Chapter 5 SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE...
Transcript of Chapter 5 SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE...
Chapter 5
SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE LOCALITIES
Each area or locality in a city has different type
of social structure because of the differential nature of
population living J.n there. Before analyzing social
structure, J.n this chapter, of the three areas or
localities selected for the present study, it is
necessary to have a brief look at the conceptual
understanding of the term social structure extensively
analysed in sociology :and social anthropology. For
Marx, 1 the economic system of production and
distribution or the means and relations of production
constitute the basic structure of society on which are
built all other social structures or institutions
particularly the state and the legal system. Thus,
according to him, social structure consists of economic
structure-basic structure-in its core and the political
legal and cultural structures as sub-structures or super
structures. Contrary to this, Nadel2 emphasises that the
term social structure refers to the network of social
1
2
Marx, Karl, "Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy", (translated by T.B. Bottomore), 1965, pp.51,78.
Nadel, S.F. Theory of Social Structure, 1951, p.12.
96
relationships created among the human beings when they
interact with one another according to their social
statuses. Radcliff Brown3 also writes, "the components
of social structure are human beings, the structure
itself being an arrangement of persons in relationship
institutionally defined and regulated".
Thus, social structure is an abstract entity and
individuals form institutions which thereby become its
units. An institution, on its part, has been defined "as
that collective mode of response or behaviour which has
outlasted a generation, which prescribes a well defined
way of doing things and which binds the members of the
group together into an association by means of rituals,
symbols, procedures and offices possessed of regulatory
power or Danda". 4 These institutions are inter-related
and they create a pattern of social structure.
Notwithstanding the abstract nature of social
structure, it may be mentioned here that every community
has a social structure of its own. Such social structure
is always subjected to change by .forces which are both
3
4
./
Brown, A.R. Radcliffe. African System of Kinship and Marriage, 1967, p.82.
Majumdar, H.T., Grammar of Sociology, 1966, p.162.
97
internal and external. The social structure readjusts
itself to these forces. The specific forces functioning
in the form of processes are industrialization,
urbanization, economic development and, ~n a word,
modernization which are most si~Jnificant to the change
in social structure. Social structure also influences, to
a great extent, the institutions of family, caste,
kinship ties, marriage, neighbourhood, etc. which are the
real elements of a given social structure with specific
sub-structures of their own.
We shall discuss below the structure and changing
patterns of social relationships in the above mention€d
social institutions to substantiate the nature of socia~
structures and changes in them in the localities under
study. In the process we shall also analyse roles of some
forces including the process of urbanisation which
contribute to consolidation and changes in these social
structures.
Structure of Family
Family is the basic and universal social institution
of human society not only in rural but in urban areas '
also also. As an institution, family is regulated and
98
governed by certain values, norms, roles and role
expectations, etc. Besides, it 1s also a group in the
sense of a collectivity of members who are related with
one another through both descent or lineage and conjugal
ties. Each member in the family is expected to perform
certain prescribed role and is assigned status
accordingly.
The dominant form of family in India has remained
till recently the joint family. We have mentioned in
chapter 3 that a number of studies5 have found joint
families also in urban areas though their number is
relatively small specially in the metropolitan cities.
Even longer urban stay of such families has not changed
considerably their character of jointness, though such
families are usually found among the businessmen. Gore6
in his study of the Agarwal families of Delhi has found
75 percent of his respondents in favour of staying in a
joint family. Migration and occupational mobility
generally lead to formation of nuclear families in urban
areas but such families continue their ties with the stem
5
6
Desai, I.P. Some Aspects of Jointness in Family in Mahuva: A Sociological Study of Jointness in Small Town, 1964, See also, Kapadia, K.M., Marriage and Family in India, 1968.
Gore, M.S., Urbanisation and Family Change, 1968.
99
family. In other words, a nuclear family in urban areas
is often nuclear in its organisation but functionally it
is very much like a joint family in the sense of relation
and status or position of each members.
In his study of the 'urban poor in Delhi 1 I
Majurndar7 has concluded that the family structure is
increasingly changing towards nuclearisation. In the
present study also, the joint family sentiment has often
been seen among the respondents which is evident from the
fact that though being member of the nuclear family they
feel obliged to their kith and kins who mostly join them
at the times of festivals'· marriage, death, illness I etc.
They also extend financial help to them occasionally and
seek their help at the time of an exigency. More
specifically, we have found that most of the respondents
from both Mehrauli and Safdarjung Enclave have favoured
to stay in joint families. This may be so as their main
profession or occupation happens to be business of the
various types. In fact, 44 respondents both from Mehrauli
and Safdarjung Enclave have been living in joint
families.
7 Majumdar, T.K., "The Urban Poor and Social Change: A Study of Squatter Settlements", in Delhi in De Souza, Alfred. ( ed.) , The Indian City: Povertv. Ecology and Urban Development, 1978, p.57.
100
Table 5.1: Family structure of respondents in the
localities
Localities Family Structure
Nuclear Joint Extended Total
R.K. Pur am 80 6 86 (93%) ( 7. 0) (100)
Safdarjung 35 47 4 86 Enclave (40.8) 54.6) (4.6) (100
Mehrauli 32 52 2 86 (37.2) (60.5) (2. 3) (100)
Total 147 105 6 258 (56.1) (41. 6) ( 2. 3) (100)
Figures 1n paranthesis are percentages.
Though family structure in R.K. Pur am is
predominantly nuclear due to respondents being employed
in the government jobs, a few respondents from both
Mehrauli and Safdarjung Enclave do maintain extended
families where either some members of their stem families
or a few relatives of the spouses stay with them.
However, nuclear families have been found more in m1mber
in all the three localities. Out of the total respondents
from all the three localities, 147 were living residing
in nuclear families. In most of the cases relatives
stayed in the nearby localities who visited or were
visited quite frequently. In Mehrauli, almost all the
respondents had relatives staying in Delhi and in 52
101
cases their relative had been staying 1n the city for the
last 30 years or so.
With the increasing strain of new types of
activities in urban areas, the role-expectations from the
traditional joint family have changed fast in the recent
years. 8 Children now often tend to be more independent
on certain issues. The traditional division of labour
between husband and wife has broken down in an urban
nuclear family as the husband has to share some household
chores which were traditionally in the domain of the
wife's duty. In the urban nuclear families, the wife
enjoys an important status. She shares and is consulted
in al important family decisions. But the family still
continues to hold its strong authority and is the most
important social institution and organisation for
enforcing discipline among the members. Yet, a number of
new social institutions have emerged in the urban areas
which perform many functions traditionally played by
family. 9
8
9
Ross, Aileen. op.cit. 1961.
Goldstein, Sidney and F. Patterns of Urbanization: Studies, Vol.2, 1974, p.825.
102
SLY, David. (ed.), Comparative Country
The respondents from R.K. Puram, Safdarjung Enclave
and Mehrauli had acquaintances and friends from their
native places living in Delhi. The nature of contact was
of a very informal type and most of them were of very
much help to the r·2spondents and the vice-versa as stated
earlier.
As mentioned in Chapter 3, the help of a domestic
extra hand has become a necessity in.an urban life. This
has also added a new dimension to the structure of family
and by extension social structure in urban areas.
Table 5.2: Types of the family having the helping
hands
Type of Family Helping Hands
Yes No Total
Nuclear 108 48 156
" (69.2) (30.8) (100.0)
Joint 48 46 94 ( 51.1) ((48.9) (100.0)
Extended 4 4 8 (50) (50) (100.0)
Total 160 98 258 (62) (38) (100)
Figures ~n paranthesis are percentages.
The table 5. 2. shows that nuclear families were in
103
greater number 1n all the three localities which took
help of the domestic servants in managing their household
chores. This was because in nuclear families usually both
husband and wife were working outside. Hence, it was
difficult for the wife to work outside as well as manage
the domestic affairs. However, in the joint and extended
families specially in Mehrauli, "fbe work was shared among
the women-folk of the houses.
The hiring services of helping hand goes along with
the class or socio~economic position of the people. In
fact, hiring the service of helping hand is not only
status symbol but even necessity of middle class families
in cities. For instance, a few respondents living in
joint families 1n Safdarjung Enclave had hired the
services of helping hand. So was the case of such
respondents from R.K. Puram. Contrary to this, most of
the respondents living in nuclear families in Mehrauli
did not hire services of the helping hand as they could
afford to do so. This was also due to the absence of an
overall ethos of that in the locality.
Marriage
Marriage 1s another important institution which is
an integral part of social structure of a community or of
104
an area. Generally speaking, the age at marriage both for
the girls and boys had increased not only in a urban but
in rural areas also though in most of the places people
do not always observe the prescribed age for the purpose.
Almost all the respondents from the three localities
under study were in favour of marriage of both boys and
girls after 18 years. They were also of the view that
both boys and girls should be married after completing of
their education and getting settled in employment.
It is interesting to note here that majority of the
respondents preferred marriages of their children within
own caste and communities. They also preferred such
marriages to be arranged by parents and by relatives in
those cases here parents were not alive. Regarding
selection of mate, a few were of the view that both boys
and girls should be given freedom to choose their life
partners but of course from one's own caste and
community. This simply shows that endogamy is a
predominent form of marriage among different castes and
communities even in a city like irrespective of socio
economic status. However, a few respondents especially
from the localities of R.K. Puram and Safdarjung Enclave
were willing even to go out of one's caste and community,
if the 'suitable life partners were not available from
105
one's own caste and community. The following table
indicates approval/disapproval of the respondents from
all the three localities about the patterns of marriage
of children.
Table 5.3: Approval of children's marriage
Marriage Patterns approval by parents
Yes No Not Mention Total
Marriage within the 186 46 26 258 caste (72.1) (17. 8) ( 10.1) (100")
Marriage by choice 160 10 88 258 (62.0) (3. 9) (34. 1) (100)
Total 346 56 114 516
Figures in paranthesis are percentages.
Majority (74) of the respondents, from R.K. Puram
approved the marriage by choice, whereas in Safdarjung
Enclave it was a 50-50 ratio with 46 of the respondents
approving on one's choice and the rest ( 40) of the
respondents strictly, emphasising it on the caste lines,
Though all respondents in Mehrauli adhered to marriage
within the caste, 46 of them were willing to approve
their children's marriage by choice.
106
Gender equality within the family
One of the factors contributing to greater degree of
urbanisation in India is the people's urge for equality
and individual freedom. It is generally held that both
social equality and individual freedom are seen more in
urban areas specially in the metropolitan cities. This is
true in both the cases of males and females. In other
words, there is greater degree of gender equality in
metropolitan cities which is easily visible in the case
of more and more girls going for education including
higher and technical and taking up employment like boys
though regional or locality-wise variations within the
city are not ruled out. Such equality ~s also
demonstrated in interpersonal relations and treatment to
both boys and girls within the family.
Keeping this n view, we have enquired into gender
equality within the family. We have found that almost al
the respondents from the three localities under study
were in favour of giving equal education to both boys and
girls. They also favoured in allowing higher education,
both technical and professional to the girls. Not only
during the financial hardships of the family but also
during the ordinary times daughters and daughter-in-laws
107
should take up employment, though most of the respondents
considered teaching job best suited for girls as it
provided sufficient times for them to manage with the job
and look after the household chores.
Like those from R.K. Pruam and Safdarjung Enclave,
the respondents even from Mehrauli were not hesitant in
expressing their views for sending their daughters or
daughter-in-laws in the armed forces. This may be so as
a significant number (16.3%) of respondents belong to the
Jat caste from this locality who happened to be in this
profession. Therefore, they did not have any objection
in sending the female members of their family to the same
profession. The gender eqvality was further demonstrated
by the fact that parents (respondents) from all the three
areas d{d not object their children in cultivating
friendship with the opposite gender. Of course, such
friendship was permitted with certain restrictions like
not allowing them to stay out late in the evening or for
going for a movie. Permitting cultivation of friendship
between children of the opposite sexes varies locality
wise due to their differential spatial structures and
degree of urbanisation which is given in the following
table:
108
Table 5.4: Permitting friendship among children of
opposite sexes in the localities
Localities . Permitting Friendship among children of opposite sexes
Yes No not Total mentioned
R.K. Pur am 76 8 2 86 (88.4) ( 9. 3) ( 2. 3) (100.0)
Safdarjung 52 34 - 86 Enclave (60.5) 39.5) (100.0)
Mehrauli 14 72 - 86 (16.3) ( 83 . 1) (100.0)
Total 142 114 2 258 (55) (44.2) ( 0. 8) (100.0)
Fl. g ures 1.n paranthes1.s are l.n percentages.
The table reveals that as compared to parents
(respondents) from R.K. Puram and Safdarjung Enclave, the
parents (respondents) from Mehrauli were far less liberal
in allowing their children to have friends with the
children of opposite sexes. This went along the
relatively traditional social structure of the locality
which is at~ributed by lower level of education and less
number of people employed in the white collar jobs. This
was attuned to their adherence to the functions of a
number of socio-cultural and religious institutions. This
was also due to the fact that the overall socio-cultural
ethos of the locality 1.s relatively conservative 1.n
comparison to that in the other two localities.
109
Caste structure in the localities
We have stated earlier in this chapter that in
general parlance caste either as an institution or as
social and cultural organisation is said to be not
playing very significant role in the urban social
structure. In fact, some scholars10 have gone to the
extent in subscribing to their views that caste is being
replaced by class (status group) in urban areas.
Others11 have however, found that both caste and class
are components of the urban social structure in India.
Not going into details of the debate at this juncture we
simply subscribe to the view that the cultural aspect of
caste namely ritual purity and prejudices no longer
operates and the class structure usually cuts across the
caste structure in urban areas. In other words I people in
urban areas do live with their caste though they
generally do not demonstrate it in public.
The occupational diversification among the different
castes and thereby socio-economics status of their
members are often mistaken as replacement of caste by
10
11
Berreman, G.D. Caste and other Inequities, 1979.
Ramu, G.N. Family and Caste 1n Urban India, 1977
110
class. 12 Kshatriyas, for instance, who once regarded
business as a degrading occupation have no hesitation 1n
taking up this occupation. They have even taken to
leather business and rikshaw pulling. ·The Nadars
epecially of urban 'Ta.mil Nadu13 have moved from the
lower rung of the ritual hierarchy to a position of
status and power during the last hundred fifty years or
so~ fhey have abandoned their traditional occupation of
todday taping and have arisen in education and wealth.
They have also differentiated in occupation.
The economic opportunities started a series of new
activities for the villagers of nearby cities taking them
away from their traditional caste occupation. For
example, the Ahirs (milkmen) of Yadavpur, a fringe
village of Delhi took to vegetable growing and gardening
in preference to the dairy farming due to hig12her demand
of the former in the market and thereby fetching more
economic gains and entering the market economy. 14 Though
their caste remained same, change was visualised at the
12
13
14
Kolenda, Pauline.Mahar. Region, Castes and Family Structre: A Comparative Study of the Indian "Joint" family in Singer, M., and Cohn's, B.S., Structure and Change in Indian Society 1970.
Hardgrave, R.L., 'Urbanisation and the Structure of Caste', in Rao, MSA, (ed.), op.cit, 1991, p.265
Rao, MSA. op.cit, 1970, p.396.
111
economic and social interactional levels. Besides, there
has been increased strengthening of caste through the
emergence of numerous caste ad communal associations for
management of educational and other cultural resources at
the caste level15 in urban areas. Even modern media of
communications are used for spreading the traditional
culture of different castes and communities in cities.
In the present study also a majority of the
respondents were of the view that a lower caste or
community person if educated, employed and wealthy was
similar to an upper caste person though his such position
or status did not obliterate caste background or the
status of his caste and community. It was also gathered
from the respondents that no one generally took note of
the caste or community background of a person who visited
their house. At the face of it, this appears to be over-
generalised due to the fact that caste often does not
transcend one's marital alliance and c>ther close
interaction in urban areas. The degree of its closeness
or openness also varies from locality to locality
depending upon the nature and type of its (locality's)
spatial structure.
15 Gadgil, D.R., Poona: A Socia Economic Survey, 1945, Poona.
112
One important aspect of caste in the localities
under study lS the formation of caste-associations.
Though such associations are completely absent in R.K.
Puram and Safdarjung Enclave where exist residents
Welfare Associations or Society, a number of caste and
community associations like Jat association, Christian
association, etc were found in Mehrauli The Indian
cities, thus, become centres of caste patriotism where
caste serves as a source or force for mobilization of its
members for its strengthening and empowerment. It also
becomes a basis forgiving preferred treatment to the
members. Besides, it contributes to retaining tradition
amidst modernisation in Indian cities as is evident from
the fact that in the month of February every year a week
long cultural programme is held at the site of Gaushala
in Mehrauli where the local folk songs and dances are
performed by the village artists fr'om the Jat caste.
Urbanisation is, therefore, not only having a modernising
impact on the growing culture in Indian cities,it also
tends to reinforce the tradition.
The rural migrants16 generally arrive to cities for
seeking employment besides achieving education in some
cases. In the case of the former they usually stay either
16 Majumdar, T.K. op.cit, pp.40-46.
113
in or near the vicinity of their friends, castemen,
relations, fellow-villagers or -those from the
neighbouring areas. We have stated earlier in Chapter 3
that most of the people living in the Christian colony,
Islam Colony and Balmiki Colony in Mehrauli are related
to one another and had come over here because of their
Kin's presence. This is similar to Matunga, a residential
locality in Bombay which has become a 'Little-Madras' in
Bombay city where the Tamilians have made a world of
their .own. 17 Similar situation exists i~-part of Karol
Bagh area which has become the major concentration of
South Indians. 18
The process of urbanisation, industrialisation and
the ,formal education have created new types of
occupations in urban areas. The employers do not consider
caste or community background of the people when they
employ them. Though the preferential policy protecting
interests of the people of weaker sections of the society
helps and encourages them to enter all types of jobs and
occupations, these jobs and occupations are confined
17
18
Mythilli, Rao, MSA p. 241.
K.L. (ed),
'Little Madras' in Bombay City in Urban Sociology in India, 1974,
Sigh, A.M. Neighbourhood and Social Networks in Urban India, 1976, p.68.
114
mostly to the government organizations and public
undertakings. However, the choice of occupation is often
limited where educational and skill level of the people
is low. The occupational pursuits of a majority of the
urban poo1- usually belonging to the lower and the /
scheduled castes represent change in the occupational
structure in urban areas. They are still found in the
lowest status occupation consisting mostly of unskilled
works like construction and manual works. According to
Holmstrom, 19 the South Indian factory workers belonging
to the lower castes are usually employed in the lower
categOry occupations in ~oona city. This has also been
found by Ramu in his study of the Kolar Gold Field. 20
The Table shows considerable differentiation in
occupational pursuits of the respondents belonging to
various castes and communities 1n all the three
localities. Majority of the respondents from the upper
castes were 1n different kinds of occupations like
Government job, business, skilled, professional, etc,
whereas the lowest number of respondents 1n these
occupations were from the lower castes who usually have
preferred the government jobs over all these years.
19
20
Holmstron, M., Industry and Inequality: A Social Anthropolgy of Indian Labour, 1984.
Ramu, G.N., op.cit.
115
Table 5.5: Castewise occupational pursuits of the
respondents
Caste Occupational pursuits
Not Busi- Skilled Unskilled Govt. Profess- Total Mentio ness Work Work Servant ional n
Not 8 2 - - 6 - 16 mentioned (50) (12. 5) (37.5) (100)
Upper 36 36 16 - 68 10 166 castes (21. 7) (21. 7) (9. 6) (41.0) (6) (100)
Middle 10 12 - - 22 2 46 castes (21.7)" (26.1) (47.9) (4.3) (100)
Lower 10 4 - 4 12 - 30 castes (33. 4) (13. 3) (13.3) (40) (100)
Total 64 54 16 4 108 12 258 (24.8) (20.9) (6.2) (1. 6) (41.9) (4. 7) (100)
Figures in paranthesis are in percentages
Neighbourhood and the localities
Neighbourhood is defined as an informal group of
persons and families having cordial relations among
themselves. Such relations \
are· based on exchange of
regular visits if some members stay away and on their
interdependence. Neighbourhood is considered to be not
only an important aspect of residential environment, it
also consists an integral part of social structure in
urban areas.
Studies on urban neighbourhood show that there are
enclaves of culturally homogeneous groups based on caste,
116
linguistic division or religion. 21 Taking two
traditional caste-oriented neighbourhoods in the city of
Ahmedabad, Doshi22 has examined continuity and change 1n
them. He has found that if a given neighbourhood responds
to change by integrating t 11e new industrial facilities to
the system of reciprocity, the mutual visits and helps
are still maintained in the traditional form.
Such system of reciprocity in terms of mutual visits
and helps is also maintained in the locality of Mehrauli
but it is mainly confined to the kith and kins and all of
them do not re:~ide in the same locality. Hence, the
notion of neighbourhood in the sense of reciprocity among
kith and kins does not exist in the locality. Instead,
the notion of urban neighbourhood in the most usual sense
. exists 1n all the three localities across caste and
communal lines wherein the residents are often guided by
selectivity in reciprocity or exchange of relations,
gifts and even eadable commodities. Though neighbourhood
in Mehrauli is generally engrossed by caste and community
considerations as stated above and, hence, reciprocity is
also guided by that. The other two localities with their
21
22
Singh, A.M., op.cit, 1978.
Doshi, H., "Traditional Neighbourhood in Modern Ahmedabad: The Pol", in Rao, MSA (ed.), A Reader in Urban Sociology, p.l79.
117
relatively complex social structure are examples of a
typical urban neighbourhood where the residents extend
their relationships including the intimate ones on the
basis of their socio-economic standings. It is also
necessary to mention here that as the residents from
these two localities are often busy in their own affairs,
the very nature of neighbourhood is simple and mechanical
which is often reinforced and strengthened by children
and the aged residents.
Going by the other characteristics of neighbourhood
such as its boundary with its openness or closeness, the
nature and frequency of interaction and relationship,
etc, we find qualitative variations among all the three
localities. For instance, the neighbourhoods in both R. K.
Puram and Safdarjung Enclave are relatively closed and
selective as stated above whereas these are, to some
extent, open though usually confined to the residents of
the same primordi~l groups in Mehrauli~We may hasten to
add that there may be a number of neighbourhoods in a
given locality. Hence, there are number of neighbourhoods
in all the three localities going by various
considerations of the residents. These neighbourhoods yet
usually occupy the physical space consisting of a number
of households living in the close vicinity, and also the
118
social interaction and relationships of the respondents
are generally confined to their such neighbourhoods in
the respective localities.
We have stated above that both social interaction
and relationships of the people in their neighbourhood
are usually guided by their socio-economic standing. It
is interesting to note here that their such standing
along with the requisite amount of social prestige is
fetched by the types of jobs in which they are employed.
It is evident from the fact that majority of the
respondents from Mehrauli were aware that not only their
socio-economic star1ding but the prestige of work in which
were they engaged was considered to be low by the people
of middle classes 1n the urban areas, though they also
emphasised that their· labour made significant
contribution to the efficient functioning of the urban
economy. However, the respondents maintained a cordial
relationship in their neighbourhood especially with their
next-door neighbours and the surrounding households
irrespective of their socio-economic standing and social
prestige as such. It 1s also true that the social
interaction and relations of majority of the respondents
from all the three localities were mostly formal rather
informal which may be seen from the following table.
119
Table 5.6: Social relationships of the respondents
in their neighbourhood
Locality/Neigh- Type of relationship bourhood
Formal Informal Total
·R.K. Pur am 66 20 86 (76.7.) (23.37) (100)
Safdarjung 86 - 86 Enclave (100.0) (100.0)
Mehrauli 30 56 86 (34.9) (65.1) (100)
Total 182 76 258· (70. 5) (29. 5) (100)
Figures in paranthesis are 1n percentages.
It is clear from the table that even less than one-
third of the respondents from all the three localities
had informal relationship their respective
neighbourhoods. This may be simply due to the fact that
the people living in urban areas do not wish to share
with others secrets of their household affairs. The
informal social relations and interaction in their
neighbourhood generally provide such avenues where
household secrets are liable to get known to the
neighbours. This in turn may tarnish the 'image' of the
family or household and 'social prestige' of the
person(s) in the eyes of the neighbours.
120
Table 5.7: frequency of interaction of respondents in their neighbourhood
Locality/ Frequency of responses Neighbour-hood
Very Some tim Rarely Not Total Often es mention
ed
R.K. Pur am 56 26 4 - 86 ( 65. 1) (30. 2) (4.7) (100)
Safdarjung 52 20 - 14 86 Enclave (60.5) (23. 3) (16.2) (100)
Mehrauli 42 34 10 - 86 (48.8) (39. 6) ( 11. 6) (100)
Total 150 80 14 14 258 (58. 1) ( 31. 1 ( (5.4) (5.4)
(100)
Figures in paranthesis are in percentages.
Though interaction and social relationship of
majority ( 69%) of the respondents from all the three
localities in their neighbourhood was very frequent, it
was all the same formal. This also shows that the people
in urban life are o=tll the time busy J..n their daily
routines and have very little time for informal social
relations and interaction in their neighbourhood. Thus,
interaction even in terms of social contacts and
relationships are secondary and yet more complex at the
same time.
121
Conclusion
In Sum, it may be said that the people of all the
three localities under study with different types of
social structures are well aware of their social position
in terms of their education, 1ncome, occupation and
social prestige. So also, the nature of urbanisation in
these localities is not homogeneous as seen in the
previous as well as present chapters. We have analysed,
in this chapter, the social structures of all the three
localities in terms of structures and functions and the
interplay of a number of socia~ institutions like family,
caste, kinship, marriage, neighbourhood, etc.
Since the structures and functions of these
institutions along with their inter-relationships have
also undergone change in urban areas due to differential
levels of educational achievement, economic opportunities
and occupational pursuits of the people, the social
structure of a locality has also changed considerably.
Such change in social structure is also contributed by
the differential forms of social relationships and
interaction patterns of the people in their neighbourhood
which still continues to be an inherent part of urban
social structure in spite of existence of a number of
122
emergent social institutions intending to replace it.
This is, however, not to suggest that social structures
found ~n all the three localities are uniform. Instead,
these vary considerably in accordance with variations of
the respondents' socio-ecunomic standing based on their
socio-personal attributes, spatial structures of the
localities and the degree of urbanization found there.
123