bihar the economic depression, lasted

for about eight years. Many tenants survived only by incurring hopelessly

high debts, while some were deprived of their holdings through rent

suits. Since the 1920s, in Patna and Gaya districts, tenants had

succeeded in converting their produce rent, which frequently amounted

to % of the value of the crop. The zamindars with. few exceptions did not

reduce rentals once the slump set in. As the peasants fell into arrears

they were dispossessed from their land on grounds of non-payment of

rents.

The BPKS leaders responded by organizing meetings, rallies

and demonstrations at which they accused the congress of betraying the

masses, and ridiculed as absurd the Gandhian notion that there could

be compromise between the landlords and tenants. In 1937, the Bihar

congress had taken the decision to cut of all ties with the BPKS. The

Bihar congress working committee formally condemned Sahjanand for

inciting violence after which he resigned from the working committee.

The BPKS was itself led mainly by Brahmins and bhumihars. Its

followers mainly came from among the larger occupancy tenants who

were primarily bhumihars and rajputs.Moreover the BPKS inculcated a

sense of militancy among the peasants of Bihar against the different

types of exploitations. Overall, the kisan agitations did not see the

121

emergence of tenants as a class; rather they resulted in a limited class

formation among rich peasants, who were primarily drawn from among

the upper castes. B

In 1947, a group of freedom fighters from backward caste

communities formed Bihar State Backward Class Federation. Its

charismatic leader R.L. Chandapuri builds a mass movement and this

federation published a Hindi weekly Pichra Vdrg. After 1950, the

momentum of the backward classes' movement declined. Congress

leaders offered Chadpuri's supporters government contracts, business

licenses, and the most alluring of all, congress tickets in the upcoming

1952 elections. The appointment of backward class commission by the

government of India in January 1953 provided a ray of hope to the

leaders of the backward communities. After 1952 elections, the congress

formed its ministry, and in the first Bihar Legislative assembly, a

backward class welfare committee was formed with membership cross

cutting party line to support the cause of the backward classes on the

floor of the assembly and to work in close cooperation with the backward

classes' federation outside the house.9

The publication of the backward classes' commission

reports, in 1955, recommended preferential treatment for members of the

other backward classes. The other backward classes instead of emulating

Brahmins and Kshatriyas now after the recommendation turned their

attention towards secular goals.

8 ibid. 9 ibid

122

In practice, the Yadava caste group derived the greatest

benefit from the introduction of universal suffrage. In some

constituencies, their number accounted for 25 percent to 35 percent of

the electorate, sufficient to determine the outcome of election to the

legislative assembly. 10In the mean time, the congress government

introduced a bill to abolish the zamindari system. However, it was

delayed by zamindars by several tactics. Delayed enforcement favoured

the large landlords in efforts at evasion. Major loopholes in the legislation

permitted the zamindars to retain 'Homestead' land (up to ten acres), and

land used for agriculture and horticultural purposes in khas possession

without any upper limit.ll

Virtually no reliable land records existed to verify the actual

distribution of land between zamindars and occupancy tenants. Any

efforts by government officials to correct the land records were marked

with non-cooperation by the zamindars and occupancy tenants. Large­

scale eviction of tenants occurred during the hiatus between the

adoption of zamindari abolition as congress policy and its enforcement as

state law. The power of landed classes to undercut land reforms was

further demonstrated in the ease with which they delayed passage of a

land ceiling bill from 1955 until 1962, and then ensured that the Bihar

land reform act was studded with every possible loopholes to scuttle

effective implementation.l2They had therefore some ten years to arrange

10 The 1911 census provides the last information on caste concentration for lower caste. In that year, yadavas reached up to 35 percent of the population in some revenue thanas, a unit that was about twice the size of a contemporary legislative assembly constituency, cited in Blair. 11 Khas possession included lands not only personally cultivated by the intermediaries but also cultivated under his supervision through a manager with hired labour, or through a sharecropper to whom he supplied the means of cultivation such as bullocks. 12 ibid

123

partitions among family members, transfer lands to fictitious persons,

prepare false documents of sale, and alter land records. 13The transfer

during this period suggests that 400000 to 500000 acres of surplus land

were hidden through fictitious transfers alone.l4

The greatest beneficiaries of land reforms were the larger

occupancy tenants, some of whom got additional land as the result of

partitions, transfer and sales of surplus land by zamindars. According to

one estimate about 10 percent of total cultivable area passed from

control of the largest landlords into the hands of intermediate size

cultivators.ls

LAND AND CASTE

Big Landowner Midsize Owners Small Landless

(Over 10 Acres) (2.5-10 Acre) Owners (0- Labourers

2.5 Acre)

Twice-Born Castes 80 231 217

Backward Castes 18 89 457

Scheduled Castes 0 7 203

Source: Based on a survey of 2531 households in Bihar conducted in the early 1980s

under the auspices of the world Employment programme of the ILO. The result of this

survey are presented in an unpublished report: P.H. Prasad and G.B.Rodgers, "class,

caste and landholdings in the analysis of the Rural economy." Population and Labour

Policies programme, working paper no.140, world employment programme

13, M.P. Pandey, Land records and agrarian situations in Bihar, A.N. Sinha Institute of social sciences,

Patna, 1979. 14

, G. Ojha land problems and land reforms, Sultanchand and sons, New Delhi, 1977. 15

, Pradhan Prasad H., Caste and Class in Bihar, Economic and Political Weekly, annual number, Febuary, 1979.

124

32

392

477

research(working paper),international labour office, Geneva, 1983, taken from agrarian

transformation by D.K.Singh,Rawat Publication, 1995.

From the table number 4(iii), it is clear that, there is strong

position of medium size landholders as an economic strata, relative both

to marginal and small farmers on the one hand and large landlords on

the other.

The majority of the larger occupancy tenants had been members of

the upper castes, especially Bhumihars and Rajputs. After zamindari

abolition, they became the largest landholders at the village level. By

contrast, yadavas and kurmies tended to have large holdings only in few

localities. Most important however, was the impact of zamindari abolition

on the social prestige of the upper castes. In Bhojpur, which was

previously known as Sahabad, the aristocracy and the propertied

zamindars were affected very badly. With the abolition of zamindari, they

had a great slump in what was considered a social prestige apart from

the decline of financial resources.16 Under the changed conditions, when

occupancy tenants enjoyed virtually the same rights in their holdings as

ex-intermediaries and paid rent to the state rather than tribute to the

landlords, the twice born castes found it impossible to assert the

subordination of economic standings to ritual status. Forcibly they had

to acknowledge a new situation in which low caste landowners could no

longer be subjected to social abuse .Moreover, in villages where the

yadavas or kurmies enjoyed numerical superiority, the introductions of

elections to the panchayat in 194 7, made it possible for candidates from

these castes to displace traditional Brahman leaders.

16 Bihar district Gazetteers, Sahabad, 1966.

125

The implementation of land reforms and different tenancy reforms

are not at all satisfactory. The problem is that, in the area there is no

security of tenure of the tenants. In rural Bihar, most of the tenancy is

done orally and there is no record at all. In this case, once a tenant is

moves for his legal rights, the landownerimmediately evicts him.

TABLE 4(iv)

NUMBER AND SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF OPERATIONAL HOLDINGS IN BIHAR

Size class in Number percentage Area percentage hectares( acres)

Marginal 64.33 16.09 0.5 to 1.0 (1.2 to 2.5)

Small 14.64 13.62 1.0 to 2.0 (2.5 to 5)

Semi-medium 4.4 10.9 2.0 to 4.0 (5 to 10) Medium 7.1 36.2

4.0 to 10.0 (10 to 25)

Large 1.38 12.12 10.0 to 20.0

(25 to 50)

Over20.0 1.7 8.4 Source: B1har revenue department (Agncultural census), Report on Agncultural census,

1970-71, Patna,Bihar.

After independence, with the abolition of landlordism, the rise of

rich peasantry has brought the middle social stratum of society- the

middle land based castes- to leading positions in the rural economy and

in state politics. Some of the middle level peasants occupy dominant

126

positions in the economic and political system of the village. Taking the

1911 census as guide, we find that there are a few areas in Bihar where

the forwards are in a plurality; they form over 30 percent of total

population in parts of bhojpur district and over 25 percent in pockets of

Aurangabad, Patna, and Rohtas districts. For the most part, however,

they collectively amounted to between 5 and 15 percent of the

population. Instead, the backwards are numerically large in most areas.

Yadavas alone account for over 25 percent of the population in areas of

Gaya, patna districts and taken together with the koiries and kurmies

amount to over 30 percent in larger parts of Nalanda and Rohtas

districts in addition to those just named. The upper backwards simply

outnumber the forwards in many places.

There is a noticeable transfer of economic power in the villages

to the backwards, as the forwards prove unable to cope with the

aggressiveness, industry and profit orientation of the backwards. The

situation started taking a gradual turn in the post 1960s when the socio­

economic. consequences of land reforms measure and green revolution

began expressing themselves in growing peasants' class differentiation.

The growing consciousness of deprivation was articulated in terms of

their rightful claims. This disgruntled group became more aware about

their numerical strength and political power. The changing tenor was

further visible in growing activities of several militant groups and

127

increasing atrocities on members of dalit castes who were in most of the

cases poor peasants and agricultural labourers.

Status of rural poor was improved therefore to this the rural

poor were able to exercise their right to vote. The rural poor also

organized themselves under the banner of BPKS, the peasant

organization of the IPF and voiced certain demands, all of which fall

within the purview of constitution of India. In the course of asserting

their rights, the villagers resorted to peaceful forms of struggle such as

processions, meetings and strikes. Besides, they also reactivated the

traditional systems of panchayat group meetings in villages and took

collective decisions. The landlords irrespective of their political or caste

affiliations, forged an alliance with the local administration and

frustrated efforts towards formulation of policies in favor of the rural

poor and their implementation. They responded to the mobilization of the

poor launched by the BKPS by the show of armed strength. The attempts

of the Harijans to assert their rights have often resulted in fighting.

Bloodshed and arson, more often due to counter resistance by the middle

strata such as yadavas, koiries and kurmies.

128

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

TABLE-4(v)

CASTE, CLASS AND LAND OWNERSHIP IN PLAINS OF RURAL BIHAR

Caste Percentage of persons to total in each of the caste group Per Capita

Land owning category (acres) Class Cultivat ed

0 0-5 5-10 10+ All Landlor Middl Poor Land d and e Pea sa Owned in Rich Pea sa nt acre Peasant nt

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Upper 5.7 62.1 17.9 14. 100 89.5 2.9 5.5 0.54 Castes 3

(22.2)

Upper 25.9 66.4 5.5 2.2 100 27.8 35.1 27.6 0.33 Middle castes (21.7)

Other 60.9 37.6 0.0. 1.5 100 7.5 9.2 77.9 0.17 middle castes (16.3)

Scheduled 69.5 30.4 0.1 0.0 100 2.0 4.4 92.0 0.12 Castes

(27.2)

Hindus 40.9 48.7 5.9 4.5 100 31.6 12.5 51.5 0.31

(87.4)

Muslims 58.6 35.4 4.4 1.6 100 21.0 10.3 58.3 0.25

(12.6)

All 43.1 47.0 5.8 4.1 100 30.3 12.2 52.3 0.30

(100) Note: Ftgures m parenthests refer to percentage dtStnbutwn wtth reference to row total Source of Data: "An empirical research study by International Labour Office, Geneva and ANS Institute

of Social Studies, Patna on "Dynamics of Employment and Poverty" in Bihar in 1981. See Prasad P.H. and

Rodgers, G.B. (August 1983), Class, Caste and Landholding in the analysis of the Rural Economy. World

Employment Programme Research, Population and Labour Policies Programme, Working paper No.140,

ILO, Geneva"

129

The above table shows the condition of land, caste and class

ownership in rural Bihar. 14.3% of the upper castes possess more than

10 acres of land whereas, the percentage of the lower castes is nil in this

regard. 69.5% of the lower castes particularly, the scheduled castes

possess no land at all in the rural areas. In class term, most of the

landlords are from the upper castes whereas most of the landless are

from the lower castes. 92percentage of the scheduled castes can be

categorized as the poor peasants according to this table. If we see the

condition of the middle castes, we come to know that their condition is

also far from satisfactory. 60.9% of the other middle castes are landless

and only 1.5% of them possess more than 10 acres of land. Most of the

middle castes and the lower castes are either landless or they fall under

the category of the poor peasants class in the rural areas of Bihar.

The table 4(vi) clearly shows the connection between land holding

and its relation with certain privileged caste and class. It is also clear

from the same table that land is Concentrated in a few higher castes

hand and it is their status symbols. The gap between the highest and

lowest is maximum in Bihar than in any other state in India. The

Bhumihar and Rajputs hold approximately 73 percent of the total land

area in Bihar with little other enterprise, land ownership in State shows

the dominance and power structure.

130

T ABLE-4(VI)

CASTE, CLASS, LAND AND THE TYPE OF CULTIVATION

Class Size ofLand Caste Feature Holdings

Upper Class Very large Brahmin, Not take cultivation of Landlords landholdings Bhumihar and rather intermediares

Raj puts cultivate their land (More than 30 acres)

Rich Large land holdings Bhumihars, Cultivate themselves, Farmers Rajputs, Farming is based on

(About 8-30 acres) Kayastha, exploitations. Yadavas, Kurmies, Koeries

Middle Medium land Yadavas, Koeries, Partly themselves and Farmers holdings Kurmies partly employ cheap

labourers. (About 5-8 acres)

Poor Small land Mainly backward Cultivation is done by Farmers holdings SCs etc. themselves.

(Less than 4 acre)

Agricultural Either landless or Poor strata of BCs Landless Labourer own very small and SC. labourers I bounded

land. labourers.

Source: Field Survey of Bihar, conducted during November-December 1994.

From the above table it is amply clear that the most of the upper

caste landholders usually do not cultivate themselves rather they employ

others. This shows that they seek social prestige in terms of manual and

non-manual laborers. The land is concentrated in the hands of few

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higher castes, and it is their status symbol. The gap between the highest

and the lowest is maximum in Bihar than in any other state in India.

With little other enterprise, land ownership in state shows the dominance

and power structure. Prasad has characterized this as semi-feudal

agrarian structure. 17 According to him vast majority of peasant

households are deficit ones, which forces them to take consumption

loan, from the landowner,class, which they are never able to return, even

in the long run, due to their chronic deficit. This resulted in semi

bondage, it allows them to become semi bondage, and it allows them to

become semi-serf. 18This allows landowners who are mainly upper castes

to become not only rich but also politically very powerful.

Conclusion

Thus, it can be said that power in rural Bihar, directly or indirectly

linked to the caste and landownership. The ownership of land cannot be

seen only in economic terms, but it has larger social and political

connotation. Owner gains prestige and power by the possession of

agricultural land. We have seen from the above discussion that the role

of BPKS was of crucial importance in the mobilization of the landless and

semi-landless people of Bihar.

17 Pradhan Prasad H.. Economic Benefits in the Kosi command area, A.N .S. Institute of social Sciences Studies, Patna, 1979.

18 Ibid.

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