Clans among Koragas and Sociological...

89

Chapter III Clans among Koragas and Sociological Features

Koraga community is not studied elaborate enough and specific enough to establish the

intercommunity sociological features. The community is identified generally based on the traits

identified by the earlier researchers and the folklore descriptions. The specific and interesting

sociological features of the community is seldom forgotten or neglected. The clans and the

sociological characteristics of it among all the tribes are very important to understand the finer

community traits. Among koragas the clans have an important role to play. Even though the

general community and the researchers have not identified the clans among koragas specifically,

the koraga community has a very strong feeling and established social patterns among them

based on the sub clans.

Among koragas three major sub clans have been identified .The community elders and the

leaders make clear statement regarding the clans and their attributes .The current study has made

an effort to identify various sociological attributes with respect to each clan and the comparative

evaluation of various aspects of economical and political variables .The findings of this analysis

has been recorded to support the tribal identity of the koraga community.

Table 3.1 showing the sociological features of clans of Koragas

Name of the Sub clan

Clan Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Onti Koraga 308 61.6 61.6 61.6

Tappu Koraga 142 28.4 28.4 90.0

Kuntu Koraga 50 10.0 10.0 100.0

Total 500 100.0 100.0

The table shows that the Koragas have three different clans as identified by the

respondents of the study. In the study 61.6% of the respondents belong to the onti koraga clan

thus the Onti koraga is the major clan among koragas, Tappu koragas are 28.4% and Kuntu

korags are 10% of the total families studied.

It is important to examine the following aspects with respect to the clans to understand

the characteristics of the clan. The following description by an elderly koraga leader Mr.Sundar

Beluvai describes the specific attributes of the clans.

90

Table 3.2 shows the characteristics of different Clans among Koragas

Criteria Onti/Nadsalu Tappu/Moodayi Kuntu/Tenkayee Meaning of name Wears ear ring Wears leaves Wears cloth Placement Near village Near western Ghats Near dense forest Dress More modern Traditional Traditional Main food Use cows meat often for all

social occasions

Use Cows meat Rarely use cows meat

Worship Koraga taniya Neecha

Havli and Ajjyya(koragajja)

Koraga taniya

Language Tulu based koraga language Kannada based koraga language Tulu Feeling of hierarchy Consider higher Consider civilized first Consider part of forest Matrilineal Practiced Practiced Patriarchy Occupation Agricultural and sanitary

workers Traditional Traditional

Agriculture Few families Few families No families Food collection Collect Very few collect Never collects Hunting Occasional Often Occasional Isolation from other communities

Maximum and untouchability Moderate and less untouchability Totally isolated

Participation in activities of village

Ajal based servitude More on remunerative basis Very rare

Number of Bali 4 6 4 Marriage Traditional traditional No traditional marriages now

The clans are many a time confusing social identities among koragas’ since clear

definition and sociological classification of it is not evident among many families, however the

traditional leaders have a clear idea of the division. Inter clan relationships are clearly defined by

marriage prohibition among the clans. The above discussion with the traditional leader of the

community yields the following specific conclusions regarding the clans.

I. Three major clans Namely Onti /Nadsalu korags,Taappu /Moodayi korags,Kuntu koraga

koraga are identified by the community leaders and all the respondents of the study.

II. The marriage prohibition among the clans is the main sociological condition for separated

existence of the clans.

III. Onti Koragas have developed a habitat and social practice of living near the village hence

have necessarily experienced more caste based social prohibitions and pollution based

social interactions and roles in the village, compared to the tappu and kuntu koragas who

have either maintained a payment based service or have kept a social distance from other

communities even though the relationship is untouchability based not submitted them to

servitude as that of onti Koragas.

91 IV. In the food habits the onti/Nadsalu korags have been using the cow meat more often and

occasionally compared to other clans’. The kuntu koragas use cow meat very rarely. Onti

koragas use cow meat for the marriage and all social occasions of life cycle.

V. Onti korags speak Tulu based koraga language and the tappu koragas speak koraga

language with more kannada words, kuntu koragas speak more Tulu in a different accent.

This difference is due to the influence of habitat. Their accent of Tulu language is

entirely different from the other Tulu speakers of the district.

VI. Among the clans each clan members feel and express superiority on another based on

their own reasons , The onti koragas claim that all other clans are out casted due to inter

Bali marriages but no evidence of it is available. tappu koragas claim superiority based

on their state of civilization and association with the modern /caste society.

VII. Currently the onti and tappu koragas are more matrilineal and matrilocal where as the

kuntu koragas have moved more towards the patriarchal systems and have stopped

traditional marriage systems and ceremonies due to inconvenience to practice it.

VIII. Compared to other clans onti korags have been found involved in agriculture and

agricultural based activities more.

IX. Onti koragas invoved in food collection from the households of caste Hindus compared

to the tappu and kuntu koragas.

X. Onti koragas are untouchables for Hindus where as the kuntu korags have minimum

interaction with the caste groups.

XI. Onti koragas are subjected to a system of servitude based on religious and social

sanctions and prohibitions, where as the tappu koragas have more remuneration based

services. Kuntu korgas are never involved in the village activities.

XII. The Bali which is a consaguanal group is unique identity of all communities of coastal

district. Koragas have the following Bali among the various sub clans.

92

Table3.3 shows the names of Bali among Different clans among Koragas Bali Onti koragas Tappu koragas Tappu koragas of Kundapura and North

canara Kuntu Korags

1 Kunddannya Bijittar Kuttar Maanyader 2 Salettannaya/tadpennyaa Munkattar Elkijiyar Baader 3 Munkannar Bajeltaar Gujigar Kurumber 4 Bangerannya Kurnittaar Hantaar Mundaana 5 Kundannaar Harkajettar 6 Kunddannya Mulettar

Bali or the Consgauos groups are believed to be the people originated from the same

matrilineal origin. They claim a common origin for their family and identify a common decedent.

Main sociological importance of the Bali is that it is purely exogamous as that of other

communities of Coastal Karnataka. Marriages with in Bali are totally prohibited and the violation

of it is punished with expulsion from the family and the Bali.

As there is complete prohibition of endogamy in the Bali the marriages between the clans

were also not encouraged. This is not due to any sociological reason rather due to mere physical

distance between the clans. No punitive measures have been named for the exogamous marriages

between the clans, but an intolerance and aversion towards these marriages are seen which is

vanishing now due to the close interaction between the clans.

The prohibition of marriage among the clans is also an important reason for depleting

population among Koragas.

93

Table 3 4.Taluk wise distribution of Families selected for study from clans

Taluk Name of the Sub clan Total

Onti Koraga Tappu Koraga Kuntu Koraga

Karkala Count 33 42 0 75

% within Name of the Sub

clan

10.7% 29.6% .0% 15.0%

Udupi Count 125 0 0 125


clan

40.6% .0% .0% 25.0%

Kundapura Count 0 100 0 100


clan

.0% 70.4% .0% 20.0%

Mangalore Count 125 0 0 125


clan

40.6% .0% .0% 25.0%

Bantwala Count 25 0 0 25


clan

8.1% .0% .0% 5.0%

Puttur Count 0 0 25 25


clan

.0% .0% 50.0% 5.0%

Sullya Count 0 0 25 25


clan

.0% .0% 50.0% 5.0%

Total Count 308 142 50 500


clan

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

From the above table it can be found that 25% families each from Udupi and Kundapura

taluks and 20% from Mangalore and 5%each from Sullya and Bantwala and Puttur Taluks and

15% families from Karkala Taluk have been selected for study.

Among the three clans onti korgas are been inhabited in Udupi, Mangalore and Karkala

Taluks. Tappu koragas are found in Karkala and Kundapura Taluks. Kuntu Koragas are found in

the southern part of the district in Puttur and Sullya Taluks.

94

Table 3.5 showing the self identity of Koraga families among Different Clans

Self Identity * Name of the Sub clan Cross tabulation

Self Identity Name of the Sub clan Total

Onti Koraga Tappu

Koraga

Kuntu

Koraga

Tribal Count 48 27 17 92

% within Self Identity 52.2% 29.3% 18.5% 100.0%


clan

15.6% 19.0% 34.0% 18.4%

Caste Count 259 115 29 403



clan

84.1% 81.0% 58.0% 80.6%

Dot know Count 1 0 4 5

% within Self Identity 20.0% .0% 80.0% 100.0%


clan

.3% .0% 8.0% 1.0%

Total Count 308 142 50 500



clan

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

The table shows the self identity perceived by the respondents of different clans. Out of 500

respondents 18.4% of the respondents feel that they are tribal, where as 80.6% of the respondents

feel that their identity is caste, and 1% of the population do not know their identity. The

variations in opinion have to be understood based on the following facts,

I. The caste identity is been legally identified by the government system of British.

II. The government of India declared the Koragas as primitive tribes in 1986.

III. Books by Edgar Thurston and the senses report of 1901 term korags as a separate

indigenous people with distinctive characteristics such as language and living condition

and anthropometric measures.

IV. The caste influence and the interactions have created a confusing sense of identity among

the koragas that has direct effect on the sociological and cultural dynamics of the tribe.

Among onti koragas 15.6% of respondents identify themselves as tribes and 84.1% identify

themselves as caste and 0.3 % reported that they do not know their identity. Among Tappu

95 korags 19% identify themselves as tribes and 81% identify themselves as caste. Among kuntu

koragas 34% identify themselves as tribes, 58% identify themselves as caste and 8% have

confusion regarding their identity.

Tribal identity is been accorded by different clan differ considerably as we can note 15.6% of

onti koragas and 19% tappu koragas and 34 % of kuntu koragas identify themselves as tribal this

increasing order of percentage shows that the tribal identity is more strong among the kuntu

koragas who have less interactions with the caste society and the relationship of servitude.

Caste identity is 84% among onti koragas, 81% among tappu koragas and Only 58% among

the kuntu koragas.

The onti korags have strong caste identity Tappu koragas have comparatively less and

kuntu koragas have very less caste identity .On the contrary Tribal identity is strong among

Kuntu Koragas and comparatively weaker among Tappu and Onti koragas in a decreasing Order.

The phenomena of confusing identity may have different effects on the communities’ social,

economical and political aspects.

Table 3.6 showing the comparison of self identity with various community traits.

Variables Test Value Inference

Identity v/s Education Correlation -.183 Tribal identity has negative correlation with education

Identity v/s Occupation Chi square .143 Tribal identity has association with choice traditional occupation

Identity v/s Choice of occupation Chi square 0.705 Tribal identity has positive correlation with choice of occupation

Identity v/s Age of Marriage of

female

Chi square 0.376 Tribals identity has positive association with age of marriage of females

Identity v/s Collect dried food Correlation -.276 Tribal identity has negative correlation with collecting dried food

Identiy v/s Opinion regarding

Koraga language

Correlation 0.381 Tribal identity has positive correlation regarding positive opinion regarding

language

Identity v/s Accepting Dhana for

relief of curse

Correlation -.346 Tribal identity has negative correlation with accepting dhana

The above table demonstrates that the tribal identity has positive association with positive

social image. Tribal identity has negative correlation of 346 for accepting dhana of higher caste

96 which is offered on a belief to transfer the curse and negative forces creating disease to the

koraga family especially to the female. The families with tribal identity have negative inclination

towards it .It suggests that the system of offering daana and Koraga families become the

acceptors is the result of interaction of the tribal with caste communities.

It can also be observed from the above table that the respondents who opine that they are

tribal have a positive opinion regarding the Koraga language. The act of collecting foiled food

from the public places and function also is associated with self identity the tribal identity has

negative correlation with the habit of collecting and using foiled food.

The age of marriage of girl has a positive association with the tribal identity that is the practice of

getting the girl married early is the part of tribal identity.

Table 3.7 showing the comparison of names of the respondents with the clan of the respondents.

Name of the Sub clan Name of Respondent Total

Tribal Caste

based

Modern

Onti Koraga Count 164 46 98 308


clan

53.2% 14.9% 31.8% 100.0%

% within Name of

Respondent

55.8% 82.1% 65.3% 61.6%

% of Total 32.8% 9.2% 19.6% 61.6%

Tappu Koraga Count 93 5 44 142


clan

65.5% 3.5% 31.0% 100.0%

% within Name of

Respondent

31.6% 8.9% 29.3% 28.4%

% of Total 18.6% 1.0% 8.8% 28.4%

Kuntu Koraga Count 37 5 8 50


clan

74.0% 10.0% 16.0% 100.0%

% within Name of

Respondent

12.6% 8.9% 5.3% 10.0%

% of Total 7.4% 1.0% 1.6% 10.0%

Total Count 294 56 150 500


clan

58.8% 11.2% 30.0% 100.0%

% within Name of

Respondent

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 58.8% 11.2% 30.0% 100.0%

97

The above table demonstrates the type of name of the respondent with the clan. The clans

which have closer village and modern orientation are expected to have moved away from having

the tribal names. But the naming of the respondents have been done at least minimum of 30 years

back the cross tabulation of name and clan demonstrates a phenomena half century back.

Among onti koragas out of 308 respondents 53.2 % of the respondents have tribal names,

where as 14.9% have caste based names and 31.8% have Modern names. This indicates that onti

koragas had a greater inclination to adopt modern names compared to the caste based names

Tribal names were kept for more than 50% of the respondents.

Among tappu koraagas 65.5% of the respondents have tribal names and 3.5% have caste

based names and 31% have modern names .It can be observed that even among tappu koragas

majority of the respondents have tribal names and others have modern names they do not have a

inclination towards the caste based names.

Among kuntu koragas 74% of them have tribal names, 10% have caste based names and

16% have Modern names. Even among kuntu Koragas the tribal names are prominent and then

the modern names it is evident that the koraga tribe had a inclination to modern names when they

have to shift from the tribal name. A comparison of all the clans clearly indicates that in the last

four decades the koragas had a tribal name and later they started to shift to modern names rather

than the caste names even though they had close association with the caste groups in the village.

Among three clans kuntu koragas have least inclination towards the caste names hence we can

conclude that the kuntu koragas had very less association with the caste communities and hence

a small segment of them had shown a tendency to name themselves with caste names.

Thus it can be concluded that the koraga tribal had a strong inclination of naming

themselves with the tribal names and then they had a strong desire to shift to the modern names

rather than the caste based names. This indirectly suggests their tendency to avoid identification

with caste even though many of the respondents have identified themselves as caste.

98 Table 3.8 showing the type of the family studied according to the clan of the respondents.

Name of the Sub clan Type of Family Total

Nuclear Family Joint Family

Onti Koraga Count 288 20 308

% within Name of the Sub clan 93.5% 6.5% 100.0%

% within Type of Family 61.0% 71.4% 61.6%

Tappu Koraga Count 134 8 142



Kuntu Koraga Count 50 0 50

% within Name of the Sub clan 100.0% .0% 100.0%

% within Type of Family 10.6% .0% 10.0%

Total Count 472 28 500



The above table demonstrates the family type among the different sub clans. Over all it is

found that the all the sub clans have nuclear families .94.4% of the families selected for study are

nuclear and only 5.6% of the families are joint families. Among the clans onti koragas have93.5-

% of nuclear families and 6.5% of joint families where as, among tappu koragas 94.4 % of them

are nuclear families and 5.6% are Joint families. Among kuntu koragas all the families are

nuclear families. This indicates that the transformation of Joint families in to nuclear families is

very fast among koraga clans and the kuntu koragas who are although isolated from the village

have ventured to go for nuclear families .Other clans also have a greater affinity towards nuclear

family. It is common among the koraga tribes to establish nuclear families soon after the

marriage.

99

Table 3.9 shows the number of females among the families studied across the clans.

Number of Females in Family Name of the Sub clan Total

Onti Koraga Tappu Koraga Kuntu Koraga

No Females Count 3 1 0 4

% within Name of the Sub clan 1.0% .7% .0% .8%

% of Total .6% .2% .0% .8%

One Female Count 47 26 17 90

% within Name of the Sub clan 15.3% 18.3% 34.0% 18.0%

% of Total 9.4% 5.2% 3.4% 18.0%

Two Females Count 107 43 19 169


% of Total 21.4% 8.6% 3.8% 33.8%

Three Females Count 65 41 9 115


% of Total 13.0% 8.2% 1.8% 23.0%

Four Females Count 51 16 4 71


% of Total 10.2% 3.2% .8% 14.2%

Five Females Count 18 10 1 29


% of Total 3.6% 2.0% .2% 5.8%

Six Females Count 5 4 0 9

% within Name of the Sub clan 1.6% 2.8% .0% 1.8%

% of Total 1.0% .8% .0% 1.8%

Seven Females Count 6 1 0 7

% within Name of the Sub clan 1.9% .7% .0% 1.4%

% of Total 1.2% .2% .0% 1.4%

Nine Females Count 4 0 0 4

% within Name of the Sub clan 1.3% .0% .0% .8%

% of Total .8% .0% .0% .8%

Ten Females Count 1 0 0 1

% within Name of the Sub clan .3% .0% .0% .2%

% of Total .2% .0% .0% .2%

Eleven Females Count 1 0 0 1


% of Total .2% .0% .0% .2%

The above table shows the number of females in the families selected for study in the

clans. A total of 8% families do not have any females among them 6% of the families are of onti

100 koragas. 18% Families have one female member in the family among them 9.2% belong to onti

koraga and 5.2% belong to tappu koraga and 3.4% belong to kuntu koragas.23% of families have

three female members and among them 13% are from onti koraga clan 8.2% are from tappu

koragas and 1.2% are from kuntu korgas. A total of 14.2 % families have four female members

among them 10.2 % are from onti koragas and 3.2% of the families are of tappu koragas, and 8

% of the families are of kuntu koragas.

Over all it is found that about 50% of the families have two to four female members. The

number of females in the onti korag families is comparatively more. This phenomena has to be

explained based on the sex preference of the families.

101

Table 3.10 shows the educational standard of family among Koraga Clans.

Highest Education in Family * Name of the Sub clan Crosstabulation Highest Education in Family

Name of the Sub clan Total

Onti

Koraga

Tappu

Koraga

Kuntu

Koraga

Illiterate Count 10 1 6 17

% within Highest

Education in Family

58.8% 5.9% 35.3% 100.0%

% within Name of the

Sub clan

3.2% .7% 12.0% 3.4%

% of Total 2.0% .2% 1.2% 3.4%

Primary Education Count 235 111 38 384

% within Heighest

Education in Family

61.2% 28.9% 9.9% 100.0%


Sub clan

76.3% 78.2% 76.0% 76.8%

% of Total 47.0% 22.2% 7.6% 76.8%

High school Completed Count 47 20 5 72

% within Heighest

Education in Family

65.3% 27.8% 6.9% 100.0%


Sub clan

15.3% 14.1% 10.0% 14.4%

% of Total 9.4% 4.0% 1.0% 14.4%

Pre University

Completed

Count 14 7 1 22

% within Heighest

Education in Family

63.6% 31.8% 4.5% 100.0%


Sub clan

4.5% 4.9% 2.0% 4.4%

% of Total 2.8% 1.4% .2% 4.4%

College Count 2 3 0 5

% within Heighest

Education in Family

40.0% 60.0% .0% 100.0%


Sub clan

.6% 2.1% .0% 1.0%

% of Total .4% .6% .0% 1.0%

The above table explains the educational standard of the different clans of koraga

families studied. It can be observed that among 3.4 % illiterate families, 2% families are of onti

korags and 1.2% of them are of kuntu koragas, only 0.2% is from tappu koragas. It suggests that

102 the illiteracy among onti and kuntu koragas are more and it is very less among the tappu koragas.

This has to be explained further with the caste and social orientation of koraga families. It is

observed from the earlier tables that the onti koragas have the negative social identity and the

kuntu koragas are most isolated from the society. Thus illiteracy among them is more compared

to tappu koragas who have a paid servant status in the village and have not subjected to

servitude. Hence the relationship of servitude is detrimental for education.

76% of the families have minimum primary education among them 47.0% are of onti

koragas and 22.2 % are tappu koragas and 7.6% are kuntu koragas. The fact indicates that the

primary education among onti koragas is strong compared to other clans and it is very weak

among kuntu koragas.

A total of 14% of the families have high school education among them 9.4% are onti

koragas and 4% are tappu koragas and 1% are kuntu koragas .the secondary education is also

better among onti koragas compared to tappu korags and kuntu koragas.

Only 4.4%of the families have the pre university level of education among them 2.8% are

onti koragas and 1.4% of the families are tappu koragas and only 0.2% of the families are kuntu

koragas again the fact that the onti korgag have tried to get in to the higher educational stream

and the tappu koragas are also making their entry in to the educational process and the kuntu

korags since they have the tendency of staying away from the mainstream society experience

more hindrance to get in to the educational process.

The percentage of the families who have college education is only 1% and among them

60% of the families are of tapu koraga and 40% of the families are of onti koragas and kuntu

korags do not have the collegiate education at all.

103

Table 3.11 shows the occupational status of various clans of Koragas

Main Occupation Of Family * Name of the Sub clan Crosstabulation Main Occupation Of Family Name of the Sub clan Total

Onti koraga Tappu Koraga Kuntu Koraga

Basket

Making

Count 124 28 49 201

% within Main Occupation 61.7% 13.9% 24.4% 100.0%


% of Total 24.8% 5.6% 9.8% 40.2%

Cooly Work Count 157 110 1 268

% within Main Occupation Of 58.6% 41.0% .4% 100.0%


% of Total 31.4% 22.0% .2% 53.6%

Sanitary

Work

Count 19 1 0 20


% within Name of the Sub clan 6.2% .7% .0% 4.0%

% of Total 3.8% .2% .0% 4.0%

Government

Job

Count 7 2 0 9



% of Total 1.4% .4% .0% 1.8%

Self

Employment

Count 1 1 0 2



% of Total .2% .2% .0% .4%

Total

% within Main Occupation Of

% within Name of the Sub clan

% of Total

308 142 50 500

61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%

The table demonstrates the occupational pattern among the families of different clans. It

can be found from the table that 40.3% of the onti koragas are involve in traditional occupation

as their main occupation where as 19.7% of tappu koragas and 98% of the kuntu koragas are

involved in traditional occupation of Basket making. And over all 42.2 % of the families are

involved in traditional occupation.

104

58.6% of onti korags and 41% of tappu koragas are involved in Cooly work as main

occupation and only 0.4% of tapu koragas are involved in Cooly work.

6.2% of onti korags are involved in sanitary work and 0.7% of the tappu koragas are

involved in sanitary work where as no families of kuntu koragas are involved in sanitary work

that have strong sense of tribal identity and a quite distance from the general social caste system.

2.3% of onti koragas and 1.4% of tappu koragas are in government jobs and no families of kuntu

koragas are in government job. Self employment is rare phenomena among koragas only 0.4 %

of onti koragas and 0.7% of tappu koragas are self employed and no kuntu koragas are self

employed.The employment pattern among onti koragas is traditional occupation and Cooly

work, where as among tappu koragas it is Cooly work and traditional occupation .But among the

kuntu koragas it is traditional occupation, and cooly work is a very lean matter. The occupational

mobility among the koragas is very minimal and the families have stagnated employment growth

and hence the inability to adapt to the changing economic systems and structure.

105

Table 3.12 Name of the Sub clan * Choice of Occupation Cross tabulation

Choice of Occupation Total

Traditional Cooly Sanitary Government

Name of the Sub

clan

Onti

Koraga

Count 35 170 59 44 308

% within Name of

the Sub clan

11.4% 55.2% 19.2% 14.3% 100.0%

% within Choice of

Occupation

51.5% 53.8% 98.3% 78.6% 61.6%

% of Total 7.0% 34.0% 11.8% 8.8% 61.6%

Tappu

Koraga

Count 9 120 1 12 142

% within Name of

the Sub clan

6.3% 84.5% .7% 8.5% 100.0%

% within Choice of

Occupation

13.2% 38.0% 1.7% 21.4% 28.4%

% of Total 1.8% 24.0% .2% 2.4% 28.4%

Kuntu

Koraga

Count 24 26 0 0 50

% within Name of

the Sub clan

48.0% 52.0% .0% .0% 100.0%

% within Choice of

Occupation

35.3% 8.2% .0% .0% 10.0%

% of Total 4.8% 5.2% .0% .0% 10.0%

Total Count 68 316 60 56 500

% within Name of

the Sub clan

13.6% 63.2% 12.0% 11.2% 100.0%

% within Choice of

Occupation

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 13.6% 63.2% 12.0% 11.2% 100.0%

The above table explains the choice of occupation of the respondents for their family and

taught for the future generation. The choice of occupation is dependent upon many factors

among one important factor being the clan. The clans have a distinctive impact on the choice of

occupation. From the above table we can find that over all a total of 13.6% of the respondents

have chosen traditional occupation as their choice for next generation, where as 63.2% of them

as chosen Cooly work as possible choice of occupation. 12.0% of the respondents suggest and

aspire for the sanitary work as the future employment and 11.2% of the respondents have

selected government job as the possible occupation for the next generation.

106

It can be concluded that the choice of occupation has to be correlated with the other

factors such as sex, education and other sociological factors.

The clan wise description of the choice of occupation shows community dynamics of

aspirations regarding the occupation and the clear influence of the major characteristics of the

clans in influencing the choice of occupation.

Among Onti koragas 11.4% of them have chosen traditional occupation as their future

occupation where as 55.2% of them have chosen cooly work as their future occupation and

19.2% of the respondents have chosen sanitary work as their occupation for future and 14.2% of

them have chosen Government job as their future occupation. From the above fact it is evident

that onti koragas have lost faith on their traditional occupation and are showing a inclination

toward the cooly work, The shift of occupation from the traditional occupation to sanitary work

is a clear indication of the occupational mobility of onti koragas towards the city based servitude

from the rural servitude. Since the attitude of servitude among onti koragas is more the

inclination towards the sanitary occupation is influenced greatly by this in the clan.

Among Tappu koragas 6.3% of the respondents have chosen traditional occupation as

their future occupation and 84.5% of them have chosen cooly work as their future occupation

and only 7% of them have chosen sanitary work as occupation and 8.5% have chosen

government job as their occupation. It is found that Tappu koragas have lost their interest in the

traditional occupation and are more dependent on the cooly work for their future, it is interesting

to note that very few among Tappu korgas have chosen sanitary work .This is because the tappu

korgas have less influence of servitude on the community hence have les inclination towards the

sanitary occupation. The choice of government job is also less since the educational standard of

the community is very low.

Among kuntu korags 48% of them have chosen the traditional occupation and 52% of

them have chosen cooly work as their occupation where as no respondents have chosen Sanitary

work and government jobs. The neglect of the community towards the sanitary work is clear

indication of tribal entity of the community and the members of kuntu koraga clan have not

chosen the government job as their choice for the want of education.

107

A comparison of the choice of occupation of the different clans shows clearly that kuntu

korags have chosen traditional occupation as the main occupation where as only 6.3% among

onti koragas and 11.4% of tappu koragas have chosen the traditional occupation.

It can be observed that 52% of kuntu koragas and 84.5% tappu korags and 55.2% of onti

koragas have chosen the cooly work as their occupation. Among all the clans cooly work become

a viable and alternative possibility of occupation. It is found that the community is shifting to

cooly work from the traditional occupation. This factor is true when compared to the general

phenomena of tribal in Karnataka state and the country as a whole.

The many studies have noted that the employment and educational mobility among tribes

is very slow. Majority of primitive tribes engaged in the collection of minor forest produce. Their

basic disability is rooted in their physical isolation and associated psychological insulation.

(Dube, 1977)

The social structure of the tribal society continues to stagnate; it has no inherent

capacity of change; and its members have no occupational mobility even under conditions of

fast-changing production relations (Bardhan-1973).

The tribes’ folk of Kerala were food gatherers and hunters, shifting cultivators, farm

laborers, and agriculturists (Mathur, 1977). At present, most of them are agricultural

laborers. The proportions of tribes’ folk in all other occupations are small. Their work

opportunities, even in the agriculture field, are shrinking.

In the light of above discussions by various authors in various studies it is evident that the

occupational shift among koragas is in tune with the general phenomena of occupational shift

among the tribal communities in the country. It is noteworthy that irrespective of the clans

among koragas they are losing the scope for traditional occupation and shifting to cooly work

which they may not be able to sustain since the agricultural occupational opportunities are been

reducing and partly are been refused to koragas since they are untouchables.

108

Table 3.13 Name of the Sub clan * Age of Marriage of Eldest Male in Family Cross tabulation

Age of Marriage of Eldest Male in Family

Total

Not

Married

13-15

Years

16-18

Years

18-25

Years

Above 25

Years

Name of the Sub

clan

Onti Koraga Count 12 19 88 162 27 308


Sub clan

3.9% 6.2% 28.6% 52.6% 8.8% 100.0%

% within Age of

Marriage of Eldest

Male in Family

66.7% 41.3% 63.3% 63.8% 62.8% 61.6%

% of Total 2.4% 3.8% 17.6% 32.4% 5.4% 61.6%

Tappu

Koraga

Count 6 16 37 71 12 142


Sub clan

4.2% 11.3% 26.1% 50.0% 8.5% 100.0%

% within Age of

Marriage of Eldest

Male in Family

33.3% 34.8% 26.6% 28.0% 27.9% 28.4%

% of Total 1.2% 3.2% 7.4% 14.2% 2.4% 28.4%

Kuntu

Koraga

Count 0 11 14 21 4 50


Sub clan

.0% 22.0% 28.0% 42.0% 8.0% 100.0%

% within Age of

Marriage of Eldest

Male in Family

.0% 23.9% 10.1% 8.3% 9.3% 10.0%

% of Total .0% 2.2% 2.8% 4.2% .8% 10.0%

Total Count 18 46 139 254 43 500


Sub clan

3.6% 9.2% 27.8% 50.8% 8.6% 100.0%

% within Age of

Marriage of Eldest

Male in Family

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 3.6% 9.2% 27.8% 50.8% 8.6% 100.0%

The above table demonstrates the age of the marriage of the eldest member in the family.

This would explain the age of marriage of different clans. It is hypotheses that the tribal youth

marry at an early age. Different studies conducted by different authors clearly indicate the above

fact.

109

It can be found from the table that the age of marriage of male members among koraga

families as a whole is that 3.6% of the families’ male members are not married. 9.2% of the

families eldest male members are married at the age of 13 to 15 year and 27.2% of the male

members have married at the age of 16to 18 year. This makes a total of 36.4% have married

before the age of 18 years. It is found that 50% of the eldest male members have married

between the age of 18 year and 25 year. 18.5% of the eldest male members have married after 25

year old.

In the study on clans it is observed that among Onti koragas, 3.6% of the family’s male

members are not married, 6.2% of the families male members have got married at the age of 13

to 15 years.

28.6% of the males of onti koragas have married at the age of 16 to 18 years which is

high compared to the total average among koragas.52.6% of the onti koraga male members have

married at the age of 18 to 25 years and 8.8% of the eldest male members among the onti koraga

families have married at the age of above 25 years.

Among tappu koragas 4.2% of the family’s male members are not married, 11.3% of the

elder male members have married at the age of 13 to 15 years among tappu koragas and 26.1%

of the male members have got married at the age of 15 to 18 years and 50 % of the male

members have got married in the age group of 18 to 25 years and only 8.5 % of the male

members have got married at the age group of above 25 years.

Among kuntu koragas all the families have elder male members married, 22% of the

elder male members have got married at the age o f13 to 18 and 28% of them have got married at

the age of 18 to 25 years and 42% of them have got married at the age of 18 to 25 years and 8%

of them have got married after the age of 25.

From the above discussion it can be concluded that the kuntu koragas have been

influenced less compared to the other clan with respect to the minimum and maximum age of

marriage .The number of males got married at the early age is more among kuntu korags

followed by onti korags and tappu korags. The trend of getting married between the age of 18

and 25 years is a common practice among all the clans. More than 25% of the males get married

in this age among all the clans.

110

As expected on the basis of data of marriage among the tribal in India and Karnataka the early

marriage and the child marriage is not found among koraga families. But most of the koraga

male members get married in the age group of 18 to 25 years which is early compared to the

other communities in the district and the state.

Table 3.14 Age of female members in the family according to the clan

clan Age of Marriage of Eldest Female in Family Total

Clan Not

Married

9-12

Years

13-15

Years

16-18

Years

18-25

Years

Above 25

Years

Onti Koraga 1.9% 3.2% 21.4% 50.6% 20.5% 2.3% 100.0%

Tappu Koraga 1.4% 2.1% 22.5% 35.9% 37.3% .7% 100.0%

Kuntu Koraga .0% .0% 24.0% 54.0% 22.0% .0% 100.0%

Total 1.6% 2.6% 22.0% 46.8% 25.4% 1.6% 100.0%

The above table explains the age of marriage of the elder female member in the family in

different clans of koraga families selected for study. A total of 1.6% of the females among the families is

unmarried. 2.6% of the females are found to be married at the age of 9 to 12 years, 22% of elder female

member of the family is found to be married at the age of 13 to 15 years and 46.8% of female have been

found got married at the age of 16 to 18 years and 25.4% of the female have been found married at the

age of 18 to 25 years and 1.6 % of female have been found to be married at the age of above 25 years.

Among onti koragas 1.95 of the families have the female members not married and in the

remaining families 3.2% of the families have the elder female members married at the age of 9 to12 years

and 21.4% of the families female members are married at the age of 13 to 15 year and 50.6% of the

families of onti koragas female members are married at the age group of 16 to 18 year. In 20.5% of the

families female members are married at an age group of 18 to 25 year and 2.3% of the families of onti

koragas females are been found married after the age of 25 year.

Among tappu korags 1.4% of the families have the females not married, 2.1 % of the families

found that the females are married at the age of 9 to 12 years where as in 22.5 % of the family’s females

are married at the age of 13 to 16 year and among 35.9% of the families the elder female members marry

at the age of 16 to 18 year and 37.55 of the families female members have been found married at the age

of 18 to 25 years and only 2.3 % of the families females have been found married after the age of 25

years.

Among kuntu koragas who are isolated from the mainstream comparatively, we find a different

phenomena of age of marriage of females and no females have been found to be married at the age of 9 to

111 13 year and 24 % of female are married at the age of 13 to 15 year and 54% of females have been found

married at the age of 16 to 18 year and 22% of the females have been found married between the age of

18 to 25 and no females have been found to be married after the age of 25 year.

Comparative research of data of marriage of female members among the clans leads to following

conclusions

The age of marriage among the clans of females is between 13 to 18.

Among Tappu koragas the age of marriage of females in the age group of 18 to 25 years is

comparatively more to other two clans.

Among kuntu koragas marriage after the age of 25 among girls is not found.

Age of marriage above the age of 25 years is prominently found among the onti koragas

compared to other two clans.

Table 3.15 shows the comparison of the age of marriage of males and females among three clans

Age of Marriage of Eldest Male in Family Total

Clan Not

Married

13-15

Years

16-18 Years 18-25 Years Above 25 Years

Onti Koraga 3.9% 6.2% 28.6% 52.6% 8.8% 100.0%

Tappu Koraga 4.2% 11.3% 26.1% 50.0% 8.5% 100.0%

Kuntu Koraga .0% 22.0% 28.0% 42.0% 8.0% 100.0%

Toatal 3.6% 9.2% 27.8% 50.8% 8.6% 100.0%

Age of Marriage of Eldest Female in Family Total

Clan Not

Married

9-12

Years

13-15 Years 16-18 Years 18-25 Years Above 25

Years

Onti Koraga 1.9% 3.2% 21.4% 50.6% 20.5% 2.3% 100.0%

Tappu Koraga 1.4% 2.1% 22.5% 35.9% 37.3% .7% 100.0%

Kuntu Koraga .0% .0% 24.0% 54.0% 22.0% .0% 100.0%

Total 1.6% 2.6% 22.0% 46.8% 25.4% 1.6% 100.0%

A comparison of age of marriage of female and males across the different clans gives the following

insights

The highest average age of males is 18 to 25 years and that of females is 16 to 18 years.

Around 25% of females and males get married between the age of 13 and 15 years and 16

and 18 years in the case of females and males respectively.

112

Al the clans have different dynamics of marriage for female and male members and the

child marriage practice and early marriage practices are changing to adult marriage

pattern and this phenomena is in tune with the legal standards prescribed for marriage.

Among the clans the females and males married after the age of 25 is very minimum

especially among the kuntu koragas it is very less.

Table 3.16 shows the annual income of three clans of koragas.

Name of the Sub clan * Annual income of Family Cross tabulation

Annual income of Family

Total

5000-

7000

7000-

10000

11000-

15000

15000-

20000

Name of the Sub

clan

Onti Koraga Count 61 202 32 13 308


Sub clan

19.8% 65.6% 10.4% 4.2% 100.0%

% of Total 12.2% 40.4% 6.4% 2.6% 61.6%

Tappu

Koraga

Count 0 133 9 0 142


Sub clan

.0% 93.7% 6.3% .0% 100.0%

% of Total .0% 26.6% 1.8% .0% 28.4%

Kuntu Koraga Count 0 50 0 0 50


Sub clan

.0% 100.0% .0% .0% 100.0%

% of Total .0% 10.0% .0% .0% 10.0%

Total Count 61 385 41 13 500


Sub clan

12.2% 77.0% 8.2% 2.6% 100.0%

% of Total 12.2% 77.0% 8.2% 2.6% 100.0%

The above table intends to examine the annual income of the different clans of koragas. It

is found that 12.2% of the families as a whole belong to the income group of 5000 to 7000

Rupees per annum and 77% of the families have a income of 7000to 10000 per annum and only

8.2% of the koraga families have an income of Rs 11000 to 15000 per annum and 2.6% of the

families have income of 15000to 20000 per annum.

Among Onti koragas 40.4 % of the families belong to an income group of 7000to 10000

per anam and 2.6% of families have income of 11000too 20000 per annum.

113

Among Tappu korags 93.7% of the families have income of Rs 7000to 10000 per annum

and there are no families with an income of Rs 11000 and above.

Among Kuntu korgas all the families belong to the 7000 to 10000 income group. Hence

following conclusions and inferences regarding the economic attribute among the clans of

koragas can be observed.

The variation of income among onti koragas is more compared to other clans this could

be because of the variation in the occupational pattern among them.

The tappu korags and kuntu kragas have les income compared to onti koragas this may be

also because of the geographical placement of the families as onti koragas stay more near

to the villages and city where as the tappu and kuntu korags stay away from market and

city hence getting less prize for their products and labour.

Over all the economic condition of all clans of korags is stagnant and low increasing the

vulnerability of poverty among koragas.

Table 3.17 Housing Condition * Name of the Sub clan Cross tabulation


Total Onti Koraga Tappu Koraga Kuntu Koraga

Housing Condition Good Count 54 27 9 90

% within Housing Condition 60.0% 30.0% 10.0% 100.0%

% of Total 10.8% 5.4% 1.8% 18.0%

Need Repair Count 227 100 41 368


% of Total 45.4% 20.0% 8.2% 73.6%

Delapidated Count 27 15 0 42

% within Housing Condition 64.3% 35.7% .0% 100.0%

% of Total 5.4% 3.0% .0% 8.4%

Total Count 308 142 50 500


% of Total 61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%

The above table is intended to examine the housing condition of the different clans of

korags. Good housing condition is found among 10.8% of onti koragas , 5.4% of tappu koragas

and 1.8% of kuntu koragas .45.4% of the houses of onit korags need to be repaired and 20% of

the houses of tappu koragas and 8.2% of kuntu koragas houses need repair over all 73.6%of the

114 houses need repair. Among onti koragas 5.4% of the families have dilapidated houses and 3% of

the families of tappu koragas have dilapidated house.

From the above facts it is found that majority of koraga families irrespective of the clans

they belong to have bad housing condition. Onti korags have more number of dilapidated houses

compared to tappu and kuntu koragas.

Table 3.18 Quality of Drinking Water * Name of the Sub clan Cross tabulation



Quality of Drinking Water Good Count 247 103 35 385

% within Quality of

Drinking Water

64.2% 26.8% 9.1% 100.0%

% of Total 49.4% 20.6% 7.0% 77.0%

Bad Count 61 39 15 115

% within Quality of

Drinking Water

53.0% 33.9% 13.0% 100.0%

% of Total 12.2% 7.8% 3.0% 23.0%

Total Count 308 142 50 500

% within Quality of

Drinking Water

61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%

% of Total 61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%

The above table explains the quality of drinking water

among the families of different clans of koragas. It is observed that among 77% of families who

have good drinking water 49.4% of the families are onti koragas and 20.6 % of the families are

tappu koragas and 7.0% of the families are of kuntu koragas. The families who have Bad

drinking water are 23% among them 12.2% of them are onti koragas and 7.8% of them are tappu

koragas and 3.0% of them are kuntu koragas. From the above table we can conclude that the

drinking water facility to different clans of korags is given without and disparity and the

proportion of the families of the different clans who have the good drinking water and the bad

drinking water among koraga families are same among all the clans.

115

Table 3.19 Name of the Sub clan * Extent of Land In the Family Cross tabulation

Extent of Land In the Family

Total Landless

10-20

Cents

20-50

Cents

50 cents -

1 acre

1-2

Acre

More than

2 Acre

Name of the

Sub clan

Onti

Koraga

Count 248 18 25 0 8 9 308

% within Name of

the Sub clan

80.5% 5.8% 8.1% .0% 2.6% 2.9% 100.0%

% of Total 49.6% 3.6% 5.0% .0% 1.6% 1.8% 61.6%

Tappu

Koraga

Count 85 2 4 1 45 5 142

% within Name of

the Sub clan

59.9% 1.4% 2.8% .7% 31.7% 3.5% 100.0%

% of Total 17.0% .4% .8% .2% 9.0% 1.0% 28.4%

Kuntu

Koraga

Count 35 1 2 0 5 7 50

% within Name of

the Sub clan

70.0% 2.0% 4.0% .0% 10.0% 14.0% 100.0%

% of Total 7.0% .2% .4% .0% 1.0% 1.4% 10.0%

Total Count 368 21 31 1 58 21 500

% within Name of

the Sub clan

73.6% 4.2% 6.2% .2% 11.6% 4.2% 100.0%

% of Total 73.6% 4.2% 6.2% .2% 11.6% 4.2% 100.0%

The above table demonstrates the extent of land possessed by the different clans of the

koraga community. Out of 10% of families of kuntu korgas 7% are land less and 0.2% have 0-5

cents of land and 0.4% have 20 to 50 cents of land and 1% have 1 to 2 acres of land and 1.4% of

the families have more than 2 acres of land.

Among tappu koragas who make 28.4% of the total population studied, 17% are land less

and 0.4% has 5 cents to 10 cents of land and 0.8% have 10 cents to 20 cents of land and 9% of

families have 1 to 2 acres of land and 1% of the families have more than2 acres of land.

Among Onti koragas who make 61.6% of the total population 49.6% of the families are

landless and 3.6% of the families have 5 to 10 cents of land and 5% of families have 10 to 20

cents of land a1.6% of families have 1 to 2 acres of land and 1.8% of the families have more than

2 acres of land.

116

Among onti koragas 80% of the families are land less, among tappu koragas 59.9% of the

families are landless and among kuntu koragas 70% of the families are land less. Thus land less

are more severe among onti kooragas and less severe among tappu korgas.

The families who have more than 2 acres of land are 2.9% among onti koragas and 3.5 % among

tappu koragas and 14% among kuntu koragas.

Thus the possession of land among different clans of koragas is very less among clans the

Onti koragas have more deprivation from land compared to Tappu korags. Over all the

positioowin of Tappu koragas with respect to possession of land is better compared to Onti and

Kuntu korags.

Table 3.20 Name of the Sub clan * Wet Toilet Cross tabulation

Wet Toilet

Total Yes No

Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 154 154 308


% within Wet Toilet 70.3% 54.8% 61.6%

% of Total 30.8% 30.8% 61.6%




% of Total 3.4% 25.0% 28.4%



% within Wet Toilet 21.9% .7% 10.0%

% of Total 9.6% .4% 10.0%




% of Total 43.8% 56.2% 100.0%

The above table narrates the availability of toilet among different clan of koraga families

among Onti koraga s50% of the families have toilets and rest do not have toilets. Among Tappu

koragas only 12% have toilets and 88% of the families do not have the toilet. Among Kuntu

koragas 96% of the families have toilets and only 4% of the families do not have toilets .Over all

43.2% of the families have toilets and 56 % of the families do not have toilets. Tappu koraga

117 families do not have the toilet facilities and they have less toilet facility compared to the Onti and

kuntu koraga families.

Table 3.21 Name of the Sub clan * House Electrified Cross tabulation

House Electrified Total

Yes No



% within House Electrified 72.8% 48.9% 61.6%

% of Total 38.6% 23.0% 61.6%




% of Total 11.6% 16.8% 28.4%




% of Total 2.8% 7.2% 10.0%




% of Total 53.0% 47.0% 100.0%

The table above describes the number of families of each clan got the house electrified. It

is found that overall 53% of the houses are been electrified and the 475 of the houses are been

not electrified. Among Onti koragas 62.7% of the families are electrified and 37.3% families are

not electrified. Whereas among Tappu korags 40.8% of the families are electrified and 59.2% of

the families are not electrified. Incase of Kuntu koragas 28% of the families are electrified and

72% of the families are not electrified. A comparison of electrification of the houses proves that

the Onti koraga families have a greater access to electricity when compared to Tappu and Kuntu

koragas. Among all these three groups the Kuntu korags have very less access to the provisions

of electricity in the houses.

118

Table 3.22 Name of the Sub clan * Road Facility to Colony Cross tabulation

Road Facility to Colony

Total Yes No



% of Total 53.4% 8.2% 61.6%



% of Total 13.8% 14.6% 28.4%



% of Total 4.8% 5.2% 10.0%



% of Total 72.0% 28.0% 100.0%

The above table demonstrates the availability of proper road t the place of residence or

koppa of the koraga families under study. The provision of road differ in the case of different

clans based on the different factors especially the placement of the koppa. It is found from the

table that 86.7% of the Onti koraga koppa is connected with road whereas 48% of the Tappu and

kutu koraga koppa is connected by road. Compared to Onti koragas Tappu and Kuntu koraga

koppa is less connected by road. The reason being the placement of the koppa korags, and most

of the tappu and kuntu koraga koppa is situated in the remote and isolated places compared to the

onti koraga koppa.

119

Table 3.23 Name of the Sub clan * No of School going children Cross tabulation

No of School going children

Total Nill One Two Three Four 5.00

Name of the Sub

clan

Onti Koraga Count 125 61 79 37 6 0 308


Sub clan

40.6% 19.8% 25.6% 12.0% 1.9% .0% 100.0%

% within No of

School going children

61.3% 61.0% 61.7% 66.1% 54.5% .0% 61.6%

% of Total 25.0% 12.2% 15.8% 7.4% 1.2% .0% 61.6%

Tappu

Koraga

Count 49 34 43 14 2 0 142


Sub clan

34.5% 23.9% 30.3% 9.9% 1.4% .0% 100.0%

% within No of


24.0% 34.0% 33.6% 25.0% 18.2% .0% 28.4%

% of Total 9.8% 6.8% 8.6% 2.8% .4% .0% 28.4%

Kuntu

Koraga

Count 30 5 6 5 3 1 50


Sub clan

34.5% 23.9% 30.3% 9.9% 1.4% .0% 100.0%

% within No of


14.7% 5.0% 4.7% 8.9% 27.3% 100.0% 10.0%

% of Total 6.0% 1.0% 1.2% 1.0% .6% .2% 10.0%

Total Count 204 100 128 56 11 1 500


Sub clan

40.8% 20.0% 25.6% 11.2% 2.2% .2% 100.0%

% within No of


100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 40.8% 20.0% 25.6% 11.2% 2.2% .2% 100.0%

The above table compares the number of school going children from different clans .It is

found that among Onti koragas 40.6% of the families do not have any school going children,

where as among Tappua koragas and Kuntu koragas 34.5 % of the families do not have any

children who go to school. It is found that among Oonti koragas the families with one child

going to school is only 19%compared to the 23.9% of the families among Tapppu and Kuntu

koragas. There are no families where more than four children go to school among any clan of

koragas.

120

Table 3.24 Name of the Sub clan * No of School dropouts Cross tabulation


No of School dropouts

Total

No

body one Two Three Four

Not

applicable six

Onti

Koraga

Count 131 36 61 31 30 13 6 308

% within Name of

the Sub clan

42.5% 11.7% 19.8% 10.1% 9.7% 4.2% 1.9% 100.0%

% within No of

School dropouts

63.3% 59.0% 53.5% 54.4% 73.2% 92.9% 100.0% 61.6%

% of Total 26.2% 7.2% 12.2% 6.2% 6.0% 2.6% 1.2% 61.6%

Tappu

Koraga

Count 53 16 40 22 10 1 0 142

% within Name of

the Sub clan

37.3% 11.3% 28.2% 15.5% 7.0% .7% .0% 100.0%

% within No of

School dropouts

25.6% 26.2% 35.1% 38.6% 24.4% 7.1% .0% 28.4%

% of Total 10.6% 3.2% 8.0% 4.4% 2.0% .2% .0% 28.4%

Kuntu

Koraga

Count 23 9 13 4 1 0 0 50

% within Name of

the Sub clan

46.0% 18.0% 26.0% 8.0% 2.0% .0% .0% 100.0%

% within No of

School dropouts

11.1% 14.8% 11.4% 7.0% 2.4% .0% .0% 10.0%

% of Total 4.6% 1.8% 2.6% .8% .2% .0% .0% 10.0%

Total Count 207 61 114 57 41 14 6 500

% within Name of

the Sub clan

41.4% 12.2% 22.8% 11.4% 8.2% 2.8% 1.2% 100.0%

% within No of

School dropouts

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 41.4% 12.2% 22.8% 11.4% 8.2% 2.8% 1.2% 100.0%

The above table describes the number of drop out children in the families under study.

The drop out of tribal children from the formal education system is an important phenomenon in

the educational system of tribal children. For various reasons the tribal children drop out of the

school. Among the Onti korags the number of families which have four children dropped out is

9.7% and among Tappu korgas it is 7% of the families and among Kuntu korags it is 2%. It can

be found from the data that the dropout from the school is a common problem among all clans.

Among Onti koragas in 31.5% of the families 1 to 2 children have dropped out from the school.

Among Tappu korags 40% of the families have 1 to 2 children dropped out from the school.

121 Among Kuntu koragas 40 % of the families have 1 to 2 children dropped out from the school. It

is found that the drop out of children among Kuntu koragas are more compared to other clans.

Among Onti koragas17% of the families have three to four children dropped out and

among Tappu korags 22% of families have 3to 4 children dropped out, among Kuntu koragas

this rate is only 10%.

This suggests that the dropout rate more among Onti and Tappu koragas compared to Kuntu koragas.

Table 3.25 Name of the Sub clan * Education is possible Cross tabulation

Education is possible

Total

Possible for Our

children

Not possible for

our Children



clan

20.1% 79.9% 100.0%

% within Education is possible 53.4% 64.1% 61.6%

% of Total 12.4% 49.2% 61.6%



clan

26.8% 73.2% 100.0%


% of Total 7.6% 20.8% 28.4%



clan

32.0% 68.0% 100.0%


% of Total 3.2% 6.8% 10.0%



clan

23.2% 76.8% 100.0%


% of Total 23.2% 76.8% 100.0%

The table explains the opinion of the clan regarding the families of the different clans of

the koragas regarding the possibility of their children to achieve success in education. The

122 opinion of the elders of the clan has great importance because the elders of each clan make a

specific contribution in making the children participate in the educational process.

It is observed from the above table that overall 23.2% of the respondents have opined that

it is possible for their children to cope up with the educational system where as 76.8 % of the

respondent have opined that they do not subscribe to the possibilities of their children excelling

in the education.Among onti koragas the Number of respondents who opined that the education

for their children is possible is only 20.1% and 79.9% of the respondents of onti koraga clan feel

that education of their children is not possible.Among Tappu koragas 26.2% of the respondents

feel that education is possible for their children and 74.2% of the respondents feel that education

is not possible for their children.

Among Kuntu koragas 32% of the respondents feel that the education for their children is

possible whereas 78% of the respondents feel that the education is not an area where their

children can succeed. A comparison of the opinion of the different clans regarding the education

suggests that the fear of inability of their children to get success in the education is more among

the Onti korags followed by Tappu korgas and Kuntu korags.

Table 3.26 Family Members Anemic * Name of the Sub clan Cross tabulation



Family Members Anemic Yes Count 301 132 50 483

% within Family Members

Anemic

62.3% 27.3% 10.4% 100.0%


% of Total 60.2% 26.4% 10.0% 96.6%

No Count 7 10 0 17


Anemic

41.2% 58.8% .0% 100.0%


% of Total 1.4% 2.0% .0% 3.4%

Total Count 308 142 50 500


Anemic

61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%


% of Total 61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%

123

The above table demonstrates the percentage of families’ with the female members have

blood deficiency being identified by the researcher based on the following symptoms.

Complaint of giddiness while getting up and early morning

Complaint of getting fatigue

Complaint of identified as blood deficient based on the hb count tested in the hospitals

It is found that from the table above a total of 96.6% of the families have been found to be

having blood deficiency. And only 3.4 % of the families do not have blood deficiency among the

female members of the family.

Among Onti koragas 97.7% of the families have blood deficiency and only 2.3% of the

families do not have blood deficiency, where as among Tappu korags 93% of the women have

been found to be blood deficient and only 7% families have been found not to be having blood

deficiency. Among Kuntu korag s all the families have been found to be blood deficiency.

The problem of blood deficiency among women in India is a common problem as per the

following studies. But the severity of the blood deficiency among the koraga women is alarming

and many studies have suggested close association of blood deficiency with child and maternal

health. The normal ability of women is to function as normal house maker. The vulnerability of

the women to various disabilities increase as the blood deficiency increase.

124

The above chart demonstrates the number of families with tuberculosis. It is found that

overall 21% of the families have tuberculosis. It found that the among Onti koraga s 25.6% of

the families have Tuber culosis and among Tappu koragas 11.3% of the families have the

tuberculosis and among Kuntu koraga 20% of the families have tuberculosis. The tuberculosis

among most of the koraga families is resistant TB the families with tuberculosis among Onti

koragas is more compared to other clans this could because of the Onti koragas have the

tendency of collecting foiled food and using it during the rainy season.

The figures of the people having the tuberculosis are a very alarming situation in the

community. Most of the cases reported are the cases of drug resistant tuberculosis which has

created a dangerous situation in the community; especially the Onti koragas are more vulnerable

to it.

But it is observed that prevalence of tuberculosis among Tapu koragas and Kuntu koragas

is also very high compared to the prevalence of cases of tuberculosis in the general community.

125 The treatment and the regular and methodical treatment of tuberculosis patients among korags

are not found since lack of awareness regarding the treatment procedure and treatment support.

Table 3.27 Name of the Sub clan * Women With Phobia Cross tabulation

Women With Phobia

Total Yes No



% within Women With Phobia 77.1% 38.9% 61.6%

% of Total 45.8% 15.8% 61.6%




% of Total 11.4% 17.0% 28.4%




% of Total 2.2% 7.8% 10.0%

The above table explains the Phobia among the women members of the family. Phobia is

a type of fear expressed by koraga women when they are exposed to a sudden sound or suddenly

to an unknown person or event. They shout and repeat some words continuously and lose control

on themselves and try to attack or run away from the scene for a few minutes. There are

instances where some women get frightened and chase other people and sometimes try to attack

the person with them violently. This is called in Tulu language “Bolchel”. This is a serious

psychological fear which impediments the women’s work. There need to be more research on

this aspect by the psychologists to find the reason and remedy for the problem. Among the

various clans we find that a total of 59.4% of the women have the tendency of this abnormal fear.

Among clans 74% of women of Onti koraga clan and 40.1% of tappu koragas and 22% of Kuntu

koragas have the abnormal fear .Over all among all the persons have fear Onti koragas

constitute45.8%and Tappu koragas 19.2% and Kuntu koragas constitute 3.7%. The data clearly

indicate that the phobia is maximum among Onti koragas followed by the Tappu korags and

kuntu koragas. The difference of phobia among the clans can be explained based on various

factors such as the strength of servitude, the severity of untouchability, education of women, ajal

126 , involvement in the village activities ,provisions and sanctions on women with in the family etc

these factors will be examined in detail later.

Table 3.28 Name of the Sub clan * Skin disease Cross tabulation

Skin disease

Total Yes No



% within Skin disease 81.2% 44.4% 61.6%

% of Total 38.0% 23.6% 61.6%




% of Total 7.8% 20.6% 28.4%




% of Total 1.0% 9.0% 10.0%




% of Total 46.8% 53.2% 100.0%

The table above explains the prevalence of skin problems among at least one family

member .The skin problem usually found are scabies and other skin problems including white

patches. The number of people suffering from skin problem is a big challenge in the community.

Among the clans it is found that the Onti koragas have maximum number of skin problems in

their families the percentage of families with skin problem among Onti koraga is 61.7% and

among Tappu koragas it is 27.5% and among Kuntu koragas it is 10%.Among the families with

skin problem Onti koragas have share of 81.2% and 16.7% and Kuntu korags it is 2.1%.Thus the

incidences of skin problems are more among Onti koragas are very severe.

127

Table 3.29 Name of the Sub clan * Other Infections Cross tabulation Name of the Sub clan

Other Infections Total

Yes No

Onti Koraga Count 175 133 308


% within Other Infections 76.1% 49.3% 61.6%

% of Total 35.0% 26.6% 61.6%




% of Total 9.2% 19.2% 28.4%




% of Total 1.8% 8.2% 10.0%




% of Total 46.0% 54.0% 100.0%

The above table demonstrates the presence of other infections among atleast one family

member of the families studied across the clans. It is found that among the Onti koraga families

56.8% of the families have reported that they have people suffering from infections in the family

and 43.2% of the families do not have any member in the family who has infections. Among

Tapppu koragas the percentage of people who have infections are 32.4% and the families

without any infections are 67.6%. Among Kuntu koragas the families having infections are only

18% and remaining 82% of the people do not have any infections. The comparison of the above

data demonstrates that the infections are more among the Onti koragas compared to Tappu and

Kuntu Koragas.

The tendency among the Onti korags to have more infections compared to other clans of

koraga community has to be examined with respect to the various socio economic conditions of

the Onti koragas including the social interactions and food habit. This requires a separate and

elaborate study on health systems of the koraga tribe.

128

Table 3.30 Name of the Sub clan * Member of Panchayath Cross tabulation

Member of Panchayath Total

Yes No



% within Member of Panchyath 50.0% 61.8% 61.6%

% of Total 1.0% 60.6% 61.6%




% of Total .6% 27.8% 28.4%




% of Total .4% 9.6% 10.0%




% of Total 2.0% 98.0% 100.0%

The table of political participation of korags hen examined with respect to the clan wise

participation, it is found that overall 2% of the families of koraga tribe have the political

participation as the members of the panchyath. Among them 1 % of are Onti koragas, 0.6% of

them are Tappu koragas and 0.4% of the families are of Kuntu koragas.

Among the sub clans the political participation of the Onti koraga families are 1.6% and

among Tapu koraga, it is 2.1 % and among kuntu koragas, it is 4.0%. From the above data it can

be seen that the political participation decreases in the order of 4.0%, 2.1% and 1.6% from Kuntu

koragas to tappu koraga and to onti koragas. The comparative decreased political participation of

koragas has to be explained by the study of other social interaction and social distance factors

prevalent among koragas has to be studied. These factors may also change the political

participation of the koragas in future.

129

Table 3.31 Name of the Sub clan * Member in Cooperative Cross tabulation

Member in Cooperatve

Total Yes No



% within Member in Cooperatve 56.8% 62.6% 61.6%

% of Total 10.0% 51.6% 61.6%




% of Total 5.2% 23.2% 28.4%




% of Total 2.4% 7.6% 10.0%




% of Total 17.6% 82.4% 100.0%

The above table provides an insight regarding the membership of the koraga families in

the cooperatives. Majority of the cooperatives are the cooperatives formed by the koraga

federation for the marketing of the traditional products. The membership in the cooperative

societies is the first economic participation of koraga families in a systematic way since the

koraga economy is a daily economy and the participation in the microenterprises is totally a new

enterprise for koraga families.

It is found that the percentage of koraga families who are the part of cooperative

movement is 17.6% and 83.4% of them are not members of the cooperative movement. Among

Tappu koragas 18.3% of them are the members of cooperatives and among Kuntu koragas24%

of the families are the members of the cooperative societies.

Over all among the koragas 17.4% of the families are associated with the cooperatives

among them 10% of the families are of Onti koragas, 5.2% of the families are of Tappu koragas

and 2.4% of the families are of Kuntu Koragas.

It is again proved that the Kuntu koragas have ventured to have more number of families

to have membership in the cooperative societies compared to Tappu and Onti koragas.

130

The above table demonstrates the number of families who are the members of SHG. It is

found that 27.9 of the families of onti koragas and 29.6% of Tappu koraga families and 24% of

Kntu koraga families are the members of self help groups. The data demonstrates that in the

participation in the self help groups all the clans have almost equal number of families become

the members of self help group.

131

Table 3.32 Name of the Sub clan * Member in Social Organization Cross tabulation

Member in Social Organization

Total Yes No



% within Member in Social

Organisation

71.3% 57.1% 61.6%

% of Total 22.4% 39.2% 61.6%




Organisation

18.5% 32.9% 28.4%

% of Total 5.8% 22.6% 28.4%




Organisation

10.2% 9.9% 10.0%

% of Total 3.2% 6.8% 10.0%




Organisation

100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 31.4% 68.6% 100.0%

The above table shows the number of families who are the members of the social

organization. The main social organization is koraga federations organized by the NGO. No

koraga families are found to be members in the other organizations’ other than the koraga

organizations.

Among Onti koragas 36.4% of the families are associated to social organization, among

Tappu koragas 20.4% of the families are members of social organization and among Kuntu

koragas 32% of the families are the members of the social organization.

It can be concluded that the participation of Onti koragas and Kuntu koragas is

comparatively more in the social organization compared to the Tappu koragas. The reason for

the disparity in participation could be explained based on many factors including the location of

132 the families which are been approached by the NGOs to make them the active part of the social

organizations.

Over all it is found that even after the continuous effort of the social workers the

members of the koraga community are still hesitant to become the members of the organizations

which show the social apathy of the koraga community towards the social movement and the

participation in the social organization. The reasons should be become both intrinsic and the

factors of social prohibitions and fear experienced by the koraga community.

Graph showing Bank account among Clans

The graph shows the clan wise distribution of members of the families of koragas who

have a bank account. Having a bank account is the indicator of shift of koraga family to have

association with the main stream economy and also a change of attitude regarding the economic

activity and the shift from the tribal way of working for the food of the day to the economy of

saving and preserving for the next day.

133

It is found from the above table that the account holders among Onti koragas are 19.5%

and 80.5% do not have any account in the bank. Among Tappu koragas 15.5% of the families

have account in the bank and 84.5% of the families do not have any account in the bank. Among

Kuntu koragas 34% of the families have account in the bank and 66% of the families do not have

any account in the Bank.

Comparison of the data shows that over all the account holders in the bank are very less

and among the account holder Onti koragas constitute 12.2% and Tappu koragas constitute 4.4%

and Kuntu koragas constitute 3.4% of the total account holders among korags.

A comparative analysis shows that the Kuntu koragas are better among the three clans in

possessing the bank account followed by Onti koragas and Tappu koragas.

Table 3.33 Name of the Sub clan * Alcoholism in the family Cross tabulation

Alcoholism in the family Total

Yes No



% within Alcoholism in the

family

61.0% 71.4% 61.6%

% of Total 57.6% 4.0% 61.6%




family

28.8% 21.4% 28.4%

% of Total 27.2% 1.2% 28.4%




family

10.2% 7.1% 10.0%

% of Total 9.6% .4% 10.0%




family

100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 94.4% 5.6% 100.0%

The above table demonstrates the severity of use of Alcohol in the koraga families. It is

found that the koraga tribe which was using toddy earlier has shifted to use of ethyl alcohol

134 supplied by the government and the illicit liquor providers. In villages their identity and work is

associated with liquor.

The data of alcohol use among the sub clans shows that all the sub clans of the koraga

tribe have become prey for the use of alcohol. Among Onti koragas 93.5% of the families have at

least one person using alcohol. Among Tappu koragas 95.8% of the families have at least one

person using alcohol. Among Kuntu koragas 96% of the families have at least one member using

alcohol.

It can be concluded that irrespective of the differences in the place of residence and clan

the korags have fell prey to the use of alcohol.

Table 3.34 Name of the Sub clan * Dried collected food Cross tabulation

Dried collected food Total

Yes No



% within Dried collected food 100.0% 27.3% 61.6%

% of Total 47.2% 14.4% 61.6%


% within Name of the Sub clan .0% 100.0% 100.0%

% within Dried collected food .0% 53.8% 28.4%

% of Total .0% 28.4% 28.4%



% within Dried collected food .0% 18.9% 10.0%

% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%



% within Dried collected food 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 47.2% 52.8% 100.0%

The above table demonstrates that the use of collection of leftover food and collection of

food by begging and using them during the rainy season. This food is called Nona in the koraga

language. The practice is highly unhygienic and has lead to a negative opinion about the whole

tribe. But this practice is found only among the koragas of Nadusalu or Onti koragas .The group

of koragas subjected to servitude. From the above table it is demonstrated that 47.2% of the

135 koraga families among the Onti koragas have the habit of using the dried food collected from the

leftover in the function.

The overall percentage of use of foiled food during the rainy season and even during

other seasons is serious phenomena leading to a severe untoucheability, negation of the self

identity of the community and even to the extent of a feeling of self worthless among the people.

The health hazards of this practice have to be studied separately.

Table 3.35 Name of the Sub clan * Use cows Meat Cross tabulation

Use cows Meat

Total Yes No



% within Use cows Meat 67.0% 13.7% 61.6%

% of Total 60.2% 1.4% 61.6%




% of Total 26.4% 2.0% 28.4%




% of Total 3.2% 6.8% 10.0%




% of Total 89.8% 10.2% 100.0%

The table demonstrates the use of beef in the food and special occasions of the different

clans of koragas. It is found that all the clans of the koraga families use beef. The use of beef as

one of the major characteristic of the community was identified by Buchanan, Ayyappan and

Thurstone.

Use of Beef as important source of food for koraga is also agreed upon by all the

community leaders of the community. It was observed in the villages that the carcasses of dead

cattle was given to the koraga families in the village which they use to make use of for flesh and

136 getting the skin used for the drum. The koraga families have a practice of removing the skin of

the dead cattle and dry it till it can be tanned and used for the drum .They make the drum using

the skin of both cow and oxen.

The above table shows that among Onti koragas 97.7% of the families use beef. 93%

Tappu koragas and among Kuntu koragas 32% families use beef.

Thus it can be concluded that the use of beef is getting reduced among koragas it is doing

so very fast among Kuntu koragas followed by Tappu koragas and Onti koragas. Still they

consider the use of beef as the important part of their special occasions especially the marriage.

The koragas call it Chammayee in the koraga language which means meat.

Table 3.36 Name of the Sub clan * Hunting of Tortoise Cross tabulation

Hunting of Tortoise Total

Yes No



% within Hunting of Tortoise 65.9% 40.5% 61.6%

% of Total 54.8% 6.8% 61.6%




% of Total 27.0% 1.4% 28.4%




% of Total 1.4% 8.6% 10.0%




% of Total 83.2% 16.8% 100.0%

The above table compares the number of families goes for catching tortoise which is an

important dish for koragas. The tortoise hunting is also the part of the celebrations and special

occasions of korga tribe. It is found that among Onti koragas 89% of the families go for hunting

and among Tappu koragas 95% of the families say they are involved in hunting of tortoise. And

among Kuntu koragas only 14% of the families go for tortoise hunting.

137

It is found that the tortoise hunting is a strong practice among Onti and Tappu koragas

and among Kutu koragas the practice is weak.

Table 3.37 Name of the Sub clan * Language at Home Cross tabulation Name of the Sub clan

Language at Home Total

Koraga

Language

Tulu Kannada



Sub clan

57.8% 42.2% .0% 100.0%

% within Language at

Home

61.6% 78.8% .0% 61.6%

% of Total 35.6% 26.0% .0% 61.6%

Tappu

Koraga

Count 96 0 46 142


Sub clan

67.6% .0% 32.4% 100.0%


Home

33.2% .0% 100.0% 28.4%

% of Total 19.2% .0% 9.2% 28.4%

Kuntu

Koraga

Count 15 35 0 50


Sub clan

30.0% 70.0% .0% 100.0%


Home

5.2% 21.2% .0% 10.0%

% of Total 3.0% 7.0% .0% 10.0%

Total Count 289 165 46 500


Sub clan

57.8% 33.0% 9.2% 100.0%


Home

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 57.8% 33.0% 9.2% 100.0%

The use of korga language is a indicator of the tribal distinctive identity of the tribe. The

koraga tribe has always hidden the language from the main stream society. As the senses report

of India 1901 describes it that the koraga language is spoken only among the koraga tribe in

solitude.

The current situation of koraga language with respect to the number of families across the

different clans speak it at home is been examined .It is found that among onti koragas 57.8% of

the families speak koraga language and 42.2% of the families speak Tulu at home. Among tappu

138 koragas 67.6% of the families speak koraga language and 32.4% of the families speak kannada

Languge. Among kuntu koragas 30% of the families speak koraga language and 70% of the

families speak Tulu language from the above explanation it is found that the families using

koraga language at home as their primary language of communication is reducing in number and

the koraga language is been replaced by Tulu and Kannada Language.

Table 3.38 Name of the Sub clan * Fear regarding other Caste Cross tabulation


Fear regarding other Caste

Total All other Caste Brahmins

Brahmins and

Bunts


% within Fear regarding

other Caste

61.4% 100.0% 100.0% 61.6%

% of Total 61.2% .2% .2% 61.6%



other Caste

28.5% .0% .0% 28.4%

% of Total 28.4% .0% .0% 28.4%



other Caste

10.0% .0% .0% 10.0%

% of Total 10.0% .0% .0% 10.0%

Total Count 498 1 1 500


other Caste

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 99.6% .2% .2% 100.0%

The above table examines the fear of the various clans of koragas regarding the other

communities. It is very evident fact that the koraga community has strong fear regarding the

other communities in the district including the scheduled caste population.

Among the fear experienced, the fear regarding the selected caste and community is very

less and the fear regarding all other castes in the district is seen as a strong fear among koragas. It

is found that among onti koragas except one family each who have selective fear regarding the

Brahmins and bunts all the other families have fear regarding the all other communities.

139

Among tappu koragas all the respondents have excessive fear regarding all the other caste

rather than having a selective fear of the strong communities of the district like Brahmins and

Bunts.

Among kuntu koragas also, all the families have the fear regarding all the other caste and

event among them also selective fear is not found.

From the above data it is clear that the koraga community has a generalized fear towards

all the other communities in the district. This fear of other communities has leaded the clans of

the tribe to become domicile and mild and has prevented the possibilities of any type of social

growth and change of the community.

140

Table 3.39 Name of the Sub clan * Strongest social Fear Cross tabulation

Strongest social Fear

Total

Fear of

Curse By

God

Fear of

expulsion

from

Village

Fear of

Physical

assault

Fear of

loss of

occupation

in the

village

All the

above

Name of the

Sub clan

Onti

Koraga

Count 130 72 10 5 91 308

% within Name of

the Sub clan

42.2% 23.4% 3.2% 1.6% 29.5% 100.0%

% within

Strongest social

Fear

94.2% 40.2% 100.0% 50.0% 55.8% 61.6%

% of Total 26.0% 14.4% 2.0% 1.0% 18.2% 61.6%

Tappu

Koraga

Count 7 59 0 4 72 142

% within Name of

the Sub clan

4.9% 41.5% .0% 2.8% 50.7% 100.0%

% within

Strongest social

Fear

5.1% 33.0% .0% 40.0% 44.2% 28.4%

% of Total 1.4% 11.8% .0% .8% 14.4% 28.4%

Kuntu

Koraga

Count 1 48 0 1 0 50

% within Name of

the Sub clan

2.0% 96.0% .0% 2.0% .0% 100.0%

% within

Strongest social

Fear

.7% 26.8% .0% 10.0% .0% 10.0%

% of Total .2% 9.6% .0% .2% .0% 10.0%

Total Count 138 179 10 10 163 500

% within Name of

the Sub clan

27.6% 35.8% 2.0% 2.0% 32.6% 100.0%

% within

Strongest social

Fear

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 27.6% 35.8% 2.0% 2.0% 32.6% 100.0%

The table no 3.39 examines the fear among the koraga families about the other

communities and issues. The koraga community being a slavery group has strong fear regarding

other communities and the fear is the result and the reason for the complete alienation and social

141 exclusion of the community. Koaraga community is the only one which has such an excessive

fear regarding the other communities in the district. Even after the civilized sociopolitical and

democratic process and lot of legal provisions for the community they have the same magnitude

of social fear. The community has a great amount of inferiority feeling due to this and they

cannot perform the normal social functions with ease. The manipulation of the fear has affected

many socio economic and political system of the community and the normal abilities of the

community.

A careful examination of the fear among the different clans of the koraga community

reveals the following aspects. Among onti Koragas 42.2% of the families have a fear regarding

the curse of god for not performing the assigned duties in the village. 23.4% of them have a fear

regarding the expulsion from the village. 3.2% of them fear physical assault. 1.6% of the onti

koags have the fear of the loss of occupational amenities in the village including the right to

collect the raw materials for the traditional occupation and 29.5 % of the onti koags have all the

above mentioned fears.

Among tappu koragas 4.9% have fear regarding the curse by the God, 41.5% have a fear

regarding the expulsion from the village and 2.8% have fear regarding the loss of employment

opportunities in the village and 50.7% of them have all the fears. A comparison with the onti

koragas shows that the fear of all the punishments are more among tappu koragas compared to

onti koragas. The fear of God is less among the tappu koragas compared to onti koragas. The

fear of los of occupation is also significant among the tappu koragas.

Among kuntu koragas 96% of them have a fear regarding the expulsion or the exclusion

from the village activities. Other forms of fear are less among kuntu koragas compared to onti

and tappu koragas.

142

Table 3.40 Name of the Sub clan * Drum service at the place of Death Cross tabulation

Drum service at the place of Death

Total Yes No



clan

82.5% 17.5% 100.0%

% within Drum service at the

place of Death

67.7% 43.2% 61.6%

% of Total 50.8% 10.8% 61.6%



clan

85.2% 14.8% 100.0%


place of Death

32.3% 16.8% 28.4%

% of Total 24.2% 4.2% 28.4%



clan

.0% 100.0% 100.0%


place of Death

.0% 40.0% 10.0%

% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%



clan

75.0% 25.0% 100.0%


place of Death

100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 75.0% 25.0% 100.0%

The table demonstrates the detail of the koraga families beating drum at the time of the

death of an upper caste in the village. Among onti koragas 82.5% of the families have the duty of

beating drum during the death of upper caste especially of Bunts and Billawas in the village.

Among tappu koragas 85.2% have the obligation of beating the drum at the death place and

14.8% do not have the obligation of doing so. Among kuntu korgas no families are involved in

the task of drum beating. From the above table it is found that the oonti korgas and tappu koragas

have the obligation of beating drum at the death of an upper caste people. The task of beating

drum in the houses of caste Hindus is a part of ajal services made mandatory for the koraga

143 community in the village. The task of beating drum is been made mandatory for koraga families

to make use of the services of the village and to exist in the village. It is found that most of the

families have a fear of forceful expulsion from the village for not obeying the traditional roles

assigned to the koraga families.

Table 3.41 Name of the Sub clan * Fear of Public Places Cross tabulation


Fear of Public Places

Total

All Public

Places

Public

Gatherings

Religious

Places



clan

89.6% 1.0% 9.4% 100.0%

% within Fear of Public

Places

59.0% 100.0% 100.0% 61.6%

% of Total 55.2% .6% 5.8% 61.6%



clan

100.0% .0% .0% 100.0%


Places

30.3% .0% .0% 28.4%

% of Total 28.4% .0% .0% 28.4%



clan

100.0% .0% .0% 100.0%


Places

10.7% .0% .0% 10.0%

% of Total 10.0% .0% .0% 10.0%



clan

93.6% .6% 5.8% 100.0%


Places

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 93.6% .6% 5.8% 100.0%

The above table explains the specific fear regarding the different areas for the different

clans of koragas. Among Onti koragas the majority of the families have fear regarding all the

public places and 1% has fear regarding the public gathering and 9.4% have the fear regarding

the religious places.

144

Among tappu korags all the families have fear regarding all the public places and even

among the kuntu koragas also all the families have fear regarding the all the public places. It

shows that the fear of koraga families regarding the public places is a universal phenomena and it

is found among all the clans of koragas.

The above graph explains the Number of families among different clans where children have

reported the experience of untouchable at school either from the class mates or teacher in terms

of keeping them away or denying access to them in the schools for various facilities or

sometimes using derogatory language against the children. It is noted that among ontikoragas

23.4% of the families have reported that their children have made reference of untouchability at

school and 76.6% of the families have reported that the children have not made any reference of

this kind. Among tappu koragas14.8% of the families have reported that the children have

reported the experience of untouchability and 85.2% families have reported that the children

145 have not reported the incidence of untouchability at school. Among kuntu koragas 8.0% of the

families have reported the incidence of untouchable and 92.0% of the families neither have nor

reported the incidence of untouchability. The comparison provides an insight that among onti

koragas the incidence of untouchability at school is still prevalent and the children have reported

the incidence at home, compared to tappu and kuntu koragas. The reason for poor performance

of children in schools can also be attributed to the factor of untouchability. It is necessary to

further investigate the reasons for variation in untouchability among the various clans.

Table 3.42 Name of the Sub clan * Drum service at the place of Death Cross tabulation

Drum service at the place of Death

Total Yes No




place of Death

67.7% 43.2% 61.6%

% of Total 50.8% 10.8% 61.6%




place of Death

32.3% 16.8% 28.4%

% of Total 24.2% 4.2% 28.4%




place of Death

.0% 40.0% 10.0%

% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%




place of Death

100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 75.0% 25.0% 100.0%

146 The above table demonstrates the number of koraga families which think that the drum beating at

the place of death of the upper caste is their duty and they do it. Among onti koragas 82.5% of the

respondents have agreed that the drum beating at the place of death and during the ceremony

followed by the death is mandatory and they report being the part of the ceremony. 17.5% of the

families have reported that it is not their duty and they do not go for the task. Among tappu

koragas85.2% of the families have feeling of being the part of the death ceremony in the village

and 14.8% of the families do not agree with the opinion of that they want to be the part of death

ceremony of the upper caste in the village and they are not participating in the activity of death

dholu. Among kuntu koragas. 0% of the families subscribe to the opinion of the part of the death

ceremony of the upper caste in the village and all the families believe that they are not the part of

the death ceremony of the other cast. The comparison of the families shows that the practice of

participating in the death ceremony of the upper caste people as the drum beaters is found among

only onti and tappu koragas and the kuntu koragas are not engaged and do not feel associated to

the task of drum beating in the death of the upper caste .

Table 3.43 Name of the Sub clan * Accepting ‘Dhana’, for curse Cross tabulation

Accepting Dhana for curse

Total Yes No



% within Accepting Dhana for

curse

69.6% 39.4% 61.6%

% of Total 51.2% 10.4% 61.6%




curse

30.4% 22.7% 28.4%

% of Total 22.4% 6.0% 28.4%




curse

.0% 37.9% 10.0%

% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%




curse

100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

147 The above table demonstrates the number of koraga families which think that the drum beating at

the place of death of the upper caste is their duty and they do it. Among onti koragas 82.5% of the

respondents have agreed that the drum beating at the place of death and during the ceremony

followed by the death is mandatory and they report being the part of the ceremony. 17.5% of the

families have reported that it is not their duty and they do not go for the task. Among tappu

koragas85.2% of the families have feeling of being the part of the death ceremony in the village

and 14.8% of the families do not agree with the opinion of that they want to be the part of death

ceremony of the upper caste in the village and they are not participating in the activity of death

dholu. Among kuntu koragas. 0% of the families subscribe to the opinion of the part of the death

ceremony of the upper caste in the village and all the families believe that they are not the part of

the death ceremony of the other cast. The comparison of the families shows that the practice of

participating in the death ceremony of the upper caste people as the drum beaters is found among

only onti and tappu koragas and the kuntu koragas are not engaged and do not feel associated to

the task of drum beating in the death of the upper caste .

Table 3.43 Name of the Sub clan * Accepting ‘Dhana’, for curse Cross tabulation

Accepting Dhana for curse

Total Yes No




curse

69.6% 39.4% 61.6%

% of Total 51.2% 10.4% 61.6%




curse

30.4% 22.7% 28.4%

% of Total 22.4% 6.0% 28.4%




curse

.0% 37.9% 10.0%

% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%




curse

100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 73.6% 26.4% 100.0%

148

The table explains peculiar social phenomena among the koraga community. The women

of the koraga community are expected to accept the Offerings called ‘Daana’, by the upper caste

for the removal of their so called bad luck and disease caused by bad omen. Among onti koragas

83.1 % of the families opine that they have the habit of collecting ‘daana’, offered by the upper

caste on the occasion of the relieving them from the disease and bad omens .Among Tappu

koragas the percentage of families accepting ‘daana’, is 78.9, and among kuntu koragas no

families accept ‘dhana’. This suggests that the practice of accepting ‘daana’, is prevalent only

among the onti koraga and tappu koragas and not among the kuntu koragas suggesting the caste

origin of the practice and the reason of severe shortage of food among the koraga families have

led to yet another origin of practice of collecting the foiled food and accepting ‘daana’, from the

other communities.

Table 3.43 Name of the Sub clan * Opinion regarding Ajalu Crosstabulation

Opinion regarding Ajalu

Total Should Continue Should End



% within Opinion regarding

Ajalu

71.2% 44.1% 61.6%

% of Total 46.0% 15.6% 61.6%




Ajalu

28.8% 27.7% 28.4%

% of Total 18.6% 9.8% 28.4%




Ajalu

.0% 28.2% 10.0%

% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%




Ajalu

100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 64.6% 35.4% 100.0%

149

The ajalu is a peculiar social institution among koragas where in a specific set of social

and religious duties are assigned to the koragas on the basis of non remunerative servitude

managed and maintained by the feudal lords of the village guided by the religious beliefs and

restrictions. Among onti koragas 74.7% of the families desire to continue the ajal practice and

25.3% of the families have reported that they do not want to be the part of ajal duties anymore

and they would prefer the duties and the role being stopped and an alternative respectful roles are

been given to them. Among tappu koragas 65.5% of the families feel that ajal need to be

continued and 34.5% of the families feel that the role of ajal need to be ended. Among the kuntu

koragas no families feel that the ajal need to be continued rather they have never been a part of

the ajal system in the village.

Thus it is found the ajal duties are more mandatory among onti and tappu koragas and

among kuntu koragas the concept of mandatory duty towards the village and the religious

institutions are very fragile. The reason for the onti and tappu koragas to become the part of the

ajal system has to investigated further especially by a processes of the involvement of the

koragas in the village duties and the amount of social and religious pressure on the koragas.

Table 3.44 Name of the Sub clan * Treat menstrual cycle as polluted Cross tabulation

Treat menstrual cycle as

polluted

Total Yes

Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga 308 308

Tappu Koraga 142 142

Kuntu Koraga 50 50

Total 500 500

The above table explains the feeling of pollution regarding the menstrual cycle and

menstrual discharge among the koraga families of different clans. It is found that all the families

of all the clans have the same feeling of pollution regarding the menstrual cycle and discharge.

They have a practice of keeping the lady away from the main systems in the families like the

food and they are restricted to take part in the important aspects related to the Bootha and other

sacred functions including the marriage and visiting the temple. The uniform presence of the

feeling of pollution among the tribal clans without any difference suggests that the feeling of

150 pollution and impurity are the basic characteristics of the community and not the effect of the

interaction with the caste communities.

Table 3.46 Name of the Sub clan * Gurikara Engages the marriage Cross tabulation

Gurikara Engages the marriage

Total Yes No

Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga 307 1 308

Tappu Koraga 142 0 142

Kuntu Koraga 46 4 50

Total 495 5 500

The above table examines the conviction about koraga families regarding the need for the

traditional head of the family to engage and solemnize the marriage. Among onti koragas, except

one family all other families have reported that the marriage should be carried out by the head of

the family. And among the tappu koragas all the families have reported the need for

solemnization of marriage and engagement by the head of the family. Among kuntu koragas four

families differ in the opinion of marriage and the engagement should be solemnized by the head

of the family. It suggests that the koragas have firm belief in the matter of marriage regarding the

role of head of the family irrespective of the clan they belong to, thus it can be concluded that the

system of marriage managed by the head of the family is the main feature among koraga tribe.

Traditionally, it is believed that the head of the family use to arrange for the engagement and the

girl was being brought by marriage to the family not to the man .The head of the family use to

perform symbolically the act of tying the ‘manisara’ or ‘mangalya’, the important symbol of

marriage among korags. The traditional system of marriage is not practiced much now a days but

the families still believe that the traditional system of marriage is the right form of marriage even

though the marked changes have been observed in the opinions regarding the social and

economical systems, in the matters of social institutions like marriage, still the community has a

rigid and unchanged opinion.

151

Table 3.47 Name of the Sub clan * Marriage solemnized traditionally Cross tabulation

Marriage solemnized traditionally

Total Yes No

Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga 304 4 308

Tappu Koraga 142 0 142

Kuntu Koraga 45 5 50

Total 491 9 500

The above table demonstrates the marriage ceremony of the respondent or the married

member s of the family being conducted traditionally. The traditional marriage is an arranged

marriage in the leadership of the head of the two families by observing not to break the rule of

marriage with in the same ‘bali’ or clan. The system traditional marriage is been followed strictly

to a great extent by all the clans. It is found that among onti koragas except four families all the

other families have been married according to the traditional system of marriage. Among tappu

koragas all the families have been married according to the traditional system of marriage

solemnization and no families are found to be having any other form of marriage. Among kuntu

koragas only 5 families out of 50 have found to be married not traditionally. A comparative

deviation of the clans from the traditional marriage system can be understood as minimum since

the standard deviation is 0.13308 which is negligible deviation from the standard behavior of

conforming to get marriage solemnized traditionally.

152

Table 3.48 Name of the Sub clan * Seemantha at first Pregnancy Cross tabulation

Seemantha at first Pregnancy

Total Yes No



% within Seemantha at first

Pregnency

62.1% 16.7% 61.6%

% of Total 61.4% .2% 61.6%

Std. Residual .2 -1.4




Pregnency

28.7% .0% 28.4%

% of Total 28.4% .0% 28.4%

Std. Residual .1 -1.3




Pregnency

9.1% 83.3% 10.0%

% of Total 9.0% 1.0% 10.0%

Std. Residual -.6 5.7




Pregnency

100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 98.8% 1.2% 100.0%

The table shows the customary ceremony conducted for the lady when she completes the

seventh month of the pregnancy which is a common practice among all the communities in the

district. It is found that among onti koragas 99.7% of the families have reported that in the first

pregnancy the custom of ‘Seemantha’. And among tappu koragas all the families have the

practice of conducting ‘Bayake’ or ‘Seemantha’, as it is called in local language. Among kuntu

koragas 90% of the families have the custom of ‘bayake’ for the first child delivery and only

10% of the families have answered that they do not have the compulsion of ceremony of the

‘bayake’ for the first delivery.

153

Naming the child on the day of ritual of giving a child a name, among koragas, is the

right of the maternal uncle and the effect of the various caste and modern systems on the social

life of the koaga tribe have not made significant changes. Among onti koragas 90.9% of the

families reported that the naming ceremony is by the maternal uncle and 9.1% of the families

have reported that it is not by the maternal uncle but by somebody else. Among tappu koragas

93.7% of the families have reported that the naming ceremony is by the maternal uncle and 6.3%

of the families have reported that the naming is by somebody else. Among kuntu koragas 90.0%

of the families have reported that the naming ceremony is by the maternal uncle and 10.0% of

the families have reported that the naming ceremony is by somebody else.

The above discussion is relevant to show that the traditional system naming the child by

the maternal uncle has not changed among the koragas and there is no significance change

among the different clans regarding the naming ceremony by the maternal uncle.

154

Table 3.49 Name of the Sub clan * Social prohibition after death in Family Cross tabulation

Social prohibition after death in

Family

Total Yes No



clan

100.0% .0% 100.0%

% within Social prohibition

after death in Family

62.2% .0% 61.6%

% of Total 61.6% .0% 61.6%



clan

100.0% .0% 100.0%



28.7% .0% 28.4%

% of Total 28.4% .0% 28.4%



clan

90.0% 10.0% 100.0%



9.1% 100.0% 10.0%

% of Total 9.0% 1.0% 10.0%



clan

99.0% 1.0% 100.0%



100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 99.0% 1.0% 100.0%

After death of a family member, eleven days are considered to be the period of pollution

where the family members are not permitted to attend any auspicious occasion, including the

religious functions. The practice of pollution is called ‘soothika’ or ‘soothaka’ among koraga as

well as Tulu languagers. Among all the clans of the Koraga families it is a common practice of

‘soothaka’ after death and the social idea of pollution after death is found uniformly among all

the clans in Onti and tappu koragas. All the families do have the practice of attributing pollution

to the members of family. Among Kuntu koragas 10% of the families have reported that they do

not observe pollution but that is a negligible number .The practice of attributing pollution among

155 the family members is a common practice among other communities of the district. Koragas

being the primitive tribal group of the district also has the practice of the pollution but among the

other communities the practice is limited to a ceremonial symbol and a few communities have

left the practice. But koragas have maintained the practice strongly until today. The social

change among the Koraga families is slow compared to the other communities in the district.

The graph demonstrates the koraga families’ traditional method of inviting the soul of the

dead person into the family by a ceremony after the thirteen days. The tradition is a part of all the

communities of the district and the koragas too practice of doing so. From the above graph it is

found that among onti and tappu koragas all the families have reported that the traditional

practice is done without any failure where as among the kuntu korags 10% of the families have

reported that they do not observe the practice of inviting the ‘atma’ (soul) of diseased into the

family at the end of 13th day. The practice is strong among all the clans of the koragas.

156

Table 3.50 Name of the Sub clan * Widow Remarriage Cross tabulation

Widow Remarriage

Total

Permitted and

agree

Not permitted

and disagree



clan

99.0% 1.0% 100.0%

% within Widow Remarriage 61.6% 60.0% 61.6%

% of Total 61.0% .6% 61.6%



clan

100.0% .0% 100.0%

% within Widow Remarriage 28.7% .0% 28.4%

% of Total 28.4% .0% 28.4%



clan

96.0% 4.0% 100.0%


% of Total 9.6% .4% 10.0%



clan

99.0% 1.0% 100.0%


% of Total 99.0% 1.0% 100.0%

The widow remarriage is permitted among the koraga tribes and the modern education

and social changes have not altered the system. It is found that among all the clans the practice of

widow remarriage is accepted as a common practice and all the families of onti and tappu

koragas have affirmed the fact that the widow remarriage is permitted where as only 0.4% of the

families among kuntu koragas have said that the widow remarriage is not permitted. The data

shows that the practice of widow remarriage is still strong among the koragas and the practice is

uniform among all the clans irrespective of the social condition and differences.

157

Koraga community has a strong prohibition regarding the premarital sexual relationships.

It is found from the above table that all the clans have a strong opposition regarding this. 3.9% of

onti koragas and 4% of the kuntu korags have opined that the premarital sexual relationship is

not a crime. Tappu koragas have a strong feeling against the premarital relationship. The change

in the opinion of a few families of onti koraga and kuntu koraga may be the personal bias and

only the opinions rather than a systematic impact of any sociological interactions.

158

Table 3.51 Name of the Sub clan * Extramarital relationship Cross tabulation

Extramarital relationship

Total Punished Not Punished



% within Extramarital

relationship

61.4% 66.7% 61.6%

% of Total 58.8% 2.8% 61.6%




relationship

29.6% .0% 28.4%

% of Total 28.4% .0% 28.4%




relationship

9.0% 33.3% 10.0%

% of Total 8.6% 1.4% 10.0%




relationship

100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 95.8% 4.2% 100.0%

Like the premarital relationship the extra marital sexual relationship of both males and

females is viewed as offence among korga community. The extra marital relationship is viewed

an offence among all the clans of koraga community. Among onti koragas 95.5% of the families

have opined that the extramarital relationship is offence and among tappu koraga all the families

have opined that the extra marital relationship is offence and among kuntu koragas 86% of the

families and 14% of the families have reported that the extra marital relationship is not punished.

The above discussion proves that the social rule of ban on the extra marital relationship is strictly

observed by the community irrespective of the sub clan to which the community belong to and

among the kuntu koragas the feeling of lack of community action against extra marital

relationship is strong and followed by onti koragas where as among tappu koragas the

community leaders have the practice of punishing the extra marital relationship.

159

Table 3.52 Name of the Sub clan * Prohibitions in marriage in same Bali Cross tabulation

Prohibitions in marriage in same Bali

Total Yes No



% within Prohibitions in

marriage in same Bali

61.9% 53.3% 61.6%

% of Total 60.0% 1.6% 61.6%





28.9% 13.3% 28.4%

% of Total 28.0% .4% 28.4%





9.3% 33.3% 10.0%

% of Total 9.0% 1.0% 10.0%





100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 97.0% 3.0% 100.0%

Prohibition of marriage in the same bali is the very strong social rule among all the

koraga families the violation of which would lead to expulsion from the community. The

marriage rules of marrying outside once own bali is practiced among all the clans of koraga

community. From the above table it is found that 97.4% of the families among the onti koragas

and 98.6% o of the families among tappu koragas and 90% of the families among kuntu koragas

have clear objection against the marriages in the same bali. The number of families who do not

have objection against the marriages in the same bali is negligible among all the clans. The

objection regarding the marriages in the same bali is little less among kuntu koragas.

160

Table 3.53 Name of the Sub clan * Prohibition for marriage in same clan Cross tabulation

Prohibition for marriage in same clan

Total Yes No



% within Prohibition for

marriage in same clan

86.5% 58.7% 61.6%

% of Total 9.0% 52.6% 61.6%





11.5% 30.4% 28.4%

% of Total 1.2% 27.2% 28.4%





1.9% 10.9% 10.0%

% of Total .2% 9.8% 10.0%





100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 10.4% 89.6% 100.0%

The above table examines the objection among the different clans to marry outside the

clan that says no objection to marry within the clan. Most of the families have an opinion of

marrying within the clan where as the objection regarding the marriage outside the clan is also

not strong. Among onti koragas 14% of the families have objection for marriage with in the clan

and agreement to marry outside the clan. Among the tappu koragas 95.85 of the families have an

opinion of marrying within the clan and only 4.2% of the families have objection regarding the

marriage in same clan, and among kuntu koragas 98% of the families have given the provisions

of marrying within the same clan and 2% of the families have objected to marry within the clan.

Thus it can be concluded that the koraga community has a prohibition against the marriage

outside the clan and they have the practice of marrying within the clan.

161

Table 3.54 Name of the Sub clan * Sex Preference Cross tabulation

Sex Preference

Total Female Male



% within Sex Preference 60.4% 69.1% 61.6%

% of Total 52.2% 9.4% 61.6%




% of Total 28.2% .2% 28.4%




% of Total 6.0% 4.0% 10.0%




% of Total 86.4% 13.6% 100.0%

The above table demonstrates the sex preference among the different clans of the koraga

community. Since koagas are the matrilineal community they usually prefer to have female

children. The above table shows that among the onti koragas 84.7% of the families have chosen

the female baby as their preference where as 15.3% of the families have chosen male baby as

their preference. Among tappu koragas 93.3% of the families have female child preference and

only 0.7% families have chosen male baby as their preference. Among kuntu koragas 60% of the

families have female baby preference and 40% the families have male baby as preference. The

above discussion shows that overall 86.4% of the families have female child preference and

13.6% of the families have male child preference. The comparison with other communities have

clearly shown that the koraga community still has the value of the female preference as per the

traditional aspiration of the matrilineal society, even in the changing modern context the sex

preference of the clans of koragas have been not affected much .But among the clans the kuntu

koragas have more male preference compared to other clans.

162

Table 3.55 Name of the Sub clan * Origin of the Family Cross tabulation

Origin of the Family

Total

Mother's Family

source

Father's Family

Source



% within Origin of the Family 63.6% 24.0% 61.6%

% of Total 60.4% 1.2% 61.6%




% of Total 28.2% .2% 28.4%




% of Total 6.4% 3.6% 10.0%




% of Total 95.0% 5.0% 100.0%

The koragas are matrilineal in nature and the table above examines the opinion regarding

the origin. Among onti koragas 98.1% of the families believe that their origin is from the

mothers family, and among tappu koragas 99.3% families claim their origin from the mother and

among kuntu koragas 64% of the families believe their origin from mother’s family and 40%

believe the origin from father. A comparison of the above data suggests that among the onti

koragas and tappu koragas the family origin is associated to mother and among the kuntu

koragas the origin of family is associated to father in the recent time. This indicates that the onti

and tappu koragas have strong belief in the matrilineal origin and continue to be the followers of

matrilineal system where as kuntu koragas are deviating from the matrilineal system towards

more of a patrilenial system.

163

Table 3.56 Name of the Sub clan * Leader of community is selected by Cross tabulation

Leader of community is selected by

Total Father to son

Maternal uncle

to nephew

Selected by

Bootha

Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 13 49 246 308


clan

4.2% 15.9% 79.9% 100.0%

% within Leader of

community is selected by

41.9% 41.5% 70.1% 61.6%

% of Total 2.6% 9.8% 49.2% 61.6%



clan

.0% 26.1% 73.9% 100.0%

% within Leader of


.0% 31.4% 29.9% 28.4%

% of Total .0% 7.4% 21.0% 28.4%



clan

36.0% 64.0% .0% 100.0%

% within Leader of


58.1% 27.1% .0% 10.0%

% of Total 3.6% 6.4% .0% 10.0%

Total Count 31 118 351 500


clan

6.2% 23.6% 70.2% 100.0%

% within Leader of


100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 6.2% 23.6% 70.2% 100.0%

The above table demonstrates the selection of leader of the community among different

clans of koragas. It is found that among onti koragas 4.2% of the families the leadership is

passed on to the son from the father and among 15.9% the families the leadership is passed on

the nephew from the maternal uncle and in 79.9% of the families the leadership decided by the

special process of the decision by the bootha after a possession by the leader and the bootha

orders for the new leader. Among tappu koragas .0%of the families have the practice of choosing

the leader by the father to son and 26.1% families the leadership is passed on to the nephew from

the Maternal uncle and 73.9% of the families the leader is selected by the possession of the

164 bootha on the leader and the new leader is been suggested by the bootha. Among kuntu koragas

36.0%of the families the leadership is passed on to the son by the father and 64.0% of the

families it is passed on the nephew by the maternal uncle the choice of leaders by the bootha is

not found among the kuntu koragas. From the discussion it can be concluded that choice of

leader ship among koragas is done by variety of process, the majority of the leaders are selected

among onti and tappu korags by the possession of the bootha and the order of the bootha,

followed by the leadership passed on to the nephew by the maternal uncle a small percentage of

families the leadership is passed on to the son by the father, but among the kuntu kioragas the

process of selection of leader by bootha is absent and the selection is by the father to son and the

maternal uncle to the nephew.

The political system among the koraga is not developed in to the differentiation of the

roles and the selection process is not rigidly defined in the most of the cases the selection is left

to the religious process. All the clans of koraga community have the same political status and the

selection procedure is not controlled by any rigid rules of selection.

165

The above Bar Chart explains the role in taking important decisions in the family among

various clans, among onti koragas 0.6% the families the decision is taken by the mother and

14.3% of the families the decision is being taken by the father and 85.1% families the decision is

taken by the maternal uncle. Among tappu koragas all the important decisions are taken the

maternal uncle. Among kuntu koragas almost 0% of the families the decision is taken by the

mother and among 40.0% of the families the decision is taken by father. In 60.0% the families

the decision is taken by the maternal uncle. The above discussion indicates the major decision

making process among the different clans of koragas ,it is found that the majority of the families

the decision is taken by the maternal uncle and the father too have important role in the

important aspects of the families where as the mother/s has/have negligible role while taking

decisions among all the clans of the koragas, even though the koraga tribe is matrilineal and

matrilocal where the mother do not has any part in the important aspects of the family

166

Table 3.57 Name of the Sub clan * Religion Cross tabulation

Religion

Total Hindu Tribal Christian

Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 282 26 0 308


clan

91.6% 8.4% .0% 100.0%

% within Religion 62.0% 63.4% .0% 61.6%

% of Total 56.4% 5.2% .0% 61.6%



clan

90.1% 9.9% .0% 100.0%

% within Religion 28.1% 34.1% .0% 28.4%

% of Total 25.6% 2.8% .0% 28.4%



clan

90.0% 2.0% 8.0% 100.0%

% within Religion 9.9% 2.4% 100.0% 10.0%

% of Total 9.0% .2% .8% 10.0%



clan

91.0% 8.2% .8% 100.0%

% within Religion 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

% of Total 91.0% 8.2% .8% 100.0%

The above table explains the concept of religion among the various sub clans of koraga

families. The religion of the koragas are been generally termed as Hindu but still there are

diverse opinion regarding the religion among the various clans of the koraga community. Among

Onti Koragas 91.6% of the families believe that they are of Hindu religion and 8.4% of the

families claim their religion to be tribal and no families of chritians are found among the onti

korgas even though there are few families among koragas converted to Christianity they were not

covered by the present study. Among tappu koaragas 90.1% of the families opined that they

belong to Hindu religion and 9.9% of the families have reported that they belong to Tribal

religion and even among tappu koragas also no families of Christian religion is been found.

Among kuntu koragas 90.0% of the families have reported that they belong to Hindu religion and

2.0% of the families have told that they belong to tribal religion and 8.0% of the families have

reported that they belong to the religion Christianity. This diversity in religion is because of the

167 fact that a few koraga families have been converted to Christianity during the British rule but still

they do not show much difference in their practices from other koraga families. The tribal

religion is a new concept evolved among korga families who have close association with the new

movements regarding the tribal identity which is of recent origin. The Hindu religion is also a matter of

belief accepted by koragas based n the negation of other religions.

Clans among Koragas and Sociological...

Documents

Transcript of Clans among Koragas and Sociological...