Chapter 4a

Housing Characteristics of Bangalore

Chapter 4a Housing Characteristics of Bangalore

4.0 Housing Situation

Housing is universally accepted as a basic human need that is critical in determining

quality of life. The quantitative and qualitative aspects of housing are important

indicators of development since they affect the physical and psychological wellbeing of

occupants.

In Bangalore City, the Housing Sector can be said to have a Supply orientation, with

housing production being dictated by the factors of availability in respect of land and

housing finance. There are no studies or exercises in forecasting Housing Demand by

quantity or by income group. There is an insufficient understanding of the Demand

segments, resulting in an increase in the numbers of vacant dwelling units (from 7.86

Percent of total housing stock in 1991 to 9.76 Percent in 2001). This data also indicates

the prevalent use of built housing as a tool for investment by the upper income segments

of the population. The trend is repeated with respect to house sites as well, with a

considerable number of developed sites in new developments remaining empty till the

prices rise to a certain threshold, when secondary sales begin to occur. In parallel, there is

an increase in the numbers of sub-standard housing, due to limited access of low-income

households to formal housing solutions. Actual homelessness is not a major concern and

has in fact reduced marginally.

The following results of the Bangalore City Indicators Program give an overall idea of

the City Housing scenario. The data is presented in terms of the Household Formation

Rate (Percentage), Households per Dwelling Unit, Homelessness (Percentage of total

households). Slum Concentration (Percentage of total households), Slum Area

(Percentage of city area) and Vacancy Rate (Percentage of total housing stock).

82

Table 4.1

Housing

Indicators

Household Formation Rate (Percentage)

Households per Dwelling Unit

Homelessness (Percentage of total households)

Slum Concentration (Percentage of total households)

Slum Area (Percentage of city area)

Vacancy Rate (Percentage of total housing stock)

1991

4.73

1.005

0.89

6.98

7.86

Basic Housing Characteristics of Bangalore

1992

4.80

1.006

0.85

7.11

8.05

1993

4.82

1.006

0.82

7.25

8.24

1994

4.84

1.006

0.80

7.39

8.43

1995

4.85

1.007

0.77

7.53

8.62

1996

4.87

1.008

0.74

7.67

8.81

1997

4.89

1.008

0.71

7.87

9.0

1998

4.91

1.01

0.69

7.96

9.19

1999

4.93

1.010

0.66

8.00

9.38

2000

4.94

1.012

0.64

8.04

0.35

9.57

2001

4.96

1.013

0.62

8.07

9.76

Source: Bangalore City Indicators Program

The Census 2001 defines Houseless Household as "Households who do not live in

buildings or census houses but live in the open on roadside, pavements, in hume pipes,

under fly-overs and staircases, or in the open in places of worship, mandaps, railway

platforms, etc." The Census data for number of Houseless Households in Bangalore

Urban Agglomeration is 5408 households comprising of 17,748 persons. This appears to

be too small a number; it is possible that this small number is due to many persons who

are living in unlikely places not being identified during Census enumeration.

83

4.1 Housing Stock and Housing Shortage

The housing stock in Bangalore Urban Agglomeration is of a common typology, with

independent houses on individual sites, group housing in the form of mid rise apartment

buildings on small sites and large apartment complexes with multiple high rise blocks on

large sites. Another type of group housing peculiar to Bangalore is the Vatara or multiple

tenements on single small site, often with common toilet facilities. This type of group

housing is predominant in the lower rental segment.

Table 4.2 Housing Stock - Bangalore Urban Agglomeration

Total Number of Houses

1,875,668

Occupied census houses used as

Residence

Number

1,371,604

Percentage

73.12

Other use

Number

3,33,074

Percentage

17.75

Vacant houses

Number

170,990

Percentage

9.13

Source: Census of India, 2001

The housing and land market in Bangalore are adversely affected by the phenomenal

increase in land prices over the last decade, compounded by the high cost of construction.

According to the latest Census figures. Bangalore has a housing shortage of more than

three lakh twenty thousand dwelling units. The CDP of 1995 and revised CDP of 2001

project a housing shortage of more than 10 percent of the existing stock'.

Various independent estimates place the figure at 25 percent of the total number of

households, which is very much higher in number. Hussain^ estimates that more than

1.35 million housing units are required in the Bangalore Metropolitan region and that by

2011 the housing shortage will reach 1.65 million units. As in Delhi, the housing shortage

and increase in population, combined with the slow pace of finalizing layout plans by the

BDA, has led to many unauthorized settlements and construction activity in the city, and

continues to do so^.According to another estimate, the City needs an addition of at least

BDA, CDP 1995 and RCDP 2001.

Kodandapani, Hussain, Housing development in Bangalore, 2004

ibid

84

40,000 dwelling units per year to cope with the yearly population increase of nearly 2

lakhs per year. The actual addition in number of dwelling units per year is in the range of

12,000-15,000 which is approximately half the annual requirement. Thus the backlog

increases every year.

Table 4.3 Housing deficit in Bangalore Urban Agglomeration

Year

1991

2001

Number of dwelling units in Lakhs

2.39

3.28

Source: Census of India, 2001

Extensive studies of the city undertaken by the Centre for Symbiosis of Technology,

Environment and Management (STEM) as part of their consultancy for the Bangalore

Mahanagara Palike and the Kamataka Slum Clearance Board show the following results:

Table 4.4 Housing Stock in Bangalore Urban Agglomeration

S.No.

1

2.i.

ii.

3.i.

ii.

iii.

4.

Indicators

Population

Households

Persons per H.H.

Housing Stock

Unusable Stock

Housing Need

Housing Deficit

1991

52, 99,600

9,81,900

5.40

8, 57,300

82,700

10, 34,600

2,60,100

1996

64, 49,700

12, 25,800

5.26

10, 59,400

85,000

12, 90,800

3,16,400

2001 (Projections) 75, 49,200

14, 74,300

5.12

13,08,100

1, 17,800

15, 48,000

3,56,600

Source: Studies by STEM

85

Map 4.1: Types of Housing Development in Bangalore

Source: MSDI Project (BDA)

The prevailing pattern of addition to the housing stock does not follow the pattern of

income distribution; additions to the housing stock through the private market cater

largely to the upper income categories only. Thus the housing needs of all categories of

the population, especially those belonging to the Low Income Group and the

Economically Weaker Sections are not met. The resulting massive shortage has led to the

growth of a large number of unauthorized settlements and a corresponding increase in the

slum population of the city.

4.2 Growth of Area under Residential Use

The city has grown in extent over the years, from 177.30 Sq.Km. in 1971 to 530.85

Sq.Km. in 2001; a threefold increase in total land area occupied. The increase in land

area under residential use between 1995 and as proposed in the Revised CDP for 2011 is

six fold, as shown below:

Table 4.5 Growth of Area under Residential Use

Total Land Area

Residential Land Use

(in Percentage)

Residential Land Use (area)

Source: Compiled from Land Use N

1995

28400 Ha

284.00 Sq.Km.

34.78

3877.65 Ha

38.77 Sq.Km.

aps CDP 1995 and

2011

56465 Ha

564.65 Sq.M.

43.16

24369.21 Ha

243.69 Sq.Km.

RCDP2011

In recent years, the phenomenal increase in city spread has led to a sprawling pattern of

growth. The preference of the local population for independent houses built on

independent sites is a major cause of the sprawl. The unparalled building activity and

equally phenomenal increase in supply of Apartments caters largely to non local

population and recent immigrants in the upper middle and high income brackets. The

land area under residential use has increased proportionally, with major additions

87

Map 4.2 Distribution of population in Bangalore City Corporation Area

R\NGALORE MUNICIPAL CORPORATION DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION 2001

PERSONS

A

(

i 33 » » • ^ » ^,

SCALE: 1:25000

••'..,••**•& •OUI^t-ARf'

» i i i i i « m i o i i or r tKSONf

• • 38001 ^ObUa

Source: Census of India, 2001

occurring in the erstwhile CMC areas in the form of quasi legal "Revenue Layouts"

promoted by private developers who act as intermediaries in the process of development,

by transferring agricultural lands from farmers to urban users after facilitating land use

conversion.

4.3 Residential Densities

The Census of India 2001 reflects highest densities of 6001 and above per Ha. in

peripheral wards rather than core city wards, especially along Bellary Road and in the

segments between Mysore Road - Kanakapura Road and Kanakapura Road - Hosur

Road. These can be considered the prime activity centers, in conjunction with the

erstwhile CMC wards that are adjacent to these erstwhile BMP wards.

4.4 Qualitative Description of Housing Stock

The quality of housing is best assessed in terms of the percentage of population having

higher number of rooms per household and the condition of the housing stock.

4.4.1 Number of Rooms per Household

The Census data shows that of the total number of households, 70.21 percent in 1991 and

65.84 percent in 2001 lived in one and two roomed tenements, while in the year 2001,

6.10 percent of households had no exclusive room.

Table 4.6 Percentage distribution of households by no. of rooms (Bangalore Urban)

1991

2001

No exclusive room

6.10

No. of rooms

1

38.91

36.60

2

31.30

29.24

3

14.97

16.67

4 and above

12.94

11.40

Unspecified rooms

1.87

Total no. of households

800405

1254357

Source: Census of India, 2001

89

4.4.2 Number of Floors

The Census enumeration format does not include any data to reflect the number of floors

constructed on each property. This data is crucial in computing the potential for re-

densification and /or de-densification in the planning district and the lack of this

information is a serious shortcoming.

4.4.3 Condition of Structures

Only 3 percent of total housing stock is dilapidated, while 97 percent are in good or

livable condition. This indicates both active maintenance and judicious replacement of

unlivable dwelling units.

65%

Fig. 4.1 Condition of Housing Stock

3%

^^^^^^^^!W^^^m^ i i i ^ ^ ^ n ^ III i i i i 1 • ''"1/1 1 ^

• Good - • Livable D Dilapidated

Table 4.7 Percentage distribution of census houses according to type in Bangalore Urban District

1991 Pucca

87.04

Semi pucca

6.93

Kutcha

2.90

Not stated

3.13

2001 Permanent

92.13

Semi permanent

6.38

Temporary

1.48

Unclassified

0.01 Source: Census of India, 1991 and 2001

90

4.5 Tenure Types and Status

The Bangalore Urban Agglomeration area (BUA), consisting of Bangalore city and

adjoining villages, has more than 50 percent of households living in rental

accommodation. While no data is available to establish the income profile of the

population living in rental housing, it is generally assumed that home ownership is higher

in the upper income brackets. The chief factors that favor home ownership in the high

income categories are higher savings, higher disposable component of incomes, greater

access to finance and tendency for asset formation.

Table 4.8 Percentage Households by Tenure Status in Bangalore UA

Tenure Status

Owned Rented Other

Percentage of total no. of Households

1991 47.52 50.00 2.48

2001 45.69 50.73 3.58

Source: Census of India, 1991 and 2001

Fig 4.2 Tenure Status 2001

1 • 675545,^

54%

D 43,895, 3%

^iSLT ^^*^, w ^^•1^ ---,.^^•534917,

J 43%

^d w • 1

• 2 D3

The Bangalore City Indicators Program throws up a different scenario with 65 percent

households in the ownership category and only 35 percent as tenants.

91

Table 4.9 Percentage Households by Tenure Status in Bangalore UA - annual

Tenure Type By percentage

Owned

Private Rental

Others

1991

51.96

24.85

23.19

1992

53.49

23.66

22.86

1993

55.00

22.50

22.50

1994

56.50

21.38

22.13

1995

57.97

20.29

21.74

1996

59.43

19.24

21.33

1997

60.86

18.22

20.92

1998

62.27

17.24

20.49

1999

63.65

16.30

20.05

2000

65.00

15.40

19.60

Source: Bangalore City Indicators Program

4.6 Services in Housing Areas

The Metropolitan Spatial Data Infrastructure report prepared by the SRE-CREOCEAN

team for the BDA has extensively documented the availability and inadequacy of

services in the BUA. Areas that are lacking in services are termed as 'shadow areas' that

require concentrated efforts at upgradation and development. The Revised CDP charts

the course for infrastructure development in conjunction with the Jawaharlal Nehru

National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM).

4.7 Estimation of Housing Need

The Millennium Development Goal of adequate shelter for all can be achieved only

when exact figures of housing demand emanating from different income segments is

established. The primary assumption in estimating housing need is that each and every

household has to have a separate dwelling unit.

The annual rate of household formation in Bangalore has shown an increase from 4.73

percent in 1991 to 4.94 percent in the year 2000. This has a proportionate impact on

annual projections of housing need.

4.8 Housing Supply

There is an increase in the rate of addition of Housing Stock from 9.25 houses per 1000

persons in 1992 to 10.33 houses per 1000 persons in 2001. The perception is that this

92

higher rate of housing production is mainly due to the increase in private sector activity

with increase in high end products.

Percentage House Price Appreciation

Basic Construction Cost (Rs. per Sq. M.) Annual Housing Production (No. per 1000 population)

Table 4.10

1991

3222

1992

3222

9.25

1993

3611

9.37

Analysis of Housing Supply

1994

22.29

3889

9.48

1995

6.81

4722

9.60

1996

21.38

4722

9.72

1997

14.72

4381

9.83

1998

16.40

4381

9.96

1999

16.40

4900

10.08

2000

16.40

4900

10.21

2001

10.33

Source: Bangalore City Indicators Program

The actual addition in number of dwelling units is in the range of 12,000 -15,000 per year

which is approximately half the annual requirement. Therefore the backlog of housing

deficit tends to increase every year.

4.9 Growth of Non Formal Housing

The urbanized area of Bangalore has constantly been expanding over the decades and

there has been a corresponding rapid increase in the formation of slum and squatter

settlements. While the Census 2001 shows 8 percent as the population living in slums,

other estimates of the slum population vary from 20 percent to 28 percent of the total'.

Many researchers have observed that the formal housing delivery by public agencies,

private and cooperative sectors have been deficient in providing housing solutions to the

majority of the population of Bangalore. Some studies report that 40-70 percent of the

population may have resorted to non formal means to provide themselves with housing^.

Achar, K.T.V.et al. Organization and management of water needs in slums in Living in Bangalore's Slums, 1996 2

Alternate Law Forum, Master Plans and Irregularities, 2003.

93

Previously, it was estimated that 15 to 20 percent of the population that live within the

Bangalore Municipal Corporation limits were located in some 400 squatter settlements'

Current estimates place the number of slum and squatter settlements at close to 800 in the

BUA.

Slum settlements in Bangalore, like in all urban centers, are occupied by persons with

low incomes (income less than Rs.lOO per day) and low occupational status (construction

labor and service workers), belonging chiefly to the weaker sections, and with a high

migrant to resident ratio. Characteristically the slum locations occur in low lying,

unhygienic sites like quarry pits, tank-beds, railway sidings, cemeteries, and land ad­

joining slaughter houses, timber yards, etc.

Table 4.11 Enumeration of slums in Bangalore

Year

1979

1991-94

1993

1998

1999

No. of Slums

159

440

320

778

362 + 517

Population

1,32,000

11,20,000*

4,78,122

5,91,709

Source

Rao and Tiwari

Schenk * Including Slum Population of Bangalore Urban Agglomeration

KSSCB

Jansahayog

3E Consultants (based on Sample Survey)

Source: Compiled by author

4.10 Conclusions

The growing numbers of slum settlements indicate that the contribution by the

government agencies in meeting the housing requirements has been meager or negligible.

It is apparent that the major contribution in meeting housing needs has been through the

Schenk, H., Ed. Living in India's Slums: A Case Study of Bangalore, 2001

94

efforts of the people themselves and by cooperative effort. The private sector is active but

this is useful only in contributing to the demand created by the higher income groups.

The general market orientation in favor of up-market housing catering to the upper

income groups has stressed the low income groups and led to the formation of slums.

Countries like Australia have defined housing stress as follows - households are in

financial housing stress if they are in the lowest 40 per cent of the income distribution

range and pay more than 30 per cent of this income for housing. The urban poor in

Bangalore are spending a high proportion of their incomes on housing, diverting

resources from other requirements. The impact of this stress includes falling into debt,

having to live in substandard or isolated housing away from employment prospects and

poor physical and mental health.

95

Chapter 4b

Land Mak'ket in Bangalore

Chapter 4b Land Market in Bangalore

4.0 Urbanization and Land Supply

"Approximately 70 percent of India's urban households currently reside in costly,

unplanned and under-serviced settlements. India's urban population is expected to

double over the next 20 years. Without an adequate supply of additional land with

infrastructure and basic municipal services, new household and employment formation

will be forced to seek land in new informal settlements primarily on the periphery of

India's urban centers. This unplanned growth will consume premium locations with

strategic importance for future economic development, the increased cost of servicing

these informal settlements will place an enormous additional burden on already scarce

central, state and local public sector resources"'.

The truth of this statement is abundantly clear in the case of Bangalore. Until the early

Nineties, the CITB and subsequently the BDA were successful in meeting the need for

developed land for various uses in the city. During the decade 1991-2001, the population

of Bangalore increased from 41.30 lakh to 56.86 lakh, showing a decadal growth of 37.7

percent. Bangalore recorded the second highest rate of growth among Indian metropolises

after New Delhi (51.93 percent) in this decade. The same period saw the decline of

BDA's activities as a land development agency due to financial and institutional

limitations. The increase in demand coupled with waning supply on the part of the UDA

resulted in an explosion of private sector / quasi legal activity. This decline in activities of

the UDA at a critical time of the City's growth due to lack of understanding of spatial

issues and urbanization process controls has taken its toll on the development and growth

of the city.

These problems are not due to urbanization per se, but due to the failure to capitalize on

the potential of the urbanization process. "The rapid rate of urbanization is compounded

by weak local government structures, a mismatch between actual revenue and necessary

Billand, C, Private Sector participation in Land Development, 1993

96

expenditure, inequitable and outdated urban planning techniques and deficient urban

governance"'. The Global Campaign for Secure Tenure notes that poorly managed

urbanization inevitably results in the marginalization of the urban poor.

In the Indian context, land and housing issues are the domain of the State Government.

The Central directives are suitably customized by the States to suit local requirements.

Deregulation with respect to urban land is underway and regulations pertaining to Land

are being gradually relaxed in some cities^. It is argued that the best way to make land

available to the urban poor will be through increasing the efficiency of land markets.

4.1 Land Related Legislation

Several legislative enactments at both the State and Central levels govern the purchase,

sale, development and use of land for various purposes. The chief land related

legislations enacted by the Central Government that affect land supply are the Land

Acquisition Act of 1894, the Urban Land (Ceiling and Regulation) Act of 1976 and the

Urban Land (Ceiling and Regulation) Repeal Act of 1999.

4.1.1 The Land Acquisition Act, 1894 - To acquire land for public purposes

including urban development. The Land Acquisition Act (LAA) was brought

into being for the purpose of compulsorily acquiring land as and when

required for public purposes. The ability of the state to acquire land for such

projects arises from the doctrine of "Eminent Domain". The only restriction

placed upon the acquisition process is that the project for which the land is

being acquired should be for "public purpose".

4.1.2 The Urban Land (CeiUng and Regulation) Act, 1976 (ULCRA) - The Act

was promulgated with a view to achieve equitable distribution of urban land.

' Habitat Agenda, UN Habitat I, 1978. 2

Mahadevia, D.,Globalisation, Urban Reforms and Metropolitan Response, 2003.

97

The Act came into force in 1976 and was initially adopted by the States of Andhra

Pradesh, Haryana, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Kamataka, Maharashtra, Orissa,

Punjab, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. In these States, the Act was

being implemented in urban agglomerations with a population of more than two

lakhs as per the 1971 Census.

The Act was enacted primarily as a measure to control the urban land markets and

ensure equitable distribution of land, and was prompted by the perceived

problems of increasing land prices. The stated objectives are as follows:

1. to prevent oligopolist tendencies in urban land markets

2. to achieve equitable distribution of land; and

3. to control speculative price increases in urban land.

The objectives of ULCRA were laudable - to prevent the concentration of urban

land in the hands of the few and to promote housing for the poor in cities. But in

actual practice ULCRA reduced the supply of land, inflated land prices, served as

a dampener on housing and construction activities and impeded the timely closure

of sick companies in places like Mumbai, Calcutta, Ahmedabad and Kanpur'.

Basically, the Act put a ceiling on urban vacant land that could be held in private

ownership. This prompted the owners of large urban lands to find loop holes like

subdivision among the extended family members, etc. Many cities had large

vacant pockets of land, held for speculative purpose among the family members.

Later the law was perceived to be a failure and was sought to be repealed, in order

to release more land into the market. The Act of 1976, which sought to socialize

urban land, was repealed in 1999.

4.1.3. The Urban Land (Ceiling and Regulation) Repeal Act, 1999 - The controversial

ULCRA (Urban Land Ceiling Regulation Act) was repealed in 1999. Initially the

Ramesh, J., Cry not for ULCRA, 1999

98

Repeal Act was applicable in Haryana, Punjab and all the Union Territories.

Subsequently, acting on the Centre's guidelines the Repeal Act has been adopted

by the State Governments of Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Kamataka, Madhya Pradesh

Rajasthan and Orissa. The State Governments of Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar,

Maharashtra and West Bengal have not adopted the Urban Land (C and R) Repeal

Act so far.

4.1.4 Effects of Repeal of ULCRA: The Repeal Act was legislated after much

controversy regarding its efficacy and its role ia stunting the growth of the land

market. This measure is definitely expected to lower the price of land, which

accounts for about 50 percent of the price of the real estate property in India,

unlike the developed countries, where it is lesser. The repeal of the ULCRA was

undertaken with the objective of increasing the supply of land in the market and

the establishment of an efficient land market. It is expected to bring relief to the

supply crunch by making more land supply available in the market for real estate

development.

Presently, the JN>JURM requires that States undertake to repeal the ULCRA with

the objective of increasing the supply of land in the market and the establishment

of an efficient land market.

A Paper brought out by The Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of

India (ASSOCHAM) on Real Estate Issues and Solutions states that the Repeal of

ULCRA will help the real estate business to grow at 14 percent by 2011-12 and

curtail property prices by at least 40 percent in this period. The ASSOCHAM

Paper suggests that if the Repeal is coupled with appropriate new laws, housing

will be affordable to poorer and weaker sections of the society.

Reverting to the Acts, the chief Land Related Legislations enacted by the State

Government applicable at the State level are:

99

4.1.5 The Kamataka Town and Country Planning Act, 1961 - Enacted to control

the use of land with a view to regulate its planned growth and development. The

state Town Planning Board was constituted subsequent to this Act, to carry out

the functions of Town Planning. The Act is applicable in all Local Planning Areas

(LPA) identified by the Board.

4.1.6 The Karnataka Industrial Area Development Board Act, 1966 - The

Kamataka Industrial Areas development Board (KIADB) was set up under this

Act for the speedy development of Industry in Kamataka by acquiring land and

forming industrial areas complete with all infrastructure facilities like roads,

water, power, communication etc.

4.1.7 The Karnataka Municipal Corporation Act, 1976 - Building Byelaws to

control development of land and building activity in the Municipal area.

4.1.8 The Kamataka Slum Improvement and Clearance Act - To improve the living

conditions of slum dwellers in the State.

Other Legislations relevant to the development process are:

1. The Kamataka Land Reforms Act 1961

2. The Kamataka Land Revenue Act 1964

3. The Kamataka Rent Control Act 1962

The chief Land related Legislations enacted by the State Govemment applicable to

Bangalore City are:

4.1.9 The Bangalore Development Authority Act 1976 - Enacted to facilitate the

formation of the Bangalore Development Authority, which is the planning

Authority for the Bangalore Metropolitan Area, with the objective of promoting

100

and securing the Development of the Bangalore Metropolitan Area comprising the

city of Bangalore and other areas adjacent to it as the Government may notify.

4.1.10 The Bangalore Metropolitan and Regional Development Authority Act 1985

Enacted to facilitate the formation of the Bangalore Metropolitan and Regional

Development Authority, which is the planning Authority for the Bangalore

Metropolitan Region.

The conflicts and contradictions in the overlapping provisions of the various Acts have •

had the cumulative effect of stunting development activity'. In effect, no organization

except the Central/ State Government or their agencies can take up a housing program

without going through an endless number of clearances from the Revenue Department,

Municipal, Town and Country Planning, and Urban Land Ceiling authorities. *^ ^ ^

4.2 Land Market Scenario

Land markets are important since

• the main source of revenue for local governments is land and the land plus

building package.

• Housing is the single largest head in the household budget of the majority of the

population; and land is the most important factor in production of housing.

"An efficient land market can best be distinguished by two principal factors; firstly, land

with an adequate level of infrastructure and municipal services is available at the right

price, in the right location, and in sufficient quantities to meet demand; secondly, land not

needed for direct public uses such as roads, parks and schools, is developed and allocated

largely by the private sector in response to the market forces of demand and price" .

A study by US AID shows that approximately 70 percent of India's urban households

D'Rosario, C, Singapore has no shadows, 2005. 2

Billand, C, Private Sector participation in Land Development, 1993

101

currently reside in unplanned and under-serviced settlements. "India's urban population

is expected to double over the next 20 years. Without an adequate supply of additional

land with infrastructure and basic municipal services, new household and employment

formation will be forced to seek land in new informal settlements primarily on the

periphery of India's urban centers. This unplanned growth will consume premium

locations with strategic importance for future economic development, the increased cost

of servicing these informal settlements will place an enormous additional burden on

already scarce central, state and local public sector resources"'.

The decade 1990-2000 was the period which witnessed the most rapid spatial growth of

Bangalore city. During this period, owing to the inadequate supply of developed land and

restrictive land market conditions within the city, there was a rapid development of the

fringe areas of Bangalore. Large tracts of agricultural land were converted to urban use in

all directions around the city. The MSDI records the there was a tremendous increase in

land developments and new real estate to the tune of 15kmVyear was added every year

during the past few years.

The combined effects of restrictive zoning regulations in the center of town and BDA

operational constraints resulted in a city form where population and jobs are dispersed in

pockets of high density suburbs. The outcome is the suburbanization of population,

households and employment in the city; so much so that the Census 2000 shows greater

density of populations in these suburban areas than in the municipal area. Presently, the

State government has taken a major policy decision to merge the fringe areas that form

seven City Municipal Councils surrounding the Municipal Corporation area with the

BMP. With this, the footprint of the city is increased to approximately double the area.

The processes of urban development that have been in operation for the last decade in

these fringe areas require to be streamlined and integrated into the larger urban

framework. The greater densities in these suburban areas are probably due to low land

Billand, C, Private Sector participatioti in Land Development, 1993

102

prices, lack of development control combined with weak administration, resulting in

maximization of land utilization. All the City Municipal Councils are spatially quite well

covered in terms of density of population.

There was a marked slump in the housing projects of the BDA through the 1990s, with a

resurgence of activity in the new Millennium. The Bangalore Development Authority

(BDA) displays a monopoly over housing activity in the city while the Kamataka

Industrial Areas Development Board (KIADB) plays a major role in the city's

development with large township scale projects like Electronic city, ITPL, Devanahalli

International Airport, IT Corridor, etc.

Observers have stated that only 15-20 percent of housing requirements of Bangalore are

met by Public Agencies and 12-15 percent are met by private developers; implying that

about 65 percent of housing activity occurs in illegal/ quasi legal sectors, whether in

rental/ lease or purchase options. This high percentage of perceived illegality is partly due

to rigid tenure definitions which do not take into consideration the variety of tenure

options that operate in actuality. Geoffrey Payne has identified the following tenure

categories found in many cities:

1. Pavement dweller

2. Squatter tenant

3. Squatter "owner'- un-regularized

4. Tenant in unauthorized subdivision

5. Squatter "owner' - regularized

6. Owner - unauthorized subdivision

7. Legal owner - unauthorized construction

8. Tenant with contract

9. Lease-holder

10. Free-holder

This sequence signifies an upward evolution from non formal options through stages of

legality to formal freehold status. Payne has also observed that access by lower income

103

groups is further inhibited with intensification of demand, due to the commercialization

of even the non-formal categories'.

The informal market has a strong presence in Bangalore. This is a "parallel subsidized

urban development process" as noted by Risbud . There are two major subsystems in

informal delivery: squatter settlements and unauthorized "revenue" layouts. Such areas

are not entitled to standard services due to illegal status. A number of illegal revenue

layouts have been regularized by the government over the past two decades; most of

these layouts cater to the lower to middle classes and managed to get regularization after

mucl) difficulty .

Thus we see that the current scenario in Bangalore follows a predictable pattern. The

phenomenon of revenue layouts is not peculiar to Bangalore city. Presently the Central

Government has stepped in with the JNNURM as a problem solving measure to provide

infrastructure to areas lacking provision, on a national scale.

4.3 Prevailing Development Norms

The land-use pattern in Bangalore City is characterized by a dense core area of

predominantly mixed use character with slums and blighted areas, coexisting with a low

density sprawl with 'spotted developments' or 'outgrowths' around the urban boundaries.

In the early years after Independence, large tracts of land were allotted to the Defense

Ministry and also to the premier Institutions like Hindustan Machine Tools, Hindustan

Aeronautics Limited, ITI, Bharat Earth Movers Limited, etc. The large areas under

institutional use now form low density pockets over which the urban growth has

leapfrogged. It is important to study density of use in the institutional areas, and whether

it is viable to continue as is in the present urban scenario.

In respect of the type of development being undertaken, with regard to both the Public

' Payne, G., Urban land tenure and property rights in developing countries, 1989 ^ Risbud, N. Policies for Tenure Security in Delhi, 1999 3 Alternate Law Forum, Master Plans and Illegalities, 04.

104

and Private agencies, the favored housing type continues to be plotted development,

though group housing developed by the private sector has emerged as an important

alternative for the upper income groups with high paying capacity.

Alain Bertaud has observed that the BDA tends to acquire large land parcels of 1000

acres and above for land development in order to achieve efficiency in acquisition,

infrastructure and development costs. Since the availability of land for such large scale

acquisition is in peripheral urban areas only, there is tendency to 'leapfrog' over smaller

vacant land parcels. f * _ G5Vt>B' IfV^^

The BDA has prescribed the following mandatory percentages for the components of a

residential layout:

Table 4.12 BDA Layout Norms

Land Use

Civic Amenities

Parks and Open

Spaces

Transportation and Circulation Residential

Percentage

10

15

30

45

Remarks

fixed

fixed

likely requirement

Remaining area available as saleable residential land

This is a comparatively smaller percentage of saleable residential land at layout level,

requiring the plots to be sold at a higher price for feasible development option.

4.4 Types of Plotted Development

There are various types of residential plotted development in Bangalore, based on the

formation and origin of the land. The different categories of sites fall under the BDA,

BBMP (erstwhile BCC and CMCs), housing cooperative societies, private layouts.

Grama Thana, and revenue land.

105

a. Sites in the layouts formed by the Bangalore Development Authority or the

erstwhile City Improvement Trust Board are termed BDA sites; these are

disbursed by allotment to eligible applicants.

b. Sites in Bangalore Mahanagara Palike Jurisdiction are termed BMP sites. They

are freehold property, inherited, partitioned or acquired at a comparatively high

cost. There are very few vacant sites, and new development occurs on demolition

of old structures.

c. Sites in layouts formed by Approved Housing Cooperative Societies on land

acquired and allotted by the Government are termed Housing Co-operative

Society Sites. These sites are re-allotted by the Coop. Society to its members.

d. Sites in any of the CMCs/ TMC surrounding Bangalore city are termed CMC

sites; the CMC layouts have very poor infrastructure and are therefore available at

comparatively low cost.

e. Sites can also be purchased in private layouts, formed by private developers on

agricultural lands after obtaining conversion. Presently, many well known

developers are developing layouts with premium facilities.

f. Sites formed on agricultural land are called Revenue sites. All agricultural lands

come under the purview of the Revenue Department and are to be used only for

agricultural purpose. Any other use requires permission from appropriate

authority for conversion of land use. Formation of layouts on agricultural land

without prior permission for conversion of use gives rise to illegal layouts.

g. Sites falling under Village Panchayat jurisdiction are termed Gramthana sites.

These are sites used for residential purpose, within the original village boundaries.

Presently, many such villages have been absorbed into the expanding city, as

urban villages, hi New Delhi, such urban villages are demarcated by the Lai Dora,

within which the Planning Authority has no jurisdiction.

4.5 Land Price Spiral

The real estate sector is a traditional engine of growth, and is of more importance in a

rapidly urbanizing scenario. The absence of a strong database in this sector, which is

106

critical in the context of on-going reforms, is well recognized. A recent study by the

Society for Development Studies in collaboration with the World Bank in four Indian

cities brought out considerable under-reporting of market prices in ward-level property

tax base. "The inadequacy of property price data and indices affects rental and capital

value based property tax operations of local governments and of all property-based

revenue sources of Central and State Government, such as capital gains tax, income tax,

stamp duty/registration charges, and estate duty/inheritance tax"^

Lall, V. D., Informal Sector in the National Capital Region , 1989

107

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4.6 Land Prices and Impact on Housing

The past decade has seen great increases in urban land values at rates much higher than

general price increases. The high rents and land prices in the central areas of the city lead to

slums and suburban settlements becoming the only available housing alternative for low

income families. The least priced housing in the formal market is observed to be

unaffordable by the majority of citizens. "As the 1990s progressed, homeless people -

driven form the spaces of the central city, ever more desperate and no longer commanding

the headlines - were pushed to places offering the last secluded shelter on the urban

margins"'.

The city's growing population of the homeless has increasingly been pushed to the urban

fringe of Bangalore, in effect peripheralising the homeless.

4.7 Land for Future Development -Suitable/ Available

The city has been expanding its boundaries by increasing the Development Authority

Jurisdiction. In addition, there has been a continuous increase by way of new land

developments. The central location of the city in the Deccan Plateau with no physical

barriers in any direction ensures that there is an abundance of land available for future

development. The Bangalore Mahanagara Palike (Municipal Corporation) has evolved into

the Bruhat Bangalore Mahanagara Palike with the inclusion of the seven surrounding City

Municipal Councils of Bommanahalli, Byatarayanapura, Dasarahalli, Krishnarajapura,

Mahadevapura, Rajarajeshwari Nagara, Yelahanka and the Town Municipal Corporation of

Kengeri. The Bangalore Development Authority functions as the UDA while the Bangalore

Metropolitan Region Development Authority has jurisdiction over the Bangalore

Metropolitan Region (BMR) which comprises Bangalore Urban district. Bangalore Rural

district and is expected to act as an umbrella organization for all the planning authorities in

the region.

Graham,S. and Marvin,S., Splintering Urbanism: Networked Infrastructures, Technological Mobilities and the Urban

Condition, 2001.

110

The newly constituted Bangalore International Airport Area Promotion Authority

(BIAAPA) is a Special Planning Authority empowered to approve layouts in its jurisdiction.

The proposed Peripheral Ring Road (PRR) will set the stage for another spurt of

development, with the city growing in all directions; this contiguous link will certainly

provide a platform for another round of real estate realization. The PRR runs around the

periphery of the city with a buffer green space on either side of the road.

Table 4 .14 Component Areas of Bangalore Metropolitan Region - (in Sq. Km.)

By District jurisdiction

1.

2.

Bangalore Urban District

Bangalore Rural District

Total

2191.00

5814.00

8005.00

By Planning Authority jurisdiction

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

B.M.A.

B.M.I.C.

A.P.A.

(within BMA)

(outside BMA but within BMR comprising of Ramanagaram

Paluk, Channapatna Taluk

Bangalore South Taluk)

65.31

338.74

Anekal LPA

Nelamangala LPA

Magadi LPA

Hoskote LPA

Kanakapura LPA

BIAAPA LPA

RCUDA LPA

APZ-1 (excl.RCUDA)

IZs inB.M.R

Total

1240.69

404.05

406.00

750.00

501.00

591.00

879.00

985.00

62.50

462.50

1723.26

8005.00

111

BMA Bangalore Metropolitan Area

BMICAPA Bangalore Mysore Infrastructure Corridor Area Planning Authority

BIAAPA Bangalore International Airport Area Planning Authority

RCUDA Ramanagaram Channapatna Urban Development Authority

APZ Area Planning 2^ne

IZ Interstitial Zone

Presently, the authorities to approve layout formation are:

1. The Bangalore Metropolitan Region Development Authority (BMRDA) - for

Bangalore Urban and Rural districts and Malur Taluk of Kolar District excluding the

areas covered by BDA, BIAAPA and other LPA's.

2. The Bangalore International Airport Area Planning Authority (BIAAPA) - for its

local planning area which includes the area of proposed new airport and its environs.

3. The Ramanagaram - Channapatna Urban Development Authority (RCUDA) - for

Ramanagaram - Channapatna local planning area.

4. Nelamangala Local Planning Authority - for Nelamangala Town and its environs.

5. Magadi Local Planning Authority - for Magadi Town and its environs.

6. Kanakapura Local Planning Authority - LPA of Kanakapura.

7. Anekal Local Planning Authority - LPA of Anekal.

8. Bangalore Mysore Infrastructure Corridor Area Planning Authority (BMICAPA).

4.8 Conclusions

Following the inclusion of the erstwhile CMC's and TMC into the newly constituted

Municipal entity of the BBMP and the incorporation of all the LPA's mentioned above, the

final footprint of the Bangalore of the future is in multiples of the city envisaged in the

previous CDP; it takes the form of an urban node surrounded by sub nodes. This reinforces

the idea that land for development of housing is plentiful, but land management to achieve

equitable distribution is lacking.

112

Map 4.3 Bangalore Metropolitan Region - Local Planning Areas

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