24

CHAPTER-I

POLIGARS AND SOCIETY IN TIRUNELVELI

The emergence of auxiliary powers in Tamil Nadu was not the product of

monarchical weakness but they simply co-existed along with major powers.

Previously, the military chieftains hailed from Tamil ethnic stock. The establishment

of the Vijayanagar rule paved the way for the emergence of alien people as chieftains

in the Tirunelveli region. In the Nayak rule, these chieftains were called Poligars.1

The native chieftains, otherwise known as Poligars, played an auxiliary role

since the days of the Pandya Kingdom. As the central authority could not control vast

areas, the Pandyas left the entire country to the responsibility of the powerful

chieftains who administered various regions on behalf of the ruler and subjected

themselves to their overlordship. The Pandyas who were defeated in the fourteenth

century by Muslim invaders were again able to reestablish their dynastic rule.

However, in the sixteenth century, the Pandyas fell to the Telugu Nayaks.2 With the

decline of the Pandyas, the establishment of the Nayak rule defined the duties and

responsibilities of the chieftains. Many of the Poligars were drawn from the ranks of

the Telugu Nayak military leaders. Others belonged to the Maravar community, a

traditional warrior community in the Tamil country. Vadugu Telugu Poligars were

settled in the north-eastern part of Tirunelveli after the rise of the Nayaks in Madurai.3

1. Baliga, B.S., Madurai District Gazetteer , Madras, 1960, p.48.

2. Robert L. Hardgrave, The Nadars of Tamil Nadu, California, 1969, p.14.

3. Rajayyan, K., Rise and Fall of the Poligars of Tamil Nadu , Madras, 1975, pp.18-

20.

25

Under a strong ruler, the Poligars knew their limitations. Under a weak ruler, they

knew how to play the trump card. They were expected to send men and materials

whenever the central power demanded them for defensive and offensive campaign.The

frequent threats to the Nayak rule, the succession issues and the weak monarchical

administration paved the way for the independent activities of the Poligars.

Subsequently, the chieftains began to show their disloyalty towards the Nayaks.

Wherever possible, they prepared themselves to adjust with the new administration

and wherever it is not possible, they strengthened themselves to resist the central

authority in all possible ways.

Identity under various Dynasties

The military chieftains of Tamil Nadu came into existence gradually, through

stages and emerged from the interplay of historical circumstances and political

considerations. Most probably their sudden prominence was due to the historical

exigencies. They lived and flourished so long as their need was felt. They declined

and vanished when a new order came. The collapse of the central government, the

frequent threats of foreign forces, the inability of the new sovereigns to assert their

authority in overwhelming strength created a situation favourable for the rise of the

chieftains.

Numerical Strength

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, t he Tamil country was dotted

with numerous Pollams. Most of them were situated in Tirunelveli, Madurai,

Ramanathapuram, Tanjore, Tiruchirappalli, Dindigul and Coimbatore regions.

Among them appeared large ones like Sivagangai and Ramanathapuram and small

ones like Kolvarpatti. The resources of the territories determined the political

26

status of the respective chieftains. The chieftains of Western Tirunelveli and

Ramanathapuram were of Marava community and those of Madurai, Tiruchirappalli

and Tanjore were of Kallar community and those of Eastern Tirunelveli, Dindigul

and Coimbatore were Nayaks or Totiens. They spoke either Tamil or Telugu or

both. The number of chieftains varied from time to time. Early in the Nayak period,

there were about seventy two Poligars in Madurai country alone, while a few others

came into existence during the later period. In 1752, their strength was indicated

as sixty. By the end of the eighteenth century, the number of the Pollams in the

Carnatic region was about forty six.4 In other words, there was fluctuation in the

number of Poligars. It was due to the activities of the annexation as well as

sequestration that the number of Pollams either increased or decreased. Sivagiri,

Wadagarai, Natham, Melur, Pudukkottai, Manaparai, Wodayarpalayam, Ariyalur,

Turaiyur, Virupakshi and Panjalamkurichi represented the most important native

Pollams. Most of the land of south of Tiruchirappalli and north of Tambraparani

river lay under the control of the Poligars.

4. Rajayyan, K., Administration and Society in the Carnatic , Tirupati, 1966, pp.2 and

59; Singaram, A., Socio-Cultural History of Thanjavur District , Ph.D., Thesis,

Chennai, 1988, p.27.

27

Viswanatha Nayak and Pollams

After some failures, the rulers of Vijayanagar reasserted their authority over

Tamil Nadu early in the sixteenth century. Krishnadevaraya (1509-1530), the greatest of the

emperors of Vijayanagar, was mainly responsible for this success. He appointed h is

able general, Viswanatha Nayak as the Governor of Madurai. The main task before

him was to find out a solution to the power of traditional chieftains like Pandyan and

Chola princes and auxiliary powers like the Setupatis of Ramanathapuram and ruling

members of Uttumalai and Panjalamkurichi Pollams.5 The Vijayanagar rulers in the

beginning did not introduce the Poligari system but accepted the already existing one

due to their inability to change. They preferred the advantage it offered. The

chieftains who called themselves as Pancha Pandayas*, the tributaries of the

Pandyas, refused to accept the Nayak Governor as overlord. They assembled to oppose

the Nayak ruler at a place called Kayatar. This development threatened to initiate the

outbreak of a formidable rebellion against the Nayaks. The fallen Pandyas claimed

their legitimacy to rule over different territories. They were ready to face a common

enemy under a common banner of unity. Due to these developments, Viswanatha

Nayak wanted to find a solution to prevent the rise of these chieftains and wis hed to

bring the latter under his effective control. He recognized the role and rights of the

chieftains. To recognize the chieftains, he introduced the Poligari system.6

5. Rajaiah, Indiya Viduthalai-p-Porin Muthal Muzhakkam, (Tamil), Madras, 1985, p.5.

*.Madurai was governed by five brothers collectively called. They were Virapandya,

Vikrama Pandya, Parakrama Pandya, Sundara Pandya and Kulasekara Pandya.

(Husaini, S.A.Q., The History of the Pandya Country, Karaikudi, 1962, p.56.)

6.Muthu Tevar, P., Muventhar Kula Thevar Samugha Varalaru , (Tamil),

Tirumangalam, 1994, pp.189-191.

28

Thereupon, the Nayaks admitted the chieftains into their administrative set up

and defined their rule of conduct. The chieftains were now allowed to collect taxes

and required to pay one-third of the collection as tribute to the Nayaks in order to

maintain the troops and to retain the rest for their private expenses. The military

chieftains were also directed to render military service to the Nayaks on the latter’s

demand. 7

Four notable factors contributed to the emergence of the Poligars. They were: (1)

descendents from royal houses, (2) assumption of authority by possessing armed

followers. In this regard the chieftains obtained the recognition of the Nayak on the

ground of military service (3) acknowledged chieftains for their distinguished public

service and (4) the protectors of public interest.8

Impact of Talaikotta Battle

The defeat at the hands of the Bhamini Sultans on the battlefield at Talaikotta

in 1565 marked the steady decline of Vijayanagar empire. The Nayak governors of

Madurai, Tanjore and Gingee entered into a three cornered rivalry for political

supremacy. Utilizing this political disorder, the Deccani powers, the Marathas and the

Mysoreans made frequent in roads into the Tamil Country. This situation compelled

the Nayaks to seek the support and loyalty of the Poligars.9 The family records of

these chieftains furnish numerous instances of their exploits in support of the Nayaks

to check the foreign invasion and suppress the defiant rulers. As a reward for their

service, the Nayaks either added gifts of lands to the existing Pollams or created new

7. Sathiyantha Aiyar, R., History of the Nayaks of Madura, Madras, 1924, pp.58-59.

8. Rajayyan, K., Rise and Fall of the Poligars of Tamil Nadu,op.cit., p.7.

9.Nicholas B. Dirks, The Hollow Crown; Ethonohistory of Indian Kingdom ,

Cambridge, 1987, pp.44-46.

29

ones.10

This decision of the Nayaks increased the authority and influence of the

Poligars who in course of time entered into a conflict even with the rulers on many

issues.

Marava and Nayak Pollams

The number of new Pollams which came into existence differed from time to

time. However, the most significant of them in Tirunelveli region were the Marava

and Nayak Pollams. They were also known as ‘Southern Pollams’. The territorial units

of these Pollams were considerable when compared to other Pollams. Among them,

the Pollams of Ramanathapuram, Sivagangai and Pudukkottai were often called

‘States’ and their rulers, ‘Rajahs.’11

Big Pollams

Krishnappa Nayak (1601-1609), the successor of Viswanatha Nayak, entrusted the

administration of Ramanathapuram, the headquarters of Southern Poligars, to Sadaiyakka

Tevar who belonged to the line of the Setupatis. Appointed deputy in 1604, Sadaiyakka

Tevar subdued the turbulent chiefs and established military posts along the road from

Madurai to Rameswaram. As the Nayaks grew into prominence in the service of the Rayas

of Vijayanagar, the Setupatis gained their power in the service of the Nayaks of Madurai.

Raghunatha Setupati, at the orders of Thirumalai Nayak (1623-1629), fought and repulsed a

Muslim invasion and suppressed a rebellion organized by the chieftains of Tirunelveli. As a

reward for his service, he received the villages near Mannarkoil and a share in the revenue

from the Pearl Fishery Coast at Tuticorin. However, when Chokkanatha Nayak came to

power (1659-1682), Raghunatha Setupati disregarded the central authority and refused to

10.Vadivelu, A., The Aristocracy of Southern India, Vol. II, Delhi, 1984, p.136.

11.Nicholas B. Dirks, op.cit., p.50.

30

render co-operation in resisting the Muslim aggression. In 1702, Rani Mangammal sent

another expedition but the Marava forces routed the Madurai army. In the same year, the

old Raghunatha Setupati, who was also called Kizhavan Setupati, declared the

independence of the Marava Pollam. The Pollam of Ramanathapuram raised its status to

the level of a state, which extended from the sea in the east to within six miles of Madurai

in the west, and from river Vaipar in the south to Tanjore Kingdom in the north.

A land concession made by Kizhavan Setupati contributed to the formation of

Pudukkottai. He granted a tract of territory to Raghunatha Thondaiman, (1686-1730) who

soon built the town of Pudukkottai12

and annexed the neighbouring areas and asserted his

independence by 1711. This marked the establishment of Thondaiman dynasty of

Pudukkottai.

A second territorial concession made by Kizhavan Setupati to Periya Wodaya

Tevar, a local chieftain, for maintaining 300 armed men for the service of the central

authority, paved the way for the emergence of the State of Sivagangai. Sasivarna

Tevar, of Nallukottai village who succeeded Periya Wodaya Tevar married an

illegitimate daughter of Kizhavan Setupati and gained possession of more villages

from Ramanathapuram with 3,000 armed men. Kizhavan Setupati divided his territory

into five equal parts, retained three divisions in the south for himself and ceded the

rest to Sasivarna Tevar. This marked the rise of two sta tes within the territorial

boundaries of Ramanathapuram.

Technically speaking, Ramanathapuram was a Pollam created by the Nayak. It paid

tribute and rendered military service to Madurai. But when the influence of Ramanathapuram

was on the ascendancy, the authority of Madurai Nayak was on the path of decline. This

12.‘Focus on Pudukkottai – A Feature,’ The Hindu, Madurai, October 1996.

31

enabled the Maravas to establish their independence. Despite the assertion of independence,

the rulers of Madurai considered the two new states only as Pollams.13

Decline of Nayak Authority

The Nayak powers to whom the Poligars extended their loyalty traditionally,

refused to acknowledge the Nayak overlordship by the end of the seventeenth century.

Frequently assailed from different quarters, the chieftains drained their resources to

defend their traditional rights. Their efforts to maintain the declining Nayaks in power

ended in failure. By 1670, the ruler of Mysore occupied Coimbatore, Salem and the

north-western provinces of Madurai. Consequently, the Poligars in this region came

under the control of the rulers of Mysore. In 1674, Ekoji, the Maratha Chieftain and

the half brother of Shivaji snatched Tanjore from the Nayaks. Two years later, Shivaji

with a large force organized a campaign in the Carnatic. He annexed Gingee from

Bijapur, advanced to Tanjore and routed a combination of the Poligars of Chittoor and

Vellore.14

This development threatened the rule of the Nayaks of Madurai.

A civil war broke out in the Nayakdom of Madurai. Chanda Sahib of the

Nevayet line exploited this opportunity and entered into an alliance with Queen

Meenakshi and routed the force of Bangaru Tirumalai. After his victory, he advanced

to Madurai. In 1736, Chanda Sahib deposed Queen Meenakshi and usurped the throne

of Madurai Kingdom.15

However, the consolidation of his authority required the

liquidation of the influence of the Poligars who remained stubbornly loyal to the

Nayaks. He assembled a large army and attacked the Pollams of Pudukkottai, Ariyalur

13.Rajayyan, K., Rise and Fall of the Poligars of Tamil Nadu ,op.cit., p.8-10.

14. Sathiyanatha Aiyar, R., Tamilagam in the 17

th Century, Madras, 1956, pp. 90-95.

15.Sathiyanatha Aiyar, R., History of the Nayaks of Madura , op.cit., p.234.

32

and Wodayarpalayam. The Thondaiman fled away to Manippallam, while the

chieftains of other Pollams fled to the coast. Bangaru Tirumalai and his son

Vijayakumar escaped to the Marava country for asylum. But the Poligars of

Tirunelveli assembled at Sattur to resist the Nevayet invasion. Despite their daring

struggle, Buddha Sahib and Sadaq Sahib, the brothers of Chanda Sahib, routed the

Poligars.

Influence of the Poligars

The initial failures did not deter the Poligars to oppose the invading power.

They appealed to the Marathas, the most prominent of the Hindu powers of the time

for intervention. The chiefs of Ramanathapuram, Sivagangai and Pudukkottai offered

to furnish their military service to the Marathas in order to expel the Nevayets from

the Carnatic. In 1740, the strong Maratha army under the command of Rahuji Bhonsle

and Fateh Singh marched towards Carnatic. The Nevayet troops from Tirunelveli and

Dindigul rallied to the aid of Chanda Sahib but they were blocked at Manaparai and

their generals, Buddha Sahib and Sadaq Sahib, were killed in the battle. Muraai Rao

sent an army under the command of Appaji Rao and established his authority in

Madurai.16

The Maratha intervention relieved the Poligars from the threat of

extinction and resulted in the re-establishment of their power. The Marathas respected

the rights of the Poligars and maintained cordial relations with them.

Establishment of Nawab Rule

However, the period of harmony with the central authority did not last for long.

Determined to re-assert the Mughal power in the Carnatic, and when the Marathas

16.Frederick Price and Rengachari (ed.,) Private Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai, 1736-

1761, Vol.I, Madras, 1901, pp.155-162.

33

were preoccupied with their internal conflicts, Nizam Asaf Jah (Nizam-ul-Mulk) at the

command of 80,000 horses and 2,00,000 foot men marched unopposed to the Carnatic.

After establishing his authority in Arcot and Tiruchirapalli in 1743, Asaf Jah took

Madurai and appointed the infant son, Sadat-ullah Khan II as the Nawab of Arcot. He

appointed his own nominee, Khawaja Abdullah as the guardian of the boy-Nawab.

On the death of Khwaja Abdullah in 1744, Asaf Jah appointed in his place his

general Anwar-ud-din the guardian. In June 1744, Sadat-ullah Khan II, the ten-year-

old prince, was killed, in the presence of Anwar-ud-din, his guardian.17

The guilty in

the murder of the boy king were not punished. On the contrary, the Nizam wanted to

keep his kingdom intact and therefore appointed Anwar-ud-din as the Nawab of Arcot

who established the Wallajah dynasty.18

Responsibility of Kaval Duties

Preoccupied with its own problems, the central authority found it impossible to

enforce law and order. It was unable to provide good administra tion but harassed the

inhabitants by over taxation and harsh exactions. The government did not safeguard

the life and prosperity of the inhabitants. Money was the only motive of the ruler. The

rich people were given the freedom to kill any person when they wanted to do away

with them. Because of these evil practices of circar administration, the villages

appealed to the Poligars for protection. Readily the chieftains responded. They

reappointed the old kavalkars* or appointed their own servants.19

The Kavalkars

17.Sundararaj, T., History of Tiruchirappalli, Tiruchirappalli, 2003, p.59.

18.Vincent A Smith, Oxford History of India, Delhi, 1981, pp.473-474.

*.Kavalkars: Persons appointed to protect the interests of the inhabitants of both

circar and poligar region.

34

protected the interests of the inhabitants. In return for this service, they received from

the villages a voluntary contribution called Desh Kaval. More villages sought

protection and the kaval villages increased their rate of payment, which extended t he

jurisdiction of the Poligars.20

Thus the inhabitants were partly responsible for the

enhancement of the status of the Poligars.

Techniques of the Poligars

The chieftains employed other techniques also to strengthen their authority over

circar lands. One way was to supersede the local authority. In this case, they subjected the

circar kavalkars into complete submission to their will and levied an annual contribution

upon them as a token of their dependence upon the Poligars. A second method was to

induce the inhabitants of the circar villages to settle in the Poligar territory. The third

practice was to plough the kaval lands and thereby encroach upon circar territory. By this

practice, the chieftains increased their land property more and more.21

The first of the three

techniques was solely directed against the circar interests and the last two against the ruler

as well as the inhabitants of the circar villages. In short, the weakness of the circar, and

tyranny that marked the circar administration enabled the Poligars to recover their rights

with the knowledge of both the rulers and the village officials.22

19.Renukadevi, Kaval System – Through the Ages, M.Phil Dissertation, Madurai,

2003, p.51. 20

. Rajayyan, K., ‘Poligars – ‘The Auxiliary Powers of South India ,’ in Eighteenth

Century India, Trivandrum, 1981, pp.6-7. 21

.Venkatasubramanian, T.K., ‘Poligari System and Agricultural Labour in South India,

C 1750 – C 1801’, in Manikumar, K.A., History and Society, Tirunelveli, 1996, p.61.

22.Sobhanan, B., ‘The Kaval System’ – A Case Study,’ in Twenty Eight Annual

Conference of the Institute of Historical Studies , Tuticorin, 1991, p.19.

35

The emergence of the Poligars represented the culmination of the interplay of

local and central developments over several decades. But, when t he Nayaks

disappeared from the political scene, the situation changed. The new rulers were not

only strangers to the land but belonged to a rival faith. The changed conditions

transformed the character of the Poligars from a class of submissive public serv ants

into a class of rebellious military chieftains. For their services, they were paid by the

then rulers and the villagers. They had received more resources, converted their

detached villages into military posts, strengthened their armed establishments and

had gradually developed themselves into ‘Little Kings’.

The change of the ruling class in the Madurai Country and its agency in the

Tirunelveli Province influenced the activities of the Tirunelveli Poligars. As the

military chieftains were legally recognized by the Nayak rulers of the Madurai, they

were very loyal towards the Nayaks. The chieftains realized their responsibilities and

properly executed their duties as the representatives of the Nayaks in different

Pollams. They maintained good relations with the Nayak Governors in Tirunelveli

region. Their religious devotion brought them into close relation with the Nayaks who

patronized religion and culture in the Nayakdom. But the establishment of Nawab rule

in the Madurai Country and the repressive act ivities of the Nawab made the chieftains

rebellious. There was a strained relationship between the Nawab and the dominant

military chieftains of Panjalamkurichi and Nercatanseval.

As the Nawab was not in a position to control the chieftains in the remote

places, the latter developed their military strength and determination to check the

Nawab’s influence over their Pollams. Historical as well as political factors generated

36

a spirit of hostility in the relation between the ruling Nawab and the Poligars in th e

Carnatic region. Repeated efforts were made by the Nawab to suppress the military

chieftains. Determined resistance was posed by the Poligars in defence of their

interests and rights.

Loyalty towards Nayaks

The Poligars had always extended their loyalty to the Nayak rulers of

Madurai.23

They obtained legal status from the Nayak rulers by serving the latter. The

legal sanction released the Poligars from the partial control of the Nayaks. On the

other hand, the Wallajah Nawabs had no sympathy with the chief tains. The Nawab’s

indifferent rule led the Poligars to a state of conflict with the former. Further, the

frequent political changes and the shifting fortunes of ruling members placed the

Poligars in a dilemma. They supported the Nayaks and they changed sides between the

prospective contestants like the Mysoreans and the Wallajahs. By this process, many

of the Poligars invited the wrath of the ruling members.

Dispute over Tribute

The collection of tribute served as a major source of problem. The Nawab’s

demands for tribute varied from year to year. Exactions had at times been carried into

the highest pitch and remissions were never liberally allowed as per the situation. The

Nawab’s managers or amuldars made it a practice to exact whatever they could from

the Poligars by diverse means of encouraging internal conflicts, providing bogus

promises and assigning lands.24

Thereby, they ultimately taught the Poligars to

23.Nicholas B. Dirks, op.cit., p.52.

24.Ibid., pp.45-50.

37

consider tribute not as a just payment to their sovereign but as a price paid to keep

their legal authority. The spirit of independence and turbulence, which many of the

Poligars cherished in common, also led them into conflict with the Nawab.

Military Strength

The miniature state set up by the Poligars encouraged them to raise the banner

of revolt against the circar. By force of arms with forts, a few old guns and a little

equipment of stores, they cared little for the central authority. The Nawabs, who could

not manage their affairs, usually placed themselves under the influence of some loyal

Poligars. This inflated the military spirit of the chieftains in opposition to the

Nawab’s administration and served as an additional cause of the conflict.

In order to strengthen their position, they built up their armed strength in

remote citadels and improved their resources. Confident of their might and having an

easy road into the woods for escape, they asserted their spirit of independence.25

Hence the Nawab commenced a series of military expeditions against the Poligars to

assert his authority over the latter. The Nawab destroyed many of their strongholds as

he could find at different times. But the more he destroyed, the more the Poligars

erected. In fact, construction and destruction of forts constitut ed one of the major

occupations of the inhabitants during this period.26

Tactics and Distrust

25.Proceedings, of the Board of Revenue, 31, December 1785, Vol.8, 1785, pp.610 -

616. 26

.Selvamuthu Kumarasami, L., The Struggle of the Southern Poligars, 1780-1803,

M.Phil., Dissertation, Madurai, 1988, pp.187-199.

38

The Poligars waited for opportunities to withhold the payment of their tributes

to the Nawab. Whenever they found themselves unable to resist the demands of the

Nawab, they paid as much as they could, failing which they procrastinated. If they

found it possible to resist, they denied tribute.27

In that case, the Nawab contented

himself with their gratuitous offerings. When favourable occasion came, the Nawab

claimed his past demands, which always consisted of a large accumulation of the

arrears of peshkush, charges of the troops sent against them and the claims of

compensation for the losses suffered by the circar on account of their depredations.

The result was distrust and disappearance of mutual confidence.

Role of Amuldars

The situation in which the Poligars lived had a powerful impact upon their

character. Exposed to arbitrary and undefined demands, they frequently practised the

same injustice by force or fraud upon each other. The amuldars (revenue governor)

taking advantages of their internal disputes, interfered not as mediators, but as

fomenters of these quarrels by fishing in the troubled water.28

Disputes among the

Poligars happened often due to the unsettled boundaries and a variety of other claims.

By their unruly behaviour, the Poligars maintained animosity against each other. If

one Poligar joined one side, the rival one went over to the opposite side.29

The Nawab

27.Ganapathy Pillay., W.E., Ettaiyapuram: Past and Present, Madras, 1890, p.42.

28.Kulasekhar Raj, B.J.M., op. cit., pp. 24-25

29.Kadhirvel, S., op.cit., p.165.

39

and his amuldars, instead of enforcing order, exploited their natural rivalry for the

advancement of their own vested interests.30

No clear cut Policy

At times, in the face of serious threat to their common interests, the Poligars

forged unity. In that case, they allowed their private animosities to subside and furnished

their supply of soldiers for the defence of the besieged Pollam without appearing

themselves in the contest. Also, they did not hesitate to join any rebellion against the

Nawab’s administration with individualistic motives withou t any clear-cut policy.31

They

fought against the Nawab, and at times against each other, thereby falling victims to the

intrigues of external powers.32

Intention of the Poligars

These Poligars on many occasions made repeated attempts to reinstate the

Nayak in power. In 1750, when Nizam Nasir Jang of Hyderabad marched to

Pondicherry in support of Mohammed Ali in the war against Chanda Sahib, these

Poligars sent a mission and sought his intervention on behalf of the Nayaks. Nothing

came out of this representation and the Nizam was later assassinated. In 1752, Nanja

Raja of Mysore sent an army to the south. Khan Sahib, who led the expedition,

expelled the Nevayets from Madurai and gained possession of the territory for

Mysore. However, the slaughter of cows and the destruction of coconut trees by the

30.Gowri, K., Madurai under the English East India Company , Madurai, 1987, pp.72-

73.

31.Ganapathy Pillay, W.E., op.cit., pp.71-72.

32.Sivaramakrishnan, S., (tr.), The First Patriot Veerapandiya Kattabomman, Madras,

1980, p.36.

40

Muslims alienated the sympathy of the inhabitants. The great Poligars, Vijaya

Raghunatha Setupati (1748-60) of Ramanathapuram and Raja Udaya Tevar (1750-59)

of Sivagangai, supported by other Poligars, organised a rebellion and drove off the

Mysoreans. They crowned Vijayakumara, son of Bangaru Tirumalai as the ruler of

Madurai. However, this victory proved momentary, for immediately after the Poligars

withdrew their forces, Miana, the Nevayet General, gained control of Madurai.

Vijayakumara fled away to Sivagangai.33

Representation to Madras Government

In their effort to avert further hostilities with the Muslim power, the military

chieftains made an appeal for British help. On January 20, 1754, they represented

their grievances to Thomas Saunders, the Governor of Madras. They demanded the

appointment of a ruler to manage their affairs properly. They also assured that they

will pay tribute without any arrears at the appointed period both to the Nawab of

Arcot and to the British. This representation showed that the Poligars recognised to

the growing influence of the British and their willingness to accept the Wallajah

sovereignty subject to the condition of appointing a prince for Madurai for

maintaining order in the Poligar regions.

Indifferent Attitude of the Nawab

The Madras government took interest in the suggestion put forth by the

Poligars but Mohammed Ali refused his concurrence. It appeared that the Poligars

demanded the restoration of Vijayakumara to power. But Mohammed Ali, the

Nawab, rejected the appeal of the Poligars. Had he restored the Nayak ruler,

nominally no doubt, he could have gained the effective control of the country

33.Hill, S.C., Yusuf Khan : The Rebel Commandant, New Delhi, 1987, pp.26-41.

41

without any serious difficulty and could have won the allegiance of the Poligars

too.

The attitude of Mohammed Ali left the Poligars without any acceptable

leadership and in a state of hostility with the ruling class. In the meantime, the

Nawab had pressed for money because of his prolonged wars against the rival

powers of Chanda Sahib and the French, and the constant demands made by his

ally. The British decided to undertake military actions against the defaulted

Poligars in order to suppress the rising militar y tendency of them for good.

The Poligars who were once affiliated to the Nayaks of Madurai, now felt

differently under the rule of the Nevayets and Wallajahs. The Muslim rulers were

not cordial to the Hindu Poligars who were by nature vigorous. The freq uent

demand for money left the Poligars in distress. During the time of famine and

flood, they were unable to fulfil the required demands. As a result, they fell in

arrears and the increasing arrears infuriated the Nawab who overrun the

territories of Poligars, which resulted in chaos and confusion. As a result, the

Poligars were always hostile to their master.

Thus the Poligars emerged as the fruits of feudal fragmentation. In

feudalism, land was the connecting link between politics and economics. Networks

of land grants formed the basic structure over which rested the super structure of

the Poligar polity. Such a system naturally paved the way for confrontation with

their overlords. Sometimes, they fought among themselves for social prestige. In

both the inter-Poligar war and in the war with the central power, the Poligars

dominated the political landscape. Generally under Vijayanagar, the system worked

well. It was cemented some time through matrimonial alliances or kinship

42

considerations. Strong ethnic bonds also cemented them. However, when the

Nawab of Arcot replaced the Nayak rulers, the Poligars construed them as exotic

because they did not belong to their ethnic stock. This type of breakdown was

precipitated by disintegration when the British descended on the Carnatic.

Society under Poligars

Society is the field of action and the individuals are the source of action.

When religions of different ideologies confront in any society, there will be either

triumph or defeat for one of the religious belligerents. But in the case of Tamil

country, in spite of violent incidents here and there, there was mutual toleration

and in some cases compromise. Thus the Islamic tradition of Kanduri festival and

worship of so Muslim saints called ‘Sufis’ clearly reveal the Hindu influence on

Islam. Muslims too never prevented the Hindus from visiting Dargas where the

Hindu customs of tonsuring the head is widely practiced.

The migration of the Telugu people to the Tamil region took place during the

Nayak period. Before the Nayak period, the contact between the Telugus and Tamils

was limited to royal families.* But migration of Telugus was in large scale (i.e.) kavarar

in the fertile area, kammavar in the cotton area and kambaltar in the dry region.34

The

Vijayanagar empire was founded to protect Hindu civilization and stood as a bulwark

against Muslim aggression and it encouraged the growth of Poligars. The renaissance

movement in the field of religion and philosophy produced great philosophers and

*. For instance, Kundavai, the Chola princess was married to Vimaladitya of Vengai.

Earlier the Pallavas had matrimonial relations with Rashtrakutas. 34

Rajanarayanan gives an excellent account on Telugu migration into Tamil Country

in his work ‘Gopalapuram.’

43

polemics like Vidyaranya Akshophy Muni, Vedanta Desika, etc. In Tamil areas, a lot of

sthalapuranas (mythological account of the local temples) became popular.35

Social life in the Poligar territories was identical with the trends in the Nayakdom and

Vijayanagar empire. Diverse religious practices, caste traditions and conventional distinctions

continued with no perceptible change. The people divided, as they were by different religious

systems, lived at variance with one another. Hindus claimed numerical superiority followed by

clusters of Islamic and Christian settlements found here and there especially in the coastal

areas.

The fisher folk of Tirunelveli were Christians converted earlier by St. Xavier. The fisher

folk of northern Tirunelveli sea coast are Hindus. The Brahminical passion for classification is

clearly revealed when the practice of hierarchy, inequality and regimentation were practised

in Hindu society.

Castes with their sub-castes, running into a large multitude, presented

insurmountable impediments to mobility within the society. The social concept of the

day worked towards the suppression of human aspirations, rights and interests. The

society restricted the scope of human association. In the absence of a regular

government, valour and strength offered the scope for upward social mobility. This

social mobility became the social reality when the Brahmins legitimised them. Some

castes became martial castes claiming Kshatriya status. For instance, Rajakula

Agambadiar and Vanniyakula Kshatriyar claimed Kshatriya status.

35.Mahalingam, T.V., Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagar, Madras,

1969, pp.5-6.

44

The peasants enjoyed the permanent right to till and they brought the land into

fertility. Fertility of the soil, degree of security and rate of taxation determined the

value of land. Agriculture was the main occupation of the people. The small -scale

industries were also found in the society and the Poligars commanded a limited trade,

both inland and sea borne. Numerous and formidable obstacles worked against the

growth of trade.36

In the socio-economic formation as followed in Tamil land, the social

phenomenon is caste and economic phenomenon was land. There was a close

relationship between land and caste. There were a number of castes found in

Tirunelveli region. Besides castes, there were sub-castes claiming religious and ritual

superiority. On the basis of their occupational status, they could be grouped as elite

castes, dominant castes, mercantile castes, dependent castes and service castes. People

whose mother tongue was not Tamil were also divided on caste lines.37

Normally, Brahmins and the land holding Vellalas constituted the elite caste.

But numerically they were a minority in Poligar areas. They settled on the banks of

river Tambraparani where many temples were located and they were sanctified by the

agamas.* The Brahmins, the traditional elite caste, occupied high status in society and

were the first people to learn western education.38

The Vellala had a good position

next to Brahmins.39

They were the chief advisers to the military chieftains. Besides,

36.Ibid.

37.Edgar Thurstan, op cit.,Vol.1 p 17.

*.Agama denotes Hindu scriptures other than Vedas. 38

.Kadhirvel, S., ‘Social Changes with Particular Reference to Occupations –

Tirunelveli District’ in Rajaratnam, K., and three others, Profiles on Society and

Technology, Coimbatore, 1988, p.167.

39. Edgar Thurston, op.cit., Vol. III, pp.361-362.

45

they served as amuldars, (revenue administrators) and village headmen. The Nadars,

due to their association with the Christian missionaries, became the first depressed

people to acquire western education.

Marava and Telugu Poligars were the dominant caste chieftains and served as

the instrument of oppression. Their role was to collect land dues from peasants,

retaining a lot for themselves and sending the rest to the circar authority. By

appropriating padikaval rights and through kinship and matrimonial considerations,

they extended their authority. Normally they conceived themselves as a tree with

different branches. A Marava was recognized as a member of particular kilai (branch)

like kondayamkottai, Sembinadu, Uttumalai kilai. These kilais were theoretically

equal. The Maravas of Tirunelveli region belonged to Kondayamkottai. The counter

part of kilai in non-Tirunelveli area was karai. The kilai organization contributed to

horizontal classification of society. The Maravas were divided into sub -castes, of

which the important ones were Sembinadu Maravas, Kondaiyamkottai Maravas,

Siruthali-Kattai Maravas and Vanniya Maravas. They worshipped Siva.40

The Kallars,

another military group, inhabited the northern side of Tirunelveli region. The Kallars

were divided into Mel Nattu Kallars and Keezh Nattu Kallars. The Telugu speaking

martial caste was the Totiens, also known as Kambalatars, who were Telugu by

descent and they were war-like and ambitious as the Maravas. Their sub-castes

included the Chellavar, Pullavar, Vallakavar and Takalavar.

40.Kadhirvel, S., op,cit, p.9.

46

Regarding Telugu Poligars, their proximity to the Nayaks determined their

dominant status. For their service to the Nayaks both in war and peace, they were

highly rewarded. They became the Telugu agents of the Nayak rulers.41

The mercantile castes were not prominent. The Brahmins of Kallidaikurichi

usurped the role of Nattukkottai Chettis of Chettinadu and became moneylenders.42

Merchants among the Vellalas were called Vellan Chetti. Though socially the Nadars

were in the lower order, they became petty traders in due course. Balijas, Chettis and

Komutis came under the mercantile group. They worshipped the deity, Kannika

Parameswari.43

There were many dependent castes like wWeavers, Carpenters, Goldsmiths,

Stone-masons, Iron-smiths, Oil mongers etc. Their position in the social ladder was

placed above the depressed classes, but below the mercantile caste.

The service castes were at the bottom of the society. They were generally called

Samban in Tirunelveli. Of them, there were two classes: (1) those who toil in the

paddy field and (2) those who live in non-fertile lands whose duty was to tom tom the

message of the state or that of their local masters. The Telugu speaking Arunthathiyas

also belonged to service caste. They were also called Chakkliyas. Their service was

always in great demand because they produced leather goods. These service castes

were attached to the families of rich castes. The Valluvas among the service caste

were the astrologers. Their headman was called Sathabavan. His depu ties were called

41.Rajayyan, K., Administration and Society in the Carnatic, op.cit., pp.50-52.

42.Peter, Economic History of India, Palayamkottai, 1948, pp.10-20.

43.Caldwell, R., op.cit., p.61.

47

Adappans or Pattamkattais. The service castes were endogamous. Polarization among

the service castes was very deep, each playing and guarding its traditional role.

Thus the rule making and rule adjudicating functions of these different cas tes

contributed to the social equilibrium. But social equilibrium was not social justice.

These castes were mutually exclusive. But in local temple festivals, they were always

assigned with a particular ritual role. Apart from these Hindu castes, there we re

Muslims in the coastal areas. Sailors among the Muslims were called Marakkairs

(Marakala Rayan). Merchants dealing with horses were called Eriruthar. Their mother

tongue was Tamil. But among the Muslims, Urdu speaking Muslims were in a

microscopic minority.

Religious Condition

Saivism and Vaishnavism revived remarkably under the Nayaks. The Hindus

developed and patronised the temple architecture in noted centres like Tiruttani,

Kanchi, Srirangam, Tanjore, Kumbakonam, Madurai, Ramaeswaram, etc. New temples

were also built and old temples were renovated.

The Nayak rulers did a lot for the growth of Saivism. The Saivites were of two

sects, Pasupathas and Kalamukhas. Pasupathas had a large gathering in those days.

Among them were Vaidika Pasupathas and Avaidika Pasupathas. The Kalamukhas

followed the veda dharma. During the Nayak period, Siddhas also spread their

philosophical ideas. Pattinattar, Pampatti Siddhar and Ahappey Siddhar were

prominent among them. They propagated their ideas to undermine the influence of

Christianity.

Besides, during the Nayak period a clash between the two schools of Vadagalai

and Thengalai broke out regarding their ideologies. Regarding the doctrine of

48

salvation, the Vadagalai school held that self effort was necessary and the Thengalai

school held that self-effort was not necessary because the grace of God was

spontaneous and overflowing. The Vadagalai believed in the caste system but the

Thengalai held that a man of lower order was equal to a Brahmin if he was a true

devotee of God. They had separate headquarters. The headquarters of Vadagalai was

Kanchipuram and Thengalai was Srirangam. A staunch supporter of Vadagalai was

Vedanta Deskiar.44

The Nayaks of Madurai rendered remarkable service for both Vadagalai and

Thengalai Vaishnava temples. Chittirai festival was at first inaugurated and celebrated

with great pomp and grandeur by Tirumalai Nayak in Madurai. He also celebrated Algar

festival and Chittirai festival during the month of Chittirai in a grand manner.

Vijayadasami, Taippusam, Karthigai, Deepavali, Pongal and Pittu Thiruvizha festivals

were also celebrated by the people. During this period, Ramappaiyan, the Commander of

Tirumalai Nayak, led an expedition against Mysore and defeated the Mysore King. After

the victory, he returned to Madurai through Dindigul and Kannivadi. On his return, he went

to Palani and worshipped Lord Muruga where he found the priests belonged to non-

Brahmin castes. As the priest belonged to a Pandaram caste. Ramappaiyan refused to

accept the prasadam from a person other than a Brahmin. Hence he immediately ordered

that only Brahmins should do the work of priesthood. This incident proved the fact that

non-Brahmins were not permitted to perform priestly functions.45

The Hindus worshipped a large number of deities of varied descriptions.

Traditions related to the gods fighting with the fury of savages and indulging in

44.Rajayyan, K., Administration and Society in the Carnatic , op.cit., pp 60-62.

45.Palani Sthala Varalaru , (Tamil), Palani, 1994, pp.1-10.

49

romantic escapades haunted the imagination of the inhabitants. In Tirunelveli region,

Tiruchendur, Ramanathapuram, Alwarthirunagari and Srivaikuntam served as seats of

great temples. Every caste and every family had its own private devil temples called

Peikovils. Temples, large as well as small, had independent sources of income. The

people worshiped all main deities. Every vi llage had its guardian deity known as

Uramma among the Tamils and Gramdevata among the Telugus. This guardian deity

was always feminine, whose benevolence was sought for the welfare of the village

community. Hindus went on pilgrimage to places, like Rameswaram, Puri and

Banaras.46

The frequent disputes between the right hand and left hand castes disturbed

the peace of the land. The Valangai or Right Hand faction included the more

respectable castes. The Idangai or Left Hand group comprised of the Panchalas.

Pallas and Chakkliyas. A close scrutiny of the Right Hand faction and the Left Hand

faction reveals that the root cause of the problem was the importance attached to

status. It is the forerunner of the modern grouping of castes.

The Nayak period witnessed the spread of Christianity in the society. They

won converts from the Paravas, Parayas, Kallars, Nadars and Brahmins.47

Father

Beschi (1680-1747), who served as the minister of Chanda Sahib for a short period ,

guided the missionary activities in the middle of the century.48

In 1765, the Jesuits

46.George W. Spencer, (ed.), Temples, Kings and Peasants: Perceptions of the South

Indian Past, Madras, 1987, pp.114-115

47.Ibid.

48.Raju, D., ‘Chanda Sahib’s Relationship with Fr. Beschi’ in Ram Pande, (ed.,)

Shodhak, Jaipur, May 2003, pp.79-81.

50

of Pondicherry extended their activities into Tamil Country.49

The Society for the

Promotion of Christian Knowledge (S.P.C.K) was founded by the Danish Lutherans,

a Protestant mission in the Carnatic in 1765. Rev. Schwartz, a German by birth, was

the greatest of the Protestant missionaries of the period. Though a man of

unaffected modesty, he ably assisted the British in the annexation of Tanjore. He

founded the Tanjore Mission. He not only converted a large number of Nadars and

Kallars to Protestantism but also established schools at Tanjore and Tiruchirappalli.

The gospel came from Tranquebar to Tirunelveli via Tiruchirappalli and Tanjore. It

was Schwartz who baptised the first convert and sanctified the Protestant Church in

Tirunelveli.50

The Tranquber Mission of the Lutherans suffered an eclipse because

of the paucity of able missionaries and the marked decline of religious zeal in

Europe. Its work was revived and extended by British Missionary Societies.51

The political conflicts interrupted missionary activities and during the disorders

and belligerent forces destroyed the churches. The Parayas who were treated as

unclean people, accepted Christianity in large numbers and emerged as a dominant

group in church. The higher caste people looked upon conversion as tantamount to

their degradation to the lowest social status. The converted Christians on their part

retained the Hindu rituals and caste system. A feature of the Christian wedding as in a

Hindu marriage was the procession from the church. Some rulers also promoted

49.Srinivasachari, C.S., Ananda Ranga Pillai: The Pepys of French India , Madras, 1940,

pp.192-197.

50.Missionary Records of India, London, 1833, pp.1-35.

51.Rajayyan, K., History of Tamil Nadu, 1565 – 1965, op.cit., pp.38-42.

51

religious harmony. For instance, in 1773 Queen Meenakshi of Madurai granted lands

as gift to a mosque at Tiruchirappalli.52

The temples in the Tamil land were the repository of Hindu culture and

civilization from early days. The rulers of Vijayanagar restored worship in the

temples, repaired old temples and towers, settled disputes among temple servants and

made extensive endowments in the shape of jewels, lands, taxes and other sources of

income.53

The various personal gifts of Kumara Kampana to the temples in Tamil Country

demonstrated his benevolent temple administration. An inscription from Ponpatti,

Arantangi taluk of Tanjore district, mentions the gift of taxes for the midnight service

of deity Virrirundaperumal. A record from Tiruppukkuli mentions the gift of a jewel

by Kumara Kampana to the deity, Vijayaraghava Perumal.54

Some temples maintained health centres for the convenience of the people. An

inscription of AD 1293 at Srirangam refers to the existence of a health centre

(Arogyasalai). The significant aspect of the activities of temples in the Vijayanagar

days was the encouragement of small industries. King Krishnadevaraya granted a

house and certain honours to Vyasaraya Tirtha Sripada Vodeyar. The Srimushnam

inscription indicates that the temple had also some police functions. Such rights were

given to the temples by the local institutions.55

52.Rajayyan, K., Administration and the Society in the Carnatic, op.cit., pp.64-66.

53.Nilakanta Sastri, K.A., Colas, Madras, 1955, p.504.

54.Krishnaswamy, A., The Tamil Country under Vijayanagar, Annamalai Nagar, 1964.pp.

44-46.

55.Ibid.

52

Social Customs and Practices

The family which was the smallest unit of the social order, functioned as an

established institution. Women treated their husbands with respect. Both men and

women used varieties of ornaments and they were put on at every possible point of the

ears, nose, neck, arms, wrists, above elbows, feet, ankles and toes. These ornaments

were made of precious metals, stones and glass. The ornaments in common use

included rows of beads, bangles and ear-rings. All the castes permitted the beginning

of wedded life at an early age for the happiness of the domestic life.56

During the

festival occasions, the newly married couples received rice, coconut, jaggery,

plantain, vessels and pots as gifts. An adopted son renounced all the claims to the

property of the parents after adoption. A girl was rarely adopted. The devadasis or

dancing girls of the temples sold their favours to those who solicited them. They

charged two to four fanams for a night.57

Most of the castes seldom permitted divorce.

The Maravas permitted both the husband and wife to dispense with their wedded life

without giving any reason and to get re-married.58

The Brahmins settled a girl of the

age between five and nine in marriage with a man of any age whether sixteen or sixty.

More fantastic still was that even an old man of sixty years or above could have

second marriage. The widowhood radically altered the life of a woman. The thali

(sacred thread) was taken away from her neck. Even a poor and old Brahmin felt

56.George Pigot in Council, Military Country Correspondence, (M.C.C.), Letter, 27, September

1757, Vol.5, p.176.

57.Mahalingam, T.V., op.cit., pp.18-22.

58.George W. Spencer (ed.,) op.cit., pp.111-112.

53

indignated at the suggestion of his marrying a widow with all the charms of youth.59

In the Brahmin caste, the wedding ceremonies were marked by distinct stages, namely

kasiyatra or pilgrimage by the bridegroom to Kasi (Banaras), kankana or exchange

of sanctified threads by the bride and bridegroom, kanyadan or gift of the virgin and

mangala sutra dharana or fastening of a chain around the neck. All religious

practices varied from caste to caste.60

Revenue Collection and Economic Measures

A variety of oppressive practices, characterized by unreasonable claims and

unjustifiable impositions, left the ryots with nothing more than bare means of

precarious survival. At the beginning of every season, the revenue servants estimated

the sum to be collected. If the harvest failed to come up to the expectations, they

coerced the peasants to part with the estimated amount and if, on the contrary, unusual

rains produced a plentiful crop, they made the ryots pay more. They made pre -

determined assessments. If the crops appeared promising, they carried out the

additional levies under the pretence of clearing imaginary arrears of loans and

obligation of making presents. The revenue servants granted concessions to the

influential people. As a consequence, the oppression fell heavily on the less resisting

sections. Further, the revenue servants required the ryots to obtain a mandate for

reaping the harvest. When the peasants violated the rule, nothing but the confiscation

of the entire crops was carried out.61

59.Edgar Thurston, op.cit., Vol.1, pp.368-370.

60.George, W. Spencer (ed.), op.cit., 115-118.

61.Krishnaswamy, A., op.cit., pp.48-53.

54

The amuldars tampered with trade too. They compelled the people to pay

almost all taxes in kind. The peasants were not permitted to bring any grain from the

neighbouring places even for their domestic consumption. If any one was found saving

a small quantity of grain for the immediate support of his neighbour, he was fined

quite mercilessly. The transit duties or land customs were rented out by Parganas. But

this led to the multiplication of choukies or stations where they were collected.62

The people were fleeced through many violent means. If the inhabitants were so

inattentive as to display their wealth, the public servants seldom took rest until the

plundered it. In every public office, whips, scourges, thumbscrews and other

instruments of torture were regularly and freely applied to the unhappy subjects day

after day. If anybody remained stubborn and refused to surrender his money, he was

seized, confined and tortured without even the slightest evidence of guilt to be proved.

In fact, the ryot, husbandman, manufacturer, artisan and every other inhabitant lived

at the mercy of the oppressors who swarmed every village.63

People’s Reaction

The policy of the administration led to a determined struggle between the

forces of reaction and the tactics of evasion practised out of the necessity of deceiving

the engine of oppression. The people employed fraud and evasion in their payment of

taxes. They colluded with the public servants through bribery. The circar fixed

particular rates of assessment for stipulated kinds of land; higher rates for fertile

fields and less for the barren. The holders of land, as a matter of practice, managed to

62.Natarajan, B., (ed.), Some South Indian Villages : Gangai Kondan, Madras, 1940,

pp.69-71.

63 .Ibid.

55

secure their fields graded as inferior for the purpose of taxation. If they failed in

obtaining any of these favourable terms through corruption, the ryots sought to take

advantage of a high price or high yield.64

If none of these factors favoured, the inhabitants resorted to more extreme

methods of resistance. They sold their ploughs and other instruments and reared herds

of cattle and flocks of sheep, as they found it easy to drive them off beyond the

jurisdiction of the administration of the tyrants. The discontented inhabitants often

joined the rebellions in an attempt to fight eviction.65

Nevertheless, the resistance of the people, either covert or overt, failed to affect

the financial stability of the state. The tactics of evasion, engendered by oppressive

taxation, forced the Nawab to maintain a complex and expensive machinery for the

enforcement of collection. In fact, the rulers and the ruled struggled inexorably

against each other in a vicious circle of survival.66

Grain constituted the principal diet of the people. Rice formed the staple food

of the rich, while ragi, cambu, and cholam (variety of grains) that of the poor classes.

Gingerly oil and coconut oil were used for application on body and for cooking, and

the castor oil for the lamp. The peasant enjoyed permanent right to till the land. In

Sivagangai and in the Pollams of Tirunelveli, infringements of these rights were at

times committed.67

The Tamil word, kaniatchy, indicated an independent hereditary

property and kaniatchikar meant the holder of a land of that description. Fertility of

the soil, degree of security and rate of taxation determined the value of land. In

64. Rajayyan, K., Administration and Society in the Carnatic , op.cit., pp.80-84.

65. George W. Spencer (ed.), op.cit., pp.120-122

66. Rajayyan, K., Administration and Society in the Carnatic , op.cit., pp.92-95

67. Kadhirvel, S., op.cit., pp.85-87.

56

Tirunelveli, the river basin of Tambraparani was fertile but the inhabitants

experienced horrors of robbery and insecurity. The durmosanum, the gift lands held

by the Brahmins, were free from heavy taxation. The peasants entertained a preference

to plough the lands in durmosanum, for they were leased either for money or on grain

contract by the Brahmins. The farm labourers received grain and sundry allowances.

The mercantile castes commanded a limited trade, both inland and sea borne.

Balijas controlled internal trade. Added to the inland trade, the coast had an export –

import trade. The exported articles included calico, cotton, paddy, cardamom and salt.

Imported goods were lead, iron, copper and sugar. The Europeans and native traders

who were settled in Tirunelveli had trade contacts with Malabar Coast. The traders

employed large vessels for their trade across the seas.68

The vessels frequently visited

the ports of Tuticorin, Kayalpatnam, Nagapuram and Jaganathapuram. On the coast,

what the people required from European merchants, were brought by the Portuguese

and Dutch. They exchanged Madurai linen for Japan leather and Malacca spices. The

vessels of the foreign merchants mostly visited the port of Tuticorin. The Europeans

carried on an exclusive trade in pearl and chank (mother of pearl).69

The Dutch, who

had factories at Tuticorin and Ramanathapuram, maintained a zealous hold over the

market of the Carnatic. However, towards the close of the seventeenth century, the

rising power of the British swept the Dutch out of this sphere of commercial interest.

The political authority of the British not only swept the native merchants away from

foreign markets but also caused the diversion of commerce in their favour.70

68. Natarajan, B., (ed.), op.cit., pp.75-78.

69. Sathiyanatha Aiyar, R., History of the Nayaks of Madura, op.cit., p.254.

70. Ibid.

57

Numerous and formidable obstacles worked against the growth of trade. Having

values higher than mere creature comforts in life, the inhabitants cherished a strong

tendency to remain contented with the food and shelter. Most of the articles needed

for consumption were locally produced and only a few goods were imported.71

Added

to this habit of contentment, there was this additional factor of exact ion of customs at

every nodal place by one chief or the other and the price of articles was high because

of the monopolistic combination. These factors prevented the merchants from being

enterprising. The robbers and thieves made it their constant duty to plunder and often

to clash with the traders. The general variation of weights and measures in almost

every Pollam subjected the merchants to enormous inconvenience. The currency

consisted largely of pagados and fanams.72

71. Ibid., p.262

72. Rajayyan, K., Administration and Society in the Carnatic , op.cit., pp.80-83.