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ASIA PACIFIC RESEARCH JOURNAL OF FAR EAST & SOUTH EAST ASIA
Volume 33, 2015
Publication of
Area Study Centre Far East & South East Asia
University of Sindh, Jamshoro
Sindh, Pakistan
www.fesea.org
ASIA PACIFIC Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia is
published annually by the Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Pakistan. The major object of bringing out this journal is to provide a forum for scholars engaged in the study of the Far East & South East Asia region, especially in the field of Politics, Economics, History and Sociology.
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ASIA PACIFIC, Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia University
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ISSN 1810-035X
Composed By..................... Mehmood Sharif Stenographer / Computer Operator Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, University of Sindh, Jamshoro
EDITORIAL PANEL
PATRON–IN–CHIEF
Professor Dr. Abida Taherani Vice Chancellor, University of Sindh and
Chairman, Board of Governors
Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, Sindh – Pakistan
PATRON
Professor Dr. Pervez Ahmed Pathan Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences,
University of Sindh, Jamshoro Sindh – Pakistan
EDITOR–IN–CHIEF
Professor Dr. Hamadullah Kakepoto Director, Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia,
University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh - Pakistan
EDITOR
Dr. Naima Tabassum Assistant Professor, Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia,
University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh - Pakistan
EVALUATION PANEL
INTERNATIONAL EVALUATION NATIONAL EVALUATION
Professor Dr Mohammad Aslam Faculty of Economics and Administration, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, MALAYSIA Email: [email protected]
Professor Dr Aslam Pervez Memon Department of Political Science, University of Sindh, Jamshoro Sindh – PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]
Professor R. Hiremani Naik Department of Business Administration Institute of Management Studies Kuvempu University, Jnanasahyadri, Shankaraghatta – 577451, INDIA Email: [email protected]
Professor Dr Ghulam Ali Jariko Sindh Development Studies Centre, University of Sindh, Jamshoro Sindh – PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]
Professor Dr Zuraidah Bt Mohd Zain Dean, Universiti of Malaysia Perlis, MALAYSIA Email: [email protected]
Professor Dr Phallapa Petison College of Management Mahidol University, Mahidol University College of Management, THAILAND Email: [email protected]
Dr M. Khurshed Alam Director, Bangladesh Institute of Social Research (BISR), BANGLADESH Email: [email protected]
Prof. Dr Spencer Empading Sanggin Dean, Faulty of Social Sciences, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak, MALAYSIA Email: [email protected]
Professor Dr Zhang Li Director, Centre South Asia-West China, Cooperation and Development Studies, Sichuan University, Changdu, 610064, People’s Republic of CHINA Email: [email protected]
Dr. Canan Aslan Akman Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and Public Administration Middle East Technical University, Ankara, TURKEY.
Miki Suzuki Him, PhD Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Arts and Sciences Ondokuz Mayis University Samsun, TURKEY.
Dr. Ayşe Gönüllü Atakan, Sociologist/Scholar İzmir, TURKEY.
Professor Dr Riaz Ahmed Shaikh Head of Social Sciences, Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science & Technology (SZABIST), Karachi - PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]
Dr Naima Tabbasum Assistant Professor, Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh – PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]
Professor Dr Manzoor Ali Isran Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science & Technology (SZABIST), Karachi - PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]
Dr Ahmed Ali Brohi Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Sindh, Jamshoro Sindh – PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]
Dr Naimat Ali Shah
Associate Professor, Department of Public Administration, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh – PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]
Prof. Dr. Naghma Mangrio
Chairperson, Department of International Relations, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, PAKISTAN
Dr. Kiran Sami Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Sindh , Jamshoro, PAKISTAN
ASIA PACIFIC Volume 33, 2015
RESEARCH JOURNAL OF FAR EAST & SOUTH EAST ASIA
CONTENTS
Sociological and Ethnographic Study on Sindh Pakistan: A Sociological Analysis
Dr. Hamadullah Kakepoto ....................................................................................... 01
Religious Affiliation and the Veiling Status of Women Academicians in Three Universities of Malaysia
Madeeha Shah & Dr. Naima Tabassum .................................................................. 15
Prospects of Regionalism: Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN
Rahila Asfa & Dr. Mughees Ahmed ........................................................................ 28
Press Club Profile and Values of the Sindh Journalists in Pakistan
Dr. Basir Memon ..................................................................................................... 44
Economic Contribution of Rice Production and Food Security in Indonesia
Sadique A. Tumrani, Dr. Pervez A. Pathan & Bugti M. Suleman ........................ 62
The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear: In Context of Working Women in Pakistan
Marium Sara Minhas Bandeali & Dr. Manzoor Ali Isran ..................................... 75
Critical Analysis of the Challenges and Issues of Islam in the Modern World
Dr. Zain-ul-Abdin Sodhar, Dr. Abdul Ghani Shaikh &
Khair-un-Nisa Sodhar ............................................................................................. 96
Flow of Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers within East Asian Region
Dr. Naima Tabassum, Huma Tabassum & Tabassum Afzal ............................... 107
EDITORIAL
The Area Study Centre for Far East and South East Asia is well known for
its quality research and teaching on the region. The Asia Pacific: A Research
Journal of Far East & South East Asia is one of the important aspect of the
centre’s research culture. It publishes research from a variety of academic
disciplines for the benefit of readers and scholars.
For the present issue eight research papers were finalized after rigorous
blind peer review process. The papers included in this volume deal with a
variety of subjects and cover various disciplines such as Sociology, Gender
Studies, Migration Studies, Economics, International Relations,
Comparative Religions, Mass Communication and Journalism, and Cultural
Studies. Therefore, the present issue hopefully is of the best interest for the
readers and researchers.
I appreciate the contributors for their interest and continuous submissions
of research work in large number for publication in the journal. Further, the
editorial team wishes if the contributors may kindly submit their research
papers in the prescribed format. It may prevent delays caused by several
rounds of revisions of the research papers. The editorial team has worked
hard to manage this all work to the best of their capabilities within available
time.
I am thankful to the members of advisory and review panel of the journal
for their continuous professional and academic support for screaming of the
submitted research papers for publication. I am also grateful to Professor
Dr. Hamadullah Kakepoto, the Chief Editor for his continuous support
throughout the process of publication of the journal. I also acknowledge the
guidance and directions provided by Professor Dr. Abida Tahirani, Vice
Chancellor and the Patron in Chief of the journal.
Dr. Naima Tabassum
Editor
SOCIOLOGICAL AND ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY ON
SINDH PAKISTAN: A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
Dr Hamadullah Kakepoto*
Abstract
Pakistan is one of the countries of the world where culture is considered a
driving force for the people of the land. Sindh is the second biggest province
of Pakistan. It is rich in natural beauty. The civilization and cultural
heritages of Sindh are known throughout the Asia. Sindh inculcates the
some of the oldest cultural heritages like heritage of Moen-jo-daro which
has 5000 years’ oldest history. The culture of Sindh is rich and enriched
with multi-dimensional aspects. On one side culture is rich in religious
rituals and on the other hand it has a good flavor of secular outlook. People
of Sindh are peace loving. People rejoice on little occasions and make those
events remarkable and memorable. Therefore, the sociology and
ethnography of Sindh is full with of colours and rejoices. In the present
paper an attempt has been made discussing the culture, civilization,
customs and cultural events, and the overall sociology of the people of the
land with the help of sociological eye.
Keywords: Sindhi, Culture, Traits, Ceremonies, Customs.
Introduction
Pakistan is one of countries of the world where culture and
civilization are well practiced and respected. In other word the
land is known due to adherence of cultural values and religion
norms. People feel happy and contented when they follow their
culture. Such province is more tented towards Sufism. Poets and
Sufis like Shah Adul Latif Bhittae, Sachal Sarmast, Qalandar
Shahbaz, Abdullah Shah Ghazi, Sufi Shah Inayat and Sami and
many others are well known among the people. Their poetry is
considered important. Urrs and celebrations are celebrated since
* Director & Professor, Far East & South East Asia Study Centre, University of
Sindh, Jamshoro, Email: [email protected]
2 Sociological and Ethnographic Study on Sindh Pakistan
unknown times.
The Sindh province is one of the four provinces of Pakistan. It has a
distinct history which dates back many centuries (Allana, 1998: 1-2).
Sindh covers an area between 56,000 and 57,000 square miles
(Khuhro, 1999: XXI). The province is divided into five divisions and
21 administrative districts including 8 municipal corporations and 8
cantonments. It includes 84 talukas and 74 sub-divisions. The
districts are further divided into sub-divisions (Provincial Census
Report of Sindh, 1998: 14).
Postan (1973) is of the view that Sindh has always been divided
geographically and politically into two principle portions: Upper
and Lower, or rather Northern and Southern, distinguished by
names in Sindhi language as “Lar and Sirra”. Burton (1999)
considers three principal portions. Sourthen Sindh (or “Lar”) covers
areas South of Hyderabad. Central Sindh (or “Wicholo”) includes
areas lying immediately around Hyderabad. Northen Sindh (or
“Siro”) comprises the districts of Sehwan, Larkana, Khairpur, and
the tract which separates Sukkur from Cutch. These divisions have
their particular climate, soil and productions, and are otherwise
marked by physical peculiarities.
Religion is the core of culture of any society. Most of our cultural
patterns are taken from norms. In Sindh, Islam is dominant religion
in society. Besides Hindus, Christians, and Mehgwhar are also living
in Sindh. Sindh is the land of sufies and tranquentely. People by
nature are subtle and very much followers of peace and love. The
brotherhood and tolerance are the essence of local Sindhi culture.
They celebrate the festivals on the shrines of suffies and religious
scholars, since long time such celebrations are known as the
celebration of land. Even all over Pakistan people come to
participate on those celebrations and rejoice.
Sindh province is also known due to the people’s attachment
towards cultural traits and rituals. People here since centuries follow
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 3
the culture and have the firm faith that of they ignored the culture
they may face some mishappening in their life which may turn their
lives useless and adverse. As a result people of the land fully adhere
to the even small things, religions poetry and even dresses. Family
institution occupies very important place in Sindhi society. Joint
family system is mostly preferred and endogamy, the marriage
within kinship or bradaris are preferred. After the birth of child
religious education is given. For recreation, children are given
handmade clay toys. Folkways are also common in Sindh and for
elders recreation includes kachahri at night.
The another distinct thing of the land is that the civilization of the
land is among the oldest civilizations of the world. It dates back
some 5000 years back and is known as Indus valley civilization the
essence of that civilization is that it is remarkably attached with the
agriculture and cultivation. The rivers also have an important place
in the development of local culture. People rejoice and even some
dresses and foods are known due to the crops. Family is considered
the important and people of Sindh feel proud to their ancestral
assets they are proud of their castes, tribes and communities, they
originate, therefore, the culture of caste and tribalism. Within the
family elders are well respected and the culture of patriarchy is the
most dominant system of the family. The elder members of the
family are the head of family where orders of elders considered like
the order of the state. Informal social order and social control is well
adhered due to the strong attachment of the family. Likewise, the
eldest members of the caste is also considered as the most
respectable and people from that particular caste follow the order of
that elder member. Perhaps the culture of respect for the elders has
vanished from many parts but in Sindh it is well practiced.
The social life of Sindh was also affected by the settlement of Arab
Soldiers, scholars and intellectuals in different parts of Sindh. Tabari
speaks of Arab soldiers in several military colonies seeking solace
for their lost homes by marrying native women of the country, and
4 Sociological and Ethnographic Study on Sindh Pakistan
leaving their lands and plunder to be inherited by their Sindhi- Arab
descendants (Ali, 1957: 327). The Arab conquest of Sindh followed
by dissemination of Islamic beliefs played a significant role in
reinforcing and strengthening orientation of Sindhi culture towards
Islamic land. It also provided a new socio-economic basis for Sindhi
society giving it a distinctive Islamic look (Ansar, 1980: XXV11).
Naming habit is an example of socio-cultural influence among the
lower class, for example fisher folk, hunters, farmers, cattle breeders
etc. Indigenous names occur very commonly, which are not found
elsewhere. These include the names of flowers, trees, fruits, birds,
months, days of weeks etc. A man styled Kausar or Mohammad
Kauser or Aachar or Mohammad Aachar is immediately
recognizable as belonging to this class. In the same way one may
recognize a Sayyed by the presence of Shah among his name, e.g.
Zaman Shah etc. (Al1ana, 1998: 319). The use of Arabic names is in
accordance with certain fairly well defined practices. Any Muslim
Sindhi is like to include among his patronymics the name of
Prophet, Caliph, Imam or Saint on his offspring. Certain Hindus of
Sind' are also recognizable by a restricted range of Islamic names
which they employ e.g. 'divan' Amil' and others immediately denote
a Hindu gentleman (ibid).
Sindh is agricultural province and its land is fertile. Mostly in village
agriculture is main occupation apart from it domestication of cattle,
buffaloes, sheep, goats etc. is practiced. In Sindh business is also
source of earning for many people. Large scale division of labour is
noticed, Goldsmiths, ironsmith, brisk maker, carpenters,
government servants, politicians etc. Sindhi society is stratified here
in three major classes. Upper class consists of landlords, industrialist
and middle class consist of government employees, farmers,
shopkeeper and other businessman and lower class consist of labor
etc. In Sindh no doubt due to in wearing modernization and
globalization the dressing, food, items, mode of recreation and
changing but traditional food of Sindh is Saag, jawer, all kinds of
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 5
food, meat, mutton, fish and chicken are include in food of upper
and middle class people Ghee, butter, curds etc.
Mud and backed clay bricks are used in walls and roof is made of
sticks. Most people wear lower garments fastened round the waist
and upper garments thrown the war the shoulders. Shalwar qamees
is the dress of Sindh Women. Most of the women use veil before
going outside. Men and women even children sum or black stone
powder apply round the eyes, oil their hair with mistral oil, women
grow lengthy their hairs.
The Culture of Sindh
The culture of a nation is an aspect of ultimate values. These values
possessed by a particular society are expressed in that society's
collective institutions. Culture in a sense, is an essence, within the
boundaries of which individuals live by. They express their cultural
values in their dispositions, habits, feelings, passions, attitudes and
manners.
Basis of Sindhi Culture
The first definition of Sindhi culture emanates from that over 7,000
years old Indus civilization. This is the pre Aryan period, about
3,000 years B.C. when the urban civilization in Sindh was at its peak.
It is pure, sublime, unique and rich.
The people of Indus valley were not only great town planners,
builders, engineers, architects and' masons, but they were also
expert - potters, goldsmiths, jewelers, artists, artisans, musicians and
lapidaries. Over the centuries, this land has been the home of
various people, the breeding ground of major civilizations and
meeting place of numerous migrations. A rich and varied cultural
heritage has thus been handed down.
6 Sociological and Ethnographic Study on Sindh Pakistan
Sindhi Cultural Traits
(a) Ajrak
The correct pronunciation in Sindhi language is Ajrak' (Singular)
and Ajraka' (Plural). Sindh is the real and actual birthplace of this
marvellous cloth, which is predominantly used with dignity and
pride.
(b) Rilhi
Rilhi is another Sindhi icon and part of our heritage and culture.
Every Sindhi home will have a set of Rilhis. One for every member
of the family few spared for guests. It is also given as gifts to friends
and visitors. It is used as bedspread as well as a blanket.
(c) Ornaments
Ornaments used by Sindhis are a significant part of our culture,
especially for womenfolk- Sindhi Zewar-a or Ggaha' (Ornaments)
for different parts of the body. Different and varied ornaments are
used by Sindhi womenfolk for the head, ear, nose, neck, arms,
hands, feet ' and so on. The ornaments for the head are: Aali, Tiko,
Jhumar-a, Tiklo, Kundho, MuhanDanini, Sagiyoon, Chotee-a, Phul-
u, Bakal-u, Cilp-u, Taaj-u.
(d) Sindhi Cap
Sindhi cap is the most important trait of Sindhi culture. It is the item
which makes them very happy while having it. It is much loved and
revered by Sindhi people. It is beautifully weaved by interlacing
threads of different colours and ornamented with small pieces of
mirror glass. Sindhi people are proud of it as the main item of their
identity. It is also presented as a gift to the guests and visitors.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 7
Social Ceremonies
(a) Chhatthi
As soon as a woman in a family gives birth to her first child she
becomes a proud mother. At the birth of the child, is it a boy or a
girl, rejoicing takes place in the family. If a child is male, more
rejoicing is there. The elder member of the family is called to give
Azan’ in the ears of the infant. This rejoicing continues for six days.
On the sixth night the women of kith and kin assemble. They dress
the mother and the child in new clothes. Thread bands are tied in
the arms and ankles of the child to protect him/her from any bad
omen. Sweet dishes or other delicacies are served to everyone
present there. After that the women sing songs on a "Duhul" (Small
drum) till midnight. Some kind of sugar product (Patasha, Ladoon,
and Boondi) is distributed among them when they disperse.
(b) Aqqiko
This ceremony is performed, when the child grows to the age of a
year or two. The principal part of this ceremony is the sacrifice of a
goat or sheep, free from any defect or blemish. The animal is slain
according to the Islamic rule of 'Ozuha'. The whole or major part of
the meat is distributed among the poor relatives and others. Some
Sindhi families cook it in rice and hold a feast for their kith and kin.
Rejoicing takes place on a very small scale. This ritual has religious
significance but since it requires expenses, it is perfomed by well to
do families only.
(c) Sunnat or Tohur
The ceremony of Tohur or circumcision is called "Sunnat'. It is
generally performed when a boy is five to ten years old. Although
like' Aqqiko' there is no age bar, in Sindhi families the over age
circumcision is often avoided
8 Sociological and Ethnographic Study on Sindh Pakistan
Almost all kith and kin, singers and dancers (Male and female) are
invited for the occasion. Rice cooked in beef or meat, and in sugar is
served to the guests.
For circumcision the boy is obliged to wear loose red pieces of cloth.
He is then asked to sit on an earthen flat pot. The elders and other
male relatives of the boy keep some money under the feet of the boy,
as an offering. The offering always goes to the family barber who
performs the operation. At the time of operation, the attention of the
boy is drawn to the sky. He is motivated to look at the golden bird
flying in the sky. By that time the operation ends. At night the group
of women sings "Sehras" and "Ladas" Thus the ceremony ends.
(d) Marriage Customs
Marriage
After the betrothal, both the families continue to exchange presents.
The wedding date is fixed by the parties in consultation with each
other. After fixation of the date of wedding, a party of “Manganhar”
is called to play drums at the door of the bride and the bridegroom.
Following are the ceremonies connected with marriage:
a) The bride is kept confined in the house for a whole month
before the wedding.
b) A week before the event, the beautifying of the bride begins.
This custom is called “Wanvah” (Mayoun).
c) During this period she is confined to a room or a corner of a
room wearing a veil sent by the bridegroom and is fed on
“Churo” an unleavened cake of wheaten flour made into
dough with butter and mixed with “Dried Molasses” brown
sugar.
d) Apply bilious mess, supposed to increase the delicacy of the
skin.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 9
Massage
A trustworthy woman normally wife of a local barber arranges a
daily bath, she massages her with wheat flour and mustard oil,
which is called “Pithi”. She blackens her eyes with “Kajjal” dyes her
lips with “Musag” and her palms and sole with “Mehandi”.
Nikah
On the wedding day, the bridegroom is groomed by his friends and
relatives, and is dressed in clothes presented by the bride’s father.
The bride is dressed in the clothes and ornaments supplied by the
bridegroom. The bridegroom is taken on horseback in a procession
to the bride’s house where the ceremony of “Nikah Khawani” is
performed.
On the occasion of “Nikah” two of the nearest kins from the bride’s
side take part as “Vakils” or official witnesses. They come to the
bride and ask her whether she accepts to be married to the
bridegroom. When the “Vakils” return and express the willingness
of the bride, the Nkiah Khawan per-forms the “Nikah” rite. After
that the bridegroom is taken to a room where the ladies perform
other customs and ceremonies.
In the Thar area it is a custom for the bridegroom to give a small
gold ornaments to the bride as a good omen for the marriage. The
bride’s family gives a woolen or a “Khatho” i.e a light woolen
blanket in exchange.
In the same area, the bridegroom generally wears a “Godh” a kind
of “Shalwar” i.e baggy trouser, a red-colored turban is invariably
worn by every bridegroom. The bride wear a brief tight fitting
blouse and a big skirt with lots of “gather” reaching down to the
ankles.
The bridegroom in the “Menghwar” tribe keeps on his shoulder a
printed cloth called”Maleer” which has embroidered corners. This
10 Sociological and Ethnographic Study on Sindh Pakistan
cloth is given to him by his in –laws.
Breaking of “Dakhani”
The bridegroom is also asked to break the earthen lid of a jar with a
single kick of his heel.
“Nekheti”
After all the marriage customs have been completed, the
bridegroom takes his bride home in a procession with a local
orchestra, either on camelback or in a bullock cart decorated with
red cloth of Ajrak. This custom is called “Nekheti” which means the
departure. The scene of the bride’s departure from her home is
traditionally a sad one, and usually the bride’s mother, father, other
member of the family and relatives burst into tear as the bride sets
off for her new home.
After the marriage, the bride is expected to visit her parents every
Friday until her first child is born.
Divorced or Widowed Women
A divorced woman or a window is allowed by Sindhi Muslim
society to marry again, and there is no bar on the marriage of a
divorced woman or a widow.
(i) Manginno (Betrothal)
It is a custom or practice only formal and is not a binding by faith.
In fact the betrothal is only a preliminary to marriage. One Sindhi
proverb says that everyone has a right to throw a stone to a tree full
of ripe berries. Therefore, this custom serves the purpose of
palpable declaration binding the parents of the boy and the girl to
agreement on wedlock between the two in due course.
The ceremony of 'Manginno' is performed at a fixed date keeping in
view an auspicious night i.e. Sunday, Monday, Thursday and
Friday. On the fixed date, after sunset, 'the parents and the near
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 11
relatives of the bridegroom visit the family of the bride, along with
the presents for the bride. The presents include the golden or silver
ring, three or five suits of fine cloth, the articles of adornment,
cosmetics, sweets etc. The parents of the bride also invite the near
relatives. The males and females of both the families exchange
greetings. After that the presents brought by the parents of
bridegroom are sent to the ladies on the side of the bride. In return,
milk is offered to the guests. After the milk ceremony, the eldest of
all is requested to recite 'Dua-eKher' from the Holy Quran. The
sweets brought by the parents of bridegroom are then distributed
among all present.
Between the period of betrothal and marriage, the parents of
bridegroom send some presents, clothes and shoes, sweets, fruit,
and money to the bride, through her parents. The parents of the
bride also send some presents to the bridegroom and his parents. It's
reciprocal.
(ii) Wanwah
Wanwah is a kind of prelude to the marriage. This ceremony is
performed about a week or a few days prior to the marriage day.
The ladies- of the bridegroom visit the home of the bride. They bring
some sweetmeat, pure ghee, perfumes, perfumed oils, powder,
mehndi Hinna etc. for the bride. The bride then sits in a corner of
her home and retires of her homework. She wears a large chadar
(piece of cloth) and a colorful and decorated veil with eye-holes
(Akhyo) to hide her face from sunlight and dust in order to look
fresh and beautiful at the time of her wedding. She is also supposed
to hide it from the eyes of all the male in the family or outside. This
exercise continues till the last day of her marriage Wanwah is
considered to be the first phase of the marriage (Wihan). The other
stages are 'Buki', mehndi, 'Nikah' and Ladoon or 'mathaerr'.
12 Sociological and Ethnographic Study on Sindh Pakistan
(iii) Mehndi
(Hina) on the seventh night of the Wanwah, Mehndi (Hina) is
applied on the hands and feet of the boy and girl (Baloch, 1978: 121-
125). This occasion is also celebrated by singing special songs of
Mehndi and dancing by the women of the family and friends.
(iv) Mor a /Sehra Bandi
The bride groom has to wear a veil made of flowers before
proceeding to the Nikah ceremony. The Women of the family
special1y his mother and sisters tie the knots of this Sehro while
singing special songs.
(v) Nikah
Marriage ceremony on the eighth day the Nikah ceremony is held.
From the boy's side clothes are presented. They are mostly in odd in
numbers, e.g. 7, 11 or 21 suits. Generally Kangan and Chooriyon
(bangles or bracelet) Tiko and Jhumar (ornaments worn by women
on the head and which rest on the forehead); a Nath (a large nose
ring) made of gold; two pairs of shoes and a vanity box containing
make-up material are offered to the bride from bridegroom's side
(This is called Piro or dowery).
From the girl's side gifts, such as one or two suits, shoes, a
handkerchief and a ring made of gold (if financially possible) are
presented to the boy. In the village the dinner on the day of
marriage is hosted by the boy's family. Marriage is the most special
day for enjoying & eating, singing and dancing as great pomp and
shows as possible.
(vi) Laoon / Matha-merr
After the Nikah is performed the groom is brought inside the house
and is made to sit facing towards the bride, on a Sej (Special bed
spread). While singing special songs and having fun, the married
couples in the family come one by one and holding the heads of the
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 13
bride and bride groom lightly touch/ strike them with one another
this is called Laoon. This ritual accompanies a few other ' rituals
such as Arsi Mushaf (showing the brides face in the mirror) Phul
Chundan or Picking flowers and Ann mean or measuring grains all
symbolizing loving, happy and prosperous life for the new couple.
Conclusion
Sociology of Sindh traces back to old Indus civilization which is
pure, sublime and rich in all respect. In sociological perspective the
peoples of Sindh are simple, moderate in their behavior and
attitudes. By faith they are Muslims and Sufi minded and a homage
to the shrines of Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai, Sachal Sarmast, Qaladar
Shahbaz, Abdullah Shah Ghazi, Sufi Shah Inayat and Saami etc.
Sociology of Sindh is the richest and versatile. It is considered as
having one of oldest civilization of world. The culture of Sindh is
rich with flavor, the land is known as the land of Sufis and peace.
Therefore, the sociology of Sindh is the mixture of secular and
religious outlook. It includes all types of dresses, dances festivals
and religious rituals. It is also one of the cultures of World which has
maintained distinctness even it faced cultural wars during different
historical periods.
References
Ali, S. Q. (1957). Tuhfa-Tu-Kriam Sindhi Adabi Board Hyderabad.
Allana, G. A. (1998). Sociology of Sindhi Language. Jamshoro: Institute of
Sindhology,University of Sindh.
Allana, G. A. (1998). Importance of Language towards Development of Culture
and Literature. Jamshoro: Institute of Sindhology, University of
Sindh.
Allana, G. A. (1998). Sindhi Culture A Preliminary Survey. Karachi: Indus
Publications.
14 Sociological and Ethnographic Study on Sindh Pakistan
Ansar, Z. K. (1980). History and Culture of Sindh. Karachi: Royal Book
Company.
Baloch, N. B. (1978). Rasmoon, Riwaj Ain Sawan Satth. Indus Publication.
Burton, F. R. (1999). Sindh and the Races That Inhabit the Valley of Indus.
Lahore: Vanguard Books.
Govt. of Sindh. (1998). Provincial Census Report of Sindh. Government of
Sindh, Pakistan.
Khuhro, H. (1999). The Making of Modern Sindh. Oxford University Press.
Postan, T. (1973). Personal Observations on Sindh. Karachi: Indus Publication.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION AND THE VEILING STATUS
OF WOMEN ACADEMICIANS IN THREE
UNIVERSITIES OF MALAYSIA Madeeha Shah*
Dr. Naima Tabassum†
Abstract
This paper focuses on the religious affiliation and the practice of using
different veiling articles (e.g. Head scarf, Turban, Telekung, Mini
Telekung, Selendung, Coats, Abaya, Niqab, etc.) among women academicians in three universities of Malaysia. The research was designed
with a quantitative approach to data and analysis. The method of data
collection was survey of online profiles of the women academicians of three universities of Malaysia. The data collected was recorded with the help of a
checklist developed by the researchers. The data collected was statistically
analysed to test the hypothesis. It is argued that 90% of women academicians in three universities are Muslims as compared to the 10%
women academicians as Non-Muslims. It is also observed that 89% women
academicians of the universities included in this study are using different articles of veiling as compared to 11% of women academicians not using
any veiling article. The chi square test used to explore the association
between the religious affiliation and the use of veiling articles by these women academicians. The test results show a statistically significant
association between the two variables. Therefore, the study accepted the
research hypothesis (H1) that the religious affiliation of women academicians in three universities of Malaysia is significantly associated
with their veiling status (as assessed by their practice of using veiling
articles observed in their online profiles). The study recommends for exploration of the similar patterns on a larger sample of population from a
large number of universities in Malaysia for more comprehensive and
authentic findings.
Keywords: Malaysia, Women Academicians, Universities, Veiling Status,
Religion.
* Ph.D Scholar, Area StudyCentre, University of Sindh, Jamshoro † Assistant Professor, Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, University of Sindh,
Jamshoro
16 Religious Affiliation and the Veiling Status of Women
Introduction
According to the dictionary definition of the word, “Veil” is a piece
of usually more or less transparent fabric attached to a women’s hat
etc. especially to conceal the face or protect against the sun, dust, etc.
(Thompson, 1997: 1553). It refers to a type of clothing which wraps
the body of women from head to ankle. The term veil is mainly
concerned to Islamic teachings but it also has special effects on
socio-economic features. Veil in itself provides protection and
feeling of security to women. It is also considered a symbol of
modesty.
The trend of using different articles for veiling among women is
increasing day by day in all over the world in general and in Muslim
societies in particular. The societies in Muslim countries having a
rising pattern of veiling seem to be strongly influenced by the Arab
world. All around the globe Muslims’ refer to Arab countries as an
ideal type of what Islam want us to live like. Therefore, in these
societies, women are increasingly returning towards veil and
acquiring style and modesty in their lives.
This paper focuses on patterns of veiling among women faculty
members of three universities of Malaysia The paper also test the
association or independence of pattern of using different veiling
articles with the religious association of these women faculty
members.
Objective of the study
The main objective of the research study is to explore the association
or independence between religious affiliation and veiling status (as
assessed by the use of veiling article observed from online profiles)
among women academicians in three universities of Malaysia.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 17
Research Hypothesis
H1: Religious affiliation of the women academicians in universities
of Malaysia is significantly associated with their veiling status
(as assessed by their practice of using veiling articles).
Research Methodology
This research study is designed to identify the patterns in terms of
religion and veiling status of the female faculty academicians
working in three Universities of Malaysia and to explore the
association between these two variables. The three universities
selected for this research study include Malaysia University of
Science and Technology (MUST), University of Technology Malaysia
(UTM) and Tun Hussein Onn University of Malaysia (UTHM). The
universe of the study is comprises of all female faculty academicians
working in these universities.
The research is designed to be conducted with the quantitative
approach to data collection and analysis. The updated profiles of
female faculty members on official web pages of Universities of
Malaysia are used as primary data. The data was collected from
three of Malaysian Universities. The arguments are based on
primary data collected through a survey of online profiles of the
female faculty academicians available on the official websites of the
three universities. A checklist was developed by the researcher for
the recording of data on different variables from the online profiles
of the faculty members. The collected data through checklist was
coded and entered into the computer. Computer software like MS
Excel and SPSS are being used for data entry and analysis. The
frequencies and percentages were calculated. Chi square test was
applied to test the hypotheses.
The data analysis and findings are presented in the form of graphs,
tables and textual interpretations for making it easy and
understandable for the readers. The data includes analysis shows
18 Religious Affiliation and the Veiling Status of Women
the frequencies for the religious status of the female faculty. The
frequencies for the veiling status of these academicians are also
presented. Then the chi square test was run to explore the
independence or association between these two variables.
Literature Review
The literal meaning of veil is curtain or screen. The veil refers to the
clothing which covers and conceals the body from head to ankles,
with the exception of the face, hands and feet (Hoodfar, 1991: 7). Veil
concerned to the protection of women from being westernized and
as well as it is also considered as the symbol of true modesty. Its
main purposes, as enjoined in the Qoran, are to cover the woman
from the glance of strange men and to ensure modesty and chastity
(Beck, 1977: 195). The veil provides freedom to women from being
thought of sexual object. Therefore, women wearing hijab have
expressed that dressing modestly and covering their hair, minimize
sexual harassment in the workplace (Arshad et al., 2012: 62).
It (veil) is a religious statement supporting Islam as a way of living
(Hochel, 2013: 40). The practice of veiling in Islam is rooted in deep
devotion to being obedient to God (Doblado, 2012: 7). It is an act of
obedience that has been clearly defined in the Qur’an and Sunnah
(Latiff & Alam, 2013: 50). In the Qur’an God has revealed the verses
for the unveiled women, “O Prophet! Tell thy wives and thy
daughters and the women of the believers to draw their cloaks close
around them (when they go abroad). That will be better, that so they
may be recognized and not annoyed" (Mernissi, 1991: 186-187).
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 19
Islamization has gained visibility through the veiling of women
(Gole, 1953: 83). As when one sees Muslim woman wearing the hijab
or burqa and believes that every woman in Islam has to wear the
veil (Doblado, 2012: 5). Some Islamic group have mobilized the
Hijab to represent a traditional sense of Islamic identity (Latiff &
Alam, 2013: 51). Farhatullah, and Colleagues (2014: 109) recalls
Fedrock (2014, cited in Farhatullah et al. 2014) that wearing hijab or
covering the head identifies a woman as a socially active Muslim,
reflects her solidarity with other Muslims and publicly proclaims
her identity as a Muslim. The Hijab is to cover your private part and
adornments to maintain modesty in life (Latiff & Alam, 2013: 53).
The practice of veiling is as a form of religious piety for (Muslim)
women (Doblado, 2012: 6).
The veil has become a totalizing symbol of Muslim gendered
practices (Doblado, 2012: 5). The veil protects them against
modernism and symbolizes their loyality to Islam. The veil conceals
the departure of Muslim women to the outside world, for, although
the veiled women are in the outside world, they still remain in the
“inside,” and the veil constantly reminds them that they belong to
the mahrem sphere (Gole, 1953: 130). The wearing of distinctive
clothing or head coverings is also a way in which people observe
their religious beliefs (Human Rights Commission, 2005: 2). The veil
primarily as a sign of their devotion (Hochel, 2013: 48). Taheri (2013)
highlights an example that we often consider an appropriate
covering based on the existential value of an object and never
provide an expensive wrapping for a non-valuable object, and, vice
versa, never wrap an expensive commodity in a cheap covering (like
paper) (Taheri, 2013: 441).
Malay women cover because of fashion and convention and not
because of religious beliefs (Hochel, 2013: 52). Western inspired
clothing with immodest fabrics, colors and cuts being passed off as
Hijab fashion today (Latiff, & Alam, 2013: 50). Fashion is only a side
benefit and not the motivation for veiling (Hochel, 2013: 52). Tudung
20 Religious Affiliation and the Veiling Status of Women
(veil) is a symbol of devotion (Hochel, 2013: 48). The Shari’ah
Criminal Offences Act which strongly controls women’s proper
dress and behaviour is said to be in conflict with basic demonstrates
principles and fundamental liberties guaranteed by the Federal
Constitution of Malaysia (Martela, 2006: 16).
The power of clothing, particularly religious clothing, to influence
self-image and behaviour (Hochel, 2013: 54). The young women’s
standpoint, traditional people who cover their heads, but who, at the
same time, leave their hair and necks uncovered, do not practice
true veiling because they are ignorant about Islam (Gole, 1953: 91).
Signs of ostentation could appear in any dress or shape; that is, even
a person with a proper outer veil (complete covering) could be more
noticed than a person with an apparently inappropriate veil (Taheri,
2013: 441).
In South East Asian region there are several countries with large
Muslim population living there. It is observed that Muslim women
in some of these societies are influenced by the culture of using
veiling articles. Use of veiling articles like head scarf and coats to
cover different parts of the body is appearing as a cultural
expectation and customary practice for women in many Muslim
countries in East Asia. Malaysia is one such country in the region,
where women customarily use different articles for covering their
head, hair and other body part.
Malaysia is a country located in South East Asia. The country is
divided into two geographical parts: Peninsular Malaysia and East
Malaysia (Borneo). Peninsular Malaysia shares a land and maritime
border with Thailand and maritime borders with Singapore,
Vietnam, and Indonesia. East Malaysia shares land and maritime
borders with Brunei and Indonesia and a maritime border with the
Philippines. The capital city is Kuala Lumpur (Wikipedia, 2014). The
country is multi-ethnic and multi cultural where the Malays who are
primarily Muslims, comprises 50.4% of the population. The rest of
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 21
the population is Chinese 23.7%, indigenous 11%, Indians 7.1% and
other ethnicities 7.8% (CIA World Factbook, 2014). Malaysia is not
officially an Islamic state, Islam is the official religion (Yousif, n.d:
31). The majority of the population (i.e. 61.3%) is Muslim and the
rest of the religions followed are Buddhist 19.8%, Christian 9.2%,
Hindu 6.3%, Confucianism, Taoism, other traditional Chinese
religions 1.3%, other 0.4%, none 0.8% and unspecified 1% (CIA
World Factbook, 2014).
In Malaysia women used to dress modestly as it is customary in this
country. According to local culture women tend to cover themselves
from head to feet. In this country particularly women are observed
to wear long skirts, shirts with sleeves and headscarf. Women are
wearing veil particularly because of social and religious
expectations. Mostly veil is observed among females in general and
in University going females, in particular.
Accordingly, this article highlights the trend of veiling among
female faculty members in Universities of Malaysia. The study
focuses on relationship between religion of the respondent and the
practice of using veiling articles in Universities of Malaysia. The
study is done in terms of increasing trend of veiling among females,
in general, and influence of religion on use of veiling articles, in
particular.
Data Presentation and Analysis
The study was aimed to explore the association of religious
affiliation and the practice of using veiling articles among women
faculty members of three universities in Malaysia. Therefore, this
section of the paper presents data analysis on three aspects dealing
in the paper. First sub section deals with the religious affiliation of
the women faculty members of three universities of Malaysia as
studied here. Second, the paper shows the practice of either using
any veiling article by these women female faculty members or not as
22 Religious Affiliation and the Veiling Status of Women
their veiling status. Finally, the paper explores the association or
independence between these two variables of religious affiliation
and veiling status of women faculty members of Malaysian
universities.
Religious Status of Malaysian Women Academicians (Muslim/Non-
Muslim)
As we have already discussed in the literature review that Malaysia
has a multi-ethnic population, similarly, the women faculty members in three universities of Malaysia are also found belonging
from different ethnic and religious groups. For the easy
understanding of the reader and to best serve the purpose of this paper the data on religious status of women faculty was reduced
into two major categories of religious affiliations: 1) Muslims
Malaysian women university faculty members, and 2) Non- Muslim Malaysian women university faculty members.
As presented below in the pie chart in Figure 1, it is observed that 90% of the female faculty academicians are Muslim and 10% of
female faculty academicians are Non-Muslim among all the faculty
members of three Malaysian universities as shown in their profiles randomly selected and visited through internet. This chart shows
that majority of female faculty academicians working in the
universities included in this study are Muslim.
Figure 1: Religions Affiliation
Muslim 90%
Non-Muslim 10%
Muslim Non-Muslim
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 23
Use of Veiling Articles by Malaysian Women Academicians
(Veiled/Unveiled)
We have discussed above that it is a customary Malaysia for women
to dress modestly. This section present data analysis regarding the
use of veiling articles among women faculty members of three
Malaysian universities studied here. The use of veiling article
include the practice of wearing head scarf, Turban, Telekung, Mini
Telekung, Selendung, Coats, Abaya, Niqab, etc. For easy
understanding of the readers and to best suite the purpose of this
paper all the data collected regarding use of one, more than one, or
none of the veiling article listed above by the women faculty
members was reduced/recoded into two major categories showing
their veiling status as “veiled” and “unveiled”. The women
academicians using any one or more than one veiling articles listed
above are categorized in the status category of “veiled” while those
not using any one of these veiling articles are categorized as
“unveiled”.
According to the Pie chart presented below in Figure 2, it is
observed that 89% of female faculty academicians were found using
one or more than one of the above listed veiling articles, thus
categorized as “veiled” as compared to 11% of female faculty
academicians who are found not using any of these veiling articles
and categorized as “unveiled”. This chart shows that majority of
female faculty academicians are veiled due to their practice of using
any one or more than one articles of veiling as listed above.
Figure 2: Veiling Status
Veiled
89%
Unveiled
11%
Veiled
Unveiled
24 Religious Affiliation and the Veiling Status of Women
Association Between Religious Status and Veiling Status of
Malaysian Women Academicians
The study was aimed to explore the association or independence
between the religious affiliation and the practice of using veiling
articles among women academicians in three university of Malaysia
as presented in their available online profiles. The above presented
data analysis in Figure 1 and Figure 2 clearly shows that majority of
these women academicians are Muslims (90%) and are using certain
veiling articles (89%). According to the main aim of the paper a chi
square test of independence or association was used to test the
research Hypothesis. Chi-Square test results show a significant
association between religious affiliation and the veiling status (as
assed by the practice of using veiling articles) of women
academicians in Malaysian universities.
Table 1: Chi-Square Tests
Value df Asymp. Sig.(2-sided)
Exact Sig. (2-sided)
Exact Sig. (1-sided)
Pearson Chi-Square
153.835 (a) 1 .000 .000 .000
a. 1 cells (25.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum
expected count is 1.87.
Table 2: Symmetric Measures
Value Approx. Sig
Nominal by Nominal
Phi .969 .000
Cramer’s V .969 .000
Total 164
The results of data analysis done for hypothesis testing, presented in
Table 1 showing Chi-square tests results and Table 2 showing the
Symmetric Measures of the test, show the significant values. The
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 25
data analysis done to test the hypothesis show a chi square value
153.8 with df as 1 and 2 tailed sig as .000. It shows a significant
association between religious affiliation and veiling status of women
faculty members of Malaysian universities. Therefore, alternative
hypothesis (H1) is accepted and the null hypothesis is rejected.
Conclusion
The main aim of the research study was to explore the association or
independence between the religious affiliation and veiling status (as
assessed by the use of veiling articles) of women academicians in
three universities of Malaysia. The data was collected by visiting
online profiles of women Malaysian university academicians
available on university websites and recording the observations on a
checklist developed by the researchers. Malaysia is a Muslim
country and comprising 61.3% Muslims of the total population.
There are 90% Muslims and 10% Non-Muslims observed in three
universities of Malaysia included in this research. The veiled women
are 89% of observed cases.
Further, the chi square test of association and independence was
done to test the research hypothesis. The test results done to explore
the association between two variable of religious association and the
veiling status of the women Malaysian academicians in three
universities show a chi square value 153.8 with df as 1 and 2 tailed
sig as .000. It shows a significant association between the religious
affiliation and the veiling status (as asses by the practice of using
veiling articles as recorded from online profiles) of the women
academicians. The Phi value as .969 and Cramer’s V as .969 with p
value of .000 shows a strong and significant association between
religious status and veiling status of women academicians of these
universities in Malaysia.
The research has certain limitations of collecting data from a small
number of profiles, and from three universities due to availability of
26 Religious Affiliation and the Veiling Status of Women
limited resources and time to the independent researchers. It is
recommended to conduct this research on a larger number of
women academicians from a larger number of universities in
Malaysia for more authentic and reliable findings.
Reference
Arshad, M., Basar, S., Zafar, A. R., & Ahmad, N. (2012). Culture of Veil
among University Students in Pakistan. International Journal of
Learning and Development, 2(3), 57-67.
Beck, L. G. (1977). Behind the Veil by Eve Arnold. American Anthropologist,
79(1), 195-196.
CIA World Fact book (2014). Malaysia Demographics Profile 2014.
Retrieved from http://www.indexmundi.com/malaysia
/demographics_profile.html
CIA World Fact book (2014). Malaysia People 2014. Retrieved from
http://www.theodora.com/wfbcurrent/malaysia/malaysia_people.h
tml
Doblado, M. (n.d). The Consequences of Unveiling Muslim Women. University
of Francisco. Retrieved from https://www.usfca.edu
/uploadedFiles/Destinations/College_of_Arts_and_Sciences/Under
graduate_Programs/Theology/Students/MDoblado.FINAL.pdf
Farhatullah, A., Nizar, S., Ahmad, I., Ali, S. R., & Shah, S. (2014). Hijab: A
Sociological Analysis of the Use and Advantages of Hijab among
Female University Students in Pakhtun Society. Pakistan Journal of
Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan, 21(1), 105-124.
Gole, N. (1953). The Forbidden Modern: Civilization and Veiling. University of
Michigan Press.
Hochel, S. (2013). To Veil or Not to Veil: Voices of Malaysian Muslim Women.
USA: University of South Carolina Arken.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 27
Hoodfar, H. (1991). The Veil in their Minds and on our Heads: The persistence of
Colonial images of Muslim Women. Québec: Department of Sociology
and Anthropology, Concordia University Montréal.
Human Rights Commission (2005). Muslim Women, Dress Codes and Human
Rights: An Introduction to Some of the Issues. Human Rights
Commission.
Latiff, Z. A., & Alam, F. N. (2013). The Roles of Media in Influencing
Women Wearing Hijab: An Analysis. Journal of Image and Graphics,
1(1), 50-54.
Martela, F. (2006). Sharia, Islamic Revival and Human Rights of Women- A Case
Study of Malaysia. Retrieved from https://www.yumpu.com/en
/document/view/20920413/sharia-islamic-revival-and-human-
rights-of-women-frank-martela
Mernissi, F. (1991). The Veil and the Male Elite: A feminist interpretation of
Women’s rights in Islam. Perseus Books Publishing L.L.C.
Taheri, M. A. (2013). Hijab from the Mystical Approach of Halqeh
Mysticism. International Journal of Social Science and Humanity, 3(5).
Thompson, Della. (Ed.) (1997). The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current
English. London: BCA
Wikipedia (2014). Malaysia. Retrieved on December 23, 2014 from
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysia.
Yousif, A. F. (n.d). Islamic Revivalism in Malaysia: An Islamic Responses to
Non-Muslim Concerns. The American Journal of Islamic Social
Sciences, 21(4).
PROSPECTS OF REGIONALISM: COMPARATIVE
ANALYSIS OF SAARC AND ASEAN
Rahila Asfa*
Dr. Mughees Ahmed†
Abstract
The purpose of this research paper is to conduct a comparative study of the
ASEAN and SAARC to highlight the prospects of regionalism in South
Asian and South East Asian region. The socio-political hindrance in the
economic development of South Asia is one of the major failures of SAARC.
ASEAN illustrate an ideal example for the South Asia to acquire economic
liberalization and regional stability. People-oriented approach of ASEAN
member states pave the way for socio-economic development in South East
Asia. Likewise, South Asian states would strive for socio-political stability
by following people oriented approach and economic liberalization in the
South Asian region. On the other hand, the increasing ties between
ASEAN member states and SAARC would be a better opportunity for
South Asian states to develop a stable regional environment.
Keywords: Regionalism, Economic Liberalization, Collective Security,
Conflict Management.
Introduction
In the globalized world, regional divisions are becoming more
prominent in the form of economic and political blocs. Regionalism
turned out to be ‘an agent of cooperation’ in many cases, for
instance, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and
European Union (EU). But it is not true for all regional
organizations, as there are certain political factors which hamper the
prospects for regional organization to be an agent of cooperation, as
in the case of South Asian Association for Regional cooperation
* Rahila Asfa, Lecturer, Department of Political Science and International Relations,
Government College University, Faisalabad. † Dr. Mughees Ahmed, Chairman/Associate Professor, Department of Political
Science and International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 29
(SAARC). ASEAN and SAARC present the prospects of regionalism
in distinct manners.
The former places regionalism at the ebb of political cohesion and
economic liberalization, while the later depicts lackadaisical patterns
of political and economic amalgamation in practicality. Since many
scholars regard ASEAN as a model for SAARC, most of the activities
of SAARC are subject to bilateral relations of Pakistan and India.
Furthermore, the uncertain behavior of the member states raises
many questions regarding SAARC and AESAN. What are the
prospects of regionalism in the world of economic liberalization?
What are the prospects of regionalism in the South Asian region
while politico-strategic rivalry between India and Pakistan is
prevailing? How SAARC is different from ASEAN? Comparatively,
what are the successes and failures of SAARC and ASEAN? This
discourse is an attempt to answer the above mentioned questions
through comparative study of ASEAN and SAARC in accordance to
regionalism perspectives.
Conceptual Framework
Regionalism
“In present times regionalism has become the
‘central concept’ for organizing world politics.
Even when regionalism accomplished little, such as
during the cold war, regional organizations
continued to proliferate. Following the end of the
cold war such regional organizations acquired a
great profile, particularly after the United Nations
(UN) eagerly partnered them in peace-building
efforts in many of the world’s conflict zone.”
(Sridharan, 2008: 1)
Even though the concept of regionalism is ambiguous in
international affairs, it can be defined through traditional lines to the
30 Prospects of Regionalism: Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN
modern connotation (Hagerty, 2006). Regionalism has been
described as a bloc set up, with political or economic motive for
development and prosperity, by member states of a certain region. It
also refers to the expression of a common sense of identity and
purpose combined with collective action and implementation. The
traditional concept of region is based on the defined geographical
lines along with cultural homogeneity. On the other hand, new
concept of regionalism includes states as ‘geopolitical units’ and
describing them as ‘socially constructed’ (Liu & Regnier, 2003). The
key features of regionalism may include strategic dynamics, political
alignments, economic interactions, and cultural commonalities.
Majority of the regional organizations in international system
started on political foundations, which later on has been
transformed into economic ones. There are varying forms of regional
organizations based on economic, political and security foundations.
Economic liberalization taking place all over the world is leaving an
immense impact on the emerging political scenarios in different
regions of the world. Likewise, the financial crises are also
hampering the economic activities making capitalism falling short.
Figuratively regionalism can be seen in Figure 1.
Figure 1
Regionalism
Economic Development Political stability Collective Security
Economic Liberalization People oriented approach Geographical Units
The emergence of regionalism can be viewed with the establishment
of European Economic Community for integration of European
states during early 1950’s. The foundations were laid on the political
gains rather than economic benefits due to cold war episode (Leigh,
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 31
2006). Consequently, a pace has been set for the other regions to
build up regional blocs on political or economic agendas. Many
developing states opened up the path for regional stability by
establishing regional blocs, including American, African and Asian
region. ASEAN has been pone of the significant example of regional
bloc established in 1967 to enhance peace and security within the
region by conflict management at one hand and to hold economic
costs and benefits for the region. Later on, in the post-cold war
period the wave of regionalism has brought liberal economic
policies based on free market economy regional blocs have shifted
regional cooperation via multilateral trading system, for instance,
North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC) and the European Union (EU). Unfortunately,
the South Asian region remained far behind the economic
liberalization and free trade. The initiative was taken by
establishment of SAARC in 1985 for promotion of economic,
scientific and cultural cooperation.
The prospects of regionalism in South Asia and Southeast Asia are
an outcome of political crisis and, later, of globalization.
Regionalism provides an institutional structure for economic
development and prosperity of the state and citizens of South Asia
and Southeast Asia. ASEAN has achieved most of the objectives and
goals in the region but SAARC is very slow in pace to achieve the
desired objectives in the South Asian region. There is a need of
feasible implementation of strategies in the SAARC which will pave
the way for positive implication of regionalism in South Asia. The
political and economic development in the regions can only be
achieved with effective policies and their implementation.
SAARC: Intra-Regional Trade
“SAARC was created for cooperation in the socio-
economic fields, based on respect for the principles
of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, political
32 Prospects of Regionalism: Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN
independence and non-interference in the internal
affairs of member states. Cooperation within the
organization was designed to compliment both
their bilateral and the multilateral relations. In
accordance with article X of its charter, all decisions
within the grouping are taken on the basis of
unanimity, while bilateral and contentious issues
are excluded from its deliberations (Inayat, 2007:
35).”
South Asia is one of the unique regions of the world with
multiethnic and multilingual identities. An effort has been made in
1985 for regional cooperation in socio-economic spheres through
establishment of a regional bloc called SAARC. It is the principal
regional organization in South Asian region aiming at economic
development through intra-regional trade. It is a unified entity
working on defined objectives, including the promotion of welfare
of the people of South Asia and socio-economic development in the
region. The sensitivities of the two dominant and rival states India
and Pakistan have had kept aside the security concerns based on
political rivalries in the SAARC charter. This organization has
developed slowly on institutional lines while building up its
programs. The political economy of the region led to the
establishment of South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement
(SAPTA) and later South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA).
SAARC has developed regional centers of different scientific and
technological fields in different cities of SAARC member states. It
includes agricultural regional centre in Dhaka, tuberculosis and HIV
Aids in Katmandu, Documentation centre in New Delhi and energy
centre in Islamabad.
SAARC provides an ideal multilateral mechanism for member states
to pursue economic gains and to attain a powerful position in the
international arena. The potential in the SAARC may lead to a
strong economic bloc in Asia but the scenario is still hampering for
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 33
such achievements. The member states of SAARC have failed to
achieve their objectives in practicality. As Manmohan Agarwal
rightly stated:
“Despite periodic hope that SAARC is progressing,
it remains more dead than alive” (Agarwal, 2004).
There are a number of challenges that SAARC is facing at the
moment. One of the significant challenges is the reluctant behaviors
of the member states for compromising on trade liberalization and
investment. Another major challenge is the deteriorated relations
between member states, specifically India and Pakistan. There has
been a politicization of the organization through mingling the
political disputes along with economic lines. Another important
challenge is the materialization of SAPTA and SAFTA in the region
through intra-regional trade.
Even though there are many challenges that SAARC has been
facing, it has full potential to work effectively and actively in the
international scenario where liberalization of economy is signifying
need of strong regional blocs. The addition of Afghanistan in
SAARC is a good initiative for South Asian regional stability. At the
same time, many states have had requested SAARC to grant
observer status including UAE, South Korea, European Union (EU),
Iran and Mauritius.
Pakistan’s Role in SAARC: Parity and Disparity
The inherent problem of asymmetry between India and other
member states of SAARC has been reflected in the economic and
technological development of SAARC since its inception. The
credentials of India and Pakistan political rivalry put both the states
as the dominant one in the South Asian organization. There are
certain agreements which have been signed between India and
Pakistan, which ultimately paved the way for peace and stability in
the region. But the historical animosities, hawkish mind set, non-
34 Prospects of Regionalism: Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN
conciliatory approach of India, terrorism and water issues between
India and Pakistan became the main source of hurdle for peace and
stability in the region. The approval of MFN status to India by
Pakistan is one of the positive developments for enhancement of free
trade in the region. On the other hand, as for regional dialogue
partner, Pakistan through the platform of SAARC, Pakistan has also
attained member status in ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) as a
dialogue partner, which has enhanced the credibility of Pakistan in
both the regions, South Asia and Southeast Asia. In order to achieve
full potential as a dialogue partner Pakistan is boosting up its trade
with ASEAN member states (Luce, 2003). Pakistan has increased its
bilateral relations with Malaysia and Singapore to augment the
perspective of South Asian states on ASEAN.
ASEAN: Economic Development and Integration
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) came into
existence with the Bangkok Declaration in 1967 for cooperation and
integration of member states as a single entity representing common
objectives and principles in the international world politics. The ten
founding member states of ASEAN had been in conflict with each
other and political rivalries, on the other hand cold war and spread
of communism was at its peak. Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia were a
part of the cold war theater. The Bangkok Declaration or ASEAN
Declaration focused on the cooperation in economic, socio-cultural
and scientific spheres and the promotion of peace and stability in the
region by following the international law in the region. ASEAN is
basically a development-oriented organization working for single
market and production base. In the mean time another important
objective of the organization is to provide political security and
response to common threats. The organization has established
ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) in 2003 for intra-regional trade.
Likewise, ASEAN has also established ASEAN Regional Forum
(ARF) in 1994 for regional peace and stability in the challenging
environment of globalized world. The objectives of ARF are to
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 35
promote confidence building measures, preventive diplomacy and
effective approaches to conflict management. India has been a
member of ARF in 1996 to achieve its increasing engagement in
Asia-Pacific region. As India has been progressing on its “Look
East” Policy in political, security and economic spheres, she has
been developing stronger ties with ASEAN. But China’s presence in
the ASEAN market has not led Indian ambitions grow stronger.
The major development stages of ASEAN include its establishment
in the first ten years of the establishment of organization along with
solidarity and dialogue for resolution of political conflicts between
the member states. In the next twenty years an expansion in the
members of ASEAN can be observed. Later, they formulated their
vision of the organization which is based on ‘ASEAN Community’
(vision 2015). ASEAN vision community is based on political-
security, economic liberalization and socio-cultural development
with ‘oneness’.
Analytical Note
Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN
While comparing SAARC with ASEAN presents a very interesting
picture of both the organizations. The development progress of
SAARC is slow because of certain political and economic factors
within the region. On the other hand, ASEAN stems to resolve the
political conflicts between the member states for economic
development and regional well being.
Table 1: Basic Information about ASEAN and SAARC
ASEAN SAARC
Establishment August 8th, 1967
(40 Years)
December 8th, 1985
(26 years)
Member 10 States 08 States
Charter 15 December, 2008 08 December, 1985
36 Prospects of Regionalism: Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN
ASEAN SAARC
1st Formal Summit Indonesia (Bali)
23-24 February, 1967
Bangladesh (Dhaka)
7-8 December, 1985
Secretariat Jakarta (Indonesia) Kathmandu (Nepal)
Population 530 Million 1.5 Billion
Area 44,79,210.5 Km Sq. 4,637,496 Km Sq.
Religion Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu, Christian
Hindu, Muslim, Buddhist, Christian
Government Democratic, Monarchy, Autocracy
Autocracy
Nature of Economy Manufacturing and agriculture, Single market and community is expected by 2020
Agriculture and Manufacturing, Single market and community are future targets
Attitude towards new technology
Technology adoption rather than innovation
Technology adoption rather than innovation
Spending on research and development
About 0.5 per cent of GDP
About 0.5 Per cent of GDP
Compiled by author, information from www.asean.org, www.saarc-
sec.org
Political Issues and Conflict Management
“Also, unlike SAARC, ASEAN has largely
managed to keep problematic bilateral issues
between its members from derailing regional
initiatives. SAARC’s regional initiatives have been
sidelined when bilateral disputes flared up in the
region” (Dash, 1996).
The political issues, which were prevailing in Southeast Asian
region when ASEAN was established, range from claims on certain
territories to terrorist attacks on major cities of the region. Despite
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 37
the conflictual situations among member states, like Malaysia-
Indonesia, Philippines-Malaysia and secession of Singapore from
Malaysia, the expansion of ASEAN members took place from five to
ten in the 21st century. Both SAARC and ASEAN member states
maintain distinct religious, cultural and linguistic communities,
likewise, territorial issues are part and parcel of both the regions
along with insurgencies and separatist movements at common
border areas. As both the states share commonalities in the sphere of
political security, there are differences as well. The geographical
location of ASEAN member states provide distinct leverage in the
geopolitics of the Southeast Asian region, while the South Asian
States are more close and connected to each other but due to trust
deficit they are unable to have coherent security policies regarding
the region. Another significant difference between ASEAN and
SAARC member states is on the issue of nuclearization. ASEAN
preserves the policy of nuclear weapons free zone while in SAARC
the two major member states India and Pakistan are nuclearized
states. The issue of nuclear proliferation in the South Asian region
makes clear distinction between SAARC and ASEAN.
The case history of SAARC describes that the bilateral conflicts are
hampering the economic development through intra-regional trade.
The comparison of SAARC and ASEAN depict the presence of
political conflicts among the member states. But the ASEAN
member states put aside all the political conflicts for socio-economic
development in the region. On the contrary, the SAARC member
states have a different approach towards conflict management. The
member states do not intend to resolve the political issue at one
hand. On the other hand, member states do not even put aside their
conflicts while considering economic prosperity in the region. India
does not give political weight to smaller states like Myanmar in the
region. Likewise, the historical conflicts between India and Pakistan
do not allow them for conflict management and conflict resolution.
The SAARC member states must envision the ASEAN for putting
38 Prospects of Regionalism: Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN
aside the political conflicts to foster economic development in the
region. ASEAN member states put in their best efforts to keep aside
the bilateral conflicts between the member states. Eventually, this
led to the economic development and prosperity in the Southeast
Asian region.
Economic integration: Successes and Failures
“Regional cooperation among countries is subject
to economic costs and benefits, either through
effects on price, competition or on patterns of trade,
mainly manufactures or industrial (dis)location or
investment or diversion. These economic aspects
are crucial in influencing the survival of any
economic integration” (Aslam, 2009: 63).
The member states of ASEAN are eager for economic partnership
and in order to avoid any drawback or loss they have maintain a
policy of non-intervention in the internal political or economic
matter of each member state. On the other hand, ASEAN is facing
certain problems as well, for instance, arms confrontation among
certain members states with minor problems at borders. Sometimes,
such issues do effect the economic cooperation but it is not
hampering the economic activities at large scale in the region. One
can observe the compromising behavior among the member states
through foundation of PTA, AFTA, and the latest ASEAN
community.
The SAARC has not yet been able to achieve its economic goals
because of the political concerns between India and Pakistan.
Majority of SAARC member states are developing. Even though,
there has been an increase in trade with other states and economic
blocs but the intra-regional trade has not been fully sprouting in the
region of South Asia (Raipuria, 2001). However, there are certain
initiatives taken by India and Pakistan for free trade at intra-regional
level. India has granted “zero duty” access to Afghanistan,
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 39
Bangladesh, Maldives and Bhutan in 2007. On the other hand as
Pakistan has recently granted Most Favored Nation (MFN) status to
India, this will help Pakistan to capture a big market in the region
and to save some of its imports from around the world through
India, as India is considered to have a second giant economy in Asia
after China (Qamar, 2005). Historical records show that the graph of
intra-regional trade in South Asia is not up to the expectations.
Table 2: Intra-regional Trade Share of South Asia’s
Total Trade, 1985-2004 (%)
Country 1985 1990 1995 2000 2004
Afghanistan 11.4 14.5 11.1 29.7 35.3
Bangladesh 4.7 6.0 12.8 7.9 10.5
Bhutan n.a n.a n.a n.a n.a
India 1.7 1.6 2.7 2.5 3.0
Maldives 12.5 12.7 14.3 22.2 19.8
Nepal 34.3 11.9 14.8 22.3 47.2
Pakistan 3.1 2.7 2.3 3.6 5.0
Sri Lanka 5.5 5.6 7.8 7.4 15.1
South Asia 3.0 2.7 4.2 4.0 5.3
Source: Saroj Rani (2009)
What lies distinct in the case of ASEAN and SAARC in struggle for
economic liberalization is the gap between intra-regional trade
growths. The focus should be on filling the existing gaps in
economic liberalization in South Asian region. In SAARC the tariff
cuts were subject to the trade liberalization while this was not the
case in ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). In AFTA the tariff level is
0-5 per cent in all the goods which came into force in 2003. The
ASEAN member states are interdependent on each other in
40 Prospects of Regionalism: Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN
economic terms, whereas SAARC member states are tied in the web
of complex historical conflictual situations, particularly India and
Pakistan.
Table 3: International Trade by Region (2006-2007)
($ million)
Region
2006 2007
Exports Imports Exports Imports
Amount %Share Amount %Share Amount %Share Amount %Share
ASEAN 12,604 9.98 18,090 9.75 16,384 10.05 22,675 9.01
CIS 1,286 1.02 3,717 2.00 1,506 0.92 3,668 1.46
EU 26,785 21.21 29,809 16.06 34,507 21.17 38,432 15.28
SAARC 6,464 5.12 1,506 0.81 9,622 5.90 2,112 0.84
Source: Department of Commerce (2008), Development Partnership
Programme for South Asia, Asian Development Bank.
Social and Cultural Programs and their Implementation
A social structure of the societies in a particular region fabricates the
wide picture of their cultural, ethnic, religious and linguistic
background. Consequently, this amalgamation of the social fabric
provides a better holistic view of the region in general. ASEAN has
put a particular emphasis on the promotion of social and cultural
development in the region through Socio-cultural community in the
community vision of ASEAN for 2015. The vision of socio-cultural
community includes human development, social welfare and
protection of the citizens, social justice and rights, endurance of
environmental stability and building a common ASEAN identity.
The ‘oneness’ and sense of belongingness among the member states
has been paving the way for further development in the ASEAN,
unlike SAARC.
The problem with SAARC is the ineffective implementation of the
objectives related to socio-economic development of the
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 41
communities in the region. As the only actor which is relevant to the
relationship between nations is the state, state must play an effective
role through the platform of SAARC to develop oneness among the
nations of South Asian region. On the other hand, it is the
multilingual and multiethnic societies of the South Asian region,
which are a hindrance to socio-cultural community vision of
SAARC. The absence of socio-cultural ties in South Asian region has
widened the gap among different societies of the region. This is also
hindered the corridor of community building in the region. Other
than the lack of social ties another element which may not be wiped
out is mistrust among South Asian societies. The need is to bring
the vision of ASEAN community in the South Asian region for the
better development.
Conclusion and Recommendations
The true meaning of regionalism in terms of economic integration
can only be achieved with effective strategies in practicality. ASEAN
would play a role of model organization for SAARC to implement
the policies effectively.
South Asia has not developed its community vision yet and it is still
in consideration phases. Right over here, there is a gap which needs
to be removed through emergence of ‘SAARC community stage’.
South Asian states must develop itself as a community following the
model of ASEAN. The peace and stability will be achieved through
people to people interaction and free market economy.
SAARC has taken initiatives through establishment of SAPTA and
SAFTA for free trade and economic development, but the picture is
still bleak due to other factors becoming a major impediment in the
economic development and prosperity of the region. The urgent
need for better regional prospects is to minimize the problematic
elements. In addition to this, SAARC must unlock the opportunities
for better communication between inter-state and regional level, at
42 Prospects of Regionalism: Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN
socio-economic level. The political mistrust and lack of
infrastructure, physically, financially and institutionally will be
solved through community vision and its implementation in
practicality. Likewise, it would also be achieved through increased
bilateral dialogues and economic ties with ASEAN member states.
The state of Pakistan must give the transit trade facility to India and
Afghanistan and other Central Asian states. Pakistan’s geo-political
location has been describing the economic opportunities which will
allow the South Asian region to be economically stronger. Pakistan
has been following its ‘look east policy’ towards Southeast Asian
states, which will further make the bright prospects of strong
economy in the South Asian region. The political and bilateral
animosities must also be kept aside from SAARC platform and must
be dealt with conflict resolution techniques. The two dominant
states of SAARC, i.e. Pakistan and India, must pave the way for
economic well being of the region and the citizens of the region
through economic liberalization and intra-regional trade
investments. As MFN status has been granted by Pakistan to India, a
path for economic development can be achieved through this
initiative. It would be most beneficial for the betterment of South
Asian member states and citizens of the states.
As for ASEAN the vision of ASEAN community 2015 has broadened
and strengthened the future prospects of regionalism in Southeast
Asia. On the other hand, the ASEAN has achieved much due to its
people-oriented policies, along with political disputes. Southeast
Asia can develop the strong connection with South Asian states
through free trade and people-friendly bilateral ties. The
communication between two regions can give better platform for
economic development and scientific and technological growth at
the intra-state level as well as inter-regional level. If the level of
communication and economic ties between ASEAN and SAARC
member states would be achieved, it will open the gateway for an
outcome based regional association among the two.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 43
References
Agarwal, M. (2004). Regional Trading Arrangements in the Era of
Globalization: An Indian Perspective. International Studies, 41(4),
411-423.
Aslam, M. (2009). New Regionalism in East Asia: Lessons for Pakistan”. In
Nuri, M. H. & Hussain, A. (Eds.). Regional Cooperation in Asia:
Options for Pakistan. Islamabad: Islamabad Policy Research
Institute.
Dash, K. C. (1996). The Political Economy of Regional Cooperation in South
Asia. Pacific Affairs, 69(2).
Hagerty, D. T. (Ed.). (2006). South Asia in World Politics. Karachi: Oxford
University Press.
Inayat, M. (2007). The Broadening Horizon of SAARC. Regional Studies,
XXV(3), 35-45.
Leigh, A. W. (2006). Towrads a Conceptual Framework of Regionalization:
Bridging ‘New Regionalism’ and ‘Integration Theory’. Review of
International Political Economy, 13(5), 750-771.
Liu, F. & Regnier, P. (Eds.). (2003). Regionalism in East Asia: Paradigm
Shifting?. London: Routledge Curzon.
Luce, E. (2003). India Forsakes World Trade Organization for Bilateral
Trade Deals with Neighbors, Financial Times, 16 October 2003.
Qamar, A. (2005). Trade between India and Pakistan: Potential Items and
the MFN Status. State Bank of Pakistan-Research Bulletin, 1(1), 45-57.
Rani, S. (2009). Regional Economic Integration: A Comparative study of Central
Asian and South Asian Regions. New Delhi: Kalpaz Publication.
Raipuria, K. (2001). SAARC in the New Millennium: Need for Financial
Vision. South Asian Survey, 8(1).
Sridharan, K. (2008). Regional Organizations and Conflict Management:
Comparing ASEAN and SAARC. Singapore: Crisi State Research
Centre.
PRESS CLUB PROFILE AND VALUES OF THE SINDH
JOURNALISTS IN PAKISTAN
Dr. Bashir Memon*
Abstract
This paper provides some insights regarding a few features of press clubs in
Sindh province, Pakistan; because membership of the journalistic
organizations is considered by media researchers as one of the indicators of
the level of professionalization. Hence, this research reveals not only the
membership level but also that what type of journalists are more members of
press clubs in Sindh province, either news reporting or newsroom
journalists. Further, this study highlights about what perceptions Sindh
journalists have developed regarding the press clubs in Sindh province,
Pakistan and as well about the practice of sharing individually collected news
information with each other by the Sindh journalists at press clubs.
Keywords: Press Club Perception, Sindh Journalists, Sharing News-
Information
Introduction
By previewing the existing related literature it was found in the view
of Pintak L. and Nazir J. Syed (2013) that Pakistan is home to one of
the most vibrant emerging media sectors in the Muslim world.
However, it has been depicted as the most dangerous place in the
world for journalists (See Committee to Protect Journalists, 2010).
Therefore, journalists in Pakistan face huge challenges; however the
sense of professionalism within Pakistani journalism is clearly
growing (see Pintak L. and Nazir J. Syed, 2013). Further regarding
journalistic professionalism it was known according to the views of
journalism and media researchers that (See Lo 1998: 83; Kirat 1998:
337; Robinson & Saint-Jean 1998: 369) participation or membership of
news workers in journalistic organisations is one of the indicators of
a degree of professionalism among media workers. In this way, this
* Assistant Professor, Department of Media and Communication Studies, University
of Sindh, Jamshoro, E-mail: [email protected]
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 45
paper provides some insights about the press club membership, how
journalists perceive press clubs, and the trend of sharing news
information by journalists with each other, and the rejection of press
club membership of the journalists in Sindh province, Pakistan.
Method
A self-completion questionnaire was administered to all accessible
print and electronic media organizations, and news agencies in Sindh
province, Pakistan and all district-level press clubs. The sampling was
purposive and opportunistic. The survey included only those
journalists who were regularly employed to work for newspapers,
magazines, news agencies, public and private television and radio
stations. Their professional role statuses were reporters, sub-editors
or editors. The survey questionnaire ranged widely about journalists’
careers, their, training and experience, the media organizations they
worked for, their political affiliations, their attitudes to and use of new
technologies their membership of press clubs and other
organizations, educational backgrounds, and financial and working
conditions. A total of 576 journalists filled questionnaires. Further,
almost three fifths (59 percent) of the sampled journalists were
surveyed at press clubs, and remaining 38 per cent at workplaces and
3 per cent at their homes.
Findings
Demographic Profile
See table 1 the typical Sindh journalist is male (98.1%), speaking the
Sindhi language (70.9%) and by religion Muslim (96.7%).
Academically, the majority (63.8%) was a university graduate, and
the remaining got their final degree from colleges (28.5%) and schools
(7.7%). Additionally, it was found that the majority (63.7%) had
sought education as a regular student and the remaining (36.3%) as a
private student. About the name of the academic institute, the
46 Press Club Profile and Values of the Sindh Journalists in Pakistan
sampled journalists who had sought their final degree from
university (365), among them the majority (54.4%) studied from
University of Sindh, Jamshoro and the remaining from Shah Abdul
Latif University, Khairpur (27.2%), University of Karachi (13.2%) and
other various universities (5.2%). Moreover, the first highest
proportion (42.1%) of them was young - up to 30 years old -, and the
second highest proportion (37.5%) between 31 to 40 years old. In
terms of salary, the highest proportion (37.7%) had monthly income
less than 10,000 (ten thousand) PK rupees, and the second highest
proportion (33.3%) either made no answer (13.2%), put a cross symbol
(X) (0.9%), or put horrific comments regarding their monthly
remuneration (19.1%). And regarding their geographic affiliation it
was found that the majority of the surveyed Sindh journalists
belonged to rural areas (57.5%), whereas the remaining proportion
(42.5%) was geographically affiliated with the urban part of Sindh
province.
TABLE 1: Composition of the Sindh Journalists by
Demographic Variables
Gender Number Percentage (%)
Male 565 (98.1)
Female 11 (1.9)
Ethnicity/Mother language
Sindhi 405 (70.9)
Urdu 104 (18.2)
Siraiki 24 (4.2)
Other 38 (6.7)
Religion
Muslim 551 (96.7)
Hindu 14 (2.5)
Other 5 (.9)
Level of education
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 47
Gender Number Percentage (%)
School 44 (7.7)
College 163 (28.5)
University 365 (63.8)
Mode of education
As a private student 197 (36.3)
As a regular student 346 (63.7)
Name of academic institute
University of Sindh, Jamshoro 198 (54.4)
Shah Abdul Latif University,
Khairpur
99 (27.2)
University of Karachi, Karachi 48 (13.2)
Other 19 (5.2)
Age
0-30 years (Young) 239 (42.1)
31-40 years (Mature 213 (37.5)
Over 40 years (Old) 116 (20.4)
Monthly Income
Less than 10,000 Rs. 217 (37.7)
Above 10,000 Rs. 168 (29.2)
No answer 76 (13.2)
Put (X) cross symbol 5 (.9)
Commented instead of revealing
Income
110 (19.1)
Geographic Affiliation
Rural journalists 331 57.5
Urban journalists 245 42.5
Professional Description
In the context of some professional specifications as mentioned in
table 2 it was found that the majority of the Sindh journalists (68.4%)
worked as news-reporters whereas the remaining proportion (31.6%)
were newsroom workers having various roles mainly related to news
48 Press Club Profile and Values of the Sindh Journalists in Pakistan
editing and controlling the flow of news. When analysed in the regard
of media organisation type it was observed that the majority (61.3%)
worked in print media and the news-workforce worked in broadcast
(32.5%) and wire-service (6.3%) media organisations. Finally in the
perspective of professional seniority it was known that the majority
of the Sindh journalists (68.2%) enjoyed above 5 years journalistic
experience; and the remaining proportion of the sampled journalists
had professional experience of about 3 years (20.1%) and about 5
years (11.6%).
TABLE 2: Composition of the Journalists by Profession-Related
Variables
Profession Related variables Number Percentage (%)
Journalist type
Newsroom 182 (31.6)
News-reporting 394 (68.4)
Total 576 (100)
Organisation type
Print 353 (61.3)
Broadcast 187 (32.5)
Wire-service 36 (6.3)
Total 576 (100)
Job seniority
About 3 years 116 (20.1)
About 5 years 67 (11.6)
Above 5 years 393 68.2
Total 576 (100)
Press Club Membership
As shown in table 3 out of 567 respondents the overwhelming
majority (71.1%) said that they were members of press clubs
established in their district areas; however, the remaining proportion
(28.9%) reported that they were not members of any press club or
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 49
other journalistic organisation. So this finding indicates towards a
characteristic of professionalism existing among the Sindh journalists
in Pakistan. However, when this finding regarding press club
membership of the journalists in Sindh was compared with the
findings of the journalists in the following countries in this context
the journalists in Sindh were by this measure, more professional;
because the percentage figures of Hong Kong 18% (Chan, Lee, & Lee,
1998: 41), France 37% (McMane, 1998: 199), Brazil 28% (Herscovitz &
Cardoso, 1998: 424), Algeria 48% (Kirat, 1998: 337), Canada 48%
female and 40% male (Robinson & Saint-Jean, 1998: 369), Taiwan 65%
(Lo, 1998: 83) and West Germany 56% (Schoenbach, Stuerzebecher, &
Schneider, 1998: 221) were lower than the percentage figure of
journalists in Sindh (71.1%). In contrast, the membership figure
(71.1%) of the journalists in Sindh was almost equal to the
membership figure of the journalists in East Germany 69%
(Schoenbach et al., 1998: 221) and less than that of journalists in
Australia, 86% (Henningham 1998: 100) and particularly Finland
where all journalists of the print as well as broadcast media were
members of the Union of Journalists in Finland (Heinonen, 1998: 173).
TABLE 3: Composition of the Journalists by Press Club-Related
Variables
Press Club Related variables Number Percentage (%)
Press club/organisation Membership
Yes 403 (71.1)
No 164 (28.9)
Total 567 (100)
Perception about press clubs in
Sindh
Social club 130 (23.3)
Newsgathering organisations 177 (31.8)
Both 250 (44.9)
Total 557 (100)
50 Press Club Profile and Values of the Sindh Journalists in Pakistan
Press Club Related variables Number Percentage (%)
Share information with colleagues?
Yes 298 (55.6)
No 62 (11.6)
Sometimes 176 (32.8)
Total 536 (100)
Is membership rejected at press
clubs?
Yes 246 (45.5)
No 174 (32.2)
I do not know 121 (22.4)
Total 541 (100)
As table 4 indicates, there were some very interesting findings
regarding the press club membership of journalists in Sindh. Firstly,
from the perspective of journalist type it was found that the
proportion of newsroom workers who were not members of press
clubs was much bigger (73.8%) than the percentage of those who were
members (13.9%). In contrast, the percentage of news-reporting
journalists who were press club members was higher (86.1%) than
that of non-members (26.2%). In this way it seems that press club
culture in Sindh is dominated by news-reporting journalists rather
than their newsroom colleagues who seem to have comparatively less
representation in the press clubs. Secondly, in regard to organisation
type, in print media the proportion of press club members was higher
(65.8%) than that of non-members (50.6%) However, in broadcast and
wire-service media the proportions of press club member journalists
(29.0% and 5.2% respectively) were less than the proportion of non-
member news professionals (40.9% and 8.5% respectively). In other
words this finding indicates that among print journalists the
dominant proportion is of those who are press club members whereas
among broadcast and wire-service journalists the greater proportions
are of those who were not members of press clubs. Thirdly, in terms
of job seniority it was observed that among cubs and junior journalists
the proportion of those who were members (10.2% and 9.4%
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 51
respectively) was on average less than the proportion of non-
members (43.9% and 17.1% respectively). Conversely, among seniors
the proportion of those who were press club members (80.4%) was
two times bigger than that of non-members (39.0%). This finding
serves as a very strong indicator of the fact that senior journalists have
high representation in the press clubs of Sindh. Fourthly, in regard to
age in the “young” age category the proportion of non-members was
much bigger (68.5%) than press club members (30.9%). However, the
proportions of member journalists who were in the “mature” and
“above 40 years old” categories (43.1% and 25.9% respectively) were
comparatively greater than the proportions of non-members in these
categories (24.7% and 6.8% respectively). That shows that young
journalists have little representation in the press clubs of Sindh. These
findings support a complaint commonly heard from young
journalists in almost every district of Sindh, that senior journalists
have established a monopoly over the press clubs and that they do
not easily let the newcomers become a member of these
organisations. Finally, analysing press club membership in terms of
geographical affiliation, in rural areas the proportion of press club
members was much higher (73.7%) than that of non-members
(19.5%); in urban areas, the proportion of non-members (80.5%) was
greater than that of members (26.3%). Such findings suggest that it is
harder to get press club membership in urban areas than in rural,
particularly, due to the monopoly established upon the press clubs by
the senior cadre of journalists, a complaint heard from junior
journalists both in discussions as well personal conversations and
focus group.
52 Press Club Profile and Values of the Sindh Journalists in Pakistan
TABLE 4: Distribution of the Journalists by Press Club
Membership
Press club membership
Selected variables Yes
(%)
No
(%)
Total
(%)
Type of journalist*
Newsroom 56(13.9) 121(73.8) 177(31.2)
News-reporting 347(86.1) 43(26.2) 390(68.8)
Total 403(100) 164(100) 567(100)
Organisation type†
Print 265(65.8) 83(50.6) 348(61.4)
Broadcast 117(29.0) 67(40.9) 184(32.5)
Wire-service 21(5.2) 14(8.5) 35(6.2)
Total 403(100) 164(100) 567(100)
Job seniority‡
About 3 years (Cub) 41(10.2) 72(43.9) 113(19.9)
About 5 years
(Juniors)
38(9.4) 28(17.1) 66(11.6)
Above 5 years
(Seniors)
324(80.4) 64(39.0) 66(68.4)
Total 403(100) 164(100) 567(100)
Age category§
0-30 years (Young) 124(30.9) 111(68.5) 235(41.7)
31-40 years (Mature) 173(43.1) 40(24.7) 213(37.8)
Above 40 years (Old) 104(25.9) 11(6.8) 115(20.4)
Total 401(100) 162(100) 563(100)
Geographical
affiliation ǁ
Rural journalist 297(73.7) 32(19.5) 329(58.0)
Urban journalist 106(26.3) 132(80.5) 238(42.0)
Total 403(100) 164(100) 567(100)
*Χ2 = 191.90, p = 000, df = 1: †Χ2 = 11.46, p = 003, df = 2: ‡Χ2 = 101.54, p
= 000, df = 2; §Χ2 = 70.16, p = 000, df = 2; ǁΧ2 = 138.29, p = 000, df = 1.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 53
Perception Regarding Press Clubs in Pakistan
The local press clubs which have been established in every district
and almost every sub-division of Sindh seem more organised than
any other journalistic organisations in Sindh. Generally all those who
join the news media as a profession appear to aspire to be members
of the press club of their district. In this regard when it was enquired
from the journalists in the sample as to how they perceive the
phenomenon of press clubs in Sindh province, the response was (See
table 3) that out of a total of 557 the highest proportion (44.9%) termed
the press clubs not only ‘news gathering organisations’ but also
‘social clubs’. However, the other proportion of slightly lower than
one third (31.8%) of the journalists reported that they deemed press
clubs just ‘news gathering organisations’, and on the contrary the
remaining proportion of over one fifth (23.3%) said that press clubs in
Sindh are like ‘social clubs’. In conclusion, the survey indicates that
the highest number of Sindh journalists perceived the press clubs as
social clubs as well as newsgathering organisations.
TABLE 5: Distribution of the Journalists by Press Club Perception
Perception regarding press clubs in Sindh
Selected variables Social
clubs
(%)
News-
gathering
organisations
(%)
Both
(%)
Total
(%)
Journalist type*
Newsroom 24(18.5) 70(39.5) 79(31.6) 173(31.1)
News-reporting 106(81.5) 107(60.5) 171(68.4) 385(68.9)
Total 130(100) 177(100) 250(100) 557(100)
Geographic
affiliation†
Rural 99(76.2) 91(51.4) 134(53.6) 324(58.2)
Urban 31(23.8) 86(48.6) 116(46.4) 233(41.8)
Total 130(100) 177(100) 250(100) 557(100)
*Χ2 = 15.62, p = 000, df = 2: †Χ2 = 22.74, p = 000, df = 2.
54 Press Club Profile and Values of the Sindh Journalists in Pakistan
Other interesting variations among the journalists in Sindh regarding
the press club perception were that, (see table 5) first, from the
perspective of journalist type among newsroom workers the
proportion of those who considered the press clubs in Sindh to be
news-gathering organisations (39.5%) was higher than those who
deemed the press clubs to be social clubs (18.5%) and ‘both’ (31.6%).
However, in contrast, among news-reporting professionals the
proportion of those who perceived the press clubs as just social clubs
(81.5%) was much greater than those who called the club a news-
gathering organisation (60.5%) or ‘both’ (68.4%). Thus the findings
indicate that there is a clear-cut difference in opinion of newsroom
and news-reporting journalists regarding press clubs in Sindh. For the
newsroom staffers, the press clubs are more news-gathering
organisations, but in the consideration of news-reporting
professionals they are more social clubs. Secondly, in regard to the
geographic affiliation it was observed that among rural journalists the
highest proportion (76.2%) was of those to whom the press clubs
seemed to be social clubs; among urban journalists the biggest
proportion (48.6%) was of those who considered the press clubs
news-gathering organisations. In summary, the findings point out
that rural journalists make more use of press clubs as social clubs,
whereas the urban journalists use press clubs as news-gathering
organisations.
Sharing News Information
As presented earlier (See table 3) 31.8% of the journalists surveyed
reported that press clubs in Sindh are exclusively ‘newsgathering
organisations’; an additional proportion of more than two fifths
(44.9%) said that press clubs are not only ‘newsgathering
organisations’ but also ‘social clubs’. A further function of Sindh press
clubs is as a place where journalists can share information with each
other. Out of a total of 536 the considerable majority of the journalists
(55.6%) responded ‘yes’ they shared news information with other
journalists at their press clubs (See table 3). Almost one third (32.8%)
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 55
said they share, ‘sometimes’. The remaining proportion of slightly
over a tenth (11.6%) responded ‘no’ they do not share news
information with other journalists. Hence, the findings regarding the
sharing of news information with each other by journalists clarifies
the concept of press clubs in Sindh more as ‘newsgathering
organisations’ and less as ‘social organisations’.
TABLE 0: Distribution of the Journalists by
Sharing–News-Information
News-Information-Sharing
Selected variables Yes
(%)
No
(%)
Sometimes
(%)
Total
(%)
Job seniority*
About 3 years
(cubs)
46(15.4) 16(25.8) 41(23.3) 103(19.2)
About 5 years
(juniors)
28(9.4) 11(17.7) 20(11.4) 59(11.0)
Above 5 years
(seniors)
224(75.2) 35(56.5) 115(65.3) 374(69.8)
Total 298(100) 62(100) 176(100) 536(100)
Age category†
0 – 30 years
(young)
111(37.4) 34(54.8) 77(44.3) 222(41.7)
31 – 40 years
(mature)
117(39.4) 14(22.6) 68(39.1) 199(37.3)
Above 40 years
(Old)
69(23.2) 14(22.6) 29(16.7) 112(21.0)
Total 297(100) 62(100) 174(100) 533(100)
Geographic
affiliation‡
Rural 205(68.8) 21(33.9) 102(58.0) 328(61.2)
Urban 93(31.2) 41(66.1) 74(42.0) 208(38.8)
Total 298(100) 62(100) 176(100) 536(100)
*Χ2=11.73, p=019, df=4: †Χ2=10.60, p=031, df=4: ‡Χ2=27.51, p=000, df=2.
56 Press Club Profile and Values of the Sindh Journalists in Pakistan
Additionally, very striking variations were found in the responses of
journalists subject to sharing news information with other journalists
(See table 6). Firstly from the perspective of job seniority among cubs,
the higher proportions were of those who do not share (25.8%) and
share-sometimes (23.3%) compared with those who shared-fully
(15.4%). In a similar vein among juniors as well, the higher
proportions were of those who reported not sharing (17.7%) and only
share-sometimes (11.4%) compared with those who shared-fully
(9.4%). In contrast, however, among senior journalists the bigger
proportion was of those who mentioned that they shared news
information fully (75.2%) compared with those who did not share
(56.5%) and shared-sometimes (65.3%).
In conclusion, the findings showed that the trend of sharing news
information with other colleagues is found more among senior
professionals compared with juniors and cubs. Secondly, with regard
to age categories it was observed that among the young category of
news-workers the bigger proportions were of those who did not share
(54.8%) and shared-sometimes (44.3%) compared with those who
shared-fully (37.4%). And among the mature category of journalists
the proportions of those who shared-fully (39.4%) and sometimes
(39.1%) were equal, however, higher than those who did not share
(22.6%); whereas, among the old age category the proportion of those
who shared-fully (23.2%) was greater than those who shared-not
(22.6%) and shared-sometimes (16.7%). In this way again the above
results indicate that in the context of age the trend of sharing news
information is more stable among old and mature news professionals
compared with their young age colleagues. Thirdly, subject to
geographic affiliation it was observed that among rural journalists the
proportion of those who shared-fully (68.8%) was bigger than those
who did not share (33.9%) and shared-sometimes (58.0%); inversely,
whereas among urban journalists the proportion of those who did not
share (66.1%) was greater than those who shared-fully (31.2%) and
sometimes (42.0%). Thus the findings made clear that news
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 57
information sharing is found more among rural journalists compared
with their urban counterparts.
Membership Rejection in Sindh Press Clubs
As discussed earlier in Sindh the young age and new-comers in news
media, for the most part, grumbled in personal conversations with the
researcher that they have difficulty in getting press club membership.
This practice of not allowing press club membership to new-comers
was one of the core reasons for the trend of establishing more than
one press club. To assess this trend further, it was asked whether any
journalist gets rejected from membership of the press club due to a
violation of press club constitution or journalistic ethics. In response
as presented in table 3 out of a total of 541 the highest proportion of
over two fifths (45.5%) reported ‘yes’ the press club membership of
the journalists is rejected whereas in contrast a proportion of around
one third (32.2%) said ‘no’. However, the remainder proportion of
over one fifth (22.4%) responded that they ‘Do not know’. Thus the
findings pinpoint that, to some extent, in the press clubs of Sindh the
action of membership rejection is practiced, because the highest
proportion of journalists endorse to such a practice.
TABLE 7: Distribution of the Journalists by Membership
Rejection in Sindh press clubs
Membership rejection in press club?
Selected variables Yes
(%)
No
(%)
Do not know
(%)
Total
(%)
Job seniority*
About 3 years
(cubs)
25(10.2) 28(16.1) 50(41.3) 103(19.0)
About 5 years
(juniors)
26(10.6) 16(9.2) 21(17.4) 63(11.6)
Above 5 years
(seniors)
195(79.3) 130(74.7) 50(41.3) 375(69.3)
Total 246(100) 174(100) 121(100) 541(100)
58 Press Club Profile and Values of the Sindh Journalists in Pakistan
Membership rejection in press club?
Selected variables Yes
(%)
No
(%)
Do not know
(%)
Total
(%)
Age category†
0 – 30 years (young) 68(27.8) 73(42.4) 83(68.6) 224(41.6)
31 – 40 years
(mature)
112(45.7) 60(34.9) 29(24.0) 201(37.4)
Above 40 years
(Old)
65(26.5) 39(22.7) 9(7.4) 113(21.0)
Total 245(100) 172(100) 121(100) 538(100)
Geographic
affiliation‡
Rural 186(75.6) 117(67.2) 22(18.2) 325(60.1)
Urban 60(24.4) 57(32.8) 99(81.8) 216(39.9)
Total 246(100) 174(100) 121(100) 541(100)
*Χ2 = 64.98, p = 000, df = 4: †Χ2 = 57.54, p = 000, df = 4: ‡Χ2 = 1.17, p =
000, df = 2.
Moreover, regarding the rejection of press club membership some
significant differences were found among journalists (See table 7).
Firstly, in regard to job experience, among both the cubs and the
junior category of the journalists the highest proportions (41.3% and
17.4% respectively) were of those who said that they know nothing
about press club membership rejection. In contrast, among the senior
news professionals the biggest proportion (79.3%) was of those who
responded ‘yes’ that press club membership of journalists is rejected
in some situations. That finding highlights the fact that compared
with cubs and junior journalists, senior journalists are well aware of
press club matters because they are more dominant in the clubs.
Secondly, from the perspective of age category, the highest
proportion of the young reported that they know nothing regarding
membership rejection from the press clubs; the biggest proportions of
those in the mature and old age category (45.7% and 26.5%
respectively) were aware of the fact that the press club takes action to
reject membership of journalists from the club. Again this finding is
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 59
consistent with the idea that older journalists tend to dominate what
happens in the press clubs and these journalists are “in the know”
about the inner workings of the clubs. However, the majority of cubs
and junior news-workers mentioned that they did not know about the
membership rejection of journalists from press clubs; because due to
not being allowed by senior journalists to become members of the
press club they remain unaware of such things. Finally, in
consideration of geographic affiliation it was also significant to know
that among rural journalists the highest proportion (75.6%)
mentioned that press club membership of the journalists gets rejected;
however, among urban journalists the biggest proportion (81.8%) was
of those who said that they know nothing about press club
membership rejection. In summary, the finding indicates that it is
more likely that newcomers to journalism in urban areas tend to be
kept from entering the press club by senior colleagues more than
those in rural areas.
Discussion and Conclusion
As put in the beginning that participation of journalists in journalistic
organisations is one of the indicators of a degree of professionalism
among journalistic corp. So by analysing the above mentioned
empirical data it was found about some press club features that the
majority of the Sindh journalists are members of the press clubs.
However those who reported news and worked for print media on
average were more press club members than those who worked in
newsroom and were employed by broadcast and wire-service media.
Moreover analysed in the context of job experience and age the data
mentioned that senior and those who aged between 30 to 40 years
were more members of the press clubs those who were junior and less
than 30 years.
Regarding press club perception it was observed that Sindh
journalists perceive and use to press clubs both as newsgathering
organisations and social clubs. But the perception of press clubs as
60 Press Club Profile and Values of the Sindh Journalists in Pakistan
social clubs on average was higher among those who reported news;
whereas the perception of press clubs as newsgathering organisations
was larger among those who worked in newsrooms. Additionally the
majority of the journalists also mentioned that they share individually
collected news information with each other at press clubs. However
the trend of sharing news information on average was found higher
among rural journalists compared with their urban counterparts.
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ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION OF RICE PRODUCTION
AND FOOD SECURITY IN INDONESIA
Sadique A. Tumrani*
Pervez A. Pathan†
Bugti M. Suleman‡
Abstract
This paper analyzes how Indonesia has achieved the food security and
allocated targets of economic development. Whereas rice is the staple food of
Indonesia, the share of Indonesia is about 10% in the world rice production
but known as until importer country because rice is being used by 93% of
its population. To cope with this situation, Indonesia pays heavy amount
on importing of rice that imbalances its economy. To get rid of related
problems, Indonesia has adopted the economic and sustainable policy of rice
production to make sure the self sufficiency in food grains. The study
estimates rice import’s responses in food security conditions along with
addressing its economic impact in Indonesia during the period of 1960 to
2010.
This research has pursued a descriptive choice of method and in this regard
the relevant data has been collected from the secondary source and analysed
by mathematical process. The results indicate that Indonesia has adopted
the green revolution policy in 1970 that improved production of Rice by
allowing the subsidy on fertilizers, seeds, irrigational assistance, and
machinery essential that has played a pivotal role in Indonesian economy.
The study also concentrated to draw some do able example that could be
used as policy in the context of agriculture sector.
Keywords: Rice Production, Food Security, Economic Growth, Indonesia.
Introduction
Rice is a cereal grain grown in marshy areas and a tropical crop
which developed by three main types such as Indica, Japonica and
* Ph.D Student, Area Study Centre (FESEA), University of Sindh, Jamshoro † Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Sindh, Jamshoro ‡ Assistant Professor, Government Degree College D. M Jamali, Baluchistan
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 63
Javanica with the taste of aromatic and non-aromatic. Rice provides
more than 80 percent of daily caloric intake of 3 billion people that is
nearly half of the world’s population. Rice cultivation suited in the
areas where the climate is hots, humid. It grows on the large number
of deltas across Asia’s tropical and subtropical areas. Rice occupies
about 11 percent of world’s agricultural land and ranks second in
terms of cultivation area Asia is responsible for more than 90% of
rice production and consumption (Virk, 2004).
Rice is dominant staple food of Indonesia where about 12 million
hectors arable land is devoted for rice production out of total
agriculture land. Indonesia was a major rice importer country
during 1960-70s, to strive for self-sufficiency by mid of 1980s. The
total production of rice in Indonesia between the periods of 1984 to
1996 was higher than domestic consumption; this shows self
sufficiency in serial food, in response of this achievement FAO has
given “self sufficiency” award to Indonesian President Suharto in
1984 (FAO, 2010).
In the first decade of 21st century a remarkable growth in rice
production was recorded with the production of 57.05 million tons
in 2007 which reached at level of 60.33 million tons in 2008.
Indonesia has declared, the self-sufficiency on rice again in 2008, this
was great achievement in rice production in 2007-08 mainly due to
high yield and favorable climate (Sudaryanto, 2009).
Indonesia is 7th largest rice importer although it is among top ten
global rice producing nations, but its annual consumption of per
capita was more than 150 kg as recorded in 2010. Rice production in
Indonesia has crossed from 72 million tons of paddies 48 million
tons of milled rice in 2013. Yield of per hectare in Indonesia has
increased to 90 percent during 1970 to 2010; it was 2.35 tons hectors
in 1970 and rise up at the level of 4.9 tons hectors in 2010, (USDA,
2011).
64 Economic Contribution of Rice Production & Food Security in Indonesia
Literature Review
Achmad (1996) has publicized that Indonesia is a developing
country todays but 25 years ago Indonesia was a poorest country
with 50 US $ per capita of Indonesia. Now Indonesia’s per capita
income is 4200 US $ with the 5 percent growth rate. Indonesia has
implemented several basic elements in development strategy such
as: (i). Substantial Investment (ii). Improve the productivity. (iii).
Reforms in trade (iv). Capital Intensive Activity.
Ngu (2007) presented a brief summary that Rice is the staple food of
3000 million people and the global rice production become unstable
in 1999, the surge in rice price since 2007 has affected food security
in several rice food based countries. Global rice production was 215
million tons in 1961, after 45 years it was 644 million tons in 2006,
Global rice production was decreased in 1999-2002 because of sharp
decreased in global rice harvested but rice production has recovered
since 2003.
The environmental and socio-economic condition of rice production
vary greatly from location to location, rice is grown under different
climates including different temperature, sub-tropical and tropical,
based on soil-water conditions, and in the different ecosystem. The
top most rice producing countries in the world are: China (with 33
percent), India (with 26 percent), Indonesia (with 10.2 percent),
Bangladesh (with 7.5 percent), and Vietnam (with 7 percent) of rice
total production.
Muterr and Fairhurst (2010) presented the situation of rice in
ASEAN as following: Production 123.5 m/t, Supply 150 m/t,
Domestic Utilization: 106.7 m/t, Imports 2.71 m/t, and Exports 15.7
m/t. ASEAN has increased 7% in 2009-10 and Indonesia, Malaysia
and Philippine are improved 22% food security. Indonesia has per
hectare yield is better than other countries. Indonesia is known as 2nd
largest per hectare yield producer in ASEAN.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 65
Erna (2006) has publicized various food plan through which
Indonesia used to stimulate the farmers: System of Rice
Intensification (SRI), (OPSUS), INSUS and INMUM, in 1979. High
yielding rice varieties by the use of chemicals, subsidies have been
one of the keystones of Indonesia’s rice development program: The
strategies of “High Yield Verities (HYVs) “Modern varieties” (MVs)
that has released IR-8 and IR-5 through BIMAS 1960.
Indonesian agriculture minister (2006) presented report, in
international conference on co-operation on agrarian reform and
rural development (ICCARD) at Brazil. Indonesia is the largest
archipelago country offers 120.2 million hectares of territorial land
as farm jungle and rest of land with coverage (i.e. 70.8 million
hectares). Its 37 percent is terrestrially utilized for farms cultivation
such as paddy crops to poverty alleviation as well as food security.
Main paddy field use based on areas of irrigation and rainfed such
as: Sumatra has produced 30 Percent, as 997060 hectares Irrigated
Paddy and 1,332,040 hectares Rain fed; Java & Bali have produced
44 percent as 2,442,100 hectares irrigated paddy and 3,430,698
hectares Rainfed and Kalimantan 13 percent as 228,850 hectares
irrigated paddy and 772,890 hectares Rainfed paddy.
Research Methodology
The study has pursued a descriptive choice of method in which
inductive technique has been applied on objectives, resources and
choice of method with a two tier approach which was comprising of
collecting information from secondary sources on pre-determined
indicators for example surfacing through math collecting, published
information and etc. The second tier, however, will be synchronized
between structured and un-structured data collective modes. The
data has collected according to parameters through the secondary
source based on published, books, reports and surfacing through
internet. Research concentrated on the economic impact of rice
66 Economic Contribution of Rice Production & Food Security in Indonesia
imports along with addressing of food security in Indonesia. The
results provide base to plan the deployment of modern technology
for the farm management, and to follow Indonesian agriculture
policy approach to this end for the enhancement of rice production.
The main key indicators used are Rice Production, Rice Self-
sufficiency, Employment, and Economic Stability. The analytical
tools used is the measurements of parameters done by the statistical
methods of inferential trends along with descriptive methods.
Result and Discussion
A) Rice Production
The literature review has represented the global position of rice
production that human consumption accounts for 85 percent of total
production for rice, compared with 72 percent % for wheat and 19
percent for maize. Rice provides 21 percent of global human per
capita energy and 15 percent of per capita protein. The world
average consumption of rice in 1999 was 58 kg, with the highest
intake in some Asian countries; such as Bangladesh, Vietnam,
Indonesia and Myanmar, with annual average consumes of
residents as 150 to 200 kg, which accounts for two thirds of caloric
intake and about 60 percent of daily protein consumption (UNDP,
1997).
The data shows that global rice production was 215 million tons in
1961 after 45 years it was 644 million tons in 2006 and first time
global rice was decreased during 1999-2002 because of sharp
decrease in global rice harvested area but rice production has
recovered since 2003. Milled rice production is 463.9 million tons:
China 140.7 million tons, India 103.4 and Indonesia 36.3 million tons
milled rice produced in 2012. Rice production in Indonesia was 72
million tons in 2012 that is about 10 percent of total world rice
production and it made Indonesia included in top ten rice producer
countries in the world (FAO, 2012).
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 67
Rice is the main staple food for more than 95 percent of the
Indonesian population. Indonesian government has intervened
heavily on rice production, marketing, trade, and pricing policies.
During the green revolution of the 1970-1990, production grew
significantly at the rate of 4.3 percent per year. During the period of
2000 to 2010, rice production was grew with the rate of 2.51 percent
per year, and the production has increased with an impressive
growth of 5.04 percent in 2011-12 and it has key importance to
Indonesia’s national and household level of food security.
Indonesian Archipelago has used 60 percent arable area for the rice
growing and produced 68 million tons rice with 5 percent to 8
percent annual increase by the cultivating 12 million hectors of land
Rice production had increased from 12 million to over 40 million
tons. Bellow Table 1 has represented the statistical figures of
population trend and rice development.
Table 1: Descriptive Analysis of Rice Production in Indonesia
Year Analysis Population
(Mill) Area (Mill)
Production (Mil/ton)
1961-70
Mean 102.11 7745.89 17053.78
Min 92.20 7285 14953
Max 112.80 8155 19012
Variance 50.68 74895.36 1909056.20
Std. deviation 7.12 273.67 1381.69
68 Economic Contribution of Rice Production & Food Security in Indonesia
Year Analysis Population
(Mill) Area (Mill)
Production (Mil/ton)
1971-80
Mean 129.42 8721.30 24866.30
Min 114.10 8135 19324
Max 143.20 9262 31780
Variance 102.49 128118.45 16209166.90
Std. deviation 10.12 357.94 4026.06
1981-90
Mean 163.20 9860.40 38762.70
Min 145.50 9382 31774
Max 178.60 10200 44005
Variance 138.37 72566.26 19802299.34
Std. deviation 11.76 269.38 4449.98
1991-2000
Mean 191.57 10840.44 57581.67
Min 181.10 10282 44680
Max 201.60 11400 50873
Variance 49.03 169708.03 4111776.75
Std. deviation 7.00 411.95 2027.75
2000-2010
Mean 219.25 11882.50 53673.08
Min 203.4 11476 50973
Max 240.20 12075 56349
Variance 189.88 44243.54 3143242.99
Std. deviation 13.78 210.34 1772.92
Source: FOA and Study Result, 2013.
B. Increased the Yield to Secure the Self-Sufficiency
Rice is important food crop in the country with cultivated area about
12.2 million hectares accounting for 30 percent of total agricultural
land, per acre rice yields had increased from 2.14 tons of paddy per
hectare to 4.23 tons per hectare in 2010 (USDA 2011).
The below Table 2 has indicated the difference in the yield of rice
over the past five decades. It is observed that the change of yield per
hectare has remain same specially after 1990; whereas during 1960-
1980 it was more than 20 percent increased. This is due to green
revolution programme introduced in 1960s aiming at addressing
famine and straw wish issues in developing countries as Indonesia.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 69
Table 2 highlights the population trend, per capita intake and
consumption of rice in Indonesia, from 1960 to 2012. It should be
remembered that the era of 1960s was the period of best agro policy
shift whereas Indonesia has adopted green revolution late in 1970s.
Indonesia was a major rice importer with about 10 percent in the
decade of 1960 which has covered after 1980s but the standard
position was not same; Indonesia has slipped back in to importer
dependence because of natural catastrophes and diversification of
other commodities and subsidy was gradually reduced and finally
discontinued that has affected the standard level of rice production.
But now a days Indonesia has covered the gap of rice production to
meet with population need of food grain for that Indonesia is again
near to achieve self-sufficiency position in rice.
IRRI estimates that Indonesia will need 38 percent more rice in the
next 25 years; the average yield of 4.6 tons per hectare must rise to
more than 6 tons per hectare to fill the gap. The yield of Asia was
Table 2: Indonesia Secure to Self-Sufficiency in Rice
since 1960 to 2012, (Million tons)
Year Population
(Mill)
Milled rice production
Yield
Per/hec
Total Consumed
Per capita intake (kg)
Consumption
Change
Import (MT)
Import Change
1960 90.6 10168 2 11204 154 .65% 1064 9.5%
1970 114.1 13140 2 13634 155 .65% 516 3.8%
1980 145.5 22286 3 21504 156 .64% 543 2.5%
1990 181.1 29042 4 30121 156. 5 .32% 192 .64%
2000 205.9 32960 4 35877 157 .32% 1500 4.2%
2010 240.2 35500 5 39000 160 1.9% 3098 7.9%
2011 242.9 36500 5 39550 160.5 .31% 1960 4. 9%
2012 245.6 36900 5 40000 161 .31% 800 2.0%
Source: Indexmundi & FAO, 2012.
70 Economic Contribution of Rice Production & Food Security in Indonesia
1.86 ton in 1961 has that increased to 4.22 tons per hectare;
Indonesia’s rice yield has been raised 90 percent, from 2.35 to 4.6
tons per hectare between 1970 and 2006 (FAO, 2013).
C) Indonesian Economic Stability Trends
The figures of economic development depict that in past decades
Indonesia has begun to emerge as an economic power in Southeast
Asia. Rice crop production has increased that boosted the
Indonesian economy to the level of 4.2 percent in 1983, and
continued to maintain the average of 5.0 percent during the period
of 1984 to 1988, and 7.5 percent in 1989. However, the growth of
GDP gradually decreased to 7.2 percent in 1990, 6.9 percent in 1991
and stopped at the level of 6.4 percent in 1992 – 1993. During the
Asian financial crises of 1997-98, GDP growth declined and reached
backward -13.1 percent, after that, special focus has been given to
return back at the previous level. In response of the special focus
that the growth rate of GDP reached at 6.3 percent in 2007 and 6.1
percent growth in 2008 and 6.2 percent to 6.5 percent in 2011. This
trend has been shown in Table No. 3
Table 3: Economical Maturity in Indonesia by Sector wise during 2001-10
Economic Indicators
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
GDP Growth 3.6% 4.5% 4.8% 5.1% 5.7% 5.5% 6.3% 6.0% 4.5% 6.1%
Labour Force (Mill)
88.0 99.0 105.7 111.5 94.2 108.2 109.9 112.0 113.7 116.5
Unemployment 8.1% 10.6% 8.7% 9.2% 11.8% 12.5% 9.1% 8.4% 8.1% 7.1%
Per Capita Income
3000 3100 3200 3500 3600 3900 3600 3900 4000 4200
Below to Poverty
23% 22% 19.3% 16.7% 17.3% 17.8% 15% 15.4% 14.5% 13.3%
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 71
Economic Indicators
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Imports (Bill) 40.4 38.1 32.1 40.22 45.07 62.02 77.73 116 84.35 111.1
Exports (Bill) 64.7 56.5 52.3 63.89 69.86 83.64 102.3 139.3 119.5 146.3
Foreign Exchange Reserves (Bill)
321.0 331.7 355.6 358.2 345.8 430.4 569.2 516.4 661.2 962.1
Source: Indonesia Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS).
D) Employment
The trends of employment in the agriculture sector shows ups and
downs, the share of food crops accounted for 62 percent, tree crops
for 16 percent, livestock 10 percent, and fisheries and forestry
equally for the remaining 12 percent in 1988. The Employment has
been reduced from 46.4 percent to 38.3 percent recorded from the
total employments in Indonesia during 2002 to 2010 as it was
previously 68 percent during 1971-1980 and further decreased to 40
percent to 38 percent in 1996 and 2001. In contrast of that the current
open unemployment rate in Indonesia was 6.14 percent in 2012 and
to reach 5.3 percent in 2014. Indonesian unemployment rate
recorded on average of 6.17 percent from 1982 to 2013 (CBS
Indonesia, 2013).
Conclusions
The result of the study discussed in the manuscript show that the
green revolution left good signs on Indonesian economy and
resulted to creep from importing country to self sufficient state for
rice in the mid of 1980s by using land extensive method as well as
land intensive method that has improved and increased production
of Rice by allowing the subsidy on fertilizers and irrigational
assistance. The production of rice has increased from 12 million tons
to 40 million tons within 50 years span of time and improved per
hectare yield from 2.14 in 1960 to 4.23 tons of paddy in 2010.
72 Economic Contribution of Rice Production & Food Security in Indonesia
Indonesia has also maintained economic growth at the level of 7
percent per annum and increased per capita income from 50 US
dollars in 1993 to 4200 US dollars in 2010.
The analysis offered in this research paper pointed out that
Indonesia has slipped back into the status importing country for rice
because of natural catastrophes and diversification of other
commodities which has affected the standard level of rice
production.
It is recommended that Indonesian government should have retain
and develop a policy framework by providing subsidy on rice
farming, and give much focus on land intensive method because the
country will need 38 percent more rice with 6 tons per hectare yields
in coming 25 years.
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THE CHANGING PATTERNS IN FAMILY SYSTEM FROM
EXTENDED TO NUCLEAR: IN CONTEXT OF WORKING
WOMEN IN PAKISTAN
Marium Sara Minhas Bandeali*
Dr. Manzoor Ali Isran†
Abstract
Family plays an integral part in person’s life. Whether nuclear, extended or single parent system, the primary socialization and bonding have always been essential element in one’s life. The shift in the family system from extended to nuclear, is evident nowadays due to number of reasons. Moreover, working women face number of problems in handling both work as well as household. At times it becomes difficult to adjust or live in particular family system. The working women in many cases contribute a lot in looking and satisfying the needs of the family members. However, the gap between the working women and family could be filled by looking at the way both can cooperate with each other. The problems working women are facing in extended family system are different from what they encounter in nuclear or single parent family system. Hence the gap between the working women and the family could result in changing their preference of a certain family system over the other. The change in the family system is thus evident from extended to nuclear family system. The data collection techniques involved mixed method. Both closed ended questionnaires and open ended interviews were conducted for data collection. The results obtained from primary research showed that most of the women preferred nuclear family over extended family system. Therefore, changing the family system or the family, as an institution as was common before. Therefore, the conclusion showed that most of the working women are living in nuclear family system and want to live in nuclear family system. Very few belonged to extended family system or single parent family. The problems prevailing in accepting working women or working mothers a major reason for shift from extended to nuclear family system.
Keywords: Nuclear Family, Extended Family, single parent family, working mothers, social institution, problems in family.
* Adjunct Faculty, Faculty of Social Science, SZABIST, Karachi, Email: [email protected] † Author works as Professor in the faculty of Management Sciences. Email: [email protected]
76 The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear
Introduction
The family plays an integral role in the lives of Pakistanis. There are
many social changes that have affected the overall family systems in
Pakistan. When we look into the family system Pakistan has enjoyed
all cultural heritages being part of family system. It is the culture
where joint family system is being replaced with nuclear family
system. In case of working women, the preference of a particular
family system differs from extended or being in nuclear family
system. A working woman plays different role being part of society
as a mother, daughter in law, mother in law and a wife. A family is a
system where individual share emotional bonding and kinship ties. It
is the most important social organization that socializes children and
helps them to form their identities. The working women have a lot of
responsibilities to look upon therefore need helping hands towards
looking after the children. Moreover, type of family system is an
important issue nowadays particularly in case of working women, the
household, work, children , in laws and multiple needs are necessitate
to be managed properly. The paper has been divided into four
sections. First section presents literature review which discusses
different studies focusing on different family structures in different
cultural settings. Second section discusses the impact of culture on the
family systems. Third section analysis data and presents results. Final
section draws conclusion and findings.
Literature Review
The two most important approaches that are of functionalist writers
who have focused on the consensus approach the family are centering
the whole society. The primary focus of “family system” is to see how
one is socializing including the children, adults bonding particularly
at the emotional level. Moreover, it also includes providing basic
facilities that are being shared by the family together (food, shelter
and clothing). The advent of technology, peer pressure has led to most
of the societies following and accepting the change that have taken
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 77
place in family (Kakepoto, 2008).
According to Macionis (2005: 462) social conflict, do arise, when It
comes to working women who leave their children at home with
grandparents in case of extended family. Moreover, in case of nuclear
family the working women might face problems in leaving children
home or daycare. The conflict might arise in the family system if all
members are not cooperating and sharing responsibilities. Moreover
women are preferred to look after the family and rearing children. In
case of working women the roles are segregated in looking towards
home as well as work. The traditional family system believed in the
role of women as being a housewife. However the economic crisis and
capitalism make revolutionary reform as present Marxist view look
at the women as being oppressed and their rights being subjugated.
The question that arises is therefore why there is a shift in the family
system when one would talk about nuclear or extended family
system. What is the preference of working women in choosing
between the family systems?
Austen and Birch (2000), consider that the structural change evident
require both parents to work. According to Brown (2005) the working
women face a lot of problems in family systems. Hence their choice
of a particular family system depends on how they can handle both
ends. However children could be nurtured in family when they are
able to follow the norms and values and culturally belong to a
particular society. There are many differences in altering family
structures. There are differences between cultures when it comes in
explaining the decision making or character dependence where they
define the basic needs of individuals and stress on having private life.
Whereas compared to collectivist culture they have a view on having
group or family view as the primary source in order to express the
process of decision making. Moreover the sight they observe in case
of the collectivist culture the concept of “private life” does not exist
(Brown, 2003).
78 The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear
It has been observed that the working women face a lot of problems
in daily life. Therefore, it is one of the most important issues
nowadays which relates to the preference of a particular family
system. The main stakeholders for the research will include working
women in any organization working. The reason behind research is
to know what are the problems working women and their children
can face living in extended family or nuclear family system.
Moreover, the results obtained will help to find the solution of the
problems and what could be done instead. As it has been observed,
the divorce rates or single parent family system has been increasing
since past many years.
The research only focuses on the issues of the working women in a
particular family system. Moreover the research will be done keeping
in the mind the role of women played in nuclear family, extended
family and single parent family. The research will not include any
other groups of society apart from married or unmarried working
women of 25 to 45 years relating to their family problems in a
particular household. The data obtained will be limited to the
objectives stated above due to the limited time frame.
The research was conducted in Karachi targeting different
organizations where women are working including the health,
education, financial or industrial sector.
The following assumptions have been taken into account for the
research:
Women are facing a lot problems in extended family system
when it comes to work outside their house
Women are facing a lot of problems in nuclear family system
when they leave their children at home.
The type of design used is mixed method, including the qualitative
approaches; as well as quantitative as the topic of the research
requires deeper understanding of the topic objectives stated above.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 79
Moreover, the quantitative (questionnaires) and qualitative (open
ended interviews) will be the research design for the study
undertaken. As the topic of the research requires in depth knowledge
(exploratory research) to know the shift in family system from
extended to nuclear.
The overall population of the study includes working women
enrolled in different organizations in Karachi including health,
education, banking and small industrial sector. Hence women aging
25 to 46 belonging to any family system will be part of research. The
questionnaires were distributed in Aga Khan Hospital health
department, City School, Soneri Bank, SZABIST, CAP and
Foundation Public School. Secondly, the interviews were taken from
working women that included 2 doctors, 2 teachers, 2 bankers, 2
psychologist and 2 nurses.
The total of 130 questionnaires were distributed to the working
women in Aga Khan Hospital, Soneri Bank, SZABIST, The Citizens
Foundation and CAP (Citizens Archive of Pakistan). Whereas 10
interviews were taken interviewing working Women working
enrolled in different professions. The sampling method used was
snow ball sampling with the reference given by other respondents.
The data collection includes both primary as well as secondary
sources. The data collection tool will be open ended interviews. The
reason for in depth interviews is to collect more relevant data and to
know the issues pertaining in families of working women. The
dependent variable is working women in Karachi whereas the
independent variable is nuclear, extended and single parent family
system. According to Shriver, the population of the world consists of
more women as compared to men. Her report comprises of the three
segments of the society that are important including the family
household, at work place and in society. Moreover, woman are
breadwinners, most of the family members now have working
mothers that are primary breadwinners and contribute quarter of
80 The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear
their income at home. The shift, increase in the number of working
woman in 1960s could be evident in various parts of the world
including the developed as well as the developing countries. In 1970
the women were breadwinners and co breadwinners of their family
(Soilen, 1998).
Hence, the transformation is evident when we see woman in
twentieth century is working outside their homes and also looking
after the family. There are many issues that are evident has to
contribute a lot. There are many issues that are evident in the family
system where working woman is working outside their homes. There
is a movement of woman in the employment sector and increasing
family size that has resulted in the increase in overall problems
(Shriver, 2001).
The transformation according to Mc Crosky was evident when family
system could create conflicts in terms of working mothers. At many
cases it is evident that the violence or when women are pressurized
at work could result in many problems. The hindrance that the family
workload could have on women affects family system in return (Mc
Crosky, 1995)
Working women do have multiple roles to look after at home as well
as at work place. This is the main issue that the every woman is facing.
The situations of working women professionally as well as morally
have improved in making them more acceptable. The traditional
women concept is no longer prevailing in our society where women
used to work in different fields and look after the house. The concept
of modern women includes a professional educated mother looking
at the family, work and thus managing things very well. The typical
family thus comprises of a dual earner where both the parents are
working and contributing their share of income for the family (Jacobs,
2008)
According to Lin (1992) conducted a survey which targeted 444 Taipei
women working as well as house makers. It was concluded that the
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 81
working women are able to enjoy more freedom as compared to
house makers. The Taipei working women agreed that they had
husband support therefore they were satisfied working outside their
house. The family relatives all support working women. Moreover
the research conducted also showed that there are more working
women who are married, no matter how developed (unrestricted) a
society is; most of the work is expected to be done by women. The
major responsibilities of women thus include childcare and
household work. The dichotomy arisen between the conventional
family and the promising roles including many problems faced like
leaving children at home. The survey conducted asked several
questions including the helping hand in most of the cases at home i.e.
social or daily demands. The working women in most of the cases
leave their children outside their house and spent most of the hours
outside home in most of the cases it is evident that the major problem
among the working women in single parent family system includes
depression, anxiety as at home there is no one to look after the
children (Levitan, 2008).
Nuclear family system is thought to be acceptable in case of working
women but in case of children this couldn’t be the preference of
working mothers. In case of Pakistan, the concept of child centre is
much unknown. This fact might prevent working women to leave
their jobs and rear children. Moreover like all family systems joint
family systems expects women to stay at home give cultural values to
all the children including the role of the elder people.
Another important benefit that cannot be ignored, if mother father
both are working they can develop the career of children including
socialization at their workplace, with peers and family. Family is
always there to help share their cultural values, norms, bonds, help in
case of members being sick and financial help. The working women
also prefer joint family if they have children as it’s better that someone
is there to look after the children (Levitan, 2008)
82 The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear
In some family systems the conflict may occur especially in joint
family system where women are dependent on others in decision
making. In case of working women the life could be in more hardship
if she doesn’t cooperate with her in laws and works. The division of
labour is evident in case of number of family, with families where
both husband and wife are working comes under the category of
Neotraditional. Most importantly the joint family system is thus
considered to be supportive for working women as the relatives that
are living together can look after the house children including all the
needs (Baylan, 2011).
The way the family nurtures, culture plays a significant role in
making individuals better able to live by sharing values and living
under a roof or shelter. Sometimes a culture may create gender
biasness. Some may also resist in that cultural change. In case of
working women it also depends on different culture if the family is
small the choice is different as in the case of western countries this
system is not regarded as so much important (Hollander, 2011).
As the joint family is consisting of at least three generations that are
living together, includes grandmother, grandfather, children and a
head of family. Like every family system extended family has its
advantages and disadvantages. Within extended families there could
be conflicts in terms of siblings’ rivalries, conflict among family
members. In case of working women the extended family system can
be best option to support the women and children. The way the
family nurtures, culture plays a significant role in making individuals
better able to live by sharing values and living under a roof or shelter.
The time women usually spent outside house for work also matters
when it comes to the gap between working time and family time
(OECD, 2004).
Sometimes a culture may create gender biasness. Some may also resist
in that cultural change. In case of working women it also depends on
different culture if the family is small the choice is different as in the
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 83
case of western countries this system is not regarded as so much
important (Hollander, 2011).
In a research conducted by Itrat et al in 2008 it is culture heritage a
sense of pride when an individual is living happily. A strong support
of family could make individuals better socialize in their culture. It is
common that most of the Asians prefer to be and live with elderly
people. There are certain changes which could be seen when we look
into changing trends. The structure of family system does influence
the way each individual is playing a certain role.
Hussain (2008) describes how working women face problems as
compared to men belonging to any class of society. The structural
changes in family system both at social and cultural ends have bound
women to work and look after the family. However, it could be
believed that in both the rural as well as the urban areas the working
women face the problems differently. The socio economic conditions
under which the women work also matters the way she looks after
the family. The type of job and profession also matters when it comes
to efficiently looking after the children. In rural areas the situation
might be reverse; the family set up includes children, grandparents,
and siblings living together. Where the men are not employed or have
small business of farming to look after and the fact that the rest of the
time they are at home defined as being ‘lazy’. They either work as
laborers on the basis of contract or either they have vendors (Baylan,
2011).
This is the type of family system where the women are expected to
earn as the spouse or the husband’s income is not sufficient to run the
entire family.
According to Jacobs, working women nowadays work as nurses,
teachers, doctors, bankers thus being more professional. They have
given up the traditional thought where mothers used to be housewife
and just worked for family. The conflict arises when the working
woman is expected to run the house as well as her work efficiently.
84 The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear
The role of women is changing having multitasking and expects work
to be done efficiently. Extended, and the nuclear family expects
women to be supporter of the entire family unit. Many of the
researches show that the employment of women has a positive impact
on the family in this way they are able to contribute at home as well
as running the entire family. The women are giving extended hours
at family and this might result in so many problems that she faces
(Linda, 2003).
In western society there are many problems society is facing the
increased divorce rates, increasing in single parent family system, and
decrease in the fertility. The fact many tasks are to be performed in
case of joint of family system. The word family means wife children
and husband living together this could be denoted as a nuclear family
while parents, grandparents living together could portray a picture of
an extended family system. In extended family system whether
children being married or not they are counted a part of household
and their income is further used in family. In extended family system
the working women is expected to look after the children she faces
problem if the spouse or heads in the family take care of the children
and allow the working mothers to step out of their house and work
in case of nuclear family system the situation could thus be reverse
(Hussain, 2008).
The caretaker in case of the nuclear family system is mother or a
father to look at the household.
Moreover when it comes to having kids at home, need someone to
look after the house. Moreover in many cases the working women
look for the easy solution to leave children in daycare centers to
provide them with food and sufficient needs. In case of developing
countries the daycare units are not established or successful in
catering needs of so many children in society (Linda, 2003)
In most of the cases the daycare centers are afforded by rich people
but the matter of fact that the working women mostly belong to the
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 85
middle class working sector where both the parents share the income
they earn to run the household. In most of the cases it’s true that the
joint family system have many family members to look after the
children at home. Moreover in case of single parent and joint family
system there is a problem to have an adult or someone to look after
the kids (Dorfler, 2004)
Impact of Culture on Family Systems
The culture impact could be seen in societies where family as an
institution plays an integral role in primary socialization. Often there
are many evidences, showing that some of the family members do not
allow their daughters or in most of the cases mother to work outside
their houses. In most of the cases the family expects working women
to be at home and work in order to satisfy the needs of the citizens.
Most of the eastern societies do expect mothers or their daughters to
stay at home and satisfy needs of the citizens (Mc Closkey, 2008).
Often many of the husbands keep their wives at home in isolation and
not allowing them to work or go out for any other employment
practices. Sometimes in extended family systems this becomes a very
rigid problem when working mothers are domestically violated if
they work outside their homes (Gewirlz, 1992).
There are many problems that working women face in a particular
family system when it comes to looking after the kin. Moreover the
problems which were mostly common among the interviewees
include looking after children, large number of family members,
earnings as well as handling house work. Most of the interview
responses showed that the working women in nuclear family system
face fewer problems as compared to extended family system.
However, the only problem that was defined by the majority of the
working women was looking after the kids. The more number of
family members in family, the more the income required to run house
hold. Despite, the fact structural changes require both men as well
86 The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear
women, to contribute in terms of looking after the kin. Moreover,
many shared the problems of unacceptability women outside the
house. The working mothers at many times are pressurized to leave
their work and fully concentrate at home.
Data Analysis
The questionnaires responses showed, most of the working women
(78%) think that there are many problems that they face in looking
after the family. Whereas, 27% and 2% think that they don’t face any
problem in looking after the family respectively
The cross tabulations results comparing the type of family system
working women belonged to and the problems they face looking after
the family. Table 1.2 shows the cross tabulations results of the
working women in nuclear family system encounter a lot of problems
in looking after the family. Whereas the women who belong to
extended family system agreed that they don’t face a lot of problems.
The interview responses showed that problems in extended family
system are comparatively more as compared to nuclear family
system.
One of the interview responses Sara (teacher) said, “In nuclear family
we have mother, father and children like my family. I believe in
nuclear family system women have less responsibilities as compared
to extended family system, sometimes working mothers are not
allowed to work for longer period of hours. In nuclear family
husbands in most of the cases agrees that the wife is working outside.
Moreover, in laws could object and degrade working women from
working outside.”
The overall questionnaire results showed that 71% of the women who
belong to nuclear family system agreed that they face fewer problems
while 25% of the women think that in extended family systems they
face fewer problems. The figure below 1.2A shows the bar chart cross
tabulations results. Most of the interviewees agreed that in extended
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 87
family, the presence of elders, mother in law, sister in law or any other
member can make working women less burdened at least when it
comes to looking after the children. The difficulty is in upbringing
children and also fulfilling the needs of each individual in household.
However, in single parent family the working woman alone handles
household and work. The problems in extended family system
includes: lack of understanding, more family members, shared
incomes, children being ignored at certain circumstances, lack of
support and no mutual understanding in family unit. But many of
them agreed that every family system has its own benefits like in
extended family system you share and a lot of problems are also
shared.
Table 1.2: The Type of Family System of Working Women
*Problems Faced by Working Women Cross Tabulation
Figure 1.2 A:
88 The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear
The working women as compared to house makers face a different
experience in handling home as well as the work. Most importantly
at workplace women has to manage the timings as she has
responsibilities to look upon. Moreover, the working women from
washing, cooking, cleaning, looking after house, work as well as
satisfying every need of the kin. Most of the interviewees agree that
the contribution of working women in household is more as
compared to the house makers.
The questionnaires responses showed in table 1.3 (84%) of the
working women agreed that they contribute a lot at home. Moreover
16% of them think working women contribute less at home.
According to the questionnaire results, most of the respondents
agreed that working women do look at both the ends work as well as
running house hold. At most cases this data could also show that the
working women alone contribute a lot at home. She is responsible in
looking at the household and needs of spouse including every other
at home.
The pie chart (Figure 1.3A) below shows the result. Hence, working
women contribute a lot in looking after the family as well as her work.
Table 1.3: The Contributions of Working Women in Looking at
the Household
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 89
Figure 1.3 A
The responsibility of women in a particular family system is to look
after the house efficiently. Every society expects women to be in
charge of running the house chores including the total housework to
be done proficiently. Most of the working women agreed that
whether they belong to extended or nuclear family system the
number of responsibilities towards family is more or less same. Most
of the working women agreed that in nuclear family system the
working women alone has to do total work, food and preparation,
laundry (washing clothes), home maintenance, cooking, rearing
children and also looking after the husband.
Whereas, if you are working women in nuclear family system or
single parent family the roles you have is less as compared to other
family system. You are just a mother and a wife.”
Thus it could be concluded from the above findings from the primary
data collection that number of roles working women conform in
extended family system is more as compared to other family systems.
90 The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear
Table 1.4: The Number of Roles Working Women Plays
in Joint Family System
The most common perception of every working woman in looking
towards the family involves children and their daycare facilities. In
child rearing, there are many problems that the working women do
encounter. Whether nuclear, extended or single parent family system
requires someone to look after the children at home. Moreover,
according to the interview responses the major problem or the
dilemma comes when the family system having working parents and
requires adult to look after the young children. Most of the working
women agreed that there is a need for daycare and they do send their
children for better socialization. The problem arises when there is no
proper daycare system available to keep children.
The problem that was discusses while giving interview was lack of
daycare systems in Karachi. Though many of the working women
agreed that they do send their children at school but as they work full
time or perhaps some working part time requires the best facilities to
look after children. However, the interview responses showed that
working women in nuclear family system need daycare or early
childhood. However, Rubina (Nurse) in her interview said, “In
nuclear family system, like I belong too we have young children I
send them to daycare. Previously I was living in joint family system,
I felt my mother in law used to look after the children.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 91
Table 1.5: Need for Daycare (Looking after the Kids)
Family is a strong institution a means of interaction, socialization and
bonding. Whether, it’s nuclear, extended or single parent family
system the attachment one gets by connecting makes lives easier.
Many working women shared their experience while interviewing
that family plays an important role in case of women. The preference
of a family system depends on the environment; bonding one has
belonging to a family. Most of the working women agreed that in
nuclear family system things are easy manageable. The interview
responses showed that mostly working women prefer nuclear family
system over extended family system.
Hence, nuclear family is controllable, privacy maintained,
manageable, convenient and suitable in case of working women. The
extended family system, on the other hand becomes more difficult to
manage as there are more number of members living together. The
bonding at times becomes difficult due to the differences in the
mentality, rigid behavior, age difference and differences of opinion.
The preference could perhaps show the change in the family system
from extended to nuclear. Due to the problems that are stated above
like privacy, close bonding, association with each other where
extended could thus create gap within the family members.
The interview responses showed that almost all women preferred
nuclear family over joint family system. The questionnaire results
below, table (1.6) and figure (1.6A) shows that 75% of the working
92 The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear
women preferred nuclear family system. Whereas, 22% prefer
extended family system while 3% favor single parent family.
Moreover, the primary data collection shows that working women
prefers nuclear family system. Hence, this data collected can also
show the change in the family as an institution from the extended to
nuclear.
Table 1.6: Preference of a Family System of Working Women
Though the working women look after the household as well work, it
is believed that it is responsibility of the working women to look after
the family. Whether, nuclear or extended family system, the family
expects women to fulfill all the needs of the members efficiently.
Despite of the fact, working women works more than anyone and
family. The expectation one has is comparatively more from a women
as compared to men. The family system thus expects women to work
for the entire family whether nuclear extended or single parent
family. Most of the respondents agree that the working women look
after the household as a responsibility. The family problems at time
hinder working hours. Mostly in the case of nuclear family system the
working women alone has to handle all the ends. Whereas in
extended family system things has to be done keeping in the mind the
time management done efficiently. Most of the working women
agreed that family problems hinder their working hours. Almost all
shared their experience that sometimes it’s difficult to manage work
and even they have to compromise their recreational time. The
working hours or the nature of job directly impacts the family system.
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 93
However, part time full time work impacts the way the working
women look at the house. The interview responses showed that the
working women is able to give more time it the type of profession
they opt for is teacher, receptionist, blogger, whereas compared to
doctor, banker that requires full time working hours, life of working
women mostly working mothers becomes difficult. The working
women in case of part time or comparatively less number 0f working
hours could help her to run the house more efficiently. Often, in the
case of less number of hours it’s easy.
In extended family system there are fewer objections if the working
women are working less number of hours in a profession which is
easy to handle. The interview responses showed that the highly
prevailing patriarchy have made working women alone responsible
to handle family problems. Moreover, the table 1.9 below shows that
79% of working women think, due to patriarchy prevailing the
working women are overburdened in all family systems. Whereas
19% think that patriarchy in society doesn’t impact on working
women in looking towards their family problems.
Conclusion
The data analysis and findings showed that the working women face
a lot of problems whether they belong to nuclear, extended or single
parent family system. The problems ranging from looking after the
family as well as handling work becomes more challenging for a
working women thus being more difficult for working mothers at
certain circumstances. However, at times the extended family system
encourages and supports the working women to work for the benefit
of the family by sharing the amount of income earned. Moreover, at
times things are different in extended family system, the in laws or
other members may not cooperate with the working women and their
working hours do clash with family hours. The findings and data
analysis showed that most of the women face problems in extended
family system due to more number of family members that thus
94 The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear
sometimes results in lack of mutual understanding. The
misunderstandings, workload, more family members, more working
hours etc were the reasons given by the working women.
The few recommendations that were suggested by the working
women included that the number of hours should be flexible so that
they can manage time with family. Moreover, the daycare systems in
Karachi are not very established which parents could rely on leaving
children. Hence, more Daycare schools should be made by the
government. By providing flexible hours for women at work could be
another solution to make her handling both house as well as
household efficiently. Moreover there is no family system which can
be regarded as best over the other. It depends on how each and every
member is cooperative enough with each other. The segregation of
tasks between the family members can also create lesser problems or
lessen the burden of working women.
References
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Work Family Policy Worker.
Brown. (2003). An Introduction to Sociology. London:
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of family and work, working time and working place.
Gewirlz, A. G. (1992). Daily Life Demands, Social Support, Life Satisfaction
and Health of Working Women and Houswives. Humanities and
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Hollander, S. B. (2011). Women, Family Culture and Family Business. 42- 52.
Hussain, I. (2008). Problems of Working Women in Karachi, Pakistan. Britain:
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Itrat, A. T. Q. (2008). Family Systems: Perceptions of Elderly Patients and
Their Attendants Presenting at a University Hospital in Karachi,
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Jacobs, P. (2005). Professional Women: The Continuous Struggle for
Acceptance and Reality. Journal of Academic and Business Ethics, 98.
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Mc Closkey, L. A. (2008). Family Structyre and Family Violence , Peace and
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Mental Health. Child Development, 11 – 15.
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Europe.
CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CHALLENGES AND
ISSUES OF ISLAM IN THE MODERN WORLD
Dr. Zain-ul-Abdin Sodhar*
Dr. Abdul Ghani Shaikh†
Khair-un-Nisa Sodhar‡
Abstract
Islam being the universal religion of peace and prosperity is facing many
challenges and issues both externally as well internally. In the globalization
Islam has to face the challenges and resolve the issues like external pressure
of western countries- calling Muslims as terrorists, inter-religious conflicts
(sects), social issues, socio economic issues, political issues at local and
international level and individual issues of Muslims relating to their
career.
Western countries through media trial and false propaganda have presented
the negative picture of Islam all over the world and tried to prove Muslims
as terrorists. Until and unless all the Muslims, all over the world, do not
unite and face the western propaganda, the resolution of such issues will
not be possible. The internal sectarian conflicts of Muslims have not only
divided them but also weakened them to face the global challenges. As a
result social and economical issues are being emerging making Muslims
even weaker. Political disputes of Muslims and Muslim countries based on
sectarian conflicts at national and internal level have added fuel into fire
and made the Western propaganda against Islam even stronger.
In the presence of such unfavorable conditions, Muslim individuals are
seeking their career in modern science and technology and paying more
attention on western knowledge and culture. If this process remained
continue for several years, it will be very difficult for Muslim families to
* Assistant Professor, Institute of Languages University of Sindh, Jamshoro-76080,
Sindh, Pakistan, email: [email protected] † Professor, Institute of Languages, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan ‡ Ph.D Scholar, Institute of Languages, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh,
Pakistan
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 97
survive and face the challenges and issues of Islam and Muslim especially
living in western countries or even Muslim countries where one Muslim
kills another Muslim due to sectarian conflict. The Muslims scholars and
intellectuals should have to realize the internal threats to Islam in the shape
of sectarian conflicts and take some measure and initiates to unite the
Muslims before it is too late. The survival, growth and development of
Muslims is not possible without making Muslims united.
Keywords: Islam, Modern World, Challenges, Issues.
Introduction
Islam, being the religion of peace and complete code of life, is facing
many challenges and issues all over the world. After nine eleven
incident Islam is being openly criticized directly or indirectly from
all corners of the world especially European countries has called the
Muslims as terrorists. The wave of tension between Christian and
Muslims is not a recent issue. It is as old as Islam. In this regard
Schantz (1993) affirms that “there have been tensions between
Christians and Muslims since Islam emerged on the world scene
1400 years ago” (p. 443). However, challenges confronted to Islam
from outside world (non-Muslims) can be justified by saying hostile
attitude of the enemies of Islam but the issues within Islam
(sectarian conflicts) has created real tension for Muslims round the
world. On one side the image of Muslims is declining on
international level and on other side social and economical issues
are emerging making the condition of Muslims even more
miserable.
The world is becoming a global village and moving towards
secularism under the influence of science and technology. The
growth and development has become very difficult without science
and technology. People all over the world are shifting to science and
technology. Even some Muslim countries have adapted secularism
and some other countries are thinking about it for the economic
98 Critical Analysis of the Challenges and Issues of Islam in the Modern World
growth and development. Watson (1997) describes that “the Muslim
communities with an emphasis on the secular ideology of politics,
such as Turkey and Egypt, the general welfare is slightly better”
(p. 2). He further adds that “the majority of Muslims live under
governments with a qualified acceptance of a secular ideology”
(p.2).
The Muslims countries following the western economic models,
following European ideology and imparting education on the
pattern of western world are making progress comparatively faster
than other Muslim countries. The countries like Malaysia, Saudi
Arabia, Indonesia, Philippines, Thailand and Brunei etc following
the western ideology are not only appreciated but also supported by
western countries in different areas of growth and development. As
a result they are in the race of growth and development. The living
standard of people of these countries is also comparatively better
than other Muslim countries.
On the contrary, the Islamic countries like Iran, Yemen, Iraq and
Libya etc that do not follow western ideology are criticized harshly.
They are neither appreciated nor supported at any level. Many
Muslim countries are even sanctioned for their Islamic ideology.
They are considered terrorists and are targeted on international level
not only by European countries but the countries favoring secular
ideology also oppose them. Such countries following Islamic
ideology are by whom economically and politically poor and
backward on international grounds.
In such circumstance, where Islamic countries are divided, more
possibly due to sectarian difference, the growth and development of
Muslims is not possible. Khatimi (1997) suggests that “Islamic
countries ‘should’ undertake a comprehensive, precise, and
scientific assessment and evaluation of their capabilities and
capacities, and help create through utilization of their respective
comparative advantages a ring of interconnected links of
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 99
complementary developmental undertakings across the Islamic
world” (p. 4). It is usually said that united we stand separated we
fall, so until and unless all the Muslim countries all over the world
do not unite, the issues and challenges of Islam and Muslims will
not be resolved.
Islam as a Religion of Peace or Violence
Is Islam a religion of peace or violent has ever been questioned
throughout the history. Fuller (2010) describes that “is Islam
inherently in conflict with democracy, with liberalism, with ‘the
West’? Or is Islam just a façade for the real issues that are at stake?
This question has been asked and answered so many times in the
past” (p. 336). He further asserts that the most answers of the
intellectuals were in favour of Islam as a religion of peace. Yahya, H.
(2002) argues that “in America, where there are some six million
Muslims, Islam is said to be the nation's fastest growing religion,
despite there being no systematic form of missionary work” (p.8).
Islam did not have conflict with democracy, liberalization or West.
Ahmad (2007) describes that “Islam is portrayed today as a religion
of violence. To call Islam a religion of violence is a contradiction in
terms, for Islam means peace” (p. 19). Haddad (1997) adds that it is
only “Islam's inherent flexibility, which has historically helped it to
flourish and expand, has assured its survival in the very different
social and cultural environment of the United States” (p.7).
Similarly, many intellectuals and scholars quoting the verses of holy
Quran and saying of prophet (PBUH) believe that Islam promotes
peace, brotherhood and prosperity.
However the opponent also giving the reference of Quran, Hadith
and history argue that Islam promotes violence. In this regard
Azumbah (2010) describes that “the question however remains, as to
whether Islam as a religion is intrinsically violent. There are lots of
ambiguities in the Quran as well as Muslim tradition and history on
the issue of violence” (p. 85). He further says that those who believe
100 Critical Analysis of the Challenges and Issues of Islam in the Modern World
that Islam promotes violence quote this verse of holy Quran “so
when you meet those who disbelieve smite at their necks till you
have killed and wounded many of them” (Al-Quran, Surah,
Muhammad, verse, 4). Landscheidt and Wollny (2004) add that the
majority of the people are unable to understand Islam properly due
to its ambiguity. At one place “the Islamic law includes the cut of
extremities as punishment for committing. On the other hand Islam
means peace and submission to God” (p.1).
Additionally, Azumbah (2010) asserts that all Muslims are not peace
loving. No doubt “there are Muslims who assert and genuinely
believe that Islam is a religion of peace, while there are others whose
discourse and activities proclaim the opposite” (p. 85). Islam is being
targeted because of the adverse actions of such fundamentalists.
Contrary to this, Schantz (1993) describes that “Islam is a holistic
religion, a complete way of life, which encompasses not only
religion, but also business, politics, law, education, human
relationships, and family” (p. 447). To sum up, Islam, being the
universal religion of peace and complete code of life, covers all the
areas of life. For the sustainable peace and justice, Islam commands
to crush the cruelty and promote sympathy to all.
Islam and Terrorism
Islam is a religion of peace. Yahya (2002) describes that “Islam
forbids terrorism and aims to bring peace and security to the world”
(p. 17). He further states that “terror ‘is’ murder of innocent people
‘and’ in Islam it is a great sin, and Muslims are responsible for
preventing these acts and bringing peace and justice to the world”
(p. 18). Naik (2008) adds that Islam has not any connection with
terrorism. It is only a false propaganda and misinformation against
Islam. Islam keeps peace and justice at top priority. The people who
disturb peace and justice for their own material interests are strictly
disliked and punished in Islam. Allah commands in Holy Quran
that “and what is wrong with you that you fight not in the cause of
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 101
Allah and for those weak, ill-treated and oppressed among men,
women and children, whose cry is: “Our Lord! Rescue us from this
town whose people are oppressors” (Al-Quran, Surah Nisa, verse,
75). Muslims always fight against injustice and cruelty for the sake
of peace and prosperity. Describing nine eleven terrorist crime
Yahya (2002) affirms that it “may have been the work of some
misled individuals, it was certainly not the product of Islam. Islam is
a religion that preaches peace, compassion, justice, and frowns upon
suicide” (p. 9). There is misconception about Jihad in Western
countries. Yahya (2002) further adds that “in the West, the term
jihad has come to be known as something wholly negative” (p. 11).
They connect jihad with terrorism. But fact is that jihad is nothing
but a war against those who disturb peace and justice. Jihad is not
against innocent. Islam does not allow any body to threaten the
others irrespective of caste, creed or religion. Holy prophet (PBUH)
says "A Muslim is the one who avoids harming others with his
tongue or his hands” (Ibin-Ismail, 2000).
Islam strictly forbids Muslims to spread terror or hurt anybody. It is
nothing more than an absurd myth repeated by historians that Islam
is spread by sword (Leary, 1923: 8). Islam does not allow Muslims to
change the religion of others through force. Allah says in Holy
Quran that “let there be no compulsion in religion” (Al-Quran,
Surah, Al-Bakarh, verse, 256). However, the misconception
propagated by western media which connects Islam with terrorism
is an issue that needs to be resolved for the progress of Muslims all
over the world.
Islam and Different Sects
One of the greatest internal issues of Islam is sectarianism. Muslims
are divided into sects and each sect has its own contradictory
thinking. Sectarianism is an act against Islam. It is a process of
supporting one’s ideology on account of violating everything like
law, justice and peace. Islam has strictly forbidden Sectarianism.
102 Critical Analysis of the Challenges and Issues of Islam in the Modern World
When their Allah, the prophet and Quran are same, then how could
they be opponent to each other. In some cases they behave like
enemies. Irrespective of the fact that Allah and His Prophet (PBUH)
have commanded Muslims to be united, yet the division of Muslims
into sects is beyond understanding. Allah say in Quran, “and hold
fast, all together, by the Rope which Allah (stretches out for you),
and be not divided among yourselves” (Al-Quran, Sura Al-e-Imran,
verse, 103). In Sura Hugurat of Quran, Allah says that “the believers
are but a single brotherhood: so make peace and reconciliation
between your two (contending) brothers; and fear Allah, that you
may receive mercy” (Al-Quran, Surah Hugurat, verse 10). Similarly
the Prophet (PBUH) says in a Hadith “the Muslims are like a body;
if one limb aches, the whole body aches” (Ibin-Ismail, 2000). At other
place the messenger of Allah says that “the Muslims are like the
teeth of a comb” ” (Ibin-Ismail, 2000).
The history shows that philosopher may have different views
regarding social or economical issues. Even teachers and students in
past had opponent views on different issues and they hold different
schools of thought but they did not hate each other. They were
respecting each other irrespective of having opposite arguments on
the theory. There was intellectual difference between Plato and
Aristotle, Bergson and Hegel and so on but they did not say
anything personal against each other. Furthermore idealism,
realism, functionalism, rationalism, progressivism and Marxism also
differed from each other but there was no dispute among the
followers of these philosophies.
Then why do Muslims, following same religion, having one God,
prophet and book not only hate each other but also indulge and
promote violence against each other. By doing so, they not only
defame Islam but also destroy their social, economical and moral
values. Rather than to make growth and development they move in
reverse direction. Now a day, a Muslim does not tell “I am Muslim”
but he tells directly his sect. if anybody tells that he is Muslim, none
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 103
believes until he tells about his sect. In this way, once a very strong
nation in past – Muslim nation has been divided and became very
weak and miserable.
Islam, Science and Technology
It is doubtless that Islam is a complete code of life and Quran is a
complete revealed book, covering all the aspects of life. The solution
of all the issues and challenges of mankind is available in Quran.
Quran is equally beneficial for all people of all the ages (periods)
living in any area of the world. But now the question raises, how
many people understand Islam and Quran. Allah says in Quran that
“and the messenger (Muhammad) will say: O my Lord! Verily, my
people deserted this Quran (neither listened to it nor acted on its
laws and teachings).” Al-Quran, Surah Furqan, verse 30).
Quran is in Arabic language and majority of Muslims are non-
Arabs. Furthermore, non-Arab majority have been misguided that
reading of Quran is obligatory whether they understand or not. In
this regards Desai (2001) describes that “many people read Quran
without translation and know ‘nothing’ of what Allah is saying to
them. They insist that there is a special effect of the words and that
the recitation of Quran and its virtue is unmatchable” (para. 2).
Reading Quran without understanding is common in most of
countries of the world. As a result majority of Muslims read or
memorize Quran like a parrot but having not understood, the real
benefits of Quran are not availed.
Now a day, Quran is only the authentic source of Islam and when
majority do not understand Quran, how can it be possible that they
may understand Islam. In that case, Muslims always follow few
learned people who for the sake of their own material benefits make
the misuse of their knowledge. As a result, rather than to unite
Muslims at one platform, those learned people try to influence and
dominate different groups according to their own understanding
and benefits. They often propagate against other groups of Islam by
104 Critical Analysis of the Challenges and Issues of Islam in the Modern World
saying that they are right while all the other groups are wrong. They
often dispute and fight on minor human problems making the
dogmas of Islam contradictory. The differences, created by those few
learned people, based on the ignorance of majority of Muslims, due
to reading Quran without understanding, have caused the Muslims
divided into different sects. These differences are made so rigid and
inflexible that Muslims of different sects rather than to face external
issues and challenges fight with each other.
On one side, Majority of Muslims does not understand Islam and
Quran properly. On the other side progress of science and
technology has attracted the Muslims for their better future and
living standard. The people equipped with science and technologies
lead a life comparatively better than others. In such circumstance,
parents rather than to send their children to a religious institution
prefer to send their children to an organization imparting secular
education.
To sum up, Muslims have closed their doors leading to Islam and
Quran. Rather than to read Quran with understanding and making
their routine decisions in the light of Islam and Quran by
themselves, they depend upon few religious clerks and practitioners
(scholars) that make the misuse of Muslims for their own material
benefits. The progress of science and technology has also attracted
many Muslims for better future and living standard.
Conclusion
Muslims, once being very strong and united, are becoming weak
and neglected due to their internal conflicts and external pressures.
The division of Muslims into sects has provided an opportunity to
enemies of Islam to defame the noble religion through media trial
and false propaganda. Islam is being criticized all over the world
due to indefensible misdeed of Muslims who do not follow the
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 105
commands of God and teaching of His prophet (PBUH) regarding
universal unity and brotherhood.
Majority of Muslims neither understand Islam nor Quran. They
often recite Quran without understanding. The reciting of Quran
without understanding is not beneficial for Muslims regarding
understanding of Islam. In such circumstance, majority of Muslims
are at the mercy of few religious clerks who disobeying Allah and
His prophet divide Muslims into sects. Until and unless Muslims do
not recite Quran with understanding, gain complete knowledge
about Islam and follow what is commanded in Quran, facing of
challenges and solution of issues of Islam is not possible.
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FLOW OF FILIPINO WOMEN MIGRANT DOMESTIC
WORKERS WITHIN EAST ASIAN REGION
Dr. Naima Tabassum*
Huma Tabassum†
Tabassum Afzal‡
Abstract
This paper is aimed to review the patterns of Filipino women migrant domestic worker’s movement as first hires to the other countries within East Asia region. The paper is based on the data collected from the annual official records maintained by and taken from online data base of the Philippines Overseas Employment Administration. The major contribution of the paper is that with the help of data analysis it has established a typology of the four categories of the countries in East Asian region according to the number of Filipino women migrant domestic workers each of these countries received. The first category of country included Hong Kong as a country receiving more than tens of thousands of the women domestic workers from Philippines. Second category includes Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan as countries receiving few thousand to few hundreds of the women domestic workers from Philippines. Third category including South Korea, China, Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North Korea, and East Timor as countries receiving less than hundred women domestic workers. Fourth category includes Mayanmar and Laos as countries not receiving any women throughout the period as shown in official record. The overall trend of Filipino women migrant domestic workers migrating within East Asian region is declining.
Keywords: Filipinos, Women, Migration, Domestic workers, East Asian Countries.
Introduction
Migration is a sociological fact that is changing the demographic,
social and political dynamics of the world very rapidly. In developing
and underdeveloped economies people are finding it difficult with
* Assistant Professor, Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, University of
Sindh, Jamshoro, Pakistan † Assistant Professor, Govt. Girls Degree College, Latifabad, Hyderabad, Pakistan. ‡ Lecturer, Government College of Education, Karachi, Pakistan.
108 Flow of Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers within East Asian Region
each and every passing day to find good employment and livings.
The socio-political conditions are also forcing people out of several
regions and countries. These poor countries with a lower level of
socio-economic development also has a large number of youth facing
such hardships there and searching for better socio-economic
opportunities for themselves and their families.
On the other hand, the developed economies of the West and East
Asia have achieved high level of socio-economic development
leading to low fertility rates, high life expectancy and better social
security. Still these countries are facing demographic changes of
ageing and women’s labor for participation, that are creating vacuum
of young labor and those attending elders and children at home. This
demographic change has caused a global demand of domestic
workers and especially women to migrate in there and fill these
vacuums in developed societies.
The dynamic and changes occurring in both the developed and
developing economies are coordinating to create large streams of
young women migrating from developing economies to the
developed one to join the reproductive and domestic work sector for
finding better economic livings for themselves and their families. The
Philippines is a country from where a large number of young
educated women moved to other better and developed economies in
search of employment as domestic worker. This paper is an effort to
track the patterns of Filipino women migrant domestic workers
migrating to different countries within East Asian region.
Review of Literature
Migration is defined as movement of individuals from a geographical
location to another one on a relatively permanent basis (Bryjak &
Soroka, 1997). This movement is usually done for social economic
reasons (Tabassum, Tabassum & Afzal, 2013). Economic reasons may
include better employment or livelihood (Tabassum, Tabassum &
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 109
Afzal, 2013). Adverse social and environmental conditions can also be
a reason behind such movement of people across globe.
Asia is a region that holds a prominent position in global and regional
migratory flows. It has both source and destination countries in this
regard (Siddiqui, 2008). The two major migratory streams of female
labour force are being observed in Asia: one is from South Asia and
the South East Asia to the Gulf countries in Middle East, and the other
one is from developing Asian economies to the more developed East
Asian economies (Thimothy & Sasikumar, 2012).
The changing patterns of labor force participation of women have
created a vacuum in the household wanting those who can perform
the domestic work (Piper, 2005). Not much of the people are even
ready to pay much for this less valued domestic work. In this situation
, the cheap labor of migrant women is best suitable for this purpose
(Erdogdu & Toksoz, 2013). The reproductive and domestic work is
now becoming an established work sector at international level. This
international demand of reproductive work done by migrant women
has emerged as gendered division of reproductive labor at
international level (Parrenas, 2001).
In this international division of reproductive labor certain countries
of Asia are serving a major role as suppliers of migrant domestic
workers to fill this gap of domestic work across the world. Majority
of these women migrants are coming from the Philippines, Indonesia,
and Sri Lanka (Piper, 2009; Siddiqui, 2008). From East Asian region,
the Philippines, Indonesia, Cambodia, Laos and Mayanmar are major
sending countries (Siddiqui, 2008).
Filipino women are forming a major part of these women performing
reproductive domestic labor across the world. A large part of
Philippines population (i.e. 9% of the total population of the country)
lives and works outside its territorial borders (IOM, 2005: 239). Fifty
percent of these Filipino worker living outside its borders are women
and two third of them are serving in domestic work sector (Parrenas,
110 Flow of Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers within East Asian Region
2001).
Middle East is the region attracting largest number of these Filipino
migrants. Following it is the East Asian region, where the Philippines
is also located, as the second largest attraction to Filipino domestic
workers. Tabassum and her fellows (2014) claimed that Hong Kong,
Singapore, Malaysia and Taiwan has remained the destination
countries of the region for Filipino women migrant domestic workers
during the year 2001 to 2009. They further claim Hong Kong as the
most attractive destination for Filipino women migrant at global level
as well as regional level (Tabassum, Tabassum, & Afzal, 2014).
It is not sufficient to discuss one or two most attractive destinations
for Filipino women migrant domestic workers in East Asian region.
There is need to study the region in a comprehensive manner for the
patters of flow in which these women moved to other countries as
well. Accordingly, this paper is aimed to review the patterns of
Filipino women migrant domestic workers migration as first hires to
different East Asian Countries.
Method
This paper aims to identify the patterns of Filipino women migrant
domestic workers’ movement to its neighboring countries
throughout East Asian region. The paper is based on the data
collected from the annual official records maintained by and taken
from online data base of the Philippines Overseas Employment
Administration (The Philippine Overseas Employment
Administration 2013). The statistics taken from the source was
statistically analyzed to identify the patterns of the women migrating
to different countries in East Asia. On the basis of the data analysis,
all the countries of East Asian region are divivided into four broader
categories regarding the number of Filipino women domestic
workers they received during the year 2001 to 2009. The data
analyzed was presented in the forms of graphs for the easy
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 111
understanding of the reader.
Migration of Filipino Women Domestic Workers in Far East &
South East Asian Region
Middle East is the region to which largest number of Filipino women
migrant domestic workers moved to join the service sector industry.
Following the Middle East, East Asian region is ranks second as
welcoming the largest number of Filipino women migrant domestic
workers. The most important most important destinations for Filipino
women labour migrant in East Asian region are Hong Kong,
Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan. While they also
move to other countries of the region e.g. South Korea, China,
Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North Korea, and East
Timor in less numbers. Figure 1 shows the number of Filipino women
migrant hired for the first time during 2001 to 2009 for these different
countries of the East Asian region.
Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013).
Figure 1 clearly shows a wide difference in the proportion of the
Filipino women migrant domestic workers moving to work in Hong
112 Flow of Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers within East Asian Region
Kong as domestic workers as compared to any other country in the
region. The graph presented in Figure 1 is showing that there is
substantial difference in the number of Filipino women migrant
domestic workers moving to Hong Kong as compared to a lesser
number of their counterparts migrating to join domestic work in
Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan. While it is difficult
to show the larger difference in the number the women migrant
domestic worker moving to Cambodia, North Korea, Eat Timore, as
compared to the large number of their counterparts moving to Hong
during the period studied in this paper.
Table 1: Four Categories of Countries in East Asia Receiving
Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers.
Categories Criteria Countries included
1st category This category includes the countries receiving tens of thousands of first hired migrant women domestic workers from Philippines
Hong Kong
2nd category This category includes countries where the number of new hired Filipino women domestic workers during the year 2001 to 2009 ranges from few hundreds to few thousand
Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan
3rd category This category includes the countries that have received few (average less than hundred) women migrant domestic workers from Philippines during the period studied
South Korea, China, Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North Korea, and East Timor
4th category This category included the countries that have not received any new hire Filipino women migrant domestic worker during the period studied here
Mayanmar and Laos
On the basis of the data analysis presented in the graph above, it is
visible that the East Asian countries can be classified into three main
categories in respect of receiving new hired Filipino women migrant
domestic workers. First category includes the countries that received
tens of thousands of first hired migrant women domestic workers
from Philippines during the years 2001 to 2009 (e.g. Hong Kong). The
second category includes countries where the number of new hired
Filipino women domestic workers during the year 2001 to 2009
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 113
ranges from few hundreds to few thousand (e.g. Singapore, Malaysia,
Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan). Third category includes the countries
that have received few, average less than hundred, women migrant
domestic workers from Philippines during the period studied (e.g.
South Korea, China, Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North
Korea, and East Timor). While fourth category included the countries
that have not received any new hire Filipino women migrant
domestic worker during the period studied here (e.g. Mayanmar and
Laos).
Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013)
Figure 2 shows a clearer picture of the patterns of first hire Filipino
women migrant domestic workers’ movement toward the different
East Asian countries except Hong Kong. It more clearly highlight the
number of women moving to the countries that fall in the later three
categories as mentioned above. The patterns of Filipino women
migrant domestic workers moving to all the countries falling these
different categories is discussed in detail in the following sections.
114 Flow of Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers within East Asian Region
1st Category Country: Migration of Filipino Women Domestic
Workers to Hong Kong
Tabassum and her fellows (2014) while studying in detail the patterns
of Filipino women migrant domestic workers to Hong Kong claimed
that the place is the most attractive destination for these women
workers around the world in general and within East Asia in
particular. They claim that Hong Kong receives the largest number of
these women domestic workers as compared to any other country.
The data analysis presented in Figure 1 and Figure 3 also confirms
that Hong Kong is the country that attracts the largest number of
Filipino women domestic workers in East Asian region. It is the only
country that falls in the first category of the countries as prescribed
above for better understanding. The first category of the countries as
defined
Still Hong Kong appears to receive the largest number of Filipino
women migrant domestic workers as compared to any other country
around the world. It also absorbs most of the Filipino women
migrating to the countries in East Asian region as domestic workers.
Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013)
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 115
In East Asian region, Hong Kong appears to be the one country
attracting most of the Filipino women migrant domestic workers.
During the period from 2001 to 2009 total 180567 Filipino women
migrated to join domestic work in Hong Kong.
The year wise data analysis of number of Filipino women migrant
domestic workers shows that the number of women migrating to
Hong Kong as domestic workers remain high throughout the period
from 2001 to 2009. The highest number of Filipino women domestic
workers migrated to Hong Kong during 2001 (i.e. 27,303 women).
Since then the overall number of the women worker moving to this
destination is found declining. But due to receiving the highest
number of tens of thousands women migrant domestic workers from
Philippines Hong Kong is considered the only country included in
First category as mentioned above.
Migration of Filipino Women Domestic Workers to 2nd Category
of Countries
The second category countries include Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan,
Brunei, and Japan. All These countries received only few thousands
to few hundreds of new hires Filipino Women Migrant Domestic
Workers. Singapore received new hires of these women ranging from
1000 to 3000. After the year 2006 Singapore is also witnessing an
overall declining trend in receiving these women workers from
Philippines.
116 Flow of Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers within East Asian Region
Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013)
It is observed that 7.11% (14831 out of 208543) of the total Filipino
women migrant domestic workers moving to 16 East Asian countries
only moved to Singapore during the period studies here. While at the
same time it is observed that only 3.352% (6991 out 208543) of total
Filipino women migrant domestic workers moved to 16 East Asian
countries moved to Malaysia during the same period.
Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013)
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 117
Malaysia as part of second category received less than 1600 of these
women each year. The number of the women domestic workers
migrating to Malaysia range between around 1500 to less than 200.
The overall trend of Malaysia in respect of receiving Filipino women
migrant domestic workers is declining.
Taiwan is also showing the same situation. It is observed that 1.57%
(6991 out of 208543) of the total Filipino migrant domestic workers
moving to 16 East Asian countries moved to Taiwan. The number of
these women Taiwan received each year ranged between 1200 to less
than one hundred. The overall trend in receiving of Filipino women
workers in Taiwan is also declining.
Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013)
Only 1% (2109 out of 208543) of the total Filipino women domestic
workers moving to 16 East Asian countries migrated to Brunei during
this period. The number of women moved to Brunei each year ranged
from 450 to one hundred. The overall trend in the case of Brunei is
also of declining number of the migrant women domestic workers.
118 Flow of Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers within East Asian Region
Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013)
Japan is standing at the lowest edge of second category countries.
Only (0.272%) 568 Filipino women domestic workers moved to Japan
during the year 2001 to 2009. The number of the women moving to
Japan ranged from 130 to only 20. The overall trend is also declining
in this stream of migration to Japan.
Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013)
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 119
Migration of Filipino Women Domestic Workers to Third & Fourth
Categories of Countries
It is observed that only a marginal number of Filipino women
migrated as domestic workers to other countries like South Korea,
China, Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North Korea, East
Timor. All these countries are included into third category of
countries as mentioned above. South Korea Received less than 25 of
these women each year. The number of women received ranged from
24 to 5. Only 144 Filipino women domestic workers migrated to work
in South Korea. It is only 0.069% of total Filipino women migrant
domestic workers moving to East Asian Countries.
Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013)
Similarly, only few women Filipino migrant domestic workers
migrate to China. From 2001 to 2009, only 32 women that is (0.015%)
of the total Filipino women domestic workers moving to East Asian
countries migrated as domestic workers to China.
120 Flow of Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers within East Asian Region
Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013)
The other countries of the region either received a very marginal
number of Filipino women domestic workers. Such as during the
years from 2001 to 2009 Thailand received only 8 Filipino women
domestic workers, Indonesia received 5, Vietnam received 4,
Cambodia received 3, North Korea and East Timor received 1 each.
The Fourth category of the countries only included Myanmar and
Laos, as no Filipino women moved was found to move to these
countries a domestic workers in the official records of the years
studied here.
Conclusion
This paper aimed to review the patterns of Filipino women migrant
domestic workers migration as new hires to different countries of East
Asia. The paper is based on the statistics taken from official records
of the Philippines Overseas Employment Administration. The data
analysis shows that there are four categories of the countries
according to the number of the women migrant these countries
received from Philippines as domestic workers. The first category
includes only one country that is Hong Kong. Hong Kong receives
Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 121
more than tens of thousands of the women domestic workers from
Philippines during the year 2001 to 2009. Second category includes
Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan. These countries
have received few thousand to few hundreds of the women domestic
workers from Philippines. Third category includes a relatively large
number of countries. In this category, South Korea, China, Thailand,
Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North Korea, and East Timor as
countries receiving less than hundred women domestic workers each
year. Fourth category includes only two countries that are Myanmar
and Laos. These two countries did not receive any Filipino women
migrant domestic worker throughout the period studies as shown in
official records. The overall trend of Filipino women migrant
domestic workers migrating within East Asian region is declining.
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