CHAPTER IV

ETHNIC CONSOLIDATION OF BODO LANGUAGE IDENTITY: ASSERTION OF THE

BODO SAHITYA SABHA

INTRODUCTION

'Language is the backbone of the community and literature is the sign of complete development of that community. Literature cannot exist without language, and the community that does not have its own language cannot prove itself to be independent, civilised and unified. That is why, every community that is aware of its identity has been trying its level best to improve and develop its language and culture. It is a matter of pleasure and pride that the Bodo community has its own language and its literature has been trying to bring consciousness. Such consciousness conveys that the community has a bright future.' 1

These words were penned when the Bodo Literary Club was formed, which encouraged

the foundation of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha in 1952. The remarks show a deep sensitivity

for language, which is considered as sublime to the existenc of the Bodo community.

Language and literature holds a special place because the community had to work very

hard to give its language social and political status.

The Bodos became progressively conscious of their linguistic identity in the wake of

Assamese linguistic domination in the post-independence period. Rulima Kakot/ in

"Language as a Factor of Identity Assertion in Assam" explains that the urge of the

Assamese to maintain linguistic domination in Assam is not a post-independence

phenomenon. This phenomenon, as we have already discussed, erupted from the fact that

the Assamese were facing economic and cultural threat from the Bengali immigrants

since colonial times. After independence, she says, the Assamese elite became

increasingly assertive of their socio-cultural and linguistic rights. The impulsiveness of

the Assamese elites to give its language a rightful place motivated other ethnic groups

like the Bodos, the Karbis, the Mishings, the Tiwas and the Sopn to express their lingo-

1Bodo Literary Club, "Letter ofRajendra Nath Brahma", reprinted in Praban Bargayary (ed.), The Bodo: J;1outhpiece of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha (Korajhar: Bodo Sahitya Sabha, 2002), p.A-18 - Rulima Kakoty, "Language as a Factor of Identity Assertion in Assam" in Girin Phukon (cd.), Politics of Identity & Nation Building in North-East India (New Delhi : South Asian Publishers Pvt.Ltd, 1997), p.!35-142

191

cultural identity. The tribals who greatly contributed to Assamese nationalism started

asserting the distinctiveness of their language.

Language, as Leonard Bloomfield defines, 'is a complex communicative symbol which is

inextricably related to social activity.' Morris-Jones comments that language is perhaps

'the most important mark of group identification. ' 3 The status of a community is defined

by the status of its language. There cannot be a clearer example than Assam, where

various linguistic communities, whether those who assume themselves to be indigenous

or those who are deemed to be immigrants have from time to time raised voice on the

status of their language.

The episodes of 1960 and 1972 of introducing Assamese as the official state language

and as the medium of instruction, respectively, may otherwise mean nothing except

formalising a smooth passage of language standardisation. But in a multi-ethnic and

multi-lingual region, such attempts mean linguistic domination of a particular

community. The demands of the tribals and other linguistic minority groups in Assam are

not a direct off-shoot of the Assamese demand for linguistic identity but it has definitely

contributed a lot in reinforcing such demands. The tribal demand for separate identity is

rather a culmination of both natural desire and constructed threat of elite. It is natural

because when a small group remains subjected to dominance from bigger linguistic

groups the former naturally develops a sense of alienation leading to demand for separate

identity and some part of the desire are constructed because the ethnic elite who face

constant economic and political challenge make believe their community that without a

distinct identity their community cannot develop.

Till the second and third decades of the twentieth century, Assamese identity remained

almost unchallenged because of the fact that other communities of the composite

population in Assam had not reached that stage of evolution where an identity could

begin to emerge, i.e., a stage of maturity, a level of historical development of the

community. However, from 1930's onwards the situation gradually began to change as

other groups also began to develop to a point where new, articulate forces began to

3 op.cit., no.2, p. 135

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emerge in their own communities. One such significant development in Assam was the

gradual emergence of Bodo educated elite.4

When the Bodo middle class was in its nascent stage, the central focus of the class was to

initiate social reforms. The idea of a separate identity gained importance around 1930's

and 1940's when the educated elite entered politics, asked for constitutional safeguards

and became divided over the issue of aligning themselves with the all India political

culture or maintaining a separate political status. The culmination of this process was

seen in the formation of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha in 1952.5 The establishment ofthe Bodo

Sahitya Sabha had ushered a new era for the Bodo community. The issue of Bodo

identity, from here on, got intensified with the 'ethno-consolidating role of the Bodo

language'.

The Bodo identity assertion may have begun even before the formation of Bodo Sahitya

Sabha but it was the Sahitya Sabha that got the mass associated with the assertion. Prior

to the Bodo Sahitya Sabha, the thought of Bodo identity was only restricted to few

middle class members, mostly those who were associated with politics. In fact, till 1952,

the Bodo identity was manifested mainly in the political sphere through organisations like

the Tribal League. The League was mainly concerned with percentage of share in

political power, demanding reservation on the basis of separate tribal identity. The

leaders hardly made any effort, whatsoever, to organise and mobilise the mass. The Bodo

Sahitya Sabha took on to building mass base and eventually changed the context of Bodo

identity.

The Bodo community has made several outstanding achievements in the arena of

establishing the Bodo language identity like recognising Bodo language as the

associate official language of Assam in Bodo populated areas and also its inclusion in

the 8th schedule of the Indian Constitution (See, Appendix III). The achievements

mark the potency of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha because in all such endeavours the Bodo

Sahitya Sabha had played the pivotal role. In this chapter, we shall discuss the

emergence and development of Bodo identity assertion and the role played by the

Bodo Sahitya Sabha in strengthening the assertion. The chapter begins with a

4 Manorama Sharma,"Identity: Inherent or Evolved?" in Girin Phukon ( ed.), Politics of Identity & Nut ion Building in North-East India (New Delhi: South Asian Publishers Pvt.Ltd, 1997), p.22 5 ibid

193

discussion on the plains tribal. We are focussing on the plains tribal of the

Brahmaputra valley because the Bodos belong to this section of population.

THE PLAINS TRIBAL OF ASSAM

The Bodos are said to be autochthon tribal, a fact accepted by many historians.

Broadly speaking, there are two groups of tribal population in Assam: the autochthon

tribal and non- autochthon tribal. Among the autochthon tribal, there is again further

division: the tribal of the plains and the tribal of the hills. The non- autochthon tribal

are those tribal groups that have moved into Assam from Jharkhand during the

colonial rule.

Tribals are an important component of Assam's society, polity, economy and

demography. The major hills tribals of the undivided Assam were the Nagas, the

Mizos, the Khasis, the Garos, the Karbis and the Dimasa-Kacharis. At present, there

are only two hill districts in Assam that is Karbi Anglong and North Cachar inhabited

by the Karbis and the Dimasa-Kacharis, respectively. These two districts have their

own district councils under the provision of the Sixth Schedule of the Indian

Constitution. However, this privilege was not extended to any of the plains tribal. This

was because the hills tribals "were acknowledged to be entirely separate from the non­

tribal people in the plains, the plains tribes were seen as yet another sub-nationality of

the Assamese." 6 Therefore, the major tribes of the plains like the Bodos, the Rabhas,

the Mishings, the Sonowals, the Tiwas and the Deuris did not get whatever autonomy

was provided to the hills tribal under the provisions of the Sixth Schedule.

Among the plains tribal, the Bodos are demographically largest, followed by the

Mishings, the Sonowals, the Rabhas and the Tiwas. All these tribes are stand at uneven

levels from one another in terms of social, cultural, economic and political development.

Besides, their level of assimilation with the Assamese differs drastically. For instance, the

Sonowals and Meches of upper Assam have completely assimilated with the Assamese;

the Deuris, the Tiwas and the Rabhas have adopted the Assamese script for developing

6 Monirul Hussain, "The Tribal Question in Assam: A Sociological Appraisal" in Milton S. Sangma(ed.),

Essays on North-East India (New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, 1994 ), p.280

194

their language; the Mishing and the Bodos have not accepted the Assamese script for

their language; the Mishing uses the Roman script and the Bodos use Devanagri script. 7

The plains tribal assimilated with the Assamese due to the process of Sanskritisation

carried out during the Ahom rule. Sanskritisation, particularly during the pre-colonial

times, absorbed many tribals into the caste fold, both in the Sakta (Saivaite) and

Vaishnava (Vaisnavite) forms of Hinduism. Various tribal chiefs entered the Hindu fold

with an aspiration to acquire the Kshatriya status. The Hindu priestly class, brought to

Assam by the Ahom rulers, had played a significant role in fulfilling the ambition of the

tribal chiefs and. Following the chiefs, the tribal people discarded their traditional tribal

religion and embraced Hinduism. Assamese became the mother-tongue of many tribal

clans and those who continued with their tribal dialect/language as their mother-tongue

also knew the Assamese language. Assamese had developed as a lingua ji-anca among

inter-tribal communication and between the Assamese and tribal.

The plains tribal also enriched Assamese culture and nationality. The late Bishnu Prasad

Rabha, a tribal communist leader, was a towering figure in the modern Assamese

performing arts like music, theatre and cinema; he was popularly known as Kalagum of

modern Assamese culture. Medhini Mohan Chaudhuri, a Bodo litterateur, contributed to

enriching modern Assamese literature. Such examples are many. Many tribal clans

assimilated so well with the Assamese that they gave up their original tribal identity. This

is one reason for the decrease of the tribal population to three-fold. Another reason for

decrease of tribal population in the overall state population is also because of the heavy

migration of non-tlibals.

The plains tribal were regarded, historically, as inseparable from the Assamese. They had

been sharing together with the Assamese a common homeland that is, the Brahmaputra

valley. Despite strong connection and immense contribution to Assamese nationality, the

tribals have always faced crisis of recognition and their conditions have remained

deplorable. In the last few decades, the plains tribal of Assam had been vociferously

calling for detachment of their identity from the Assamese language group. Hussain8

points out that the tribals have been perpetually experiencing not only an identity crisis in

Assam but also economic exploitation and social, cultural and political oppression. Also,

7 op.cit., no.6, p.281

8 op.cit., no.6; p.285

195

the leaders in Assam had never clarified the position of the Assamese vis-a-vis the

autochthons tribal. They were either treated as an appendage to the Assamese or were put

under the category of non-Assamese. Despite the fact that the plains tribal had been

enriching the Assamese culture, yet they had not been able to secure a place of their own.

Over a period of time they became conscious of their position and gradually stood up

against oppression and backwardness and raised their voices for recognition of their

separate ethnic/tribal identity from the Assamese.

Alienation in the Brahmaputra Valley

The tribal's of the Brahmaputra valley like their counterparts across the country have

perpetually experienced the problems of land alienation, poverty, indebtedness, severe

unemployment, economic exploitation, cultural and political oppression. The problem of

land alienation had pushed the tribals deeper into unemployment, poverty and debt-trap.

Verrier Elwin in his 'A Philosophy for NEFA( 1949)' observed ' ... the first cause of their

(tribals} depression was the loss of their land and forests. This had the effect so

enervating the tribal organism that it had no interior resistance against infection by a

score of other serious evils. To the tribal mind, government's attitude about land and

forests is as important as any scheme for development or education.' Leading experts on

tribal development have also echoed Elwin's concem.9

The conditions of the tribals deteriorated under the British rule; during the Ahom rule the

tribals were given independence over their land in return of fulfilment of certain feudal

obligations. As Assam was brought under the control of the British, all agricultural and

forest lands were brought under the colonial administration and so relatively isolated

tribal habitats were encroached upon in this process. The British gave an opportunity to

the non-tribals to enter into tribal areas and in the process the non-tribals not only

exploited land and forests resources but also undermined the tribal economy and society.

The British paved the path for commercialisation of resources by allowing landlords to

collect revenue from tribal lands; the landlords also indulged in large-scale importation of

non-tribal labourers for generating more revenue. Such policies of the British were

adopted in other parts of India as well. In many villages of Bihar, Bengal, Madhya

Pradesh, 01issa, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra, tribals lost their land to non-

9 Chandan Kumar Sharma," Tribal Land Alienation: Government's Role" in Economic and Political Week(v, December 29,2001, p.479l

196

tribals. The exasperation of the tribals found its expression in several revolts that spurted

out in the colonial period; there were altogether seventy major revolts in India during the

two hundred years of British rule.

The British introduced the new land policy in Assam which brought drastic change in

tribal livelihood. Cash economy was introduced and this burdened the tribals and non­

tribals with heavy debt. Land belonging to the peasantry was often encroached upon by

British planters; the administration, in fact, gave nod to such activities. The tribal

population belonging to the Tiwa and Bodo-kacharis of the erstwhile Naogoan and

Darrang were worst sufferers compared to their counterparts. This is because, this tribal

population was in the habit of practising shifting cultivation. As land was abundant, they

used to shift their habitat from place to place. Barrnan10 says that the tribals practised

shifting cultivation to avoid paying land revenue to the Government. In the long run this

practice deprived them of procuring permanent 'patta' land for themselves and they were

further burdened with taxes resulting in poverty and land alienation. There was not

enough cash to meet the demands of the colonial economy hence, the peasants took huge

loans from moneylenders. Even the items of daily use like bamboo, thatch, wood, fish

etc, were brought under taxation. The necessity of repaying debt forced peasants to sell

their land and agricultural products at very low prices. Because of their ignorance the

tribals had to face tremendous loss of land and cash. Both the tribal and non-tribal

peasantry showed their anger and, consequently there were series of clashes and peasant

revolts in Assam in the later half of the 19th century.

Tribals were also displaced because of heavy migration that had usurped much of tribal

land. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the British instigated immigration of

peasants, mostly Muslims, from the erstwhile neighbouring districts of East Bengal in

order to generate more land revenue. The presence of immigrants were most conspicuous

in the Goalpara district, Barpeta subdivision of Kamrup district, foothills area of the

Karbi hills of the Naogoan district and the Mongoldoi subdivision of the erstwhile

Darrang district. These areas had high density of tribal population, who ultimaytely lost

their lands to outsiders. Immigration was not only affecting the agricultural land but also

forestland. The large-scale immigration led to displacement of tribal peasantry in two

ways: the migrants usurped agricultural lands because as the tribal peasants were

10 S.N. Barman, Asomcr Janjatir Samasya (Guwahati: Progressive Book House, 1995), p. 75

197

practitioners of shifting cultivation it was very easy for immigrants to get land. The

migrants could occupy land left by tribals and claim its ownership. Secondly, many tribal

moved out of their land to remoter areas to avoid living alongside the migrants. 11

The colonial administration did make efforts to rectify the migration process after

protests by the people of Assam by introducing the Line System in 1920. The System

aimed at restricting the migrants to settle only in few marked areas. However, the system

was aborted when the Muslim League led coalition ministry came to power in 1940. It

introduced Development Scheme, which facilitated the settlements of migrants in all

wastelands of Assam. However, the Congress-led coalition ministry of Gopinath

Bordoloi had initiated a resolution stating that villages with 50 percent or more tribal

population were to be brought under the jurisdiction of tribal belts and blocks. For

geographical compactness, even the neighbouring villages with less than 50 per cent

tribal population were clubbed with the reserved tribal areas. In this reserved areas,

transfer of tribal lands to non-tribals were prohibited. These provisions were given final

shape under the Assam Land and Revenue Regulation Amendment Act, 1947. The

provisions, however, failed in safeguarding tribal interest.

The phenomenon of tribal displacement also continued in the post-independence era.

Large number of tribal inhabitants were pushed into remote areas, either forcibly or

driven need for survival. The Assam Ceiling Act, 1956 caused land alienation among the

tribals because the landlords owning excess land under the Act often disposed extra land

to someone else under real or fictitious names to escape the law. The peasants working in

these lands were often evicted in the process The evictors were from the influential

gentry class so it had the support of government machinery. The Ceiling Act also resulted

in tribal peasants getting much less land due to their inability to prqduce documentary

proof. Reluctance of the revenue officials to help the tribal peasantry in this regard also

added to the problem. The government continued to settle immigrants on tribal land, but

unlike the motive of the British administration and Muslim League ministry, in the post­

independence era, the motive behind such initiatives was to create vote banks for

electoral gains.

11 A. Raychoudhury, 'AsomerJanjatirSamasya: Eti Chinta' (Guwahati: Anwesha, 1991), p. 23

198

Studies by the Tribal Research Institute of Assam contends that one of the very

significant factors leading to tribal displacement in Assam was the installation of the

industrial and irrigational complexes in the reserved tribal areas. Not only land policies,

but development projects also affected the tribal population severely. The Dhansiri

Irrigation Project in the Darrang district, the Jagiroad Paper Mills of the Hindustan Paper

Corporation at Morigaon district, the Bokajan Cement Factory of the Cement Corporation

of India in the Karbi Anglong district, the Namrup Fertiliser industry of the Fertiliser

Corporation of India in the Dibrugarh district, the Bongaigoan Refinery and

Petrochemichals in the Bongaigoan district are glaring examples of government's role in

uprooting the tribals from their own land. All these forced the tribal population to migrate

into remoter areas, hence, they remained deprived of development. On the other hand, the

government made no comprehensive plan to rehabilitate the tribal families. More than 50

percent of the inhabitants of 524 forest villages of Assam are tribals. This propensity may

not be looked as something sentimental, that tribals wants to live amidst nature, rather

this tendency is an offshoot of the dependence of the tribals on forest resources for the

sustenance of their economic life. 12

Doley13 has mentioned in his study that most of the land of the present-day township of

Chlilapathar in the Lakhimpur district originally belonged to the Mishing tribe. A

considerable portion of the land of the present-day Guwahati originally belonged to the

people of Bodo-Kachari and plain Karbi tribes. A large number of the Bodo peasantry

had migrated to forest reserves. They were the worst victims of faulty government land

policies. They had to bear the brunt of government eviction measures. A large number of

Bodo peasantry in Batasipur forest reserve of Sonitpur district were called encroachers

and had to face police repression. Thus, the tribal populace lost their land due to faulty

government policies and also had to face the grind of governmental action.

Charan Narzary14 points out that due to short-sightedness of the government the non­

tribals got an opportunity to exploit the tribals. The provision of tribal belts and blocks

could not be implemented due to lack of commitment on the part of implementers and

12 op.cit; no.9, p. 4794-95 13 D. Ooley, "Patterns and Causes of Land Alienation of the Mishing Tribe of Assam" in B.N. Bordoloi(ed.), Alienation of Tribal Land and lndebtness (Assam: Tribal Research Institute, 19S6), p.55 14 Charan Narzary, ·The Plains Tribals and their Lands" in Praban Bargayary(ed.) The Bodo: Mouthpiece of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha (Korajhar: Bodo Sahitya Sabha, 2002), p.51

199

The Bodos had gathered the strength to assert because they had began their search for

distinct identity from the Assamese. The Missionaries played a pioneering role in

developing Bodo language and literature. The work of the Missionaries, the Brahma

Movement and the zeal of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha has developed the Bodo language and

literature, as it stands today. Education made an enlightening effect on the Bodo society

and from the 20th century onwards, the educated section among the Bodos tried to

develop Bodo literature and spread awareness among the mass.

BODO LITERARY VENTURES

The Bodo language has remained confined to only spoken form until recent past. Though

the Bodos have inhabited the Brahmaputra valley and its neighbouring tracks, yet it was

not till the advent of the Christian Missionaries that their language, history, culture and

society were scripted. However, there has been a tradition among the Bodos to preserve

their experiences through oral literature. Oral and unwritten literature has been a feature

of many cultures not just the Bodos. The ancient Indian epics and the world classics

including the Greeks have tradition of oral and unwritten literature. The classic and

legendary Bodo stories are Mauriashrwn Jwhwlao, Alsiashrwn Jwhwlau, Ghilashrwn

Jwhwlao, Gambari Mulati Gabur Sikh/a, Jaolia Dewan, etc. 16

The traditional Bodo folk-lore, folk-songs, dances told experiences of festivities, different

seasons, day-to-day activities, human feelings, rites and rituals connected with ailments

and death, supernatural powers, worship of Bathou etc. The oral literature depicted man's

liaison and inter-relationship with the nether world, animal and plant kingdom; these

were versed in songs and stories and were passed on from generation to generation, when

the scripting of Bodo language did not exist. The herdsmen, woodcutters, fishing men

and women and forest dwellers had abundance of stories, both imaginary and real, these

were also the source of Bodo oral literature.

Oral literature, however rich may be its value cannot showcase the quality of language.

Bodo language found its excellence and became more refined when it began to be

scripted. The advent of the Missionaries in Bodo area of Assam is credited by most of the

Bodos as a new opening to the Bodo community. It was the Missionaries that initiated the

16 Sobha Brahma, "'Bodo Sahitya Sabha: Appraisal in Retrospect" in Praban Bargayary(ed.); The Bodo: Mouthpiece of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha (Korajhar: Bodo Sahitya Sabha, 2002), p. 34

201

first written literature of the Bodos. Apart from the advent of the Missionaries, it was the

also the effort of Gurudev Kali Charan Brahma, who led the Brahma movement, that a

new age of the Bodo language began.

Fr. Marengo, the Rector of Guwahati, learnt the Bodo language and prepared the fust

prayer book in Bodo language. He was regareded as the heart and school of Catholic

movement among the Bodos. However, the first Mission society to evangelise the Bodos,

according to records, was the Ametican Baptist mission. Its contact with the Bodos was

first made by Rev.Barker soon after he had established the Mission Centre at Guwahati in

1843. There he opened a school boarding house in which a number of Bodo pupils were

accommodated. 17 Later on several other Mission had started their work in the Bodo areas.

Like, Rev. Sidney Endle of the Anglican Church Mission made extensive studies on the

Bodo language and culture. He translated a part of the New Testament into Baroni and

also a hand book on the Bodo language. He wrote several papers on the Bodo folklores.

His monograph, 'The Kacharis' edited by 1 .B.Anderson, the then Deputy Comrnisioner

of Darrang, on behalf of the Government of Assam and published first in 1911 in

London. 18

In the monograph, 'The Kacharis', Rev. Endle narrated some Bodo folk-tales along with

detailing the socio-economic-religious-cultural aspects of the Kacharis. He used the

Roman script with analogous English translation of Bodo words. It also somewhat

explains the reason ofBodos inclination towards the Roman Script. Sobha Brahma19 says

that Rev. Endle wrote the monograph not for propagation of Christanity, rather he had

genuine love and respect for the Bodos. Rev. Endle had acknowledged the Bodo's rich

heritage of culture. He also stated the kingdom on the Brahmaputra valley was

administered by the Bodos but eventually it was taken over by the caste Hindus. He is

revered by the Bodo people as one of the first to have initiated the first written literature

of the Bodos.

The Bodo language progressed as a written language from the 20th century. Bodo

literature of the 20th century can be divided into three periods- 1906 to 1919, 1920- 1951

17 Mosahary, R.N .. ; "Origin and Growth of Christainity among the Bodos of Assam" in Jayanta Bhusan

Bhattacharje (ed); 'Proceedings of North East India History Associ:J.tion: Seventh Session, Pasighat'; North East India History Association, Sillong, 1986; p. 173 18 ibid, p. 274 19 op.cit., no. 16, p. 34-35

202

and from 1952 to the present. The 19th century Bodo literature was the handiwork of

Christian Missionaries. In the period 1906-1919, the Bodo literature was influenced by

Brahma movement and its section of South Goalpara writers. The period 1920-1951 was

pioneered by Bodo Chattra Sanmilani. These two periods are regarded as the old period

of Bodo literature. The modem period of the Bodo literature coincides with the birth of

the Bodo Sahitya Sabha which had made immense contribution to the development of

Bodo language and literature.

Bodo Literature under the Influence ofBrahma Movement:1906-1919

The first major effort to revive the traditional folk lore had been made by Kalicharan

Brahma. His song 'Honwi sanjaja swrang bwgwu bahang birhang sikria bidwi sabdwng'

is the symbol of the dawn of Bodo literature and language. Brahma was born in 1842 in

Dhubri subdivision of the Goalpara district of Assam and commenced his missionary

activities in 1906. He had initiated a social-religious reform movement called the

'Brahma' movement, which lays immense faith on 'Brahma', meaning 'the only one and

no one else.' Along with his mission of propagating Brahma faith, he carried out social

movements and regeneration of Bodo culture. He made immense contribution to

developing Bodo language and literature. Few names that may be worth mentioning who

have contributed to the effmis of Kalicharan Brahma are Charan Mandai, Jamadar

Brahma, Bir Narayan Brahma, Karan Mandai, Malsing Brahma Chowdhury, Dhwajendra

Nath Brahma, Katimal Brahma, Kanti Kumar Brahma, Sobharam Brahma, Satish

Chandra Basumatary and others.

The South Goalpara region needs a special mention here, as we discuss the early Bodo

litterateurs. Kali Charan Brahma visited South Goal para areas for propagation of Brahma

faith where he could influences some of the educated youths to carry forward his ideals.

It was in South Goalpara that the first literary organisation was founded called

'Dakshinkul Bodo Sahitya Sanmillani' in 1918. The South Goalpara writers were talented

and creative and made immense contribution to the Bodo literature.

'Howraghat Bodo Sanmilani' which was founded in 1912 in South Goal para was the first

Bodo organisation. Ganga Charan Patgiri's ·Baroni Fisa 0 Ayen '(1915) was the first

published booklet of the Bodos written under the aegis of Howraghat Bodo Sanmilani.

Prasanna Kumar Khakhlary's written dramas were very popular among the Bodos like

203

Daokha Rajani Jaan, Hirimdwi, Baroni Rajafwr, Bardwi Sihla, Ahom- Baroni Daoha.

Ananda Brahma's publications include Hiranyasksha, Madhum, Raha Daoha and lyrical

compositions. Writers of this period used Assamese script. The following two verses

(translated in English) will reflect how the Bodos praised the English intellect and

loathed the caste Hindu domination.

20 op.cit., no. 16, p. 3 7

Ever take the name of God in your mouth What days of happiness for the English Have the intelligence of English in your minds The ship flies over the sky The message comes over the iron sting The path of a day transverse in a moment In the sea the ship glides Over the great river hangs the bridge Bungalows flourish here and there Courts ofjustice set up Under the hills roads run along Run the rails on those roads Wells of kerosene oil prepared Rails run on intellect Wars with Germans accelerate The English conquer the Germans What a day of rejoicing Happiness dawns on us

Are you not ashamed 0 Adhikari Have you forgotten? You have forgotten That you are looked with disdain and discarded Do you not feel disgust? That you are treated with apprehension who can defile with touch An object abominable Can you remember? Your sitting plank sprinkled with water That you are made to drinkfrom black container Do you feel the loathe? Shrink with shame do you not?

204

Our meal is served on the roadside A convert to Hindu faith, when a Bodo is given the title of Adhikari

-Ananda Brahma21

The Bodos were much influenced by British mainly because the Christian Missionaries

had enlightened them with knowledge, such an effort was not made earlier. The Bodos

saw only subjugation and threat to their existence from the caste Hindu population.

Hence, the belief in tribal identity was already starting to take shape though it took some

more years to fully mature. The South Goalpara became the hub of Bodo activities. The

South Goalpara writers and social workers had tremendous enthusiasm for refmm and

literary pursuits and the zeal to form the first Bodo organisation and the first Bodo

literary organisation.

Continuing Period of the Old Bodo Literature: 1920-1951

Young and enthusiastic students studying in Cotton College who took up the cudgel to

initiate literary activities formed the Bodo Chatra Sanmilani in 1919. The Sanmilani in

the year 1923 brought out Bibar, the first Bodo magazine edited by Satish Chandra

Basumatary. The publication of Bibar brought about a new thrust in the growth and

development of Bodo literature; prose work and critical essays got a new outlook. After

Bihar, a series of Bodo joumal came out- the Jenthoka (1925), the Bithorai (1932), the

Rup 0 Chinta Ohara (1937) the Musri arw Sanshri (1937), the Olongbar (1938),

Hathorkhi-Hala (1942), Nayak (1941). The Nayak was published by All Assam

Progressive Kachari Sanmilan. The Bithorai, the Rup 0 Chinta Dhara and the Olongbar

were edited by Promod Chandra Brahma. Promod Chandra Brahrna had also compiled a

comprehensive Bodo dictionary that was reprinted by the Bodo Sahitya Sabha in 1996.

The Bodo Lirthum Bilai published by Sukhram Basumatary was the best Bodo joumal of

the old period of the Bodo literature.

Others who been associated with Bodo Chattra Sanmilani are Rupnath Brahrna, Moda

Ram Brahma, Satish Chandra Basumatary, Shobha Ram Brahrna Chowdhury and

Khagendra Nath Brahrna. Rupnath Brahrna and Moda Ram Brahrna edited a selection of

Bodo poems titled Khonthai Methai (1923), comprising of 26 poems and 8 lyrics. Bodoni

OJ • - op. cJt., no.I6, p.3 7

205

Gibi Sibsa Aro Azo by Moda Ram Brahma was published in 1926. This was a unique

collection of Bodo devotional and mystic poetry. !shan Moshary wrote excellent

romantic poems in Bodo language besides the first Bodo short story. He was highly

influenced by Bengali poetry while he was studying in Alipurduar in North Bengal. He

also wrote a number of folk plays, which was influenced by folk plays of Bengal.

In this period, writers expressed their literary pursuits through folk plays or Jatra gaan.

Folk plays were the only source of entertainment for the people, in an age when TV,

radio or movies were beyond the reach of the common masses. Through these plays

social message was also transmitted to the people. People waited for such occasion to

come when folk plays would be performed in village ground or in marriages. Dwarendra

Nath Basumatary ( 1902-1972) made immense contribution to develop the art of folk

plays. He is said to be the chief disciple of Satish Chandra Basumatary, who is

recognised as the father of Bodo folk plays and one of leading members of the Brahma

cult. Dwarendra Nath Basumatary has written 25 plays which showed his extraordinary

talent in reaching the common masses. He used drama as a medium of not only

entertainment but also to impart education and initiate social reforms in the society.

Among his plays Sukharu-Dukhara, Raja Nilambar, Laimuthi, Kamatapur, Rangalu

Jwhwlao and Sonani Maibong have been very famous. He and his disciples like

Kalikumar Lahary, Barun Boro, Bishnu Boro, Mongol Brahma, Kamala Kanta Boro,

Upen Brahma, Bhaben Swargiari, Meghna Boro were revered by the present generation

of Bodo writers and dramatists.

Some of the famous Bodo folk plays during the Bibar and Olanbar age to the Nayak era

(1920-1951) are Umesh Chandra Mushahary's Gandaram Faria, Mani Ram Islary's

Hamfe Faria, Bima Bathul and Mewar Kumar, Moda Ram Brahma's Raimali, Dimapur

Nwgwr Bainai and Sadang Bairagi, Nabin Narzary's Dhansri Raja and Amarenda

Brahma's Mwina Kabari Gangamailu. Folk plays had become an important form of

communication.

Most of the veterans that had led the Bodo literary movement had studied in Bengali

medium or have completed their higher education from Universities in Bengal so they

could not ir,\'ariably remain untouched by Bengal Renaissance. Strong influence of

Bengal Renaissance could be found in the thoughts and activities of the Bodo veterans.

206

Even, Gurudev Kalicharan Brahma had taken his inspiration from the Brahmo faith of

Brahmo Samaj in Bengal. Therefore many of the Bodo plays, prose and poetry were

either translation or adaptations from Bengali plays.

Modern Bodo Literature: 1952 onwards

The period commencing forth 1952 is recognised as the modern era of Bodo literature.

The modern era shows the enthusiasm and dedication of writers, whose works were

acknowledged by the Sahitya Sabha. The Bodo Sahitya Sabha became the guardian of

educational, literary and all intellectual pursuits of the Bodo people so its birth coincides

with the advent of modern era.

After the Bihar and the Olangbar age, 1950's ushered in the age of Okhaphwr. The

Okhaphwr was brought by Bodo Cottonians in 1954, edited by Ranendra Narayan

Basumatary. In 1952, Khonthai-Bihung was published by Jwhwlao Nileswar Brahma and

Kali Kumar Lahary. Prasenjit Brahma's Ang Thwia created stir among the readers,

particularly the youth. The poems published in Ang Thwia were attuned to the times

when the Bodo people were restless in the search for their origin and conscious of the

threat to their cultural existence. Samar Brahma Choudhury who was the founding

member of Boroni Onsai Afat, a cultural organisation, wrote Radab; which was a

collection of romantic poems.

Among the prose works, some noteworthy writings are- Bathau by Ramdas Basumatary,

Nwjwr Arw Bibungthi by Praban Borgoyary and Dikhung Khulani Makhase Agu

Thunlaigirifwr by Sonatan Brahma Patgiri. Bodos have been probing into the

development of their language, culture and identity from the time Rev. Endle who wrote

the first monograph on the Bodos. Writers of the modern era have contributed to the

strengthening of certain historical facts of the Bodo culture. Manoranjan Lahary has

studied and written on the 'Bodo Literature and Development'. Other such efforts come

from Khagen Lahary, Dinanath Basumatary and Mathura Mohan Brahma. H.C. Nmjinary

wrote on the 'Sanskritisation and de-Sanskritisation of the Meches' and Anil Boro has

written on 'Myths Extant among the Bodo'.

207

Some of the very conspicuous issue in Bodo writings of the modem era is that they bring

out -their lament of suffering in the alien hands and their search for identity and relates

more to the reality than imagination. Here are some translated poems -

The machination of other castes Makes you burrow in afforested dwellings Plundered by aliens You become in your own land guests Guests become the land-lords

To the caves and hollows the Bodos.flee

Gaurikanta Brahma22

When their dwellings grow into towns and cities For use or unuse they street out preaching religions Deceives the nai"ve and thus amass wealth Miss Abari she is who has passed PU Squandering money a lot searching a job Her father she has made a pauper

Samard Deuri 23

Abject poverty and fear of being uprooted has left the Bodos at the threshold of

extinction from the mainstream. Such pain and agony as well as an urge of fighting out

the situation had been haunting the Bodo minds. Even in the midst of political turmoil,

literary activities have never come to a stand still.

The modem Bodo writers have tried to explore different arenas of expressions like

literary criticism, biography, travelogue and children's literature. Bodo novel was still in

its fancy, but Bodo short story has made much headway. Among the Bodo short story

writers mention may be made of Ishan Mushahary, Nilkamal Brahma, M.R. Lahary,

Dharani Dhar Wary, Prasenjit Brahma and many others. Though creative writing has

made much progress, there has been not much progress in the field of journalism, except

for one or two weekly newspaper there was no daily standard newspaper in B.odo

language.

The modem era of literature is an era of creative literature and the litterateurs are the

products of modem education. Whereas, in the period preceding 1952, that is before the

22 op.cit., no.l6, p. 43 23 op.cit., no.l6, p.44

208

birth of BSS, the literatures and Jatra gaans was the handiwork of scantily educated rural

Bodo masses. Therefore, folk plays were mostly spontaneous outbursts without much

emphasis into the creativity aspect. The overall progress has been astounding; within

such short period of time. The Bodo writers have mastered many new techniques of

writing and at the same time were also adhered to their roots.

Lot of inspiration has been taken from the ancient period. Some authors devoted their

attention to the collection of oral traditions of the Bodos and published folk-tales, folk

songs and proverbs. Mohini Mohan Brahma, Promod Chandra Brahma, Sukumar

Basumatary and Rohini Kumar Brahma were the handful of Bodo writers who

endeavoured to collect and publish the gems of Bodo oral tradition. Poets like Bihu Ram

Boro enriched the Bodo literature by composing Bodo Kavya literature on the foundation

of Bodo oral tradition. Gibi Bithay by the poet is an excellent example of Bodo narrative.

Kavyas were in style of medieval Assamese and Bengali religious verse.

The influence of Bengali language and literature was still very strong in the modem era.

It was probably because Bodos had to study in Bengali medium and had to go to Bengal

for higher studies. The Bodo writers also took inspiration from the Assamese and English

literature. Thwarting the process of assimilation into the Assamese fold the Bodos has

long back decided to develop and promote its own language and literature and the Bodo

Sahitya Sabha has played a pioneering role. The Sahitya Sabha demanded the use of

Bodo language as a medium of instruction because the Sabhas wanted their people to take

education in mother tongue.

The introduction of Bodo as the medium of instruction in Bodo areas (1963) brought a

new atmosphere of enthusiasm and also led to the increasing number of publication of

books in Bodo language. With the publication of quality books in different genre, the

Bodo literature has come a long way. Literature is the most potent medium through

which culture can be revealed. The Bodo writers have been working in this direction and

with the help of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha translation of Bodo stories into English and

Assamese and also translation of Indian and European classics into Bodo language has

opened up new vistas. The Bodo intellectuals had been carrying out social and cultural

movement for about a century.

209

It was since the time of Kalicharan Brahma the Bodo society began to reform itself.

Kalicharan Brahma provided boarding facilities to the youths, who, in turn, faithfully

assisted him. The Brahma centre played a significant role in encouraging many young

people to build their careers as social workers and as political activists. Some of its

members went further to form several progressive organisations that acted as backbone to

Bodo cultural and political movement. Sharma24 says it was the Brahma movement

which facilitated and accelerated the advent of 'Renaissance' into the Bodo society.

Awareness developed from the beginning of the twentieth century that had helped the

emergence of Bodo middle class. The drive for asserting its distinctness as 'Bodo'

community came up with the consolidation of the Bodo middle class, though there were

several other reasons as well. It was this class that that had not only led a cultural

movement but also started a political debate in the state of Assam questioning Assamese

identity.

THE BODO MIDDLE CLASS- EMERGENCE AND ROLE

The Bodo community has questioned its political, economic and cultural autonomy in

relation to the Assamese or the non-tribal communities of Assam. The politics of identity

has engulfed all ethnic communities alike but the depth of dilemma varied according to

the respective position in which a community is placed vis-a-vis other communities. The

respective position of the community was defmed by the character and progress of its

middle class.

While in case of those ethnic groups which have already graduated into well­developed nationalities, this self-assertion is the result of their aspiration for greater power and say in the working of the state, and their struggle is targeted against the centripetal character of the Indian state. In case of those ethnic groups, constituting mainly the so-called tribal communities, which are now emerging as nationalities, this self-assertion is the result of a new-found identity consciousness and their movements are targeted not only against the centralised Indian state but also against the domineering character of the dominant nationality or nationalities of the region concerned. The emergence and eventual consolidation of middle classes among various communities belonging to the latter category significantly contributed to this phenomenon. In fact, it is largely the politico-economic

24 Chandan Kumar Sharma, '·The Bodo Movement: A Preliminary Enquiry into the Role of the Middle Classes and the State" in Girin Phukan (ed.), Political Dynamics of North-East India (New Delhi; South Asian Publishers, 2000), p. 129

210

aspirations of this newly emergent class, which cloaked by that of the entire community, mobilised the masses to the path of movement"25

In the initial years, the movement was very mild, slowly it became aggressive and at

certain stage it became very radical. The middle class led organisations like the Bodo

Chhatra Sanmillan, the Tribal League, the Bodo Sahitya Sabha, the Plains Tribal council

of Assam (PTCA), the All Bodo Students Union (ABSU) and the Bodoland Liberation

Tiger Force (BLTF) played a prominent role and gave a new dimension to Bodo identity.

For instance, the Bodo Sahitya Sabha had given more emphasis to Bodo language

identity whereas the PTCA stressed on the political autonomy of the Bodo people. The

role of the middle class will be briefly examined in terms of the nature of demand and

mode of mobilisation etc. Before we examine the role, it is important to discuss the roots

of the middle class.

Emergence and Role of the Bodo Middle Class in the Pre-Independence Era

The emergence of Bodo middle class can be traced back to the first quarter of the

twentieth century. Factors that were instrumental to the emergence of the Bodo middle

class are: the introduction of cash economy and opening up of new opportunities in the

job market. The new opportunities brought out the Bodos from its tribalistic social

structure into the market of competition. Secondly, the Brahma movement imparted

education to the youth which enabled them to enter the colonial job market. The Brahma

movement developed the initial batch of the Bodo middle class. The Bodo middle class

like its Assamese counterpart was job-centric. Lastly, resurgence of Bodo literature had

led to the enlightenment among the Bodos and elite formation was unavoidable. A certain

section of the Bodo society started getting engaged with modem occupation. The most

prestigious occupation of the colonial times was revenue collection. They worked on

behalf of both the colonial administration and local zamindars. Some Bodo youth also

took onto trading and some got enlisted in the army.

Agriculture remained the main occupation of the Bodo people and commercial activities

were mostly carried out by the non-tribal immigrants. The Bodo middle class had a

strong link with the peasantry. The connection of the members of this class with the land

was quite intimate, like, Rupnath Brahma, the first graduate among the Bodos, and

'5 . - op.c1t., no.24, p. 128

211

Sitanath Brahmachary, the first Bodo Member of Parliament, belong to the family of

landed owing class. However, the Bodo middle class failed to incorporate land reforms

and other related agendas though the crisis of agricultural land was the most vital issue

for the peasantry. Both the Assamese and the Bodo middle class exhibit lack of strong

vision for the peasantry and weakness for consolidating its own position by making

culture as a weapon to counter the threat from its counterparts.

Though there were similarities of interest with the Assamese middle class, but it was at

the backdrop of limitations of the Assamese middle class to provide enough space to the

Bodos, that the Bodo middle class asserted Bodo identity. As the colonial job market was

extremely limited, especially in a peripheral region like Assam, the rising Bodo middle

class also plunged into the competitive market where the Assamese middleclass were

already struggling against the domination of immigrant Bengali middle class. The

Assamese middle class failed to show any interest for tribal needs and, so it was left to

the Bodo middle class to carve a niche for themselves. The Bodos were the first among

tribal groups to gain market benefits because it resided in the centre of colonial

development -the Brahmaputra valley. Education and other colonial benefits had reached

late to other tribal groups who were in remote areas. Therefore, the Bodo middle class

were also the first to challeng the Assamese leadership.

Initially, Bodo middle class focussed its work on reforming the society and developing

Bodo literature in written form. The activities of the Bodo middle class were an evidence

of the future consolidation of the Bodo identity because when a society is getting

reformed it also means th~t it is in the process of becoming conscious. With the dawn of

enlightenment, the society no longer remains ignorant but starts taking pride in its

existence. The formation of various organisations speaks volume on the resurgence of the

Bodo people, though till independence this resurgence was mainly restricted to a small

section of Bodo elites who had access to education and colonial jobs.

The Bodo Chatra Sanmellan formed in 1919 held conferences from time to time and

emphasised on the need for eradication of social evils. The members were mainly the

products of the Brahma Boarding. The third conference of the Bodo Chattra Sanmellan

in 1929, presided by Jadavchandra Khakhlary, adopted strong measures to get rid of

certain ills that were prevailing in the society. Some of these measures were ban on the

212

consumption of intoxicating drinks, bride price was lowered to Rs 51, ban on existing

evil method of marriage by capture, restriction of womenfolk from venturing out without

protection. These measures were adopted under the guidance of Gurudev Kalicharan

Brahma . The Sanmellan invited voluntary services from the people and found good

response.

Bodo intellectuals also encouraged the people to be economic self-reliant. Gurudev

Kalicharan Brahma organised the Brahma Company and many shops were opened with

the aid of the Company's share-holders. The Company flourished and trade relation

developed with Bengal. But it could not keep up the progress and the Company had to

close down But, it must be admitted that it was a bold attempt of shaping the Bodo

economy in non-traditional (capitalist) line. Such attempts were explored further,

probably due to lack of charismatic and far-sighted leadership or probably the inclination

from mass was lacking.

The Bodo middle class also started making political impression in Assam. The formation

of the Tribal League in 1932 paved the path for raising political voice. The league leaders

succeeded in achieving some of their demands including reservation of 5 seats in the

Assam Legislative Council. The League leaders did not show strong inclination towards

any party, it sided with both the Congress and the Muslim League and served in each of

the Ministry. They justified their position by saying that their main aim was to ensure the

well being of the community which they could only accomplish by being part of the

government. Such justification may not be wholly true, because they did not try to initiate

any government policy for the upliftment of the tribal mass The Tribal League in fact

remained a spectator to the pauperisation of the Bodo peasantry. The League slowly lost

its presence and after independence all its leaders had joined the Congress.

This shows that from the time the Bodo middle class started getting involved in political

activities, it had too some extent got detached from the common man. Interest in political

power and competition for urban jobs had made the middle class chauvinist in nature. It

brought its own interest at the centre-stage and had begun to neglect the masses.

However, the middle slass soon realised that it cannot fight for its right without including

the mass. After independence, when the question of Bodo cultural identity emerged the

middle class had to rely on the Bodo mass for support. The resurgence of cultural identity

213

paved the path for consolidation of the position of e Bodo middle class. This

substantiation of such resurgence was the birth of the premier cultural organisation called

the Bodo Sahitya Sabha.

Role of the Bodo Middle Class in the Post-Independence Era

The Bodos inhabited areas were not included as schedule areas in the Constitution. The

Bodos could not protect their land from external forces in the post-independence period

as well. There was a threat to their cultural existence as well. The Bodos were given no

provision in the Constitution that talked to protection of their cultural norms. The

formation of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha marked the predominance of cultural issues as the

driving force of the Bodo identity assertion. The principal demands made by the Bodo

community were the introduction of Bodo language in schools in the Bodo dominated

areas and the recognition of the Roman script in place of Assamese. The Bodo Sahitya

Sabha encouraged the involvement of Bodo masses, so it was for the first time that mass

got associated with the middle class led movements. Eventually in 1963 the Bodo

language was introduced as medium of instruction in schools in Bodo dominated areas.

The introduction of Bodo language as medium of instruction could not bring any change

in the life of the common mass. First of all, there were hardly any books available which

could be introduced in the Bodo medium schools. And secondly, the Bodo masses were

not in financially strong position to send their wards to schools. The Bodo leaders did not

seek solution to such problems before putting forward their demands, and this raises

doubt on the empathy of the Bodo middle class with its masses. However, these issues of

language and script had triggered the demand for separate identity and also led to

radicalisation of political demands.

When the then Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi announced in January 13, 1967 that Assam

would be recognised on a federal basis, it brought forward the political aspiration of the

Bodo middle class. The PTCA was formed at the initiation of staging protest against the

federal plan. The PTCA led the movement for a union territory namely 'Udayachal'.

Alongside the movement for political autonomy, the Bodo Sahitya Sabha led the

movement for use of Roman script for Bodo language. The PTCA and the Bodo Sahitya

Sabha accepted the Indira Gandhi's resolution for the use of Devanagri script for Bodo

language. The PTCA leaders like the Tribal League leaders started hobnobbing with the

214

mainstream political parties and soon deviated from their main agenda. Moreover, many

allege that though the PTCA was deemed as a platform for all the plains tribe of Assam it

was essentially a Bodo political party like the Tribal League. Therefore, the Bodo middle

class initiative to construct a pan-tribal identity of plains tribe of Assam could not bring

other plains tribal interest forward. The fulfilment of Bodo aspiration did not mean

fulfilment of aspiration of other plains tribal. The Bodo leaders were also fragmented

over the question of Bodo identity.

The All Bodo Students Union (ABSU) was not at all pleased with the arrangement of

using Devanagri script of Bodo language and declared it as an imposition on the Bodo

people. The political autonomy demanded by the PTCA was not at all heeded by the

Centre. The Bodo leaders started demanding for more and the ABSU led the movement

for separate statehood. Later on in the late 1980s, he Bodo autonomy movement was

characterised by the total domination of underground outfit BLTF. Therefore, the

nationalistic aspiration of the Bodos was becoming prominent, which was targeted

against, both, Indian nationality and the Assamese nationality.

The Bodo middle class was divided into two section one that fought in the cultural arena

and the other that were purely motivated by political interest. These were not wholly

separate spheres they did merge at certain points because the main cause underlying all

issues was the issue of Bodo identity. Though the Bodo language was given Devnagri

script, there was much more to the issue of language than just the script. One organisation

that had kept the issue of language and culture alive is the Bodo Sahitya Sabha. Bodo

identity is not just the demand for separate state or secessionist movement, as it is

assumed. To understand the Bodo identity in depth, we must discuss the objectives and

activities of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha.

OBJECTIVES OF THE BODO SAHITYA SABRA

The Bodo Sahitya Sabha, known as 'Boroni Tunlai Aphat' in Boro language, is said to

have originated from a small organisation called 'Bodo Literary Club'. The Club was

founded by a handful of elites working in the government offices in Dhubri and was on

28th September, 1950, Indramahan Brahma was its founder President. The basic

objectives of the Club was to work for the upliftment of Bodo language and literature, to

encourage the emerging Bodo literates to write books and bring out journals in Bodo

215

language and to infuse new life to Bodo language and set it in the path of progress and

prominence. In this venture, it was assisted by another organisation that was formed by

Bodo students studying in Dhubri (Assam), known as 'Baroni Onsai Aphat'. These two

organisations made a joint effort for a common cause that is progress of Bodo language

and literature. However, it soon realised that the cause cannot fulfil its aim unless the

entire Bodo communities of Assam and its adjoining areas of Bengal, Tripura and Nepal

are associated together. With this end in view, the Bodo Literary Club met on 26th

September, 1952 at the premises of Kokrajhar High School under the Presidentship of

Bondhuram Kachari and in that meeting decision was taken to hold general convention of

the entire Bodo speakers of the North Easter Region.26

The general convention was held on 15-16th November 1952, at Basugaon (erstwhile

Goalpara dist.) under the Presidentship of Dhaeanidhar Basumatary and attended by

representatives of Assam, West Bengal and Nepal's Morung. Under the nomenclature,

the Bodo Sahitya Sabha had come into existence. Joybhadra Hagjer and Sonaram

Thaosen were nominated as its first President and General Secretary respectively.

The objectives of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha were laid out in the resolution of the Bodo

Literary Club. The main objectives includes-

• To develop the Bodo literature by improving upon the Bodo language

• To preserve and publish old and new works in Bodo language, which may be lying in the form of books, newsletter, manuscripts, music, folk lores, dialects and historical monographs

• To establish libraries at different places

• To work for the introduction of Bodo medium of instruction in primary and middle level school for Bodo boys and girls

• To write and publish books in Bodo language

• To support financial means for the education of Bodo students who are financially weak

• To spread education among the young in remote-rural areas

~6 R.N. Moshary, "Bodo Sahitya Sabha: A Brief Historical Survey" in J.B. Bhattacharjee (ed.), Proceedings of North East India History Association: Ninth Session, Guwahati (Sillong: North East India History Association, 1988), p. 340

216

• It will remain outside political activities27

Rajendra Nath Brahma, the Secretary of the Bodo Literary Club expressed that the Bodo

literature is the pride of the Bodo community and should be made popular in the world

across. Revival of old literary works and encouragement to new ventures along with

working rigorously to help Bodo students take education at primary and secondary level,

would be the prime objectives of the Bodo Literary Club. 28These objectives became the

benclunark for the Bodo Sahitya Sabha. The other office bearers of the Bodo Literary

Club were Rabindra Narayan Brahma Patgiri, Gaurikanta Brahma, Indra Mohan Brahma,

Ramendra Narayan Brahma and Barodakanta Basumatary.

The Bodo Sahitya Sabha is registered in Assam. But its work areas extend to West

Bengal, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Tripura, Bangladesh and Nepal. In the

7ili session of the Sabha, provision was made in its Constitution for opening up its.

branches at district level and sub-divisional level. Likewise, 17 district branches of the

Sabha were formed which included the Jalpaiguri district of West Bengal, Kokrajhar,

Dhubri, Goalpara, South Kamrup, North Kamrup, Mangaldoi, Tezpur, North Lakhirnpur,

Nowgoan, Halflong, Dipu and Cachar and also districts of the undivided Assam like

Garo Hills, Khasi and Jaintia hills and Dimapur.

Gobindo Narzary says, 'the main objective is to see the development of cultJre and language and to bring all tribal dialects of Bodo language in a formal level of understanding with each other. The Tripuris identify with the Bodos, but not the Dimasas. Bodo ttibes in West Bengal and Nepal have accepted the standard Bodo language of Assam. At the same time, the Bodo language seeks integration with other languages of India. The BSS had taken up projects of publishing dictionary in Bengali-Bodo, Assamese-Bodo, English-Bodo, Hindi-Bodo, funded by Central Hindi Directorate and Central Institute of Indian Language, Mysore. ' 29

Dr. Ani! Boro says, 'since 1952, BSS has been working on its objectives. It has been

doing a lot for the development of Bodo language, literature and culture; like

introduction of Bodo as medium of instruction, publications of Bodo books including

17 Bodo Sahitya Sabha," Prelude to the foundation of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha on 16th November, 1952" in Praban Bargayary (ed.), The Bodo: Mouthpiece of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha- 27th Issue (Kokrajhar: Bodo Sahitya Sabha, 2002),p. A-14 28 op.cit., no. I, p. A-18 29 Gobindo Narzary, Secretary (2005- onwards), Bodo Sahitya Sabha, Interviewed on I" March 2005

217

dictionary, textbooks & translation of classics in different languages, short stories and

poems in other MIL, maintenance of Bodo schools etc.' 30

In brief, the Sabha had been working for -revival and development of the Bodo language;

working towards the recognition of the Bodo language as one of the regional languages

of India; recognition of the Bodo language as medium of instruction in the State of

Assam; introduction of Bodo language at the primary and secondary level of education;

help in selection of text books for Bodo language in schools; conducting symposiums,

meetings and conferences to discuss policy matters related to Bodo language and

literature; to arrive at resolutions relating to Bodo script and preserving old documents of

Bodo language and encouraging writers to write in Bodo language.

The Bodo Sahitya Sabha has been working since more than five decades and has also

been successful in many of its projects. BSS has allied organisations like All Bodo

Students Union, Bodo Writers Academy, Bodo Harimuafath, All Bodo Primary Teachers

Association of Assam, Bodo Employees Federation, All Bodo Women Welfare

Federation.

CONCERNS OF THE BODO SAHITYA SABHA

A member of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha summarises its concerns -'since independence, Bodo language had been deprived in getting their due justice. The Bodo people has been denied to develop their own language and literature. The Bodo Sahitya Sabha's had shown concern and worked on all matters that affect the language and cultural identity of the Bodo people. The BSS led by Joybhadra Hagjer, the first President of BSS had demanded to open Bodo medium schools in Bodo dominated areas like Kokrajhar and Udalguri. The demand had been considered by the then C.M., Bimala Prasad Chaliha and Bodo medium has been introduced in Kokrajhar sub-division in 1963, followed by ME section, Higher Secondary and as MIL in colleges under Gauhati and Dibrugarh University. And in 1996, the Gauhati University had introduced MA course in Bodo Language and Literature. Now the Bodo Sahitya Sabha has been concentrating to introduce Bodo MIL in Central University situated at Silchar and Tezpur.' 31

The Working Committee of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha held its first meeting on 24th and

25th December 1952. The members present were Satish Chandra Basumatary, Moda

·'0 Dr. Ani I Boro, Chairman- Literary Award Sub-Committee (2005-onwards), Bodo Sahitya Sabha,

Interviewed on 6th March, 2005 31 Taren Boro, Vice President (2002-onwards), Bodo Sahitya Sabha, Interviewed on 6th March, 2005

218

Ram Brahma, Bandhuram Kachari, Jogendra Kumar Basumatary. It was presided by

Satish Chandra Basumatary. Some experts were also invited like Dharanidhar

Basumatary and Rabindranarayan Patgiri. The Committee had taken the following

initiatives-

Firstly, to use Assamese script for Bodo language and the Committee resolved to make

adequate arrangement for learning the script. However, only those alphabets of the

Assamese script are to be used, as appropriate for pronunciation in Bodo language.

Secondly, to make appeal to the then Chief Minister of Assam, Bishnuram Medhi,

Education Minister and to the District Congress Committee President for making

arrangements for the use of Bodo language books in primary schools lying in Bodo areas

so as to facilitate easy learning for small boys and girls. Thirdly, to undertake the

responsibility of developing the Bodo language medium based on different

dialects/speech spoken in various districts of Assam and West Bengal. In this matter

District Committee members would help to make a standard Bodo language. Words of

different dialects would be included in the Bodo dictionary written by Promod Chandra

Brahma. And fourthly, to make a core fund for the research and development works of

the working committee. For this it would seek financial assistance from funds allotted by

Central Government for plains tribal development, Congress Committee fund and public

assistance.

The beginning of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha was eventful and it convened sesswns,

meetings and conferences to yearly review its progress. The third Convention of the Bodo

Sahitya Sabha was held at Mahakalguri of the Jalpaiguri district in 1954. It was held

amidst huge public response and eminent literary personalities of North Bengal, North

Cachar and Assam were present at the Convention. The Convention was presided over by

the President of the Assam Tribal League, Satish Chandra Basumatary. Lectures were

given by Bandhuram Kachari, Kalicharan Brahma, Prasenjit Singh Brahma and other

respectable men and women. In this Session, the Sabha resolved to :(a) appeal to the

Assam and West Bengal government on accessing primary and secondary education in

Bodo language and for preservation and development of the Bodo literature. For this

purpose, it also plarmed to constitute a working committee who will prepare a report on

the progress of the work. The Committee consisted of leading members of the Bodo

Sahitya Sabha like Joybhadra Hagjer, Satish Chandra Basumatary, Dharanidhar

219

Basumatary, Pratisingha Kunwar, Debendranath Bralunamandal and Rabindranath

Katam. (b) to publish the magazine ofthe Bodo Sahitya Sabha, 'The Bodo'. The editorial

board would include Jaybhadra Hagjer, Satish Chandra Basumatary, Sonaram Thausen

and Rabindra Narayan Brahma Patgiri. The first issue was taken out in 1955 (c) and to

celebrate every year on 16u1 November as the 'Bodo Sahitya Sabha Foundation Day'.

The fourth Session was held in November, 1955 where exhibitions on the culture and

literature of the Bodos were arranged, folk dances were performed by dance troupes of

Goalpara and Dan·ang district and exhibitions of sericulture were held. The Sabha has

considered the Bodo language as part of India's heritage and so the development of Bodo

language was meant to be development oflndia's culture.

S.R. Thaosen wrote," Please note that though the name of our Sabha reminds us the ancient glory of our great Bodo race but it could not bear its fruits successfully for want of enthusiastic workers or otherwise. Notwithstanding anything, we should meet once a year to make closer relation, to understanding and keep co­existence among us. It is true that if we have to go further in every walk of our lives we must take united action. So let it be our aims as not only to literature but to remind and revive our national heritage and tradition."32

The Sabha has been working on its concerns for Bodo language within the parameters of

the Indian Constitution. In one of the proposal of the BSS, laid out by Rabindra Narayan

Brahmapatgiri and seconded by Sri Babula! Mushahary, the BSS comments that- (I) the

Indian Constitution provides that all communities can take education in their mother­

tongue and conserve its own culture so the Bodo Sahitya Sabha appeals to the

government of Assam and West Bengal to make such arrangements. (2) Facilities should

be provided to boys and girls of Bodo parents who want to seek education in their mother

tongue at primary and secondary level. (3) the Government should encourage and also

bestow rewards to writers who have contributed to Bodo literature and are working for

Bodo language development.33

The 7th Annual Conference of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha was held at Musalpur in February

1965. The then General Secretary of the Sabha, Gauri Kanta Brahma, stated that the

32 S.R. Thausen, "Letter to Sri Ramesh Chandra Boro, Secretary of the ReceptionCommittee of the Fourth Session, l7tl' August 1952"; reprinted in Praban Bargayary (ed.), The Bodo: Mouthpiece of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha- 27th Issue (Kokrajhar: Bodo Sahitya Sabha, 2002),p. A-26 33 Bodo Sahitya Sabha, ··Proposal" in Praban Bargayary (ed Praban Bargayary (ed.), The Bodo: Mouthpiece of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha- 27th Issue (Kokrajhar: Bodo Sahitya Sabha, 2002),p. A-28

220

Bodo language was already recognised as medium of instruction at primary level in 1963

for which it thanked the then Chief Minister of Assam, Sri Bimala Prasad Chaliha. He

stressed that the responsibility of the Sabha has increased with the introduction of Bodo

language as the medium of instruction and the development of the language depends on

the policy of the Sabha. Therefore, the Sabha urged to make timely arrangements for the

introduction of Bodo language at primary level. It also resolved that the Government be

requested to constitute a separate Bodo Text Book Selection Committee under the

guidance of Bodo educationists for the selection of Bodo text book for school. He further

requested that the government take up printing and publishing of text books selected by

the Bodo Text Book Selection Committee and distribute it free of costs to the students.

In the initial years, the Bodo Sahitya Sabha resolved to use the Assamese script for Bodo

language. Again, in the fourth annual session held in Tangla, 1955, the Sabha showed its

gratefulness to the non-tribals for extending help for the success of the Conference.

Moreover, it was also collaborative towards the Government. The Sabha had worked

closely with the Congress and it did not take the Assamese nationality as a challenge.

However, when the Bodo language existence was being threatened, the Sabha changed its

attitude towards the Assamese leaders.

When the State Official Language Bill was taken up in 1960 by the Legislative

Assembly, the Bodo Sahitya Sabha objected to implementation of Assamese as the

official language 'The Bodo Sahitya Sabha has given anxious thoughts over the issue and

carn-t<., to the conclusion that 'Hindi' , the Official language of India ,should be the only

official language of Assam. ' 34 The Sabha had also reasoned its argument saying that

according to the opinion of SRC, a language could to be declared as the official language

only if it is spoken by at least seventy percent of population whereas, Assamese language

is spoken by only 54.4% of the population of Assam. Moreover, the language is unknown

to the people of hill districts and the Cachar region, and the Bodos of Assam seek to

preserve their separate identity so that Bodo children can learn in their mother-tongue,

which would not be possible if Assamese is introduced as the official language of Assam.

H Prasenjit Musreegeolang, "An Open Letter from Bodo-Phisa to the Prime Minister oflndia" in Praban Bargayary (ed), The Bodo: Mouthpiece of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha- 27th Issue (Kokrajhar: Bodo Sahitya Sabha,2002),p.27

221

The Bodo leaders also boycotted when the government did not concede to the demand for

introduction of Bodo language as medium of instruction at the secondary stage of

education. In a meeting held at Sidli Chirag on ?'h March 1968, the Bodo leaders said, 'it

shows the apathetic and step-motherly attitude of the Assam Government of not

accepting Bodo language as medium of instruction in the secondary stage of education

...... will continue the boycott of schools and colleges till the demand of the Bodo Sahitya

Sabha' s is not conceded. ,3s In the year 1968, however, Bodo language was introduced as

medium of instruction at the secondary stage of education but only upto class VI.

The Bodos saw that use of Assamese script would mean further subjugation of Bodo

culture, hence in 1974, the Bodo Sahitya Sabha launched an agitation demanding the

adoption of Roman script for Bodo language. The Bodos did not have their own script,

Bodo people wrote in various scripts; some used the Assamese script some used Roman

script and some used the Bengali script. The BSS saw that the use of multiple scripts

would be detrimental to the healthy growth of Bodo language so they must have a

common script. With the introduction of Bodo medium, the script problem became more

acute. The question of having a common script was discussed both inside and outside the

forum ofBSS.

The idea of adopting Roman script for Bodo language was first placed before the BSS in

its 6th Annual Conference held at Malaguri of Goalpara district on 22nd and 23rd February,

1964. Again in the 7th Annual Conference the issue was raised and consequently in the 8th

Annual Session held at Kokrajhar in the month of January, 1966, the BSS formed an

Expert Committee headed by Jogendra Kumar Basumatary to examine the feasibility of

Roman script for Bodo language. The Committee could not submit the report on time

hence in the 9th Annual Session held at Dhudhnai dissolved the previous Committee and

formed a new 'Bodo Script Sub-Committee' consisting of nine-members and Saisengra

Machahari as its Convenor. The Report prepared by the Committee was submitted to

BSS in the Conference held at Udalguri of Darrang district on March 1969.

The Committee made certain points strengthening the argument in favour of Roman

script which are: it will enable quick and easy learning as there are only 26 letters, it

35 Laban Chandra Brahma,' Public meeting held at Sidli Chi rag on 7'h March 1968' reprinted in Praban Bargayary (ed), The Bodo: Mouthpiece of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha- 27th Issue (Kokrajhar: Bodo Sahitya Sabha, 2002), p.l02

222

would be commercially economic, exclusively suitable as medium for writing down

scientific subject and technical matters, help in uniformity of spellings and

pronunciations and help to maintain link among all sections of the Bodo community

living in different places across Assam and in other countries like Nepal, Bhutan, Burma

and East Pakistan. In the 11th Annual Conference held at Mahakalguri (West Bengal),

1970, a 'Roman Script Implementation Sub-Committee' was formed. The

Implementation Sub-Committee suggested the BSS to initiate implementation by

publishing all its circulars and pamphlets in Roman script, arrange seminars and classes

to familiarise the Bodo teachers with the script, to appeal to writers to help converting

text books in Roman Script and also to approach the Assam Government for the approval

of text books written in the Roman script.

Till 1972 the BSS could not materialise the decision of implementing Roman script

because it was absorbed in the question of extension of Bodo medium beyond Class VI.

The Government of Assam conceded to the demand of extending Bodo medium beyond

Class VI in 1973 and this enabled the BSS to resume its movement in 1974. In the 15th

Annual Conference held at Khelmati, near Tezpur in March 1974, the BSS resolved to

implement the Roman script by introducing the Bodo Primer 'Bithorai' in Bodo medium

schools for standard I classes. It did not wait for Government approval which resulted in

blockage of govemment funds to the Bodo medium schools. In response to which, the

BSS called for mass movement in 1974 which continued upto 1975. The BSS officially

declared the acceptance of Devnageri script in its 16th Annual Conference held at Dhing

on 25th to 2ih April, 1975. The Sabha had come to a compromise on the script issue and

raised no further questions. The Bodo Sahitya Sabha had been working for the

development of the Bodo language in the Devanagari script. Several projects had been

taken with Central Institutes to improve the terminology of Bodo language.

The Sabha had taken up several such issues that affect the daily use and leaming of

language.For instance, the Bodo Sahitya Sabha took up the case with the Social Welfare

Department of Assam for children of preparatory stages who were given preliminary

knowledge of alphabets through Anganwadi Kendras in villages. The Sabha requested the

Department to provide materials of teaching-leaming in Bodo language in Bodo

dominated areas. Since the materials were available in Assamese language it becomes

difficult not only to the workers of Anganwadi villages because they belong to Bodo

223

medium background and also for the children. Moreover, children were being deprived of

pre-schooling in their mother tongue whereas they could avail primary education in their

mother tongue.

In 2004, the Sabha wrote to the Assam State Text Book Production and Publication

Corporation that text books on general mathematics and general science of Classes VIII

to X are found erroneous in using technical terms and spellings, hence the Sabha had

reviewed the books and requested the Corporation to reprint in corrected version. An

important issue taken up by the Sabha was to get Bodo language introduced as a subject

in various universities of Assam. The Sabha has followed it up with the Government of

Assam and respective universities. Such resolution not only add achievement for the

Sabha but would also benefit the Bodo community in the long mn because higher studies

in Bodo language will encourage to produce better educated individuals who can further

contribute to the progress of the Bodo language.

The Sabha has certainly emerged as the main fomm of representing Bodo language and

culture and is a symbol of expression of Bodo identity. The Sabha makes various

demands from time to time for the welfare and upliftment of the Bodo people. In the 3151

Annual Session held at Basugaon, Kokrajhar in March 1992, it made a number of

demands on this matter like --opening of a separate Directorate for Bodo medium schools,

provincialisation of the private Bodo medium schools, opening of M.A. courses in Bodo

medium in the State Universities, relaxation of UGC norms for Bodo teachers in

Colleges, regular production and distribution of text books in Bodo language and

installation ofDoordarshan and Radio Centres in Kokrajhar and Udalguri.

The Sahitya Sabha had placed some more demands to the government of Assam in 2004

regarding the financial assistance of Bodo medium school, creation of post of lectures for

Bodo M.I.L. and Elective subjects in Gauhati and Dibmgarh Universities, creation of post

for M.I.L. in H.S. school and filling up of all vacant posts in Bodo medium schools.

The Government of Assam has been considering these issues and the Director of

Elementary Education and the Director of Secondary Education had made meetings with

the Consultative Committee on Bodo education in 2004, which included members of the

Bodo Sahitya Sabha and decided to take necessary action. Some of the salient points

discussed were-

224

• Pronvincialisation of Bodo Medium Schools And Sanction of Post ofTeachers

• Opening of full fledged Bodo Department in Gauhati University and Dibrugarh University

• Creation of separate Directorate for Bodo medium schools

• Recognition of Bodo as one of the subjects in Assam Public Service Commission and Union Public Service Commission

• Implementation of Bodo as associate official language throughout the state

• Enhancement of annual recurring grant to BSS

• Financial assistance for the publication of 'The Bodo'

• Declaration of 16th November as restricted holiday on account of 'Bodo Literary Day'

The Sabha members were also concerned about the financial stability of the organisation.

It gets rupees 1 lakh for publication and 30,000 as Contingency from the state

government fund. The Reception Committee gets 5 lacs from state government for the

Conference. The Sabha had been requesting the state government to provide more

financial assistance.' 36

The BSS is also concerned with the Bodo population living outside the state of Assam.

Introduction of Bodo language as a subject language in the schools of Bodo dominated

areas of West Bengal (district of Jalpaiguri, Datjeeling and Coach Behar) is still one of

important agenda of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha. Here, it is important to give a glimpse at the

recommendation of the Tribal Language Committee that was set up by the West Bengal

government in 1956 ( See,Appendix 1 V). The salient points of the recommendation were-

• Mother tongue of the tribes be recognised as bridge language for the ultimate switch over to the regional language

• If in any area there be 40 or more children or primary school going age belonging to any tribe, arrangement should be made to impart primary education to them through their mother tongue

• Text books in their mother tongue need to be prepared

36 op.cit., no. 29

225

In regard to the language identity of Bodo people in the state of West Bengal, Amarendra

Nath Suba says, 'The BSS of West Benal have been collaborating with the BSS unit of

Assam to preserve the Bodo language and bring development to the Bodo people in West

Bengal. Only to some extent it has been successful. Introduction of Bodo language in

schools of West Bengal remains the central agenda which is yet to be achieved.' 37

The Sabha has always acclaimed the writers and artists who have contributed to the Bodo

language through Bodo literature, dramas and other literary/art works. The 'Sameswari

Brahma Literary Award' and 'Rangsar Literary Award' are given to the Bodo litterateurs

for their contribution. The Sabha also organises workshops and symposiums in order to

bring together the Bodo litterateursin a common forum. Apart from language and

literature, culture is an important aspect of Bodo identity, hence popularising Bodo

culture has remained as one of the main agendas for the Bodo Sahitya Sabha.

Taren Boro mentions that 'under the banner of BSS, Bodo cultural society has been formed to develop cultural heritage.. The society has taken up certain measures to collect the traditional folklore (Bodo Harimnafath). Sangit Natak Academy has conferred award to Kamini Kumar Narzary for his contribution towards the development of Bodo folk dance and music ( Bagurumba & Bardwisikla along with Bodo Kristi). Bodo feature film 'Auilaiaron' directed by Tunglal Bodosha had been awared Rajat Kamal National Award & 'Wrap in the Virgin Forest' has been awarded best environmental film award.' 38

After the Bodo Sahitya Sabha came into existence, the Bodo middle class could deeply

penetrate the minds of the masses. The Bodo Sahitya Sabha played a major role through

its activities and challenging the Assamese cultural hegemony by acting as the second

alternative force to the Asom Sahitya Sabha. The Bodo Sahitya Sabha has emerged as a

strong pressure group. Several issues taken up by the Sabha were conceded upon by the

Government. The BSS has played a major role in consolidating Bodo language identity.

BSS ROLE IN CONSOLIDATING LANGUAGE IDENTITY

The modern history of Bodo language and literature are coterminous with the post­

independence Constitutional development of regional languages. Language became a

controversial issue in the independent India because of the plurality of languages. There

37 Amarendra Nath Suba, Vice President (2005 ), Paschim Banga unit of Bodo Sahitya Sabha, Interviewed on 6'h March 2005 38 op.cit., no.31

226

are no less than 1,652 spoken languages but onlyl8 languages were chosen as the major

languages as per the 81h Schedule. The Bodo Sahitya Sabha, since the time of

independence, worked for the inclusion of Bodo language in the 81h Schedule. The Bodo

Sahitya Sabha has been putting pressure on the central government to recognise and

include the Bodo language in the eighth schedule of the Constitution.

The Constitution provides protection of minority languages through its provision. Some

of its are: ( 1) for the submission of representation of redress of any grievance to any

officer or authority of the Union or State, .the petitioner is authorised to use any languages

used in the Union or in the State (Art. 350) (2) Every State and other local authority

within a State is directed to provide adequate facilities for instruction in the mother­

tongue at the preliminary stage of education to children belonging to linguistic minority

groups and the President is authorised to issue such directions to any State as he may

consider necessary for the securing of such facilities (Art. 350 A) (3) A Special Officer

for linguistic minorities shall be appointed by the President to investigate all matters

relating to the safeguards provided by the Constitution for linguistic minorities and to

report to the President upon those matters (Art. 350 B).39

The Bodo Sahitya Sabha had been making all such effort so that the Bodo language is not

sidelined as minority language and remains devoid of development. The Education Sub­

Committee of the Dhubri Local Board, was of the view that, "the authorities be requested

to move proper provision for teaching and conservation of the language.and culture of the

tribal-Bodos of Assan1 who are one of the first settlers of Assam and who contributed

both culturally and materially in the national life of Assam."40

The Committee recommended that the State Government and Educational authorities to

make certain provision, such as-

1. Make provision for the teaching of Bodo language as one of the compulsory subjects in various schools in the areas where the Plains tribal- Bodos pre­dominantly live.

39 D.D. Basu, Introduction to the Constiwtion of India (New Delhi: Prentice Hall of India Pvt. Ltd., 1997), p. 393-94 40 "Resolution adopted in the meeting of the Education Committee of the Local Board, Dhubri on 23-7-52", reprinted in Praban Bargayary (ed.), The Bodo: Mouthpiece of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha- 27th Issue (Kokrajhar: Bodo Sahitya Sabha, 2002),p. A-21

227

2. That the State Government appoint some suitable people to do research on the language and culture of the Tribal-Bodos of Assam through a research institution area

3. That the State Government be pleased to appoint a Board of Students for the working of the above noted plan to teach the said language and do research work accordingly

4. That some scholars among the Tribal -Bodos be appointed to compile a Bodo­Assamese -Hindi dictionary immediately

5. That the authority of the Gauhati University be requested to make provision for research work in the language, philosophy, history, culture of the Tribal-Bodo of Assam

6. Provision to be made for the teaching of the Tribal -Bodo languages in M. V. Schools of the Dhubri Board as subsidiary subjects from 195341

However, not much was going on in the direction of working towards the introduction of

Bodo language in teaching institutions and the Government almost remained deaf to such

issues. The first formidable task taken up by the Sabha was to pressurise Government for

the introduction of Bodo language in primary schools as medium of instruction. The

Sabha questioned on the issue that why were the Bodo children devoid of getting basic

education in their mother-tongue? In Assam, except for the tribal population, children

belonging to other languages could avail their education in their mother-tongue. As a

result of relentless efforts, the Bodo language was introduced in primary schools in 1963.

The Sabha continued working for the cause of Bodo language as this was just a small step

forward. The Sabha continued to press forward its demand for the introduction of Bodo

language at the secondary level. Bodo language was subsequently introduced as medium

of instmction in secondary stage in 1968.

Janak La! Basumatary,42 while showering accolades to the Sabha mentions the name of

Satish Chandra Basumatary and Jogen Basumatary for their persistent efforts that had

helped the Bodo people succeed in their mission. He said it was their able leadership and

untiring labour that brought Bodo language as the medium of instruction in primary and

secondary level. He credits Satish Chandra Basumatary particularly for his efforts to

secure Bodo language as the medium of instruction at the primary level and Jogen

41 op.cit., no.40, A-21 42

Janak Lal Basumatary," Emerging a New Life" in Praban Bargayary (ed.), The Bodo: Mouthpiece of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha- 30th Issue (Korajhar: Bodo Sahitya Sabha, 2005),p. 49

228

Basumatary for his indomitable spirit that attained Bodo language as medium of

instruction at secondary level.

Subsequently, due to persistent efforts of the Sabha, Bodo language was introduced not

only in Gauhati University but also in other Universities like Dibrugarh University and

North East Hill University (NEHU). The NEHU had introduced Bodo languages M.I.L.

in NEHU upto pre-university level in 1984. The Dibrugarh University had introduced

Bodo language as an Elective Course in Bachelors Degree. The Gauhati University has

introduced post graduate course in Bodo language.

When the script issue was been finally resolved m 1975 the Sabha took interest in

developing the Bodo language based on the Devnageri script. For this purpose, the Sabha

had taken a number of initiatives like it released Bodo terminology books. The Sabha had

been also working in collaboration with the Central Hindi Directorate on the positing of

Nageri alphabets over sound of Bodo words, like it requested the Hindi Directorate for

induction of a particular alphabet for a peculiar sound o. To avoid anomalies, the Sabha

requested the Directorate to approve of inducting an extra letter in the Nageri alphabet for

representing the sound. The Central Hindi Directorate approved of the proposed alphabet

for the Bodo language.

The Sabha has been successful in establishing position for Bodo language in the Indian

state of Assam and thereby secured the language identity of the Bodo people. An

Ordinance was passed in 1984 to amend the Assam Official Language Act, 1960 and it

came into force on 28th December, 1984. According to the amendment Bodo language

was to be used as Associate Official Language for administrative and other purposes in

districts and sub-division having substantial Bodo population. By the ordinance, the

Government would entertain application in Bodo language from the public.

In the year 2003, the Bodo language was included in the 8th Schedule of the Constitution.

In this regard, Janak Lal Basumatary43 mentions the name of Bineshwar Brahma, under

whose leadership the process of recognition of Bodo language in the 8th Schedule of the

Indian Constitution was possible. With the inclusion of Bodo in the 8th Schedule, several

projects \Vere taken up by the Sabha. The Bodo members feel that their responsibilities

have increased.

43 op.cit., no.42, p.49

229

As Brojendra Kumar Brahma says, 'The Sabha' s responsibilities have increased after Bodo language got included in the 8th Schedule. During the last many decades, the Sabha have been fighting for language development and Bodo medium education, now we shall concentrate on the creativity of Bodo literature after its inclusion in the 8th Schedule. ' 44

The Sabha has begun working with the Commission for Scientific and Technical

Terminoloy (CSTT). The CSTT has taken a project from the year 2000 to prepare

Scientific and Technical Terminology in Bodo language on 14 subjects and to compile

Hindi-Bodo Dictionary for better national integration. In 2003, the Bodo Sahitya Sabha,

along with Bodo Students Union, Bodo People's Action Committee and Bodo Writers

Academy had submitted a memorandum to the Vice- Chancellor of Assam University

requesting for the introduction of Bodo elective and Bodo Major courses in colleges

affiliated with the University and also arrangement for Masters Degree course in Bodo at

the Assam University at the proposed Diphu Campus. It has been pursuing the point

saying that with due recognition of Bodo language in the 8th Schedule, the language has

been elevated to the national level and since the Assam University is an important Central

University of the North-East hence it does has a major role to play in fostering the only

tribal language that has recognition in the 8th Schedule.

The Bodo Sahitya Sabha had been working not only in the interest of the Bodo people of

Assam but is an organisation that looks into the interest of the Bodo people residing in

states other than Assam. The Sahitya Sabha has given stress on linguistic and cultural

unification among the Bodos living in different places. The Bodo Sahitya Sabha could

build a strong mass base for all its demands. The Sabha members feel that their voice

represents the Bodo people. 'The Sabha is cent percent representing the Bodo

community, it is the parent body of all Bodo people. All Bodos affiliate themselves with

the work of the Sabha. ' 45 In fact, it was the first organisation that could gather a mass

appeal, as in 1975; it was for the first time that public came in large number to join the

protest led by the Sahitya Sabha.

Language identity thus became an important insignia of the Bodo mass. Over the years

there had been some changes. As more responsibilities are added to the shoulders of the

~~ Brojendra Kumar Brahma, President (2002- onwards), Bodo Sahitya Sabha, Interviewed on 6'h March 2005 45 Gobindo Banitor, Member, Bodo Sahitya Sabha, Interviewed on 6rn March 2005

230

Sabha, the role of the Sabha has broadened. The Sabha has been able to make a mark not

only among the Bodo people but also in the state and national level. It has added new

vision and purpose to its objectives.

NEW VISTAS FOR BODO SAHITYA SABHA

Gobindo Narzary says 'there had been some changes in the agendas. Earlier, the Sabha

was giving more stress on medium of language i.e. Bodo language, but now it has been

working for the standardisation of the Bodo language. ' 46 The Sabha has come a long way

and it has added new feathers in its cap over the last five decades of its existence. There

have been also changes in the role of the Sabha. The change is apparent because issues

over the decades have changed.

The Sabha has acquired its long-dreamt objective as the Bodo language has been

included in the 8th schedule. Its struggle and competition to acquire the same status as

Assamese language has finally drawn a closure. In the earlier decades the Sabha was

more concerned with the medium of instruction and the script issue. But those problems

have been solved. The Sabha has taken a project with the CSTT to prepare scientific and

technical terminology in Bodo language in various subjects like Library Science, Home

Science, Space Science, Microbiology, Public Administration, Agricultural Science,

Printing Engineering, Civil Engineering, Veterinary Science, Linguistics, Management

Science, Music and Fine Arts. In the recent years, the Sabha has been also working with

the Central Hindi Directorate to bring out Bodo-Hindi language affinity as both the

languages use the Devnageti script and it would be also necessary for national

integration.

'Affinity' and 'Integration' is what the Sabha is seeking for the Bodo community in

regard to other language communities. The BSS has been firm in its approach that it

would never want to assimilate but would reach out to others for the sake of integration.

The Sabha wants peace to take upstage from conflict and commotion. Therefore, it has

been working in collaboration with the ASS and other Sahitya Sabha as well. As

Rajendra Nath Brahma says, 'Sabha has been successful as -the script issue has been

permanently solved, now the Sabha can publish Anglo-Bodo and Bodo- Hindi dictionary

Though BSS is a literary organisation sometimes it gives opinion to bring peace and

46 op.cit., no. 29

231

tranquillity among the Bodo society. BSS has appealed the extremist organisation to shun

violence for greater re-construction of great Bodo community.' 47 In 2005, the Asom

Sahitya Sabha had invited the Bodo Sahitya Sabha for the first time to convene in open

meeting in 2005 as a delegate in panel, which meant there has been effort from the ASS,

as well, for solving the differences.

The collaboration is not fully achieved either at the organisational level or at the

community level; there are certain perplexities. The question of representation and

mobilisation of mass is core to the existence of both BSS and ASS. The ASS wants a

representation of all ethnic groups within its purview but the BSS only seeks

representation of the Bodo community. However, the BSS wants to include all other

tribes that belong to the Bodo language group. But, many of these tribes do not want to

be recognised as Bodos because they feel that their identity might get submerged.

Language is still an important issue among the various tribes, not only between the Bodos

and the Assamese. There is lot of political pressure on the State of Assam, when too

many culture and their identities are in question.

CONCLUSION

The Bodos realisation of being ethnically different from their co-inhabitants of the

Brahmaputra valley, that is, Assamese language community or largely the non-tribal did

not come just naturally as we can analyse from the above discussions. The idea of a

separate Bodo identity, both cultural and linguistic distinction, had been motivated by

colonial and post colonial developments. However, it took some time to get the stimulus

arranged into movement. The mass got associated with the identity concern at a much

later stage, first it was a realisation of only the the middle class. What had linked the

elites and the mass together? It was organisations that were formed under the leadership

of the middle class but included mass interest in their objectives. One such organisation

that we had discussed at length was the Bodo Sahitya Sabha that had been able to create a

stir in Assam on the issue of Bodo language identity.

There are not only several issues based on which the Bodos sought a separate identity but

they had also given several tones to the identity movement. Firstly, they were not given

47 Rajendra Nath Brahma, Secretary (2005), Bodo Sahitya Sabha, Interviewed on 6'h March, 2005

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all those concessions that the hill tribes could claim under the schedule acts in the

Constitution. Their identity was submerged with the non-tribal and so the Bodos

remained deptived of certain tribal benefits. Therefore the Bodos had decided to claim a

separate status based on their tribal identity. Secondly, the Bodo language was being

sidelined because the Bodo language was presented in Assamese script. This gave them a

feeling of subjugation hence the Bodos sought a separation of Bodo language from the

Assamese. And thirdly as the Bodo populated area remain devoid of development the

Bodo leaders sought territorial separation from the state of Assam. Accordingly the

identity movement evolved in several phases like plains tribal movement, Bodo language

and script movement and movement for separate state from the territorial unit of Assam.

The colonial administration had broken the balance that was intact in the Brahmaputra

valley where people of various origins had settled side by side from many centuries. The

British had brought all agricultural and forestlands under its administration and to

generate revenue it framed policies that exploited the tribal livelihood. The Bodos and

other plain tribe were pushed into state of backwardness as new migrants settled under

colonial administration, and started exploiting the tribal peasants economically. The

Assamese elites had to a large extent overlooked the aspirations of the plains tribal by

trying to make its own arrangements beneficial. The plains tribal were left oppressed,

firstly by the colonial power, then by the migrant community and also by the Assamese

elites

The gap between the tribal and non-tribal was starting to get noticed by the Bodo

educated elites by the time India was gaining independence. They first made a strike in

the political arena asking for reservation of seats and later they sought to end the social

domination by asking for preservation of language and culture. Language became the

symbol of Bodo identity. It was through the spread of awareness of language that Bodo

elite could unite the Bodo mass and rouse the identity movement.

The Bodo literature had reached a new zenith when literary activities were initiated by

Bodo Chatra Sanmilani Literary ventures brought awareness among the Bodo community

that they need to preserve itsr language and also work for its improvement. Based on this

conviction the Bodo Sahitya Sabha was formed and the birth of the Sahitya Sabha

ushered in the modem era of Bodo literature. Writers of the modem era were trying to

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make the Bodo society conscious by depicting the suffering at the alien hands, abject

poverty and fear of being uprooted, historical facts of the Bodo culture and search for

Bodo identity. Awareness had already started developing within the Bodo community

from the beginning of the twentieth century with the emergence of the Bodo middle class.

The Bodo middle class convinced the mass that they were historically a much older

community than the Assamese in the Brahmaputra valley so their identity stands much

apart from the Assamese. There has been lot of probing into the fact that whether the

Bodos were the first settlers and many historians have agreed to this belief. The issue still

remains controversial as it is very difficult to prove firstly because migration in this area

has been a constant phenomenon so who came first is not easy to determine. Secondly,

the Bodos have no written evidence, writings on their history and culture was stmied by

the Missionaries in the 19th century. However it is still a common belief and studies on

Bodo people have tried to establish the Bodo origin, linguistic characteristics and routes

of migration which say that the Bodos are much older inhabitants than the Assamese.

The Bodo Sahitya Sabha has been able to represent the Bodo community and create a

space both at the Centre and the state. It is considered to be led by middle class leadership

but it has been able to coordinate with the government as well as the people because its

underlying characteristics define it as a non-political and a civil society organisation. It

was the first organisation that has been able to arrange a mass movement and has been

able to fulfil many of its objectives

The Bodo Sahitya Sabha has been working for the preservation and development of the

Bodo literature, language and culture. To accomplish it, the BSS publishes old and new

books, encourages writers to contribute, give literary awards, work with Central Institutes

to improve terminology of Bodo language, make effort to popularise Bodo culture and

many other activities is undertaken. 'A lot more need to be accomplished' as Bijoy

Baglary says, 'the government of Assam has still not fulfill Sabha's demands like

provincialisation of schools, appointment of Bodo teachers in schools and colleges,

opening of full fledged Bodo Department in Gauhati University and Dibrugarh

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University and implementation of Bodo as associate official language throughout the

state.' 48

The BSS has written many success stmies but bringing the Bodo mass under a common

platform is taken with pride by the Sabha members. When the Golden Jubilee was

celebrated in 2001 slogans filled the air as the flag of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha was

unfurled. 'Victory to the Bodo Sahitya Sabha, Victory to the Bodo Nation, Long Live

Bodo Language and Literature, Let Bloom Bodo Literature' was chanted in loud and

clear voices. It was a victory day for Bodos, victory to language and literature, victory to

Bodo civilisation and revival of Bodo identity. 49 Indeed, the Sabha has played a major

role in strengthening the confidence in the mass to assert the Bodo language identity.

There were several factors that have initiated the Bodos to assert their language identity

but the most glaring factor was the Bodo Sahitya Sabha had to face an unflinching

challenge from the Asom Sahitya Sabha. The Asom Sahitya Sabha had played a

chauvinist role at times, but in the recent years it has been more accommodative towards

the identity of plains tribe. The BSS also had changed its attitude as its several demands

were met, which made the position of Bodo language stronger. It no longer sees the

Assamese language as a challenge to the Bodo identity. Rather the BSS has been working

for creating national integration by btidging the gap between Bodo language and other

Indian languages like Assamese, Bengali, Hindi and also English.

The BSS has extended its hand towards the ASS to create a favourable atmosphere for

the progress of both the Assamese and Bodo language and also working with various

other plains tribal association like the Rabha Sahitya Sabha, Tiwa Sahitya Sabha etc. The

BSS has also been trying to work on a standard Bodo language that will be acceptable to

other plains tribe. Not all tribes identify with the larger Bodo identity, if such affinity was

easily possible to achieve then Assam would not have been gripped under ethnic turmoil.

The political pressure on the state of Assam has not diminished though several

compromises has been made both at Central and state level. Like the Assam Accord that

48 B.. B I G '" h IJOY ag ary, eneral Secretary (2005- onwards), Bodo Writers Academy, Interviewed on 6 Marc , 2005 49

Janak Lal Basumatary, "49'" Bodo Sahitya Sabha Divas Golden Jubilee Year Celebration, 16'" November 2001, Kolkatta: A Report" in Praban Bargayary (ed.), The Bodo: Mouthpiece of the Bodo Sahitya Sabha- 30th Issue ( Kokrajhar: Bodo Sahitya Sabha, 2005),p. 49

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was gave a feeling of neglect to the Bodos, the Bodoland Tenitorial Council (BTC) gave

the same feeling of neglect to other non-Bodo tribes of Assam. The Bodo land Tenitorial

Council (BTC) signed in 2002 had led to series of agitation among non-Bodo tribal

groups and Bodo community because the non-Bodos considered the BTC as an easy

passage for the Bodos to culturally and politically dominate them and that all concession

will be taken over by the Bodos. Political compromises can be disturbing because they

are often backed by ethnic and cultural interest. The Indian state had tried to respond to

this issue but time and again it led to further disintegration. The Bodos and the Assamese

leadership are still not clear nor could convince that how it would accommodate in its

identity the several ethnic units that it claims to be its own. This is nothing but politics of

identity, a battlefield of ethnic and cultural claims that keep the state engaged in drawing

out solutions.

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