Children Unearthed

| Children Unearthed: The Inca Issue

CHILDREN UNEARTHED

The Incan Issue

WHAT CAN PHYSICAL EVIDENCE TELL US

ABOUT THE LIVES OF CHILD MUMMIES?

2

THE CHILDREN LEFT BEHIND: THE ROLE OF CHILDREN IN INCAN CULTURE

Page 5

In this issue…

THE CHILDREN OF THE CAPACOCHA: CHILD SACRIFICE

Page 10

March 2012

Photo: Giovanni Paccaloni

WHAT CAN PHYSICAL EVIDENCE TELL US

ABOUT THE LIVES OF CHILD MUMMIES?

Page 15 Photo: Giovanni Paccaloni


Image Sources: Cover Image

A view from above of the Andes in Peru. Giovanni Paccaloni. Kathika: Travel Photo of the Day Peruvian Andes. Retrieved March 18, 2012 from: http://kathika.com/travel-‐photo-‐of-‐

the-‐day-‐642009-‐peruvian-‐andes/ Images on next page

1. The location of the highest archaeological site in the world, Mount Llullaillaco. Kim MacQuarrie. Kim MacQuarrie’s Peru & South America Blog. Retrieved March 18, 2012 from: http://lastdaysoftheincas.com/wordpress/?attachment_id=195 2. A gold camelid uncovered with The Llullaillaco Boy; he was sacrificed at age seven and his remains are approximately 500 years old. Museo de Arqueologia de Alta Montana. New York Times: Children of the Cold. Retrieved March 18, 2012 from: http://www.nytimes.com/slideshow/2007/09/10/science/20070911_MUMMY_SLIDESHOW_7.html

CHILDREN UNEARTHED: The Incan Issue March 2012


Contents

Editor’s Note ………..Page 4 The Children Left Behind…………………Page 5 The Capacocha……..Page 10 Exploring the involvement of children in ancient Inca ritual Traces of Life:............Page 15 What can physical evidence tell us about the lives of child mummies?


It’s been another terrific month here at Children

Unearthed, and we’ve been working hard to bring you

our latest edition: the Inca issue! As always, we try to

thoroughly explore the contribution of children to the

societies of the past, while keeping our minds critical,

and not jumping to conclusions. As archaeologists the

world over know all too well, evidence can often be

interpreted in many ways. It is important to keep our

minds open to even the most improbable possibilities,

especially when it comes to interpreting the remains of

children, whose societal roles are not always clear from

their burials.

This issue is dedicated entirely to the exploration

of the Incas. The Incan Empire was a fascinating society

that spanned many South American countries prior to

the arrival of the Spanish colonists. What makes this

culture fascinating for our purposes is not just the role

of children in Incan society, but also their role in a

captivating ritual, the Capacocha. In this issue we will

explore how the Incas values children in their culture

and investigate why specific children were chosen for

the ritual, as well as take a look at some of the evidence

from one of the best preserved Capacocha sites, the

summit of Mount Llullaillaco.

We hope that you enjoy reading this issue of

Children Unearthed as much as we enjoyed putting it

together. Happy studies!

-‐ Katie, Annelise and Taylor

Editor’s note…


By: Annelise Milliken

The Children Left Behind

Children Unearthed: The Inca Issue 6

lthough they are found often and make up a large percentage of the archaeological record

children are often not studied beyond what they are found with and what the archaeological record shows us. Children play a pivotal role in growing cultures and societies. How they are treated may not be shown in their grave, tell us how they are buried and what they were buried with and this can show us the importance of them in the culture. It is said that children are significant social and economic actors in their own right and that the organization of families, communities, and societies often prioritize the care and training of children1. Why is there such a an absence of children in the archaeological record, leaving us to only make educated guesses as to how they were treated and used? This is notable specifically for the Incan population, as we do not have much left behind because there was no written record to tell us what life was like, before the Spanish explorers had taken their land. Much of what we do have are Spanish accounts of what they found when they arrived on Incan land. They may not have had the proper technologies and understandings that we have now to take proper account of this unknown culture. While the Spanish are incompetent, times have changed since 1515.

Children played a significant role in Incan societies. The Incan culture, like most, valued their children and what they offered to their family and society. As a predominantly agricultural society, the Incans loved having the extra set of hands to do the work, and they

spent a lot of their time farming and producing food for themselves as well as to sell and trade. The whole family worked to produce as much as they could for themselves and their community. The boys, however are not as important in Incan culture as they are in others. The production of daughters was seen as a desirable cultural goal for everyone. Holding women highly in their culture, as a matrilineal society, the Incas spent a lot of time with the mother’s side of the family2. Inca women were given in marriage to provincial elites, giving the community a leg up on others3. They were seen as political capital3. The bigger the family the more land to cultivate pleasing the community and the Gods. The government encouraged them to have more children and rewarded them for it with more land to cultivate4. This is just one of the many roles that children played in Incan culture.

A

Modern Incan Children dressed in traditional clothing; Source 2 & Source 1



The other is for ritual and child sacrifice. The Capacocha is a ritual that the Inca practiced, sacrificing their most physically beautiful children. They were dressed and adorned and treated to the feasts and then sacrificed by 500 priests5. The children were sometimes buried with miniature objects and figurines that were identically dressed like the children themselves. They were also buried with ceramics such as bowls that would have been used for feasting5. According to the Inca the more precious the sacrifice the more likely the gods were to respond4.

he current interpretations used to discuss the material culture found and the life ways of the Inca seem to be one sided; the children are raised to help the family and community through

agricultural production. If you were able bodied you would be put to work to please the gods and help the poor4. None of these interpretations consider that the children could be produced for child sacrifice. It is true and incredibly practical that could be children are produced for the production of agriculture. It would help the community produce higher quantities of food in order to feed the growing community and the surrounding communities. However, is it possible that the reason why some children are produced specifically for the inevitable sacrifice? There is a

very good possibility that the children chosen for these rituals may have been made for it. Did you ever think it is possible that pairing up a good-‐looking man and women would make an extremely physically beautiful child, producing them solely for the purpose of the Inca ritual? I think there is a good possibility that this could have been the reason that so many children were produced. If they were not chosen for sacrifice they could be

married away to gain political capital. It may seem like a morbid reason for producing children but nowadays we can genetically modify fertilized eggs to have the traits that we want them too therefore, why not try and produce a beautiful child to be seen if

T

Treasures left Behind Some of the many Inca items found with the children at Mount Llullaillaco. Pots used in rituals, figurines and bags for the Gods above. Source; 3, 4, 5



they get chosen. Couples were rewarded for having the most beautiful child chosen to be part of the sacrifice, so why not try. It is apparent that children were used in more innovative ways then we may think they are in our culture. Not only are they handy to do some extra plowing to cultivate land but also they can be used for much more than that.

This idea is one we may never

be able to tell from the material culture found at the burials, nor something we can find on the bodies of the individuals buried. Even with that we may never find a written record of what went on behind the closed doors of the Inca. References: 1. Baxter, J. (2008). The archaeology of childhood. Annual Review of Anthropology, 37(1), 159-‐175. doi:10.1146/annurev.anthro.37.081407.085129 2. Yaya, I. (2008). The importance of initiatory ordeals: Kinship and politics in an inca narrative. Ethnohistory, 55(1), 51-‐85. doi:10.1215/00141801-‐2007-‐046 3. Malpass, M. A. (2009). Daily life in the inca empire. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press. 4. Hughes, J. D. (1999). Conservation in the inca empire. Capitalism Nature Socialism, 10(4), 69-‐76. doi:10.1080/10455759909358886 5. Andrushko, V. A., Buzon, M. R., Gibaja, A. M., McEwan, G. F., Simonetti, A., & Creaser, R. A. (2011). Investigating a child sacrifice event from the inca heartland. Journal of Archaeological Science, 38(2), 323-‐333. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2010.09.009

Images: 1. N, J. (Producer). (2009). Incredible inca. [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://www.justfoodnow.com/2009/02/26/incredible-inca/ 2. Gilbert, J. (Photographer). (2012). Children in traditional dress. [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://www.worldisround.com/articles/3352/photo3.html 3. Stenzel , M. (Photographer). (n.d.). 661811. [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://www.nationalgeographicstock.com/ngsimages/explore/explorecomp.jsf?xsys=SE&id=661811 4. Stenzel, M. (Photographer). (n.d.). 661817. [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://www.nationalgeographicstock.com/ngsimages/explore/explorecomp.jsf?xsys=SE&id=661817 5. (2010). Chachapoya mummies. (2010). [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://darkdissolution.blogspot.ca/2010/05/mummys-day.html 6. Holliday, R. (Photographer). (2008). The grown-up gapper: a fit of escapism. [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/travel/hubs/gapyear/2596054/The-grown-up-gapper-a-fit-of-escapism.html

Modern day Gapper Girls, Source: 6



The 15-‐year-‐old “Llullaillaco Maiden” was sacrificed Source: 1 pg 14

Source: 6, pg 14

Source: 2 pg 14

Source: 3, pg 14

Source:5, pg 14

Source: 7, pg 14

Source: 8, pg 14 Source: 9, pg 14

Figurines found with child mnummies Source: 4, pg 14

Children of The Capachoca

| Children Unearthed: The Inca Issue 10

associated with the Incan

The Children of the Capacocha:

Exploring the involvement of children in an ancient Incan ritual

By Katherine Colwell



Capacocha ritual had captivated both professional and amateur archaeologists, including myself, since the first one was discovered at the end of the 19th century. To date less than twenty Capacocha sites have been found, but since many are on high altitude, rarely traveled mountain summits, it is possible that more exist and just have not been discovered yet. While many details of the ritual remain unknown, modern dating techniques and Spanish colonial documents have helped to shed some light on this fascinating, and, to some, shocking, custom. What has not been adequately addressed in the literature, however, is why children were chosen as sacrifices in this ritual. When discussing the Incan Capacocha it is important to clarify that child sacrifice was not as common to the Incas as it was to the Aztecs, nor was it a defining part of their culture3. The Capacocha was an important religious and political event which involved the ritual sacrifice of animals, objects and occasionally children 3. It appears that the ritual had both religious and political importance.

Through both neuron activation analysis of the pottery found with the mummies3 and stable isotope analysis of the mummies’ hair5, it has been determined that many children were not killed in the regions where they grew up. There are exceptions to this, but the majority of children who were killed in the Capacocha were first taken to Cuzco, an important city, now in modern day Peru. Here great feasting took place before the children were moved again, to the corners of the empire where they would be sacrificed3. This

movement of children throughout the vast empire may have served to both unite and differentiate its different regions3. This would have been part of the political importance of the ritual.

Another main source of information of the ritual is the account of the Spanish chroniclers, but these reports are often conflicting3. Some say that the ritual took place once a year, to ask for good crops and good health of the Inca4. In these cases, the children would serve as messengers from the empire to the Gods. Others reports suggest that the sacrifices took place during times of celebration, such as the birth of a royal son or the passing on of an Inca3. According to one of the Spanish accounts, Emperor Pachacuti ordered that a Capacocha be carried out as part of his funerary ceremony. The emperor wanted a thousand children from across the empire to be ritually buried as a married couple so that they could serve him in the afterlife 1. It has been suggested that all Capacocha rituals involved children interred as married couples, though this does not appear to always be the case1. We can logically assume from these accounts that there were varied meanings behind and reasons for the Capacocha, which could explain the variation in the ritual burials. However it took place, the ritual seemed to serve as a way of connecting; connecting all of the people of the far reaching Inca Empire to each other, as well as to the Gods that they worshipped3.

The site of Llullaillco, in modern day Argentina, is one of the best preserved Capacocha sites, and is the highest archaeological site in the



world4. Discovered in 1995 and

excavated by Johan Reinhard and Constanza Ceruti, this site contained three mummies: a young boy, a young girl and female who seemed to have been around fifteen years old, and is often referred to as the ‘Llullaillaco Maiden’4. It is thought that she was a ‘chosen maiden’, an Inca girl taken from her home at a young age and raised in an acllahuasis, a special institution. These girls were raised to be priestesses, wives of special nobles or human Capacocha sacrifices4. It was the frozen temperatures found at such a high altitude that preserved the bodies so well. This sight is famous because of the exceptional preservation, and interesting because of the presence of the maiden.

What is interesting about the literature surrounding the mummified Capacocha victims is that very little attention is paid to why children were selected for sacrifice over adults. Many articles address why those children were chosen: they were the children of nobles, and also physically perfect3. But why were perfect children selected instead of perfect

adults? Also, very little is said about why some sacrifices were so young (two of the Llullaillaco victims were under ten4), and why some were ‘chosen women’ (like the third Llullaillaco victim). By age fifteen this maiden would probably have been capable of bearing children, meaning she was no longer a child herself.

Were children just selected because of their virginal status? This is a possible explanation. But if it were the case then why not sacrifice mostly adolescent virgins, such as the ‘chosen maidens’? Why were there no ‘chosen young men’? Why did the virgins have to be so young? This explanation for child sacrifice doesn’t seem sufficient in my eyes.

Another possible explanation is that adults made more of a contribution to the economy than children, and so loosing a child was less devastating economically than loosing an adult. I think that this explanation is valid, but somewhat under developed. The contributions that children make to a culture are often not economical in nature; instead they may be more cultural or symbolic2. Unfortunately, these nuances of a culture do not always show up in the archaeological record. I think that children may have been chosen not because of they didn’t make a specific contribution, but rather because they did make a different one.

I would argue that the most convincing argument for child sacrifice is that the Incas believed children to be closer to the Gods than adults, perhaps because they were closer to birth. According to Jane Baxter, children were seen as being special in the Incan culture because



they played with toys. It was an Incan belief that humans learned through play, and what they learned came from the Gods 2. Because children still played with toys, perhaps they were seen as having a closer connection with the Gods. They were fit to be messengers because they interacted with the Gods on a daily basis through play. The chosen maidens were taught by priestesses to prepare special ritual beverages4, which undoubtedly made them more sacred in the eyes of the Inca people. They were fit to be sacrifices, although they were no longer children, because of their ritual knowledge, which, according to Inca culture, would have been given to them by the deities.

It is often difficult to interpret the ritual traditions of a culture based solely on materials obtained from the archaeological record, and while we do have some Spanish accounts of the Capacocha, these accounts were made by outsiders, who may not have completely understood it. I do not think it is fair to assume that children virginal or because they made less economic contributions to society. I

think that the reason is more complex than that.

I believe that children were selected for this ritual, instead of nobles or priests, because they were seen as having special knowledge, knowledge that was learned through play. The Inca’s believed that children were more fit than adults to be messengers to the Gods. Every culture has a unique view of childhood, and this is important to consider when analyzing rituals such as the Capacocha.

Figure 2:. Human and llama figurines found at another child burial site. Source: 1.

Figure 3: Above: a set of llama figurines found with the young boy at the Llullaillco site. Source: 4.



Reference: 1. Andrushko, V. A., Buzon, M. R., Gibaja, A. M.,

McEwan, G. F., Simonetti, A., & Creaser, R. A. (2011). Investigating a child sacrifice event in the Inca heartland. Journal or Archaeological Science, 38(2), 323-‐333.

2. Baxter, J. E. (2008). The archaeology of childhood. Annual (2012). ice mummies. (2012). [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://www.natgeoprogramming.com/pages/inflight/search/genre/CivilisationsHistory/order/titlesort-‐asc/prinflight/1/d//page/9

Review of Anthropology, 37(1), 159-‐175.

3. Bray, T. L., Minc, L. D., Ceruti. M. C., Chávez, J. A., Perea, R., & Reinhard, J. (2005). A compositional analysis of pottery vessels associated with the Inca ritual of capacocha. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, 24(1), 82-‐100.

4. Ceruti, C. (2004). Human bodies as objects of dedication at Inca mountain shrines (north-‐western Argentina). World Archaeology, 36(1), 103-‐122.

5. Wilson, A. S., Taylor, T., Ceruti, M. C., Chavez,

J. A., Reinhard, J., Grimes, V., … Gilbert, M. T. (2007). Stable Isotope and DNA evidence for ritual sequences in Inca child sacrifice. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 104(42), 16456-‐1 Editorial Images 1. MacQuarrie, K. (Photographer). (2007). Inca girl, frozen for 500 years, now on display. [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://lastdaysoftheincas.com/wordpress/?p=194 2. (2012). ice mummies. (2012). [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://www.natgeoprogramming.com/pages/inflight/search/genre/CivilisationsHistory/order/titlesort-‐asc/prinflight/1/d//page/9 3. WGBH Educational Foundation. (Photographer). (2011). The sacrificial ceremony. [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/ancient/sacrificial-‐ceremony.html 4. (2011). Mummies of the andes, a glimpse into the past. (2011). [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://perudiscover.com/blog/juanita-‐mummies-‐of-‐the-‐andes/ 5. Stenzel, M. (Photographer). (2008). Retrieved from photography.nationalgeographic.com 6. Openshaw, C. (Photographer). (2011). Ice mummies of the inca. [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/ancient/ice-‐mummies-‐inca.html 7. Reinhard, J. (Photographer). (2006). High-altitude anthropoloist. [Web Photo]. Retrieved from

http://www.rolexawards.com/en/the-‐laureates/johangjefsenreinhard-‐the-‐project.jsp 8. Taylor, H. (Photographer). (2011). Explorer v. [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://www.alepisaball.com/child-‐mummy-‐sacrifice/explorer-‐v-‐child-‐mummy-‐sacrificengcus-‐ep-‐code-‐4084-‐3/ 9. (2012). Land of winds. (2012). [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://landofwinds.blogspot.ca/2011/10/chilean-‐andes.html



TRACES OF LIFE: WHAT CAN PHYSICAL EVIDENCE

TELL US ABOUT THE LIVES OF CHILD MUMMIES?

Radiologic Evidence of cranial deformation in The Llullaillaco Lighting Girl. Source: 1



Even in death, people speak volumes. Living life results in the build up and formation of many compounds and characteristics which, when analyzed after death, can tell stories about how individuals led their lives, where they lived, and how they died. Advanced analytic technologies such as CT scans, radiologic evaluation and isotopic analysis provide invaluable insight into the lives of child mummies who were sacrificed.

The high, cold peaks of the Andes have resulted in the excellent preservation of excavated children who were ceremoniously sacrificed1. The three child mummies found at the archaeological site of highest elevation in the world at the summit of Mount Llullaillaco are a great example of this extensive preservation1. Two female children and one male child were found in pit tombs at the shrine on this volcano1. These individuals have acquired nicknames: the oldest female (15 years of age) is known as The Llullailaco Maiden, the second female (six years of age) is called The Llullaillaco Lightening Girl, and the male (seven years of age) is known as The Llullailaco Boy2. Extensive radiologic evaluation as well as isotope and DNA analysis was performed on these children1, 2. These three individuals were so well preserved that, among other information obtained, radiologic evaluation revealed brain tissue, organs and even feces within their intestines1. Another 15 year old female was recovered on the Andean volcano, Sara Sara 2. This girl was named Sarita,

and isotope and DNA analysis was conducted on her remains in the same fashion as was done to the Llullaillaco children2. The Evidence: What can it tell us? • CT Scans

CT Scans can reveal bone and soft tissues1.These soft tissues include white and gray brain matter, fatty body tissues, the lungs, aorta, heart, liver, kidney, pancreas, intestines, genital organs and feces1. Air pockets such as those in the lungs and sinuses may also be seen using CT scans1. • Radiographs

Radiographs can be used to reveal osteological data, including dental and cranial features1. Dentition can be used to estimate age, and characteristics such as wear and cavities can provide insight into diet1. By analyzing dentition, information about an individuals’ childhood nutrition and thus their environment can be obtained, as it is during childhood that the enamel is formed and remains for the extent of one’s life2. As compared to teeth, bone may reflect more recent evidence, as it is turned over throughout life2. Additionally, Radiographs can help determine age by measuring long bones, and nutrition by looking for the presence of Harris lines, which occur on the bones due to lack of nutrients1.

The Maiden: A fifteen year old female found on Mount Llullaillaco. Source: 3.

Traces of Life:

What can physical evidence tell us about the lives of child mummies? By Taylor Watson



• Hair Growing an average of 1cm a month, hair

from the scalp provides an account of the past because each section of a strand reflects the nutrition present at the time when it was being formed2. In the cases of Sarita, The Llullaillaco Maiden, The Llullaillaco Lightning Girl and The Llullaillaco Boy, hair from their scalps was analyzed2. Hair can be analyzed for DNA as well as stable isotopes such as carbon, nitrogen, sulfur, oxygen and hydrogen2. The Llullaillaco Maiden

CT scans revealed that there were feces in The Maiden’s intestines, indicating that she was well fed in the hours before her death1. This could be indicative of the ceremonies performed surrounding the sacrifice. Scans also showed this individual’s uterus, as well as many other organs1. An abnormality was observed in the upper right lung, and it is suggested that this may have been constrictive bronchiolitis, perhaps caused by the long pilgrimage to the top of Mount Llullaillaco1. Radiography revealed no Harris lines as well as good muscle and fat volume, indicating good quality nutrition1. It is often suggested that high quality nutrition implies high social status, and this could be the case with The Maiden1. Carbon 4 and Nitrogen levels analyzed from scalp hair point to a drastic change in diet beginning about a year before death2. This change indicated an increase in animal protein and maize-‐like plants, which may have meant a diet shift from peasant to high status2. This implies that, on some level, the rituals and preparation for the sacrifice began at least one year in advance2. Oxygen and Hydrogen isotopes from scalp hair indicate that there was a temperature and altitude shift soon before death, and this may have been due to the pilgrimage up the volcano2. Analysis of the remains showed that there was no apparent cranial trauma or evidence of strangulation and it is suggested that she died due to asphyxiation or was buried alive1.

The Llullaillaco Lightning Girl As with The Maiden, CT scans and

radiography revealed many organs, feces in the intestines, no Harris lines, good amounts of muscle and fat and no cranial trauma or strangulation1. Therefore it can be inferred that, like The Maiden, the Lightning Girl was fed recently before death, had high quality nutrition and therefore was possibly of high status, and likely died of asphyxiation or was buried alive1. Likely as a result of the pilgrimage, isotopes indicated a change in elevation and temperature before death2. CT scans also showed a disruption in the left side of her chest. This, combined with observations of burnt skin and clothing, led archaeologists to believe that this young girl had been struck by lighting sometime after death1, hence where her nickname comes from2. Additionally, radiography indicates that toothwear was present in this individual, which may be attributed to maize consumption or teeth grinding1. Radiologic analysis of the cranium of The Lightning Girl suggests cranial deformation, providing insight into Andean culture1. Cranial deformations may have been an effort to replicate the shape of volcanoes in the heads of members of the society1. Cranial deformation may be a further indicator of high social status in this sacrificed child.

The Llullaillaco Lightning Girl, found on Mount Llullaillaco, was likely struck by lightning after death. Source: 5.



to her death2. This could be because foods like maize may have been stored along the route of pilgrimage, which would have fed the people on their long trek2. It has been determined that Sarita suffered a blow to the head, which was likely the cause of her death2. When combined with radiologic evaluation, isotopic and DNA evidence, impressive preservation due to natural

mummification can provide many insights into the lives of child mummies. This data provides a base from which many interpretations can be drawn. However, it is important to remember that interpretations are just that: assumptions based on our own knowledge and experience. Even with advanced scientific methods, we are left merely with traces of life from the past.References: 1. Previgliano, C. H. et al., 2003. Radiological evaluation of the Llullaillaco mummies. American Journal of Roentgenology, 181 (6), pp. 1473-‐1479. 2. Wilson, A.S., Taylor, T., Cerutic, M. C., Chavezd, J.A., Reinharde, J., Grimes, V.,

Meier-‐Augenstein, W., Cartmell, L., Stern, B., Richards, M.P., Worobey, M., Barnes, I., Gilbert, M.T.P., 2007. Stable isotope and DNA evidence for ritual sequences in Inca child sacrifice. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 104(42), pp.16456-‐16461. Images 3. Museo de Arqueologia de Alta Montana. New York Times: Children of the Cold. Retrieved March 18, 2012 from: http://www.nytimes.com/slideshow/2007/09/10/science/20070911_MUMMY_SLIDESHOW_2.html 4. Liesl Clark. Sarita’s Land: A Panoramic View. Retrieved March 18, 2012 from: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/peru/mummies/panorama1.html 5. Museo de Arqueologia de Alta Montana. New York Times: Children of the Cold. Retrieved March 18, 2012 from: http://www.nytimes.com/slideshow/2007/09/10/science/20070911_MUMMY_SLIDESHOW_4.html 6. Museo de Arqueologia de Alta Montana. New York Times: Children of the Cold. Retrieved March 18, 2012 from: http://www.nytimes.com/slideshow/2007/09/10/science/20070911_MUMMY_SLIDESHOW_3.html

The Llullaillaco Boy As with The Maiden and The Lightning

Girl, analysis of The Llullaillaco Boy displayed many organs, feces in the intestines, no Harris lines, a healthy volume of muscle and fat and no cranial trauma or strangulation1. As with the other two individuals from the Llullaillaco site, this data implies that he may have been of high status and that he likely died of asphyxiation or live burial1. A marked increase of Oxygen and Hydrogen isotopes was discovered from the one year of hair growth on the boy, indicating change in altitude, as with The Maiden and The Lightning Girl2. CT scans also revealed the penis of this child1. Similarly to The Lightning Girl, radiography performed on this individual showed tooth wear and cranial deformation, allowing a diet of maize or simply tooth grinding, as well as high status to be inferred1. Sarita CT scans and radiologic evaluation were not conducted on Sarita1, as was done for the other three individuals. However, based on hair analysis it was found that Nitrogen levels, which indicate proportions of plant and meat consumption, fluctuated seasonally for this individual2. As with the Llullaillaco mummies, Hydrogen and Oxygen isotopes had increased shortly before death, displaying a change in elevation likely due to the long trek involved with the sacrificial ceremony2. An increase in Carbon 4 was detected, implying that she consumed more lower-‐altitude plants such as Maize leading up

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