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Chilean Spanish Intonation 255 Chilean Spanish Intonation * Héctor Ortiz a , Marcela Fuentes b and Lluïsa Astruc c Universidad Metropolitana de Ciencias de la Educación and Universidad de Santiago de Chile a Universidad Católica Silva Henríquez b The Open University c and The University of Cambridge c 1. Introduction This chapter presents some of the most representative intonation patterns of the Spanish dialect spoken in Santiago, Chile. Chile is a narrow 4,200kilometrelong strip of land extending down the Pacific Coast of Latin America, of which less than 300,000 square kilometres is habitable. Of the total population of 15 million, just over 8 million live in the capital area around the cities of Santiago, Valparaíso and Rancagua, while another 4 million are concentrated in the southern region from Concepción to Temuco. Traditionally, Chilean linguists have broken Chilean Spanish in four dialect areas mainly on the basis of lexical and segmental differences. The latest standard description (Wagner 1998, 2004), for example, includes 217 rural and urban locations, where 16% and 84% of the Chilean population is concentrated, respectively. We have chosen to describe the Santiago dialect because it is the most representative. Intonation studies in Chile began in the 1950s coinciding with the development of phonology, when Silva Fuenzalida (19561957) reduced pitch contours to a finite number of pitch phonemes which, combined with stress and juncture phonemes, give rise to suprasegmental morphemes. Nothing much happened until Contreras (1976) put forward a theory to describe nuclear accent placement in connection with word order and information structure. A few years later, Silva Corvalán (1984) examined the intonation of OV, narrow focus constructions, and Urrutia (1988) investigated a Chilean southern dialect supported by spectrographic evidence. Relevant instrumental research dates back some fifteen years and concentrates mainly on either Santiago or the southern region. Cepeda conducted a major project on the intonation of different social and age groups in the southern city of Valdivia (Cepeda 1997, 1998a, 1998b, 2000, 2001, 2002, Cepeda et al. 1997, 19981999, 1999, Cepeda and Poblete 1996a, 1996b, Cepeda and Roldán 1995). Tapia (1995) examined the intonation contours of yesno questions and their answers in a corpus collected in Concepción (southern Chile), and Cid (1996) compared the intonation of questiontags in English and Chilean Spanish. Roldán (2000) described the role of pitch variations in the production of attenuated speech. The Santiago dialect was the object of study of a threeyear project carried out at Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile between 1997 and 1999, which involved the analysis of a 25* We thank, first of all, our informants. Thanks go as well to Eva EstebasVilaplana and Christoph Gabriel, and to the editors, Pilar Prieto and Paolo Roseano, who read and commented on a previous draft of this chapter. All the errors that remain are ours.

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Current research on Chilean Intonation with SpToBI marking system. It includes acoustic analysis of interrogatives, declaratives, vocatives, etc.

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  • ChileanSpanishIntonation

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    ChileanSpanishIntonation*

    HctorOrtiza,MarcelaFuentesbandLlusaAstrucc

    UniversidadMetropolitanadeCienciasdelaEducacinandUniversidaddeSantiagodeChilea

    UniversidadCatlicaSilvaHenrquezbTheOpenUniversitycandTheUniversityofCambridgec

    1.Introduction This chapter presents some of the most representative intonation patterns of theSpanishdialectspokeninSantiago,Chile.Chileisanarrow4,200kilometrelongstripoflandextending down the Pacific Coast of Latin America, of which less than 300,000 squarekilometres ishabitable.Ofthetotalpopulationof15million, justover8million live inthecapitalareaaroundthecitiesofSantiago,ValparasoandRancagua,whileanother4millionareconcentratedinthesouthernregionfromConcepcintoTemuco.Traditionally,ChileanlinguistshavebrokenChileanSpanishinfourdialectareasmainlyonthebasisoflexicalandsegmentaldifferences.The latest standarddescription (Wagner1998,2004), forexample,includes 217 rural andurban locations,where16% and 84%of theChileanpopulation isconcentrated,respectively.WehavechosentodescribetheSantiagodialectbecauseitisthemostrepresentative. Intonation studies in Chile began in the 1950s coinciding with the development ofphonology,whenSilvaFuenzalida(19561957)reducedpitchcontourstoafinitenumberofpitch phonemes which, combined with stress and juncture phonemes, give rise tosuprasegmentalmorphemes.NothingmuchhappeneduntilContreras(1976)putforwardatheorytodescribenuclearaccentplacementinconnectionwithwordorderandinformationstructure.A fewyears later,SilvaCorvaln (1984)examined the intonationofOV,narrowfocusconstructions,andUrrutia(1988)investigatedaChileansoutherndialectsupportedbyspectrographicevidence. Relevant instrumentalresearchdatesbacksome fifteenyearsandconcentratesmainlyon either Santiago or the southern region. Cepeda conducted a major project on theintonationofdifferentsocialandagegroups inthesoutherncityofValdivia(Cepeda1997,1998a,1998b,2000,2001,2002,Cepedaetal.1997,19981999,1999,CepedaandPoblete1996a,1996b,CepedaandRoldn1995).Tapia(1995)examinedtheintonationcontoursofyesnoquestionsandtheiranswersinacorpuscollectedinConcepcin(southernChile),andCid(1996)comparedtheintonationofquestiontagsinEnglishandChileanSpanish.Roldn(2000)described the roleofpitch variations in theproductionofattenuated speech.TheSantiago dialectwas the object of study of a threeyear project carried out at PontificiaUniversidadCatlicadeChilebetween1997and1999,which involvedtheanalysisofa25 *We thank, firstof all,our informants.Thanks go aswell toEvaEstebasVilaplana andChristophGabriel,andtotheeditors,PilarPrietoandPaoloRoseano,whoreadandcommentedonapreviousdraftofthischapter.Alltheerrorsthatremainareours.

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    hour corpus; thiswas, at the same time, the first attempt to conduct prosodic researchwithin theAutosegmentalMetrical framework (CidandOrtiz1998,2000,CidandPoblete1999,Cidetal.2000)andtheresultsdonotdiffermuchfromthoseobtainedinthepresentstudy. Rosas (2002) examined the ALECh corpus and described the intonation of 240statements elicited from twelve, mostly regional speakers. Cepeda and Rosas (2007)analysed the configurations of justification adverbial clauses with a discursive politenesseffect,andPereira(2007)lookedintotheroleofpitchandpausetodisambiguateutteranceswith high attachment of relative clauses.More recently, Romn, Cofr and Rosas (2008)compared doublepeak prenuclear patterns in declaratives with singlepeak prenuclearpatternsinquestionsaspartoftheAMPERproject. A few studies have focused mainly on prominence and analysed, for instance, thereaccentuationofgiveninformationandtheshiftingofprenuclearandnuclearpitchaccentsto avoid prominence clashes (Ortiz 1994, 2000, 2003). More recent research hasconcentratedon the strategiesused to solveaccentualclashes (Atria2009),patternswithonesinglepeakbeingthepreferredsolution. Thechapterisorganizedasfollows:section2containstheinventoryofpitchaccentsandboundarytonesfoundintheSantiagoChileandialect;insection3wepresentandcommenton the basic intonation contours found in the Chilean corpus, including statements,questions,commandsandvocatives;andinsection4weofferourconclusions.2.ChileanSpanishintonationalphonology2.1.Thepitchaccents

    Table1showstheinventoryofpitchaccentsusedinthisdescription.Table1: Inventoryofmonotonalandbitonalpitchaccents inChilean Spanishand their schematicrepresentations

    Monotonalpitchaccents

    L* This accent is phonetically realised as a low plateau at theminimum of the speakers range. In the present corpus, it isfound in thenuclearpositionofwhandechoquestions,gentlerequestsandthelastitemofclosedenumerations.

    H* This accent is phonetically realised as a high plateau with nopreceding F0 valley. In our data, it is attested as one of thepossible choices for nuclear position in invitational questions,openenumerationsandcallingcontoursfollowedbyH%.

    Bitonalpitchaccents

    L+H* This accent is phonetically realised as a rising pitchmovementduringtheaccentedsyllablewiththeF0peak locatedattheendofthissyllable.Itcanbefound inthenuclearpositionofnarrow

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    focus statements, statements of the obvious, wh questions,neutral yesno questions, counterexpectational and echoquestions, commands and vocatives, among others. Thedownsteppedversion isattested inneutral statements,and theupstepped version, in emphatic and contradiction statementsandinvitationalandrhetoricalquestions.

    L+>H* Thisaccentisphoneticallyrealisedasarisingpitchmovementonthe accented syllable with the F0 peak usually slightly alignedwith the postaccentual syllable. It is attested in the prenuclearposition of broad focus statements, exclamative statements,commands,requestsandquestionsofalltypes.

    H+L* This accent is phonetically realised as a F0 fall within theaccented syllable. It is attested in nuclear position in yesnoquestionsandechoquestions(witharisingcontour);inquestionsseeking confirmationand indisjunctivequestions (witha fallingcontour). The downstepped version is found in broad focusstatements.

    2.2.TheboundarytonesTable2:Inventoryofmonotonalandbitonalboundarytones inChileanSpanishandtheirschematicrepresentations

    Monotonalboundarytones

    L% L% isphonetically realisedasa lowsustained toneorafallingtoneatthebaselineofthespeaker.It isfoundatthe end of broad and narrow focus statements,commands, wh questions, invitational and rhetoricalquestions,yesnoquestionsandvocatives.

    M% M% is phonetically realised as a rising or falling

    movement to a target mid point. It is attested inuncertaintystatements,echoand imperativequestions,callingvocatives,greetingsandcourtesyadverbials.

    H% H% isphonetically realised as a risingpitchmovementcoming froma loworahighpitchaccent. It is found ingentlerequests,invitationsanduncertaintystatements.

    Bitonalboundarytones

    HH% HH%isphoneticallyrealisedasasharpriseattheendofthe phrase usually attaining the highest level of thespeakersrange.Itisfoundinquestionsofvarioustypes.

    LH% LH% isphoneticallyrealisedasaF0valleyfollowedbyarise.Itisattestedincounterexpectationalquestions.

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    3.BasicintonationalpatternsinChileanSpanish Following the guidelines established for the present volume, a total of 69 utterances(plusanother6whichhelpeduscorroborate initial findings)were recordedby5SantiagoChileanSpanishspeakers(2womenand3men)between30and65yearsold,whichyieldeda total of 375 configurations. The recordings were analysed separately by the threeresearchers and the results were compared with consensus then being reached on anyinitiallydifferinganalyses.Itisworthnotingthatsomeoftherecordingswereanalysedmorethan once and that, on thewhole, therewas notmuch interresearcher variation in thepreliminaryanalysisandintonationalmarking.The69utteranceswereobtainedbymeansofaguidedquestionnairebasedonPrieto(1991)consistingofvariouscontextsandsituationswhich elicited semispontaneous answers, although the questionnairewasmodified bothlexically and syntactically in order to reflect Chilean usage. The basic version of thisquestionnaire can be found in Prieto and Roseano (coords. 20092010). A few moresentencetypeswereaddedmainlytoascertaintheexistenceoftheprenuclearaccentL*+Hand thestatusof finalvocatives.Thecollectedutteranceswereclassified intostatements,questions(wh,yesno,etc.),commands,requestsandvocatives.Inthecaseofthefirsttwocategories, both marked and unmarked versions were considered, as well as meaningsassociated with attitudinal factors which convey more or less subtle overtones, such asfactual,exclamatoryanddisapprovingdeclaratives,invitationalandcriticalquestions,etc. Our theoretical framework conforms to the revised Sp_ToBI proposal by EstebasVilaplana and Prieto (2008) developed for Castilian Spanish. With respect to the earliermodelbyBeckmanetal.(2002),thisbasicallyentailstheincorporationofnewpitchaccentsL*andL*+H,thusyieldinganinventoryoftwomonotonal(L*andH*)andfourbitonalpitchaccents(L+H*,L+>H*,L*+HandH+L*),aswellasbitonalboundarytones,tomakeupatotaloffour,i.e.tworises(HH%andLH%),afall(HL%)andamidstylisedtone(M%).Oneofthemainaimsof thischapter is todetermine theextentofwhich thenew (CastilianSpanish)proposalconforms to thedescriptionof theSantiagoChileandialect.TheutteranceswereacousticallyanalysedwithPraat(BoersmaandWeenink2010). Inthissectionweexaminethemainintonationpatternsfoundforthevarioussentencetypes in the Santiago Chilean dialect in the following order: 3.1 statements; 3.2 biasedstatements;3.3questions(includingyesnoandwh);3.4commands;and3.5vocatives.3.1.Statements

    3.1.1.Broadfocusstatements BroadfocusstatementsaretypicallyproducedwithL+>H*prenuclearaccentsandwithL+!H*or, less frequently, !H+L*asnuclearaccents, followedbyL%.That is,as inCastilianSpanish and other dialects, prenuclear accents are consistently produced with a risethroughoutthestressedsyllableandapeakinthepostaccentedsyllable.Itisworthnoting,however, that thedelayedpeak isnotas lateas inCastilian.Thedifferencebetween thehighestpointintheprenuclearaccentandthedelayedpeakmayoftenbeaslowas5Hz.The

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    other proposed prenuclear accent, L*+H, which underlines the auditory perception of adelayed peak, was not found in the present corpus. Unlike Castilian and other Spanishdialects, Santiago Chilean Spanish does not havemonotonal L* nuclear accents in broadfocus declaratives. Indeed, the most frequent nuclear accent is a rise aligned with thestressed syllable and downstepped to the previous accent, which conveys an involvedattitudeonthepartofthespeaker.Theotherpossibilityisafallwithinthenuclearsyllable,whichsignalsmorefactualandthereforelessenthusiasticinformation.Thisisalsothetypeofnuclearaccent found in the last itemsofclosedenumerations.We therefore transcribethe typical nuclear accents of Santiago broad focus statements as either L+!H*, after aprevious H* accent (as is also reported for Mexican Spanish by delaMota et al. thisvolume) or !H+L*, as we can see in figures 1 and 2. The latter implies less emotionalinvolvement.3.1.2.Biasedstatements The nuclear accent used in biased statements differs from that of broad focusstatements intherelativeprominenceoftheF0peak.ThishigherpeakcanbetranscribedeitherasL+H* (without thedownstepdiacritic)orasL+H* (withanupstepdiacritic).Thistranscriptionallowsustodistinguishamongthreelevelsofprominence,namelyL+!H*,L+H*andL+H*.3.1.2.1.Narrowfocusstatements Contrastive narrow focus can also be expressedwith a L+H* nuclear accent. Figure 3showsthesentenceNo,de limones No,of lemons,elicited inresponseto Doyouwantakilogramoforanges?byamalespeaker.Bothaccentshavebeenrealisedonanextrahighpitch,whichwetranscribesimplyasL+H*,bearinginmindthatthetargetsrepresenthighF0values.SimilarpatternsareattestedinEcuadorian(seeORourkethisvolume),Castilian(seeEstebasVilaplanaandPrieto thisvolume)andMexicanSpanish (seedelaMotaetal. thisvolume). Narrowfocuscontradictionstatementsaresimilartocorrectionstatements.Thenuclearconfiguration used in emphatic statements (L+H*) is also used in example 4, thecontradiction statement No, se van a Lima! No, theyre going to Lima!, with which aspeaker amicably but firmly contradicts information wrongly assumed by a friend. Therendering is relatively slow and the presence of three pitch accents gives it a deliberateflavour.

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    Figure1:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthebroadfocusstatementBebeunalimonadaS/heisdrinkinglemonadeproducedwithaL+>H*prenuclearaccentandL+!H*nuclearaccent

    followedbyaL%boundarytone.

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    Figure2:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthebroadfocusstatementMaracome

    mandarinasMaraiseatingtangerinesproducedwithL+>H*and!H*prenuclearaccentsanda!H+L*nuclearaccentfollowedbyaL%boundarytone.

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    Figure3:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthenarrowfocusstatementNo,delimonesNo,of

    lemonsproducedwithtwoidenticalL+H*L%nuclearconfigurations.

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    Figure4:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthecontradictionstatementNo,sevanaLima!

    No,theyregoingtoLima!producedwithaL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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    3.1.2.2.Exclamativestatements ThehigherdegreeofemphasiscanbeseenintheexclamativestatementQufromshorrible! Itsdreadfullycold!,which istranscribedwithaL+H*nuclearaccentonhorriblefollowedbyaL%boundarytone,asshowninfigure5.3.1.2.3.Statementsoftheobvious The meaning conveyed by this sort of statement is obviousness. The speaker isexpressing surprise (perhaps ironic)while answering an interlocutors question, believingthatthisanswerisselfevident.Figure6displaystheintonationcontourofthesentenceS,mujer, deGuillermo! Yes [shes pregnant] byGuillermo [of course]! consisting of similarL+H*prenuclearaccentsandaL+H*nuclearaccentwithalowboundarytoneL%.(NotethisconfigurationisalsoreportedforVenezuelanAndeanSpanishbyAstrucetal.thisvolume.)3.1.2.4.Uncertaintystatements Asinotherdialects,uncertaintystatementstakeaM%boundarytone.Thespeakerhasher doubts about a present she has bought and produces a type of configurationwhosemeaningcanbeassociatedwithaselfdoubtingattitude.Fromadiscoursepointofview,thistype of pattern consists of two intonational phrases, the first ofwhich conveys the newinformationandthesecondofwhichconveysgivenness,witharelativelystableplateau inbetween.Thetwointonationalphrasesseeninexampleinfigure7,Puedequenolegusteelregalo que le compr S/he may not like the present I have bought him/her, have nometricalbreak.ThefirsthasaL+>H*H%nuclearpatterntoexplainthediponguste,whichsignals the new information, while the second, associated with background information,takesaH*M%configuration.3.2.Questions3.2.1.Yesnoquestions Asusualinotherdialects,yesnoquestionsoffermorevarietythanstatements.Tobeginwith,prenuclearaccentsareoftwotypes,H+L*andL+>H*,whereastheprenuclearaccentofstatementsisL+>H*.Wefindthreemainnuclearconfigurations:H+L*,i.e.astepdowntothenuclearsyllable;L+H*,i.e.arisewithinthenuclearsyllable;andL*beforethefinalhightarget.Finally,theboundarytonescanvarybetweenL%andHH%.Figure8givesanexampleofthe informationseekingyesnoquestionYa llegMara? HasMariaarrivedyet?,withtwoprenuclearaccents,L+H*andH+L*,thelatterstartingadistinctdipbeforethefinalriseL+H*HH%.Hereitisworthpointingoutthatthetargetofthistypeoffinalriseisnotashighas in other Spanish dialects, like Castilian (EstebasVilaplana and Prieto this volume) andMexicanSpanish(delaMotaetal.thisvolume).Infact,theMexicanrealisationofHH%is,incomparison,extremelyhigh. Ingeneral,themeaningsassociatedwiththeseconfigurationsinvolvegenuineinterestonthepartofthespeaker.

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    Qu fro ms horrible!

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    Figure5:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheexclamativestatementQufromshorrible!Itsdreadfullycold!producedwithaL+H*nuclearpitchaccentfollowedbyaL%boundarytone.

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    Figure6:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthestatementoftheobviousS,mujer,deGuillermo!Yes[shespregnant]byGuillermo[ofcourse]!producedwithtwoL+H*prenuclear

    accentsandaL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure7:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheuncertaintystatementPuedequenolegusteelregaloquelecomprS/hemaynotlikethepresentIhaveboughthim/herproducedwithtwo

    intonationalphrases,thefirstwithaL+>H*configurationandthesecondwithH*M%.

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    Figure8:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheinformationseekingyesnoquestionYalleg

    Mara?HasMariaarrivedyet?producedwithaL+H*HH%nuclearconfiguration.

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    It isdifficult to find totallyneutral yesnoquestions in our corpus, asmostquestionsappear to have nuances of politeness or some other pragmatic overtone. For instance,questionssuchasTienehora?Haveyougotthetime?,Tienemermelada?Haveyougotany jam?,Puedoentrar? May I come in?were interpretedas requestswithgreaterorlesserdegreesofformalityand/ordeferentiality. Gentlerequestsareexemplifiedinfigures9and10.ThefirstisTienemermelada?Haveyougotany jam?andthesecond,Tienehora? Haveyougotthetime?.ThefirsttakesaH+L*prenuclearaccentandaL+H*nuclearaccentwithahightarget,aconfigurationwhichsimplycarriesameaningofpoliteness.Inthesecondexample,ontheotherhand,apleadingnuance isaddedtopoliteness,suggestedbytheL*L%nuclearconfiguration inwhichL* isrealisedwithamarkedly longsyllable.Thispattern isverycommon in indirectspeechactssuchascommandsof the typeVen Comewithabeggingovertone, that is, Ibegyou tocome. Figure11showsaversionofadisjunctivequestion,inwhichthefirstphraserisestoHHwhile the second falls to L%. This makes the meaning more pointed but still friendly,suggestedbythevoicequalitythespeakeruses,whichextendsoverthewholeutterance:alabialsettingimplyingapermanenthalfsmile(Laver1994:398).3.2.2.Biasedyesnoquestions3.2.2.1.Echoyesnoquestions Echoquestionshaveapattern similar to informationseekingyesnoquestions,exceptthat the boundary tone has a higher target: a nuclear accent L* followed by a HH%boundary.Phoneticallyspeaking,therealisationofthistypeofboundaryishigherthanthatofordinaryyesnoquestions.Figure12illustratesDijistequesonlasnueve?Didyousayitwasnineoclock?Thenucleardipprecedingthefinalrisereinforcestheeffectofsurpriseddisbelieforincredulity.Bycontrast,ashallowerdipandweakerrisewouldturnthequestionintoaneutralechoquestion. A counterexpectational yesno question expressingmarked incredulity, Tienes fro?!Yourecold?!,isproducedwithabitonalboundarytoneLH%,whichisnotnormallyfoundinother sentence types in theSantiagoChileandialectand is illustrated in figure13.ThenuclearconfigurationisL+H*LH%.3.2.2.2.Imperativeyesnoquestions Another example of an indirect speech act is a yesno question used to express acommand. In our corpus, the imperative yesno question Quieren callarse? Would youpleasebequiet?wasproducedwithaH*prenuclearandaL+H*M%nuclearpattern(figure14). Questionswithaninvitationalnuanceconsistofacharacteristicsteadyrise(H*HH%),asexemplified in figure15,where theboundary tonehasanoticeablyhigh target.Thesamepattern would turn a polite question, like that in 10, into a much more neutral yesnoquestion,deprivedofthepoliteovertone.

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    Figure9:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthepoliteyesnoquestionTienemermelada?

    Haveyougotanyjam?producedwithaL+H*HH%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure10:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthepoliteyesnoquestionwithapleadingnuance

    Tienehora?Haveyougotthetime?producedwithaL*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure11:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthedisjunctivequestionQuierenmelno

    helado?Wouldyoulikemelonoricecream?thefirstpartofwhichisproducedwithaL+H*HHandthesecondwithaH+L*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figures12:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheechoyesnoquestionDijistequesonlas

    nueve?Didyousayitwasnineoclock?producedwithaL*HH%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure13:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthecounterexpectationalyesnoquestion

    Tienesfro?!Yourecold?!producedwithaL+H*LH%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure14:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheimperativeyesnoquestionQuieren

    callarse?Wouldyoupleasebequiet?producedwithaL+H*M%configuration.

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    3.2.2.3.Confirmationyesnoquestions A yesnoquestionexpecting confirmation, Verdadque vasa venir? You are coming,arentyou?,wassaid inourcorpuswithanuclearpatternsimilar to that inexample2,aversionofabroadfocusstatement,thatis,afinalfallinvolvingaH+L*nuclearaccentandaL% boundary tone. Themain difference lies in the high plateau reached in the questionbetweentheprenuclearandthenuclearaccents,asshowninfigure16.3.2.3.Whquestions As inotherSpanishdialects,whquestionscan takeeithera fallingora risingnuclearpattern.AquestionsuchasQuhoraes?Whattime isit?,forexample,willtakearise ifthe speaker asks an open, more neutral question, whereas a more urgent meaning isconveyedwithafall,that is,whenthespeakerscourseofactiondependsonhowearlyorlate it is. In figure17, the informationseekingwhquestionDedndevienes? Wheredoyou come from? displays a L+H* prenuclear and a L*HH% nuclear configurationwhich,phoneticallyspeaking,hasarelativelymildrisecomparedwithothersamplesinourcorpus.Therelativelyhighkeyconveysaneutralmeaning. Adifferenttypeofwhquestionisshowninfigure18,whereweseeaL+H*prenuclearconfigurationandaL*L%nuclearpattern.Thissuggestsamoreserious,urgentovertone.3.2.4.Biasedwhquestions3.2.4.1.Echowhquestions Withechoquestionsspeakersrepeattheinformationreceivedeitherbecausetheyhavenotheardandaskforrepetitionorbecausetheyneedtohave itclear intheirmindbeforegivingananswer.Aneutralechowhquestion isexemplified in figure19,where Dndevoy?WhereamIgoing?issaidwithaL+H*prenuclearandaL*HH%nuclearconfiguration. Asimilarhighpitchedboundarytonecanbeseen inthenextbiasedwhquestionusedtoconveyincredulity.Theearlydipoftheprenuclearaccentandthehighpitchedboundarytone reinforce the emphatic meaning of the counterexpectational echo wh questiondisplayedinfigure20Qudicesquetedieron?Whatdoyousaytheygaveyou?3.2.4.2.Imperativewhquestions Anexampleofanimperativewhquestion,withwhichthespeakerurgesthelistenertocarryoutaneglected task, is shown in figure21,Cundo lovasahacer? Whenareyougoingtodoit?,realisedwithaL+H*prenuclearandaL*L%nuclearpattern. Thesamepleadingnuance inexample10(Tienehora?) ispresent inthefollowingwhquestion,figure22,withaninvitationflavour,Porqunovienen?Whydontyoucome?,inwhichthereisagainafallingnuclearcontourL+H*L%withsyllablelengthening.

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    Figure15:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheinvitationyesnoquestionQuierencaramelos?Wouldyoulikesomesweets?producedwithaH*HH%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure16:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheconfirmationyesnoquestionVerdadque

    vasavenir?Youarecoming,arentyou?producedwithaH+L*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure17:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheinformationseekingwhquestionDednde

    vienes?Wheredoyoucomefrom?producedwithaL*HH%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure18:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheurgentwhquestionDedndevienes?

    Wheredoyoucomefrom?producedwithaL*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure19:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheneutralechowhquestionDndevoy?

    WhereamIgoing?producedwithaL*HH%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Qu dices que te dieron?

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    Figure20:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthecounterexpectationalwhquestionQudicesquetedieron?Whatdoyousaytheyservedyou?producedwithaL+H*HH%nuclear

    configuration.

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    Cundo lo vas (a) hacer?

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    Figure21:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheimperativewhquestionCundolovasa

    hacer?Whenareyougoingtodoit?producedwithaL*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Por qu no vienen?

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    Figure22:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheinvitationwhquestionPorqunovienen?

    Whydontyoucome?,producedwithaL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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    3.2.4.3.Rhetoricalwhquestions Rhetorical questions are those which do not expect an answer and are used eitherbecausethis isselfevidentorwhenspeakersthemselvesprovide it. Inthepresentcorpus,anexampleof the first type,Quharansinm? Whatwouldyoudowithoutme?,wasproducedwith two L+>H*prenuclear accents followedbya L+H* L%nuclearpattern, aspresented in figure23.Theteasing,smugattitudethisquestionconveys isreinforcedbyabrisk,clippedrenderingofthenuclearsyllable(m).

    3.3.Commandsandrequests3.3.1.Commands Strongillocutionaryforceisassociatedwiththerisingfallingnuclearconfiguration L+H*L%. In the following example, there is also a profusion of rising prenuclear accents L+H*whichpreparetheground,sotospeak,forthefallingnuclearaccent.ThiscanbeseeninthecommandVenparaacahoramismo!Comehereatonce!,figure24.3.3.2. Requests A similar pattern to that described in figure 2 for a neutral statement, i.e. a L+>H*prenuclear accent and a !H+L* L% nuclear configuration, is found in the neutral requestLlenenesteformulario Fill inthis form.Softened,more invitationalcommandsandgentlerequestsareobtainedinvariousways,suchasbymovingtheHtargetofthefirst,prenuclearaccent,toahigherregisterand/orbyusingaM%boundarytone.Anotheroption involvesthe addition of a falling or rising courtesy adverbial such as por favor please,which isgenerallyunaccentedandappendedtothemainclauseormaytakeariseending inaM%boundarytone.AsimilarcontourisattestedinVenezuelanAndeanSpanish(Astrucetal.thisvolume).Thefirstoftheseoptionsisillustratedinfigure25.

    Finally, in figure 26we illustrate an insistent cajoling requestwithwhich the speakerintends to win her interlocutors trust. Ya, ven, hombre Come on, come with us, manconsists of three rising pitch accents, the nuclear accent occurring on the vocative thatconcludes the utterance. In the Chilean dialect, sentencefinal accented vocatives areassociatedwithaweightypragmaticmeaning.

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    Qu haran sin m?

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    Figure23:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortherhetoricalwhquestionQuharansinm?

    Whatwouldyoudowithoutme?producedwithaL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure24:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthecommandVenparaacahoramismo!Come

    hereatonce!producedwithaL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure25:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortherequestLlenenesteformulario,porfavorFill

    inthisform,pleaseproducedwithaL+H*M%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure26:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthegentlerequestYa,ven,hombreComeon,

    comewithus,manproducedwithaL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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    3.4.Vocatives As pointed out previously (Ortiz 1994), vocatives are normally accented in utteranceinitialposition inChileanSpanish. In finalposition,however,theaccentuationofvocativesdepends on the illocutionary force of the speech act. We can safely distinguish, then,betweenmarkedandunmarkedfinalvocatives.ToChileanears,anaccentedvocative,whichis typicalofother Spanishdialects in all situations (Castilian Spanish, for example)wouldsounddefinitelyexaggeratedinthecaseillustratedinfigure27,elicitedbythecontextYousayhellotosomebodyyouseeeverydayatwork.Thisistheunmarkedformofaddressandtheresultisasinglepitchaccent(L*+HHH%)onholaandadeaccentedfinalvocativewhichmerely completes the rise. The accented vocative hombre seen in example 26 soundsemotionallyinvolved.Anunaccentedvocative,whichisalsopossiblehere,wouldsoundlessenthusiastic. Vocatives can also be used as tentative calls. Figure 28, Marina!, shows one of thepossibleversionsofthis:thecallingcontourcommonlyknownasthestylisedtone,whichisasustainedmidpitchL+H*M%.The sameconfiguration isalso reportedbyORourkeetal.with respect to Ecuadorian Andean Spanish (this volume) and is also found in Castilian(EstebasVilaplana and Prieto this volume) and Mexican Spanish (delaMota et al. thisvolume).4.Conclusions Thefollowingmainconclusionsmaybedrawnfromtheabovedescription:

    a) ThereareanumberofcoincidencesbetweentheChileanandCastilianSpanishpitchaccentandboundarytone inventories.This isthecaseofthemonotonalH*andL*andthebitonalL+H*,L+>H*andH+L*accents. It isalsotrueofthemonotonalH%,L%andM%andthebitonalHH%andLH%boundarytones.

    b) There isvery littleevidence,however,oftheexistenceofL*+HandnoevidenceoftheboundarytoneHL%.

    c) L+H*and itsupsteppedversionL+H*arethemost frequentnuclearpitchaccents,whereasH+L* is the least frequent.As toboundary tones, thebitonalvariety isofrareoccurrence.

    d) L+>H* is often realised with very little peak delay compared with other Spanishdialects;L+H*isnotanunusualalternativeinprenuclearposition.

    e) Nuclearsyllablelengtheningmaycontributesignificantlytosofteningcommandsandturning certain yesno questions, and even statements, into indirect speech actsinvolvingapleadingattitude.

    f) Unmarked, final vocatives used simply to address an interlocutor, as opposed totentativecallsorcallingfromoveradistance,areunaccentedandmerelyappendedtoaprecedingnuclearaccent.

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    vocativeinHola,MarioHello,MarioproducedwithaL*+HHH%nuclearconfiguration.

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    Figure28:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthevocativeMarina!usedasatentativecall,

    producedwithaL+H*M%nuclearconfiguration.

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    SomeofthemostfrequentintonationcontoursforavarietyofsentencetypesoccurringinSantiagoChileanSpanishhavebeendescribedinthischapter.Thefollowingchartcontainsasummaryofthenuclearpitchconfigurations(finalpitchaccentandboundarytones).Thesehavebeenorganizedaccordingtothedifferentsentencetypes.

    Table3:InventoryofnuclearpitchconfigurationsinChileanSpanishandtheirschematicrepresentations

    Statements

    Broadfocusstatements

    L+!H*L%

    !H+L*L%

    Biasedstatements

    Narrowfocusstatements

    L+H*L%

    Contradictionstatements

    L+H*L%

    Exclamativestatements

    L+H*L%

    Statementsoftheobvious

    L+H*L%

    Uncertaintystatements

    H*M%

    Questions

    Yesnoquestions

    Informationseekingyesnoquestions

    L+H*HH%

    Politeyesnoquestions

    L+H*HH%

    L*L%

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    Biasedyesnoquestions

    Echoyesnoquestions

    L*HH%

    Counterexpectationalyesnoquestions

    L+H*LH%

    Imperativeyesnoquestions

    L+H*M%

    Invitationyesnoquestions

    H*HH%

    Confirmationyesnoquestions

    H+L*L%

    Whquestions

    Informationseekingwhquestions

    L*HH%

    Urgentwhquestions

    L*L%

    Biasedwhquestions

    Echowhquestions

    L*HH%

    Counterexpectationalwhquestions

    L+H*HH%

    Imperativewhquestions

    L*L%

    Rhetoricalwhquestions

    L+H*L%

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    Imperatives:commandsandrequests

    Commands

    L+H*L%

    Requests

    L+H*M%

    L+H*L%

    Vocatives

    Tentativecalls

    L+H*M%

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