[Chejne a.G.] Islam and the West, the Moriscos

8/10/2019 [Chejne a.G.] Islam and the West, the Moriscos

1/503

title:Islam and the West : The Moriscos, a Cultura

Social History

author: Chejne, Anwar G.

publisher: State University of New York Press

isbn10 | asin: 0873956060

print isbn13: 9780873956062

ebook isbn13: 9780585063652

language: English

subject Moriscos.publication date: 1983

lcc: DP104.C45 1983eb

ddc: 306/.089927046

subject: Moriscos.


2/503

Islam and the West The MoriscosA Cultural and Social History

Anwar G. Chejne

STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK PRESSAlbany


3/503

blished byate University of New York Press, Albany

1983 State University of New York Press, Albany

rights reserved

inted in the United States of America

o part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoeverthout written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied tical articles and reviews.

r information, address State University of New Yorkess, State University Plaza, Albany, N.Y., 12246.

brary of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

hejne, Anwar G.am and the West.

bliography: p. 216cludes index.Moriscos. I. Title.

P104.C45 306'.089927046 82-703BN 0-87395-606-0 AACR2BN 0-87395-603-6 (pbk.)


4/503

Pa

ontentseface vii

knowledgments ix

The Moriscos in a Hostile Environment 1

Morisco Reaction: A Self-Image 17

Morisco Education and Literature 31

Religion, Beliefs, and Observances 51

The Polemics of the Moriscos 69

History, Legends, and Travel 96

Sorcery, Talisman, and the Sciences 115

Secular Literature 132

Morisco Poetry 150

0. Conclusion 167

otes 173st of Abbreviations 214

bliography 216

dex 239


5/503

Pag

refaceortly after the conquest of Granada in 1492 by the Catholic kings, their

uslim subjects in Spain became known derogatorily as Moriscos (little Moo

oros, Muhammadans, Hagarans (bastards or descendants of Hagar), andracens, despite the fact that they were forced to accept the sacrament optism. Such appellations remained in use throughout the sixteenth centuplied indiscriminately to all Moriscos regardless of the degree of theirvotion to Christianity. The appellations differentiated between the newnverts and the Old Christians, believed to be of pure Spanish stock andssessing purity of blood (limpieza de sangre).

orn and reared in the Iberian Peninsula of mixed ancestry (Spanish, Jewiserber, Arab, and other ethnic groups), the Moriscos were considered alieneir own land, heretics who presented an imminent danger to both churchd state. Edict after edict reinforced this attitude and relegated the Moriscthe margin of Christian society. In turn, the Moriscos developed their owtitude, accompanied by passive resistance and sporadic revolt, andpressed in an extensive clandestine literaturesthe Aljamiado literaturewhias written in Romance in Arabic script. Although they preserved a

ntimental attachment to Arabic as their own language, the Moriscos werenger able to use it, speaking native Romance dialects that were given therogatory designation of "foreign" (Ar. 'Ajamihence, 'Aljamiyyah, Aljamia, oamiado). This literature was for the most part inspired by Arabic models t

ot only expressed defiance toward the oppressor, but reiterated Islamiclues. At the same time, the Moriscos could no longer write in Arabic or ree Qur`an * in the Arabic original. A new perspective had developed, cause Morisos to draw closer to their Christian neighbors despite disavowal anservations on their part and despite Old Christians' rejection.

is for these and other reasons that the Moriscos and their literature are


6/503

Pag

gnificant for the study of cultural change, offering valuable data for thestorian, religious scholar, sociologist, anthropologist, philologist, bellelettrid civil and human rights advocates who would gain insight into the fate oprived and persecuted minority living in a hostile environment. Aljamiadoerature, written mostly during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,

pplements much of the external documentation in the form of edicts, offirrespondence, memoranda, records of the tribunals of the Inquisition, anntemporary histories.

e present work is the outgrowth of several years of research. A substantimount of material was gathered in Spain. Contemporary histories, archivalaterial, modern scholarly books and articles, and a variety of published anpublished Aljamiado manuscripts, found largely in the National Library of

adrid, the Institute of Asin Palacios, the Royal Academy of History, and thoyal Palace. Morisco writings are classified here into such broad categoratigious works, polemics, history and legends, divination and the sciences,ic, wisdom sayings, and poetry. In view of publication costs, the availableta have been treated as concisely as possible without sacrificing thesentials of the literature.

is book is intended to survey and analyze the self-expression of the Moriscontained in their own literature, the Aljamiado literature. Simultaneously

sesses the status of a minority struggling for survival, with reference toeological conflict, the clash of religions and cultures, and differing mutualrceptions. It is hoped that this work will be of use to Hispanists, Arabists,mparativists, medievalists, and other students. The author would be ampwarded were it to inspire the reader to pursue further research and readiom the bibliography.

A. G. C.

nneapolis, 1980


7/503

Pa

cknowledgmentswish to express my gratitude to the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation anting me a Fellowship during 1979-80 which enabled me to finish this w

this time. I also wish to thank the Graduate School and the Office ofesearch and Development of the College of Liberal Arts at the University onnesota for their financial assistance during the preparation of theanuscript. A special word of thanks goes to my good friend Ann Harbour fr assistance in editorial matters. I am equally indebted to the officers of t

ational Library of Madrid, the Royal Academy of History, the Institute of Aslacios, the Royal Palace, the Escorial, the National Archive of Madrid, thechive of Aragon, the Central Library of Barcelona, and the Archive of the

hambra for their generous assistance in supplying me with the necessaryaterial and help during my several trips to Spain. Finally, I wish to thank mlleague Asaad Busool for reading the galley proofs and for his valuableggestions. I also wish to thank my daughter Cecilia for the preparation ofdex. It is of course understood that these people are in no way responsibr whatever defects or inadequacies may be found in this work.


8/503

Pa

he Moriscos in a Hostile Environmentr centuries the Moriscos have had apologists and critics, the former point

dignantly to the Moriscos' inhumane treatment from Christian masters 1ae latter attempting to show that however harsh, such treatment was dictthe necessity of securing the unity of church and state.2From the time o

rmol Carvajal in the sixteenth century to Boronat y Barrachina in theneteenth century, the former approach to the Morisco question was oftenvanced by foreigners, who might be expected to view the situation withme detachment, whereas the latter was traditionally held by Spanishholars, often influenced by national, ethnic, and religious considerations.owever, modern Spanish scholarship has approached the subject of theoriscos with great objectivity, thereby contributing to its betterderstanding.3Nevertheless, the Morisco question still evokes emotional

ews, often passionate, and philosophical speculations and moralisticdgments whose consequences are reflected in similar situations affectingnorities in every time and place.

owever interpreted, the ultimate solution of the Morisco problem is amply

ocumented, giving a pattern over centuries of an ascendant majority


9/503

Pa

Christians and a declining minority of Muslims attributable to complex anultiple causes. The imbalance prevailing between the two societies withspect to power tempts the researcher to accumulate data favoring a giveterpretation or simply to moralize on what should have been. This parallele imbalance between Europeans and Indians or between whites and blac

the United States in the similar complexity of reconciling Christian doctrinth the attitudes and practices of Christians.

is kind of parallel perhaps may explain why the Moriscos received scholartention from the time of their emergence as a minority at the mercy of awerful majority. The abundant literature consists of contemporary or neantemporary histories, archival materials in various major Spanish cities, anmerous scholarly studies and monographs. However, this literature is bas

rgely on Christian sources; until recently, little attention was paid to theoriscos' own, Aljamiado literature. The present study will look at the Morisom within, drawing upon their experiences recorded and viewed in Aljamierature.

e Moriscos must be viewed within the broad context of the Arab conquese Iberian Peninsula in 711 and the subsequent reconquest by Christians f85 to 1492. These processes of conquest and reconquest, lasting almost

ght centuries, had enormous repercussions on the two contending societifecting attitudes, religious affiliations, language, customsindeed, a wholeentity and way of life. These fluctuated with politico-military ascendance acompanying institutions. The Arab conquest of Spain and consolidation oe occupied areas superimposed Arabic as the language and Islam as theigion of the majority, replacing Latin and Christianity in Spanish society.abization and Islamization included other sociocultural changes which maab Spain, known as al-Andalus, a cultural sphere quite different from tha

hristian Spain to the north, thus presenting a challenge to be met in thettlefield in centuries to come. The challenge to Latindom and Christendomanscended the Iberian Peninsula: the struggle between Islamic and Chrispain was but part of a wider struggle between Christianity and Islam,oducing the Crusades and many casualties, among them the Moriscos.

o Spanish Christians, Muslims in general were known as Moros, or Saracenhether living under Christian rule or outside it. Although this usage did no

ase even after their forced conversion to Christianity, the term Mudejar (A


10/503

udajjan), 4"the one allowed to remain" became current in the fifteenthntury. Mudejars were Muslims living under Christian rule while preservingany Arabic customs along with their religion. The history of the Mudejarsgan in 1085 with the fall of Toledo to Alfonso VI. Thereafter, a largegment of the Islamic community lived under Christian rule. Christian rulerew accustomed to their presence during the Reconquest, which made greadway with the conquest of Saragossa in the twelfth century, and that o

ordova, Valencia, Seville, and other major cities over the thirteenth centure fall of Granada in 1492 marked the culmination of the Reconquest,


11/503

Pa

ding Muslim rule in the Peninsula. Only a few years after the fall of Granae history of the Mudejars can be said to have ended, giving rise to the histheir descendants, the Moriscos.

e Mudejars inhabited cities, towns, and rural areas throughout theninsulaAragon, Castile, Valencia, Estremadura, and Andalusia. They lived

parate communities as protected minorities whose status was determinede terms of capitulations contracted upon surrender. These capitulations wmilar to those granted by Muslims to non-Muslims living under their rule aten guaranteed the freedom of worship, freedom of movement, and the ulanguage and custo custoreturn for tribute paid in money or in kind. Inies, the Mudejars lived in ghettos, or moreras, having jurisdiction over th

wn affairs, maintenance of their quarter, and places of worship. Theysociated with their Christian masters daily through commerce, agricultureministration, industry, and other pursuits. 5The Mudejars' fortune and roa Christian environment may be compared to a degree with those of theozarabs6Christians living under Muslim rule who were protected by theigious law (shari'ah*) that designate them as the people of the Covenanthl al-dhimmah) or "people of the Book" (ahl-al-kitab*).

eligious sanction guaranteed the Mozarabs freedom of worship andrisdiction over their own affairs in return for the payment of a poll tax (yah) and a land tax (kharaj*). These provisions emanate from the religiouw; only a heretic or an unjust ruler deviated from their implementation. Innsequence, the Mozarabs as well as the Jews were able to preserve theirigious identity within a spirit of tolerance allowing them to interact with

uslims, to become arabized in language, customs, and taste to the point ocoming indistinguishable from their Muslim neighbors. Although Christian

olicy toward non-Christian subjects in Spain appears to have been inspired

e Islamic model, there was, however, a major difference in the contractuature of minority protection with respect to durability and implementation.is difference may have been the major cause leading to the ultimate tragthe Moriscos. Protection of minorities in Islam was conferred by God thro

s Shari'ahthat is, it was immutable and inviolate, binding for all times, andyond all human power to amend. Except for occasional aberrations, theovisions of the law regarding religious minorities have been upheld even te present day. In contrast, the protection of minorities in a Christianvironment was conferred by a treaty whose provisions were often influen


12/503

political and military expediency and by other circumstances. Treaties wet to change, and actually did, subject to the whims of rulers or to the eveanging politico military situation. Moreover, agreements between the

hristian conqueror and the subject people were more often than not oppothe clergy, which endeavored to annul them by all available means. Amomerous instances of such interference is the conquest of Valencia by Jam

of Aragon. James I, who had ambitions of conquering the eastern shores

pain, showed magnanimity toward the subject people by entering intoeaties guaranteeing their safety, freedom of movement and of worship, anotec-


13/503

Pa

on of individual rights in return for payment of a tithe on wheat, barley, anher produce. 7However, this seemingly benign treatment had itssadvantages, as Burns points out in a thorough study of the Kingdom oflencia: ''Where two exclusive systems exist, this dilemma is native to thencept of tolerance, no matter how sympathetic its framers may be toward

e minority; the tolerance that fully preserve an alien group's existence alsndemns that group to a life apart, inverted, and undernourished, so stranthe other community as to seem repugnant and even inimical."8In fact,en this uneasy accommodation was soon altered through restrictions,essures, and confiscation of property at the behest of the local clergy ande papacy. Upon the conquest of Murcia in 1265, James was congratulatee Pope, who added: "It is necessary that you exterminate all Saracens."9is policy became almost a pattern throughout the Peninsula, carried out

rough the office of the Inquisition.10The policy became official upon thecession of the Catholic kings, Isabella (1474-1504) and Fernando (1479-16), who, after consolidating their power in Aragon and Castile, decided rsue the goal of total reconquest of the Peninsula.

is notwithstanding, the Spanish monarchy often resisted the pressure of ergy and allowed the Mudejars to participate in economic life, contributingeir skills and labor in the crafts, agriculture, and other professions. The

ozarabs and Mudejars served as intermediaries between Islamic and Chriscieties, contributing to the integration of many Arabic elements. Estimatineir numbers is difficult, since many of them either emigrated at the time oe Reconquest or underwent the process of latinization and Christianizatioaking them almost indistinguishable from the rest of the Christian populatsizable segment of Mudejars retained Islam as their religion and weretached to Arabic and Islamic values as long as circumstances allowed, buadually became latinizedlike their counterparts the Mozarabs, subject to ter-increasing change of language, customs, and even religious practices.any Mudejars may have adopted Christianity out of conviction ornvenience. There is no indication that they were coerced before the policrced conversion that was instituted early in the sixteenth century. They wbeled Christian Mudejars, to distinguish them from Old Christians. Thisfferentiation grew more pronounced as the Reconquest gained impetus. Tudejars were placed in a vulnerable position during the thirteenth century

hen the major Muslim citiesCordova, Valencia, Sevilleand othersfell to the


14/503

hristian kings. Their importance, along with that of the Jews, graduallyclined as Christians assumed the skills and functions hitherto associated wem. In fact, they remained separated from the mainstream of Christianciety, whether they converted to Christianity or adhered to Islam. Thisgregation increased in the fifteenth century. In 1476 the Courts (Cortes) adrigal petitioned the monarchy that Jews and Mudejars be obliged to westinctive clothing.11At the same time, the role of the Inquisition was

panded for the purpose of punishing heretics,12who often were newlynverted Jews and Mudejars. The Inquisition had been established in therteenth cen-


15/503

Pa

ry to prosecute heresy and "did not care to impress the minds of men witagnificence, but rather to paralyze with terror." 13

uring the fifteenth century, the Spanish monarchy and church appear to hd a united policy for their conversion, differing only in timing and approacfluenced by politicomilitary circumstances, the Catholic kings often found

pedient to enter into contracts that promised a great deal to the subjectople, but they, like the clergy, were pledged to eliminating Muslims.14Their contractual pledges to Jews and Mudejars were temporary, rescinded ll. Before the conquest of Granada, enormous pressure was placed on thews, who were expelled in 1492. The explusion of the Jews was to beenacted with respect to tt to tiscos.

n international dimension exacerbated the status of the Mudejars. The

alous monks of Cluny in the south of France, reinforced by papal bulls, adore pressure on the Spanish monarchy to resolve the Moorish problemrough more radical means. They called for sweeping crusades to eliminatee infidels, accompanied by bitter polemics against Islam and its founder.

ouble-edged war of pen and sword appeared inconclusive to Bishop Juangovia (ca. 1400-1458), who perceived a stalemate in the struggle betweam and Christianity and proposed peace and open forum with Muslims (p

am pacis et doctrinae) to reach a modus vivendi.15However, his peacefulproach was unheeded; the Mudejars remained vulnerable to the ever-anging conditions. The decisive moment came in 1481, when the Catholings attacked Alhama, a fortress in Granada, looting, pillaging, and puttingany to death:

ombres, nios yujeres

Men, children andwomen

oran tan granderdida

lament such a greatloss.

oraban todas lasmas,

All ladies lamented

antas in Granadaba

As many as were inGranada

y de mi Alhama! Alas, my poor Alhama!r las calles y

ntanas

In the street and

windows


16/503

ucho luto pareca Great mourning wasseenlora rey como

mbraAnd the king crying likea woman

e es mucho loe perda

For the much he hadlost.

y de mi Alhama16 Alas, my poor Alhama!

e fall of the Alhama led to the capture of other Granadan townsRonda,arabella, Almera, Mlaga, Baza, and othersfollowed by the siege andrrender of the capital city of Granada in 1492. The fall of Granada hadormous religious signficance, described vividly in the following poem: la ciudad deanada

In the city ofGranada

andes alaridos

n

Great outcries are

heardnos llaman aahoma

Some invokeMuhammad


17/503

Pa

ros a la Trinidad Others invoke the Trinity.or un cabo entran lasuces

Crosses enter from oneend

otro sale alcoran And the Qur'an * leavesfrom the

onde antes oanernos other;mpanas oyennar.17

Where horns were heardbeforeNow the sound of bellsare heard.

e fall of Granada added the last independent Muslims to the body ofudejars and had grave implications for their future status. The Granadansere granted generous terms guaranteeing their safety; the preservation oeir law, mosque, and religious foundations; respect for their privacy; gene

mnesty for all prisoners; freedom to emigrate; freedom of travel and worshd the use of their language and customs.18However, they were soonbjected to strictures in violation of the terms of capitulations granted undlemn oath.

e procedure of the Catholic kings may be viewed as part of a pattern thated from the beginning of the Reconquest. In similar, earlier surrenders,

atholic kings had proceeded cautiously, with all the appearance ofplementing the terms of capitulations. They appointed over Granada twor-minded men: Iego Lpez de Mendoza as its governor and Hernando dlavera as archbishop. These were men of goodwill who appeared toderstand the sensitive situation within two communities long at war.

though Talavera was committed to converting Muslim subjects, his peaced persuasive method was to establish communication and to attainnversion through education. Talavera encouraged his subordinates to leaabic in order to facilitate the process of conversion. He enlisted rural priesmixed, Moorish-Christian ancestry who were familiar with the language astoms of the subject people. Arabic catechisms were to be used, and tocilitate the task of the priests, Pedro de Alcal composed his Art for Learnapidly the Arabic Language, a grammar of the colloquial language whose

rpose, stated in the prologue, was "to bring these recent converts out of


18/503

rkness and many errors induced by that evil, vile, and accurseduhammad*."19

lavera's approach appeared too slow to the Catholic kings, who sentancisco Ximenez de Cisneros, Archbishop of Toledo, to Talavera'ssistance.20Cisneros came prepared with expensive gifts for Muslim leadehom he hoped to employ in converting the masses. He succeeded in

ptizing some of them and three thousand other Muslims in a single dayecember 18, 1499).21Emboldened by initial success, Cisneros pushed onth mass conversion, arousing great protest from staunch Muslims. Heprisoned many, among them their proud leader, Zegri, who was starved begged for conversion under the name of Gonzalo Fernndez Zegri.22Ze

as rewarded with a pension of fifty thousand maravedis. Cisneros orderedain mosque of Albaicn to be converted into a church, had all Arabic religioks burned, and transferred Arabic books in philosophy to the University

cal de Henares, which he had founded.


19/503

Pa

sneros's high-handed methods of conversion constituted a gross violation e terms of capitulations. 23Granadans reacted violently, precipitating thevolt of Albaicn and the murder of one of Cisneros's agents. The revolt warshly quelled in 1501, and revolt gave the monarchy an excuse for declare terms of capitulations null and void, thus placing the Granadans and

udejars elsewhere at the mercy of the authorities. In 1501 a royal ordinanas issued calling for the conversion of the Muslims of Granada, followed byother in 1502 calling on the Muslims of Castile to choose between baptisd exile.24These and similar ordinances were followed by harsher measur

aving no doubt about the direction of state policy toward Granadans inrticular and Mudejars of the Peninsula in general. In 1516, Cisneros not osisted on forced baptism, but instituted an ordinance calling for theandonment of Moorish dress and customs. Although the ordinance was

scinded thded ththe intervention of influential people, it had enormouspercussions among the Mudejars of Castile, Argon, Valencia, Estremadud elsewhere, starting a cycle of mutual resentment and suspicion which

sted until the final expulsion in 1609-1614.

ter the forced conversions of 1501, the neophyteswhether baptized by fofree willcame to be called Moriscos (little Moors), placing them in a specitegory within the Christian faith. They were differentiated from Old Christ

ot only by the recency of their conversions, but also by race. The labelMoriscos," or sometimes "Christian Mudejars," placed them at a greatsadvantage vis-a-vis their Christian fellows in that they were consideredabs or Berbers and, thus, inferior to ''Old Christians," who enjoyed "purityood" (limpieza de sangre).25These claims could not, of course, be justifience Old Christians were as much a mixture as the Moors. In fact, it wasmost impossible to distinguish one from the other at this juncture of histootwithstanding claims to the contrary. The Arab conquest of Spain had behieved by a small band of Berbers and Arabs who intermingled with theerwhelmingly larger native population steeped in Christianity and Latinlture. Subsequent to the conquest, this native population underwentguistic, religious, and cultural changes, but hardly an ethnic or racial

ansformation. The neo-Muslims, mostly of Spanish stock and known asulades (Ar. Muwalladun*), constituted the bulk of the Muslim population e Peninsula preserving Islamic values and culture. They were the ancesto

the Mudejars and Moriscos, whether of Spanish, Berber, Jewish, or Black


20/503

cestry. Castro, who has been criticized for his Moorish-Jewish sympathy, close to the mark when he says: "The Moriscos constitute a part of Spaind an extension of its people."26In fact, they were as Spanish as Indians

merican.

e that as it may, the Moriscos came into the spotlight following thetablishment of forced conversion. Subsequently, they were at the mercy o

urch, state, and Old Christians, and were subjected to all sort of strictureth regard to their persons, family life, and associations. The Inquisitionnished any infraction or any appearance thereof severely with long impri-


21/503

Pa

nment, confiscation of property, exile, or even death. 27For example,oriscos could be brought before the tribunal of the Inquisition on chargesot eating pork or not using bacon in a frying pan.28

nally, the Moriscos were singled out as a thorn in the side of Spanish socieoriscan utterances, deeds, behavior, customs, dress, food, and very mann

doing things were abominable and ought to be eradicated. Edict after edas issued to correct or eliminate all features associated with Moriscos. As aople, they not only lacked purity of blood, but were crude and ignorant.2ey were often ridiculed as peasants, peddlers of figs, almonds, and otheroduce.30Although they were considered industrious, hard working, thriftd family men, these virtues were read as competitive, greedy, avaricious,th a fecundity that would eventually upset the population balance.31Excr some Frontier Romanceros where he appears cavalier, loving, andurageous,32the Morisco was generally represented in the literature asezquin and ridiculous.33In sum, he was an undesirable stranger in his ownd, denied the opportunity to adjust within the new religious order.rthermore, church and state were alarmed by the Morisco's practice of

vination, use of amulets,34and beliefs in prophecies that foretold the dooChristianity and the ultimate triumph of Islam.35These attitudes and imaade any future accomodation between Old Christians and Moriscos almost

possible.hile much of this antagonism toward the Moriscos may be attributed toternal factors resulting from a long contract marked by conquest andconquest, religious friction, and conflict of language and culture, there weher external factors that exacerbated ChristianMorisco relations. The Moriere considered a fifth column, not only an obstacle to the unity of Spain bso potentially a force colluding with North Africans, Egyptians, French, Tu

rates, Lutherans, and other Christian heretics.36This was part of Spanishtional posture during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The discoverymerica and the subsequent Spanish expansionism with designs in Italy, thediterranean, and North Africa brought Spain face to face with France,gland, and the Ottoman Empire, resulting in expensive wars and humiliatfeats. Wars between France and Spain were recurrent throughout the

xteenth century, and France did not fail to exploit Morisco discontent. Spaso had encounters with England, which defeated its Great Armada in 158ut the Turks were the most fearsome and formidable enemy, not only to


22/503

rope in general, but to Spain in particular. After their conquest ofonstantinople in 1453, the Turks threatened Europe, besieging Vienna in29 and making inroads into Egypt and North Africa, where they conflicted

rectly with Spain, which had established its presence in Oran, Bougie, andipoli as early as 1509-1511. The Muslim Turks were regarded by Christenthe scourge of God for Christian sins,37to be fought by all means possib

cluding an all-out Crusade. They were of immediate concern to Spain as a

otential conqueror, who would be aided by the oppressed and disaffectedoriscos. In their desperate situation, the Moriscos entertained the


23/503

Pa

ope that their fellow Muslims, the Turks, would sooner or later deliver themom oppression. In fact, they appealed to both Turks and North Africans fosistance, 38thus giving some substance to the concern that the Moriscosnstituted a fifth column set to destroy both church and state. Concomitanth the ever-increasing presence of the Turks in the Mediterranean was th

creasing piracy that long ravaged the eastern shores of Spain and otherastal areas of the Mediterranean. The pirates were well organized anddulged not only in intercepting and robbing ships on the high seas, but inking men, women, and children to be sold as slaves. Their excesses wereore manifest in coastal areas where a large number of Moriscos lived, in aosition both vulnerable and suspicious.

nally, the rise of Protestantism in the first half of the sixteenth century alsd its adverse effect on the Moriscos. Spain viewed Protestantism as theavest threatthreattional unity and was committed to eliminate it. Asotestantism spread into southern France and Spain, Spain saw the dangellusion between Moriscos and Protestants, and set the Inquisition to dealverely with any religious deviation, whether inspired by Muslim traditions

hristian reformers. Though the Moriscos remained faithful to their ownaditions, they saw in Protestantism certain elements that conformed withme of their religious thinkingsuch as the denial of the supremacy of the

ope, the frowning on images, and the freedom of the individual to scrutinie Scriptures. Furthermore, the Moriscos had hoped through their contactth France to shake off the yoke of oppression along with the persecutedotestant minority. In sum, Spanish international involvement with France rkey, concern with piracy, and preoccupation with Protestantismmpounded the already tenuous position of the Moriscos.

e attitudes toward the Morisco and his ancestors, a long time in the mak

came articulated in the course of the sixteenth century. The Catholic kingd achieved the territorial unity of spain, but still ruled over many Muslimbjects, a legacy of several centuries of granting generous terms of surrend rescinding them as circumstances permitted. They acquiesced insneros's policy of forced conversion, which remained in effect duringbsequent reigns.39Charles V (1516-1558) of Austria was faced with thesadvantage of being a foreigner amid the internal and international pressrrounding the Morisco question. In 1519, he had to cope with thentroversy over whether forced conversion actually turned Moriscos into


24/503

hristians.40After some time, it was decided that forced converts werehristians and, hence, subject to the Inquisition, which could sentence ther any religious infraction. In 1524, Pope Clement VII requested Charles Vd the Moorish question by means of baptism, upon which the monarch ge Moors of Valencia and Aragn a choice of conversion or exile. Shortlyereafter, an edict was issued prohibiting the Arabic language, clothing,

mulets, jewels, circumcision, manner of slaughtering animals, and Morisco

actices.41The edict was rescinded in return for a payment of ninetyousand ducados.42These and similar measures provoked the Moriscos oflencia to revolt in


25/503

Pag

26. The revolt ended in an agreement guaranteeing Moriscos' rights.

owever, the agreement was soon revoked on charges that some Moriscosere flirting with Lutherans, while others were aiding and abetting pirates ie Levant, led by the brothers Barbarossa. Piracy remained rampant forcades in the Mediterranean, on eastern shores of Spain inflicting enormo

mage and taking Christian and Morisco captives for sale as slaves in Algenother grave concern of Charles was the actual or imagined Turkish threate Peninsula, thought to have been encouraged by Moriscos. All this led torther restrictive measures on the Moriscos, believed to be as Arabic as evelate as the nineteenth century, a Spanish scholar could state: "This was

ar of religion and race, making a fusion impossible. Thus, it was futile for tonarchy to offer the Moors any benefit." 43

ter the death of Charles V, his successor, Philip II (1555-1598),44attemppursue a policy of moderation toward the Moriscos but could hardly affortagonize the local clergy and the papacy, which often pointed to thersistent piracy, the danger of Protestantism, and the threat of the Ottome papacy had invested the Inquisition with enormous power. The Inquisi

eneral could condemn to death anyone who confessed error or was involvthe Protestant movement. In 1559 sentences (auto-da-f) were issued inlladolid, Saragossa, Seville, Valencia, and Murcia against heretics ofotestant and Muslim persuasion. The Moriscos were charged with not tak

hristianity seriously, practicing their Muslim religion, observing circumcisionsuming Arabic names, fasting in Ramadan*, working on Christian holidayd in general, showing contempt for Christian sacraments and practices,

ong with the usual charges about Moriscos' involvement in piracy and intrth Turks and North Africans. These charges emanated mostly from clericsho demanded swift, corrective actions.

1563 the authorities disarmed the Moriscos of Valencia and sentenced noriscos. In 1564 the Courts of Monzn petitioned the monarchy to institutdoctrination of the Moriscos through teaching, constructing new churchesd appointing honorable and capable priests to guide and instruct them. Ttition was a fresh attempt to persuade the Moriscos, but asked also that ercy be accorded to religious scholars (alfaquies) and proselytizersogmatizadores).45However, this peaceful approach did not last long and

stiffer measures in the ordinance of 1566, prohibiting the Moriscos the u


26/503

the Arabic language, annulling of all contracts written in Arabic,rrendering all Arabic books within thirty days, and prohibiting any Moorishe, Moorish clothing, and the use of Arabic names and customs. The edictso called for destroying all public baths, requiring Moriscos to leave the dotheir houses open, unveiling women and requiring Castilian dress, andasing to dance the zambra and sing.46The decree created greatnsternation among the Moriscos, who attempted to have it repealed, with

ail.47The Moriscos of Granada launched the Revolt of the Alpujarras (15670), ending in disaster and grave repercussions for Moriscos throughout ninsula. The Revolt of the Alpujarras was savage on both


27/503

Pag

des, demonstrating the intense animosity between Old Christians andoriscos. The Granadans burned churches, forced people to secede fromhristianity, and killed clerics and innocent people. The government responas equally intense, characterized by pillage, rape, indiscriminate killing, anslaving of people whether implicated or not in the revolt. 48Some fifty

ousand Granadans were rounded up and redistributed throughout theninsula among Christians in Seville, Cordova, Toledo, Castile, Len, andagn, who kept them under surveillance.49Their presence resulted in acustrust and tension between Old Christians and Moriscos. Many Moriscos inar or despair chose the road of self-exile (monfies), and indulged in briganAndalusia, Castile, Aragn, and elsewhere, leading to unrest andcriminations.50This antagonism was exacerbated by the fear of an imminrkish invasion, which persisted despite the Turkish defeat at Lepanto in

7151and increased when Tunis fell to the Turks in 1574.52Moreover, thfeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588 and the subsequent coalition of Frangland, and Holland placed the Spanish monarchy on edge, and contribut

o small share to endangering the position of the Moriscos.53

roughout the reign of Philip II and that of his successor Philip III (1598-21), the Morisco question remained alive, producing a deluge of complai

ot only against the religious beliefs and customs of the Moriscos, but again

e danger they presented to church and state. For example, a report aboue Moriscos of Valencia, Aragn, and Catalua was presented to Philip IImplaining, among other things, that the Moriscos circumcized their childrased the Christian sacrament of baptism through washing, and gave theiildren Arabic names. Further, it was charged that the Moriscos continued

bserve their holidays; failed to go to church, did not confess, did foolish thring mass in contempt thereof, disrespected rectors and preachers, ate m forbidden days, were polygamous, and said blasphemous things about Gd the Catholic faith. More grievous still, they conspired with Turks to comd conquer Spain.54Gregorio de Miranda, Inquisitor General of Valencia,mplained in 1561 that the Moriscos continued to live as Moors and presegreat danger to church and state: the Moriscos were as Moorish as theirethren in Algeria, in practicing their rites and customs, possessing mosquhere they met to offend God; they were traitors and rebels, took Christianto captivity, hid pirates, and spied for the Turks.55

ch charges contributed to an image that time and conditions translated i


28/503

ality in the mind of Old Christians. It became clear in time that the policy rced conversion instituted at the beginning of the sixteenth century hadlednot so much from the stubborn resistance of the Moriscos as from theany obstacles placed on its way by the Christians themselves, whose anxirhaps, did much to make it fail. Pressures on all sides were mounting, whe Inquisition multiplied its trials of Moriscos on frivolous charges that resuharsh sentences. Pleas for Christian charity and understanding proved

successful in face of more powerful forces calling for a speedy and


29/503

Pag

dical solution. The Moriscos were often unreceptive to overtures ofemency," since they had more than once been betrayed by broken promd violated treaties. Thus, following the Alpujarras revolt, the twommunities could no longer function, and a call for explusion was set inotion.

memorandum by the bishop of Segorbe dated July 30, 1587, testifiesoquently to the mood of the day. The bishop reviews the Morisco questionom the time of the fall of Granada, pointing out: (1) the Moriscos were tolom the outset to embrace Christianity, or leave the country; (2) they refusconfess their sins, preferring instead to wash their heads, hands, and fee

r the remission of their minor sins while believing that their major sins willrgiven through repentance; (3) they practice polygamy and divorce; (4) tlieve killing Christians will secure them salvation; (5) they commit murdereft, and other illicit acts; (6) they have complete contempt for the churchd its rites; (7) they circumcize their children and, when questioned, answat they were born that way; (8) they use Moorish names after being giveptismal names; (9) they refuse to receive the sacraments of confirmationction and penitence, and mock them; (10) they perform their own prayelution, and other rituals; (11) they refuse to bury their dead in consecratound, preferring virgin land in the Muhammadan * custom; (12) they do

ntribute to the church, work for its improvement, in spite of the fact thatey are rich and powerful; (13) they abhor representations of saints andfuse to have them in their homes; (14) they do not drink wine or eat baco5) they do not pursue Christian professions at the university; (16) they a

hristianity; (17) they conspire with Turks and north Africans for the conquSpain; (18) they kill priests, profane sacred places, and organize revolt; (ey take jobs away from Christians; (20) the church and state did much foem, but this has been of no avail, since they persist in following theominable sect of Muhammad*; (21) the evidence is overwhelming thatnversion did them no good: they remain as Moorish as the north Africansd (22) distributing them among Christians also failed, since they remain a

oorish as ever.

e Bishop concludes that the Moriscos are indeed heretics, enemies of theurch, and blasphemous against the Trinity and all the articles of the Cathurch. They are worse than the Jews, who were expelled for lesser crimesus, they should be expelled, thereby cleansing these kingdoms from this


30/503

ominable sect of Muhammad. He is calling the king's attention to thisoblem as a matter of duty to God and to His Majestyalthough such expulsay mean the loss of more than three thousand ducados to the archdioces

ilip II was by now used to these complaints about the Moriscos and to thggestion of expulsion, but he was unwilling to settle the Morisco questions means. Philip Ill, who lacked the ability and the leadership of his father

so appears to have been reluctant at first to implement such measures.owever, he fell under the influence of his courtiers, and especially his wifed the Duke of Lerma, who pushed for expulsion. Expulsion had


31/503

Pag

en discussed as early as 1582, 57and was delayed by consideringternatives, such as settling Moriscos in ghettos and forbidding intermarriacastration for preventing increase in Morisco population.58More humane

oposals were also advanced, some calling for patience and charity and fotter attempt at educating the Moriscos.59Their advocates pointed to the

emplary conduct and devotion of some neophytes and to those who hadtermarried with Old Christians. The push for expulsion was renewed at thecession of Philip III in 1598, and in 1609 he issued a royal decree callingplusion.60The order of expulsion exempted only a small number of farmeildren under four provided that their parents consented, children of Old

hristians married to Moriscos, and other bonafide baptized Moriscos, who ven proof of their faith and who never had any political association withoriscos.61The order was kept secret to avert serious obstacles, and was t

carried out piecemeal in Valencia, Granada, Murcia, Jan, Andalusi'a,ornachos, Castile, Mancha, Estremadura, Aragn, and Catalua. Orders wsued to landlords (seores) to deliver Moriscos working for them to the popof dep, allowing them to carry portable things. Although they werearanteed a safe conduct to the port of departure, many Moriscos werebbed, injured, or killed on the way. Except for such mishaps, the expulsioas carefully organized and proceeded until 1614.

e Moriscos of Valencia were of immediate concern by virtue of their numbd geographical position on the Mediterranean, vulnerable to pirates and atential Turkish invasion. Moreover, the Moriscos of Valencia had beenstless and in constant conflict with Old Christians. Valencia and itsrrounding areas had a population of about half a million, of which 160,00rty-four percent were Moriscos.62Of this number, it is estimated that5,000 were sent to North Africa in boats prepared for them, while a smamber had managed to flee to France.63It may be assumed that some,000 managed to remain according to the terms of expulsion or simply w

to hiding. Similar conditions prevailed elsewhere. It is estimated that 110,ft Andalusa, Murcia, and Hornachos;64some 50,000, Catalua,65120,00agn;66250,000, Castile, Mancha, and Estremadura. Altogether, it istimated that the number of exiles was about half a million, although there

o general agreement upon the exact number.67

e orders of expulsion had, for all intents and purposes, been accomplishe1614. However, there remained the preoccupation of cleansing the land


32/503

e remaining infidels and those who managed to return from exile. The DuLerma, on the sideline until the final vote for expulsion, became a stauncponent of eradicating the last Moriscos, "so that all the kingdoms of Spainll remain pure and clean from this people."68This sentiment was echoed s contemporaries, as reflected in the works of Aznar Cardona, Marcos deuadaljara, Gaspar de Aguilar, and others, who saw great benefit in thepulsion.69Even the word Morisco was decreed to be forgotten, for its use

ould constitute bad taste.70Furthermore, Salazar de Mendoza exclaimed:der for Spain to stay clean, it remains to do the same with the


33/503

Pag

ypsies." 71

evertheless, it appears that an unspecified number of Moriscos remainedandestinely, some of them hiding, others returning from exile. Orders foringing them to justice were issued, but the frenzy subsided, allowing themttle down peacefully and integrate with a society that had persistently

jected them. Although there is no agreement among scholars concerningmber who remained on Spanish soil, contemporary accounts suggest thaany stayed. This is corroborated by later travelers, such as Swinburne,72ownsend,73Ford,74and Irving,75who felt the presence of their culture strmeating the landscapes of Spain.

e exiled Moriscos were scattered throughout the Mediterranean basis: thlearic Islands, France, Sicily, Italy,76Constantinople and other Eastern ci

t with the greatest concentration in Morocco, Algeria, and Tunis. Theirrtunes varied from place to place with their numerical strength. They werite visible in Morocco, Algeria, and Tunis,77which had hosted large numbAndalusians from the beginning of the Reconquest. In these countries thrticipated actively in administration, agriculture, crafts, art, and architect

aving an imprint of their culture. Those who settled elsewhere appear to hcome fused, by virtue of their small number, into their host countries,aving little or no trace of their legacy. By and large, the Moriscos were notelcomed, even in the Islamic countries of North Africa. They endured greardship and alienation. Their North African hosts labeled them "Spanish

hristian,"the same who only recently had been called "little Moors" by thepanish. They were ill treated and robbed in Algeria, making many of themsh that they were back home.78Their lot was more tolerable in Morocco,here they could be seen in large numbers in Ceuta, Tangier, Tetuan, Fez,abat, and Sal. In Tunisia, they appear to have enjoyed an atmosphere

nducive to a cohesive community life and established several towns that ar Andalusian names.79Some Tunisians' Andalusian names still indicate tace of origin. Although they have been fused into North African society, an still be found who look nostalgically to the land of their ancestors in Spaeserving the keys to their old homes with the expectation of returning ony.

e Morisco question has given rise to a number of studies concerning thei

eatment by Christians, the manner and causes of the expulsion, and its


34/503

pact on the economy of Spain. Because of the complex implications of thestion for history, religion, culture, and language, there are no simpleswers. Although the Moriscos faced different problems in different regionere appears to have been a general pattern in their treatment, molded byurch and state almost from the time the Reconquest began in earnest at l of Toledo in 1085. Even the staunchest critics agree that the Moriscosceived harsh treatment at the hands of their Christian peers. On the reas

r such treatment, there is no general agreement. Braudel,80who views thorisco question in a Mediterranean context, is inclined to think that lack osimilation and continued adherence to Morisco customs and beliefs are at


35/503

Pag

e root of the harsh solution. For him, the question is basically a clash of twltures, the oriental and occidental. Lapeyre 81studies the geographicstribution of the Moriscos, comparing the relationship between Moriscos ad Christians with that between French Colonials and native Algerians. Carroja82in an incisive study of the social structure of the Moriscos of Grana

mphasizes their occupation and customs and, at the same time, shows thenflict in policy between the Spanish bureaucrats and clergy, on the onend, and the aristocrats, on the other. Regla83examines the diffe diffetween the Moriscos of Castile and those of Aragn, discussing the Moriscoblem at the international level with respect to the French and the Turks

ese and other modern views contrast with some earlier interpretations.riting in the nineteenth century, Dnvila84speaks of the incompatibility oe Christian and Moorish races. While admitting the harsh treatment of theoriscos and the negative consequences of the expulsion on the revenues urch and state, he considers their treatment as "part of . . . a religious wwar of extermination of the opposite race."85Moreover, their expulsion wvored by Spaniards and was justifiable and unavoidable. He statessewhere:

The expulsion of the Spanish Moriscos was carried out without regard to young andold, fit or unfit, guilty or innocent. The question of political unity was a sequel to th

necessity of church unity. it was initiated by the Catholic kings. Charles V and PhilipII attempted to accomplish it, but had to fall back in face of its consequences. PhiliIII, exercising the power through his favorites, made it easy through thecombination of religious and political power. The religious war was much aliveagainst the Moorish race, and the sweetest sentiments of the soul came face to facwith the political question. Humanity and religion fought, but religion emergedvictorious. Spain lost its most industrious sons; children were separated from the laof their mothers, and from paternal love. There was no pity or mercy for any

Morisco, but religious unity appeared radiant and luminous in the sky of Spain.Happy is the nation that is united in all its sentiments.86

e economic consequences of the expulsion have also received the attentischolars. Relying on contemporary accounts and recent research,

ominguez87gives a balanced assessment of the situation. He states that tpulsion constituted a "human hemorrhage" and "an impressive loss ofality"88; he considers that the effect must have been enormous, particulahere there was a high concentration of Moriscos, as in Granada, Valencia,d Aragnentire villages depopulated, irrigation and cultivation of rice and


36/503

her produce neglected, not to mention the loss to industry and crafts.hurch and state lost considerable revenue; there was shortage of manpowd drainage of currency. He concludes that the impact was disastrous inlencia and Aragn, and appreciable in Castile.89

sum, the Moriscos must be viewed within the context of the long historyuslim Spain, marked by interminable conflict between two societies vying

igious supremacy, territorial hegemony, and economic advantages. Theternal confrontation characterized by conquest and recon-


37/503

Pag

est was further compounded by religion and international politics. Clericad papal intervention from beyond the Peninsula led eventually to crusaded jihads * involving the major powers of the Mediterranean. The initialccess of the Reconquest following the fall of Toledo inspired an all-outusade, which in turn animated the process of Reconquest, making Spain

nter of crusade and countercrusade. The Moriscos became the casualty os situation, particularly after the fall of Granada in 1492. The Granadans,ho had preserved an Islamic entity in the Peninsula and were proud of theamic heritage, were caught in the web of international politics as had beee Mudejars elsewhere in the Peninsula. Events moved very fast. Followinge humiliation of defeat, they were confronted with forced conversion, withoice other than almost total effacement of their identity overnight. Little tas allowed for accommodation that could lead to assimilation; instead,

fferences of religion, language, and culture were accentuated. The end reas alienation, with grave sociopsychological consequences that led to theagedy of the Moriscos.

would be misleading to attribute all the bitter antagonism toward theoriscos to rulers and the clergy. The populace had deep feelings, thoughese may have been manipulated from above. On the other hand, thendowners, who counted a large number of Moriscos in their service as peo

d farmers, showed sympathy for the Moriscos to the point of overlookingme of their religious practices. In addition, a good number of highly placeople, including clergymen, objected to the harsh methods employed agaie Moriscos, preferring a more moderate and humane approach for the tottinization and Christianization of the Moriscos. Indoctrination throughucation was believed to accomplish the goal of total and sincere conversianuals were even written in Arabic to facilitate such a task, as attested bye works of Alcal, Ayala, Ribera, and others. Other methods of social fusiorough intermarriage and social conviviality were often suggested, but failedid the many edicts of "grace" calling upon the Moriscos to confess and

pent, whereupon all their past sins would be forgiven. Such approaches wvocated by a concerned minority and never constituted an established poeither church or state. However well intentioned, these efforts were spord often intended to ameliorate grave injustices. Moreover, even the policyoderation appears never to have deviated from the main objective of

adicating the whole Morisco personality in both external and internal aspe


38/503

ving little or no option of preserving the Morisco's identity as an individuala member of the social group to which he had been bound by history,igion, and culture. In addition, occasional humane overtures were

sufficient to dispel Moriscos' fear and mistrust after long repression. Theorisco could never be sure that any act, however innocent, would not leadave consequences, including trial before the tribunal of the Inquisition. Tnflict between the two societies, powerful Christians and suppressed

oriscos, had reached a point of no return.


39/503

Pag

orisco Reaction: A Self-Imageo complete the general picture of the Moriscos in a hostile environment

quires an evaluation of the Morisco's view of himself and the world, hisoblems and hopes for their solution, basing this evaluation whenever poss his own writings and expressions. Whether living in Granada, Andalusia,lencia, Aragn, Castile, Estremadura, or Catalua, the Morisco and hisrerunner, the Mudejar, had historical consciousness about his past Islamiccendancy and, by extension, about his place in history. This produced noly strong pride in past Islamic accomplishments and faithfulness to Islamlues and practices, but also the unshakable belief in the Morisco's ultimatliverence. This consciousness of a glorious past and present tribulationsrengthened belief in a future redemption through the triumph of divineower over the deeds of man. Untutored and relegated to a low place inciety, aware of his shortcomings and difficulties, the Morisco's hope for aighter future did not falter. This unshaken confidence and its underlyingpectations emerge from his literature on religious matters, polemics, histogend, and even novels. The writings are for the most part didactic and oft


40/503

Pag

al with the theme of hopelessness and despair which end in triumph andss within a divine plan.

e Morisco, like his Mudejar ancestors, witnessed abrupt and shatteringanges within a lifetime. His mosques were destroyed or converted tourches; his estates and homes were taken away and occupied by military

mmanders, noblemen, and church leaders under whom he served in a stalow a slave. 1He worked in the fields with little or no return, under ''thehristian bossing him with an ecstacy of self-magnificence."2He was conscthe perfidy of his Christian oppressor, who reneged upon the terms ofpitulation accorded to him under solemn oath. Moreover, when he wasrced to embrace Christianity, he was rejected even within the fold ofhristianity, and placed in the position of upholding a religion that from thetset denied him any hope now or in the future. Hence, the Morisco felt a

rong sense of betrayal and, inspired by his heritage, resisted. The Granadparticular, had a vivid memory of their past. Although it was demeaning tem to live under christian rule, they had little choice but to accept terms 92 that were both generous and benign, hoping to coexist peacefully am

hristian compatriots with whom they were bound by history and geographsides other, linguistic and cultural factors. No sooner had the peace termen concluded than they were revoked, leaving Granadans frustrated and

miliated.llowing the conquest of Granada, the Moriscos became increasingly alienad ultimately ostracized. They lacked local organization and had little or nopport with fellow Moriscos living elsewhere in the Peninsula. This lack ofcial cohesiveness made them more vulnerable and contributed to theirefficacy in crisis. The landowners among them were fearful of confiscationeedy secular adventurers and clerics; they often would sell their property

ttom prices and emigrate to North Africa. Those who remained had to ser whatever they could get. Some became domestic or menial workers, oftslaves purchased in the free market or captured during wartime; others

ere a migratory group of merchants, peddlers, transportation workers, andvil servants; a third group was engaged in the crafts and industries as baktchers, goldsmiths, carpenters, weavers, tailors, dyers, and similar kinds o

ork;3and a fourth group manned agriculture as small farmers or as vassale Christian nobility. To these may be added the scholars and religious meho appear to have presided over the religious life of the Moriscos. All


41/503

gether, the Moriscos constituted a social group separate from Old Christiaciety. They lived for the most part in rural areas and in moreras on thenges of towns and cities.

o the lack of social cohesiveness may be added the internal dissension wite Morisco communities. This fragility was inherent in Muslim society of al-ndalus, where loyalties were ethnic and regional rather than national or

igious. This can be seen repeatedly during the Reconquest, when town awn fell to the Christian conquerors with little or no help from neighboringuslims. This vulnerability is expressed eloquently by Burns, referring to the


42/503

Pag

uation in Valencia: "Religion so rented with cliques and factions alwayssted on unstable equilibrium. It might fragment in a dozen different pattecording as the winds of new doctrine or political opportunity blew . . . Nommon bonds, no deep political allegiance, bound this diversity into morean an accidental unity. Religion could not always be counted on to rally th

rces." 4is divisive, traditional pattern evident throughout the Reconquest was visso during the siege of Granada in 1491, the Morisco revolt in Valencia in26, and the Alpujarras revolt in Granada in 1568-1570. Factionalismlowing tribal affiliation or blood relationship5played havoc in Morisco rankd was a major factor in their ultimate downfall. The edict of 1566 callingactically for the self-effacement of the Moriscos might be imagined to havused them to unite and meet the challenge by any or all means, yet theurse of the Revolt of the Alpujarras indicates malaise in the social structue Alpujarras revolt was beset by serious problems from the outset. Respothe call of arms was lukewarm; the heterogeneous army of some 15,000

as made up of exiled brigands (monfies),6corsairs,7and other groups wittle support from town dwellers. Moreover, the struggle for leadership revivd animosities based on genealogical affiliation: Hernando de Valor, knownn Umayyah, and Faraj Ibn Faraj of Banu* Sarraj* contended during the

volt until both were assassinated. Besides, popular support was lacking aneason was rampant,9placing the Morisco population at the mercy of thehristian army. Moriscos were aware of the malaise, as is attested by thismplaint: :"Some Moriscos boasted of being descendants of the Helpers;1hers of being migrs;11a third group of being descendants of 'Abd al-anaf*.12They also boasted of other exuberances and ambitions decompod causing them to fall into error."13

oreover, the Morisco was aware of other shortcomings, among them theosion in his beliefs and customs, lack of education, neglect of the Arabicnguage, and diminution of his social, economic, and political power. Theodus of many intellectuals during the Reconquest had left the Mudejarmmunity without leadership. Arabic culture had been declining in al-Andathe time of the Reconquest, and intellectual leaders found new horizons e Muslim countries of North Africa and the East, leaving their fellowndalusians intellectually impoverished. Muhammad* al-Raqili*, who lived iagn at the turn of the fourteenth century, lamented that he had to live


43/503

mong polytheists and coreligionists who were ignorant and ill equipped tofend their religion against vilification.14Another complained that al-Andaad become a dark Island because of the loss of scholars to maintain theamic religion . . . Those who continue residing there by the grace of themighty God have lost the light, schools, and the Arabic language."15Anotorisco scholar complained that not even one of his co-religionists knewabic, in which the Qur'an* was revealed, or undor undd the verities of th

amic religion, which are not explained in the language of the Christianrants. He felt it demeaning to write in Aljama (Romance), apologizing forpressing


44/503

Pag

hat is in the heart in such a vile language. 16Morisco scholars ('alimes*), d with limited education, had to function in secrecy under the constantrveillance of secular and ecclesiastical authorities who regarded them as

oublemakers deserving no mercy.17

spite of Christian strictures, the Mudejars continued to practice their

igion, to use the Arabic language, and to practice their customs.18Visitinpain in 1494-1495 shortly after the fall of Granada, the traveler Munzer gimpses of the Muslim presence in the call of the muezzin at the time ofayer.19In 1499, things changed swiftly, particularly when forced conversas put into practice, silencing once and for all time the voice of the muezze Islamic community in Granada and elsewhere in the Peninsula wentderground. Moriscos' protests that such action violated the terms ofpitulation were ignored, and the Moriscos had to accept a religion considferior to their own, for which they had neither inclination nor conviction. Os account alone, the new imposed religion was doomed to failure. Yet theoice was this or exile. As a result, the Morisco began to lead a dual life, opearing to be what he was not and the other, in secrecy, conforming to hner feeling and real being.

mposed Christianization did not stop at adopting external religiousbservances and rituals, but aimed at eradicating all visible differences in thorisco, which required changes in his customs, language, vestments, foodd entertainment. Decree after decree called for these radical changes, anet with passive resistance and, occasionally, open revolt. Appeals were oftade to repeal the decrees, resulting in some success until 1567, when boe monarchy and the church had apparently decided to implement them. st plea to rescind the edict of 1567 was made by Francisco Nez Muley, orisco of great sensitivity and insight, who appeared to inspire respect as

yal Christian. Nez, who had deep knowledge of Islamic customs andigious observances of the Moriscos, questioned the wisdom of the ordina1567, which called for the summary abolition of Morisco customs andabic.20Nez systematically reviewed and refuted the terms of the edict,guing that the measures affected only customary and regional practices aus, placed a great burden on unhappy people. He implored the governor scind them, reminding him of precedents of tolerance. He also pointed ouat the measures of the ordinance not only violated the terms of capitulatio1492, but also the edicts of conversion, which did not obligate the Morisc


45/503

abandon their language, customs, feasts, dancing, singing, and the like. aimed such measures were the doing of clerics, who advocated them sinc01. He then takes up the measures of prohibition one by one:

. Our women's clothes follow local traditions (traje de provincia), asCastilians and other provincials wear their own traditional clothing. Ourwomen keep their dresses from year to year, and cannot afford to buy new

nes. On the other hand, men dress modestly la Castilian, yet they are spart as well and abused to the point that if a Morisco were caught with anife, he would be sent to the dungeon. Moreover, not all


46/503

Pag

Muslims dress alike; the Turks dress in one way, and other Muslims innother. This is true of Christians, who dress according to their nationalitypeak local languages without knowing any Latin or Romanceyet are

Christians, nevertheless. Such measures are simply persecution of people wave been loyal vassals and obedient servants of His Majesty, always read

erve him, and therefore deserving of his consideration and esteem.. Wedding ceremonies, singing, dancing, and other entertainments are nbstacles to being good Christians, nor do they constitute Moorisheremonies. In fact, pious Muslims and learned men (alfaquies) frown upohem. The zambras (dancing) are provincial customs, not found in Turkey

North Africa. Thus, it follows that they cannot be considered the peculiaritny particular denomination.

. Requiring the doors of homes to remain open is unfair since that inviteshieves and molesters. If the purpose is to prevent performing Moorisheremonies, it will not work because people could perform them at night.

. The allegation that public baths are used for Islamic rituals is withoutoundation since public baths are full of Christians. Moreover, they are filthnd not suitable for Moorish rituals that require cleanliness and privacy. Mmportant, they are places for washingand if they are closed, where do pe

wash?. The veil is not required by religious law, but has customarily been used revent moral laxity and inequity in marriage. Without the veil, men wouldnly choose the beautiful women, leaving the ugly ones unwed.

. Prohibition of the use of old Arabic names is unreasonable, since namessed for ascertaining the genealogy of people. Thus, what good does it doorget them?

. Exiling gacis (unbaptized Moors) presents a great problem, since themajority of them are natives and married. Thus, it is a matter of consciencThe same can be said of the prohibition of having black slaves, whose numas been exaggerated beyond recognition.

. On the Arabic language, he inquires, "How is it possible to take away freople their native tongue with which they were born and brought up?

gyptians, Syrians, Maltese, and others speak, read and write Arabic, and


47/503

s Christian as we. Moreover, no writing, contracts, or wills have beenxecuted in Arabic from the time of conversion. There are many people inowns and places from within and outside the city who cannot use the Araanguage correctly and speak in so many dialects that one can identify aerson from the Alpujarras by his accent. Many were born and reared in smlaces where Aljama (Romance) was never spoken or understood, exceptriests or sacristans, who also speak Arabic. All Moriscos wish to learn

Castilian, but it is difficult, if not impossible, to learn Castilian in theiremaining years even if they


48/503

Pag

were to spend all their time going to and from school. In any case, there ine available to teach Aljama. In sum, the ordinance was contrived to ruis. Imposing it by force causes pain to those natives who cannot meet sucurden: they flee the land as self-exiles (monfies) in fear of penalty. 21

ez's analytical and reasonable approach to the Morisco problem went

heeded, and the edict of 1567 was implemented. Vociferous protestslowed, and old and new grievances were aired. Lead. Leancited people tovolt, and one of them, Muhammad* Ibn Muhammad Ibn Dawud*, compoprovocative ballad not only expressing the injustices to which the Moriscod been subjected but ridiculing Christian beliefs and practices. After prais

od and exalting his attributes, Ibn Dawud* tells his audience about the onerless Andalusia now dominated by heretics, who sent Jews to forceoriscos to practice the unclean rites:

To adore their painted idols,

mockery of the Great Unseen

When the bell tolls, we mustgather to adore the image foul;In the church the preacher rises,harsh voiced as a screaming owl.

He the wine and the porkinvoketh, and the Mass is wroughtwith wine;Falsely humble, he proclaimeththat this is the Law divine.

Yet the holiest of their shavelingsnothing knows of right or wrong,And they bow before their idols,

shameless in the shameless throng,Then the priest ascends the altar,holding up a cake of bread,And the people strike their bosomas the worthless Mass is said.

All our names are set in writing,young and old are summoned all;Every four months the official

makes on all suspect his call.Each one of us must show his


49/503

permit, or must pay his silver over,As with inkhorn, pen, and paper,on he goes from door to door.Dead or living, each must pay it;


50/503

Pag

young or old, or rich or poor;God help him who cannot do it,pains untold he must endure. 22

e authorities' refusal to rescind the edict heightened tension among theoriscos. Hitherto leaderless, disorganized, and without military training an

mmunitions, they opted for revolt, expecting to receive the general suppoe populace and support from North Africa and Turkey. Ibn Dawud* wroteorth Africa for help but his letter in Arabic was intercepted.23The Moriscomassed an army of fifteen to twenty-five thousand, among them werecluded Berbers and Turks,24but the army was ill equipped and beset byvisions. At a meeting in Granada, contention for leadership arose betweenernando de Valor and Faraj Ibn Faraj. Hernando was elected and assumee genealogical name of Ibn Umayyah.25The rebels did not receive the

pected help from the urban dwellers and had to gather around themlagers, self-exiles (monfies),26corsairs,27brigands28and vagrantsandules). The undisciplined army burned churches, forced people to seceom Christianity, and killed clerics and innocent people.29The great damagarmed Philip II, who entrusted the campaign to his brother, Juan of Austre royal army quelled the revolt after enormous loss in life and property,leashing fury as intense as that of the Moriscos, manifested in pillage, ra

ling innocent people, and enslaving many others indiscriminately.30e Moriscos lost the Revolt of the Alpujarras through internal conflicts, and

ck of genuine popular support, not to mention the indifference of fellowuslims in North Africa and Turkey.31The aftermath was disastrous not onr the Granadans but for Moriscos throughout the Peninsula. The savagerye war rekindled old suspicions and led to an impasse between Old Christid Moriscos with attendant hatred and unwillingness to compromise. The

patriation of some fifty thousand Granadans in the northern provinces meted as a reminder of how distant and separate the two communities weree Moriscos, who had hoped to regain their lost position through the help

orth Africans and Turks, continued to entertain such expectationsbecominore vulnerable to attacks from Old Christians, who clamored for themination of the Moriscos by any means available, including mass expulsio

hristian mistrust of the Moriscos was so deep and generalized that it did nare even those who had accepted Christianity in good faith. The term

orisco evoked perfidy in the mind of Christians, and similarly, the Moriscos


51/503

uated Christianity with calamity, widening the polarization between the tmmunities. Each group was convinced that God was on its side.

e Morisco was in a predicament. Were he to say that he was truly a devohristian, no credence would be given to him; were he to say that he was aaunch Muslim, he would be put to the stake. Thus, he had scarcely anyoice except resignation and passive resistance, adhering covertly to old

igious beliefs and customs that were under constant attack. Adhering to


52/503

Pag

em at least gave him a sense of belonging. In an uncertain environment, ared his hopes and beliefs with his family and was instructed in the true fromanized scholars (alfaquies), who kept the Islamic traditions alive thro extensive literature, the Aljamiado literature. Through this literature the

orisco found solace and hope for the future, and discreetly but defiantly,

ntinued to observe fasting, prayer, ablution, and other religious obligationa convert, however, he felt obliged to attend church, to have his childreptized, and to participate in Christian feasts. This dual behavior onlycentuated the difference between him and Old Christians. He perceived

hristianity as the religion of his oppressors, and Islam as that of hope andlvation. He mistrusted priests as his persecutors and avoided confession,lieving that God alone is the Confessor.

e Morisco found ingenious ways of annulling or washing away Christianuals. After the child was baptized, he could be taken home, washed with ater to remove the oil and annul the sacrament of baptism. 33Similarly, ahurch wedding was nullified by having the bride undressed at home, andven a Moorish dress and Moorish nuptials.34Nevertheless, this dual lifeesented a problem of conscience for the Morisco. He felt in limbo, neithernuinely a Muslim nor a confirmed Christian. As a result, appeals were maIslamic authorities requesting a legal decision on the validity of such

nflicting religious practices. They ruled that a double religious life wasndoned by religious law under the umbrella of taqyah (disguise ormulation), permitting a Muslim to dissimulate his religion under duress orreat to life.35This dispensation is attributed to the Prophet Muhammad*,owing a Muslim to forego religious obligations under compulsion as long ae faithful continues to entertain true belief in the heart and to make up higious obligations at a more appropriate time or in secrecy.36Such

spensation was contained in a legal decision (fatwa*) by the Mufti of Oraply to an inquiry of 1563 made by concerned Moriscos.37The Mufti'ssponse, originally in Arabic, was soon translated into Aljamiado.38The goufti suggested ways of altering the manner of religious performances butvertheless upholding them, recommending the maintenance of prayer evmade by signs; almsgiving; performance of the required ablution; glorificathe name of God in the heart when compelled to pray in churches and fa

ols; imbibing wine if compelled but with the intention of not committing a

ce; this also applies when eating pork or being forced to do other forbidde


53/503

ngs. Most significantly, if the faithful is forced to believe in something othan Islam, it could be said with the tongue but denied by the heart, and tme when asked to denigrate the Prophet Muhammad. However, this facilay of avoiding reality was denounced by another North African jurist, al-ansharishi* (d. 1508), who charged those who remained in Spain as infidr living under Christian rule instead of returning to the land of Islam.39

e ambivalent posture under the taqiyah* was difficult both for the Moriscace of mind and for his relationship with Christians within the Peninsula ath fellow Muslims overseas. His Christian neighbors were


54/503

Pag

ware of his religious dualism 40through espionage and frequent accusatiomong quarreling neighbors, including the Moriscos themselves, as attestedports to the authorities and numerous trials before the Inquisition. As foruslims overseas, al-Wansharishi* wrote that North Africans considered theoriscos "Spanish Christians" rather than bonafide co-religionists. In respon

e Morisco developed his own attitude amid lawlessness, defeat, andjection. Jose Venegas, a farmer in Andalusia, lamented to the Mancebo oevalo: "In my view, no one bewailed such calamity as the sons of Granadon't doubt my saying, for I am one of them, and an eyewitness. I saw wity own eyes noble ladies, and married women naked, and three hundred gld at auction. I do not cry for what had happened, for nothing can beought back, but I cry for sensible men . . . And if the conquering king doe

ot observe an oath, what do we expect of his successors?"41This state of

spondency is reflected also in a poem by the exiled Morisco Juan Alfonsoho resided in Tetuan:

uerbo malditopaol

Accursed Spanishraven

estifero cancerbero Pestiferous Cerberusestas con tus tresbezas

With your threeheads

a puerta delfierno42 Stands at the gateof Hell.

the Morisco's world view, not only were kings and people in general crued evil, but the chief prelates of Spain had violated an oath, as had thearaoh of Egypt.43Spanish priests were wolves, merciless thieves,aracterized by haughtiness, vanity, sodomy, laxity, blasphemy, apostasy,

omp, vainglory, tyranny, brigandry, and injustice.44Christians were merefidels, "worshippers of the Cross and eaters of pork."45The Inquisitionspired fear and was considered the tribunal of the devil, "where the demoesides having deceit and blindness for council."46The inquisitors werefidels, who, ''in their diabolical way and prompted by the demon, wanted judges of souls, forcing people to follow their accursed, bedeviled, andfounded sect."47A Morisco refugee in Tunis recalled that the Christiansought prison, torment, and death to al-Andalus, making us firmly sustain

ue faith (Islam) by beholding it in the heart while making display of


55/503

hristianity and laughing at their lies and weak sect.48Spurious propheticaditions were invented regarding the consequences of being associated whristians. It was said on the authority of Muhammad* that if a Muslimsociates himself with a Christian for forty days by virtue of friendship, andes during that period, he will die an unbeliever and will go to Hell.49Finaluhammad Alguazir, a refugee in North Africa, stated confidently that thehristians had failed during more than one hundred years to make the Mus

andon their religion in spite of the threat of being burned at the stake byquisition.50

spite of despondency and despair, the Morisco had the conviction that hals and tribulations were part of a divine plan beyond human power to


56/503

Pag

ter or control. Thus, he placed his fate in the hands of God and the stars,veloping certain messianic ideas about the future and attributing hissperate plight to divine punishment for past sins. He was comforted in thlief that the day of redemption would come when God will inflict retributi misguided and cruel Christians. Even the forced exile was part of the div

an by means of which God delivered them from pharaohs, accursed heretd inquisitors. 51In addition to reliance on God and the stars, the Moriscoade profuse use of amulets and figurines for chasing away bad spirits andtracting good ones. These expectations were expressed in writing in the fanecdotes, legends, divination, and prophecies.

e expectation of the Morisco's ultimate deliverance and triumph was insphis unshakable belief in Islam as the only true religion. One polemic

eatise52refers to a secret letter kept by a pope which reaffirms Islam as tue faith. Upon the pope's death, the letter was discovered by the king ofance, who became concerned and summoned the clergy to give them the

minous news that the Muslims would conquer the land unless Christiansrew them out along with the Jews. The anonymous author of the treatisencludes triumphantly that though the Christians succeeded in expelling tws, thws, the not been able to do the same with the Muslims, who one dll be victorious.

rthermore, the Moriscos were reassured by a number of traditions goingck to Muhammad* which extol the merit of remaining in al-Andalus and tward accruing therefrom.53Examples of such traditions are: Blessed is the who maintains Islam (el-din* del alisallam*) in al-Andalus, for he will

ways have an angel beside him. He who maintains a frontier in Tortosa foe hour will receive pleas for his forgiveness from all creatures, dead andve. He who stays in Saragossa for one day is better than the one who see

nance for his sins in Mecca or Jerusalem. He who does two prostrations oayer in Tortosa is more meritorious than the one who does them in Meccarusalem. God will forgive all those in Tortosa and al-Andalus for just knowd confessing that there is no God but God and Muhammad is His messen

nally, God will protect all Muslims from any evil, and those living in al-Andae better than those living in Mecca.54However spurious, these traditions e dual purpose of legitimizing Moriscos' stay in Spain even under Christiane and of answering the criticism of Muslims overseas, who maintained tha

as demeaning, if not heretical, to live under such conditions.


57/503

e planets were also thought to be on the Morisco's side. In The Book ofmens,55which deals with physical phenomenarain, thunder, eclipses, motthe stars, the zodiac, dreams, and so onthere are some interestingedictions that favor the Moriscos. It is maintained that if an eclipse of thekes place in June, there will be many wars among the unbelievers and Goll facilitate the victory of Muslims over Christians.56The same will happen eclipse of the moon falls in July.57If the New Year falls on a Tuesday, m

hristians will die.58


58/503

Pag

e strength of Moriscos' belief in a future deliverance is based on a numbeophecies that foretell not only their desperate plight, but the ultimateumph of Islam over Christianity. 59Some of those prophecies became knothe Inquisition, giving an added pretext for harsher measures against the

oriscos.60It is of great significance that two prophecies are attributed to

doro, which give added strength to Morisco expectation. One prophecy61ys that one cannot change what Allah has ordained: In the year 150162pain will be so chaotic that no one will know whether he is coming or goinere will be great evil and corruption. In that year the Muslim faith will decd will be followed by conversion of Muslims into Christianity. However,

hristianity will soon be overtaken by evil and will be finished at the hands ooors, who will conquer all of Spain. A destructive war will continue until thll of God is fulfilled. The second prophecy63of Isidoro is filled with

monition and lament: Spain is depicted as boiling in the passion of its evieds, beyond salvation because of the enormity of its sins. It will become herd without a shepherd, a corpse without a head, and widows and peopthout a leader.64Its governors will be thieves; famine, war, and death wierwhelm it; knights will be hypocrites, and the clergy vainglorious, sinful, cherous. Religious men will lack conviction, truth, and charity; and the anGod will fall upon them. All this will come about after the fall of

onstantinople, when the Moors will give the final blow.

th

[Chejne a.G.] Islam and the West, the Moriscos

Documents

Transcript of [Chejne a.G.] Islam and the West, the Moriscos