Challenges to Global Security

Pakistan Institute of International Affairs

Challenges to Global SecurityAuthor(s): V. R. RaghavanSource: Pakistan Horizon, Vol. 60, No. 3, GLOBAL SECURITY (July 2007), pp. 23-39Published by: Pakistan Institute of International AffairsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41500077 .Accessed: 19/10/2014 04:17

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Pakistan Institute of International Affairs is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend accessto Pakistan Horizon.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 111.68.96.57 on Sun, 19 Oct 2014 04:17:43 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Challenges to Global Security

V. R. Raghavan

It is widely accepted that security and peace in nations is contingent upon security and stability in the world. With the growing inter- dependency in the present globalized world, the actions of one state have the capacity to influence and alter the actions and policies of other states. And, not surprisingly, a threat in one part of the world is now capable of challenging the peace and stability of far-flung countries. The fact that the 11 September terrorist attacks not only shook the United States but also sent shock waves across the world suggests that notions of 'security' and 'defence' are not just limited to national boundaries.

The 'war against terrorism', which became the hallmark of US diplomacy, sets a classic example of how a threat to one nation changed the approach and attitude of all those concerned about global peace and security. Some say that the world's most pertinent questions relating to security threats are revolving around states' attitude towards handling of internal strife and external challenges. Given that most threats emanate from within, it is important to look at all those factors that are compelling countries to shift their security focus from traditional security to comprehensive security with emphasis on the individual and human dimension of security. There is an emerging class of non-military threats that are no less important than the traditional military threats, with the potential to challenge and destabilize domestic and global security. In fact, insecurity today is more about lack of basic amenities, rights and freedom and less about military attacks from a hostile neighbour.

The world has changed profoundly since the end of the Cold War. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, an era of 'new security challenges' ushered in, encompassing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, international terrorism, regional conflicts and ethnic nationalism, to name a few. The post-Cold War period has not only seen an increase in instability due to all this, but also a rise in the levels of conflict, unresolved tensions, and new pressures. Earlier, conflicts that occurred during the war period that bore the capacity to spread and threaten the power balance were kept in check and many internal revolts

* The author acknowledges the research assistance of Pujya J. Pascal.

V. R. Raghavan is Director, Delhi Policy Group. He was a Commissioner on the Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission.


1 Rebecca Johnson, Tost-Cold War security: The lost opportunities/ Disarmament Forum (Geneva), no. 1, January 1999, p. 7.

2 Human Security Centre, Human Security Report 2005 : War and Peace in the 21st Century (Vancouver: The Liu Institute for Global Issues, University of British Columbia, 2005).

24 PAKISTAN HORIZON

were clamped down by the superpowers. The two power blocs helped maintain a stable environment and deterred many internal revolts. However, this dramatically changed after the Cold War came to an end.

A linked trend contributing to the increase in conflict was the proliferation of light weapons into the developing countries and regions of instability. Rise in terrorist activities and growth of paramilitaries such as the militias in Colombia and Sudan further aggravated these crises. Adding to this was the growing inequality among the masses, large-scale migrations and political violence, varying from region to region. In short, global threats increased in magnitude with large-scale casualties taking place in the conflict-ridden states, whereas the means to quell these conflicts remained largely limited.

Punctuated with challenges emerging from a unipolar world order, the post-Cold War period witnessed a seemingly positive cooperative arrangement between the US and Russia in the 1990s. Arms control was one key area which promised 'collective security assurances to non- nuclear weapon states and a united front in favour of indefinite extension of the NPT'.1 However, the greatest security threat of weapons of mass destruction possibly falling into the hands of rogue states and non-state actors still exists. The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of superpower nuclear confrontation has, in fact, catapulted the issue of weapons proliferation into the limelight. The fact that wars are getting less frequent and less deadly is good news', but mounting challenges from segments beyond the war zone continue to threaten global peace and security.2

There are, thus, a host of challenges emanating from the military, economy, environment and polity, each of which comprises a critical dimension of a comprehensive security framework. Given that regions of Asia and Africa are believed to be the most challenged continents in terms of security and stability, a multidisciplinary approach, in order to address issues of survival and welfare, must be the order of the day.


CHALLENGES TO GLOBAL SECURITY 25

Military challenges

'Any use of nuclear weapons, by accident or design, risks human casualties and economic dislocation on a catastrophic scale. The proliferation of such weapons and their potential use, by either state or non-state actors must remain an urgent priority for collective security/

NTI Annual Report 20043

Our understanding of security has undergone profound changes ever since the Cold War. In the post-war era, 'military planners were under pressure to produce a peace dividend by cutting back on forces, arms and expenditure'.4 The idea was to scale down nuclear and armed threats emanating from the power blocs and reduce the threat of war. Although the end of the East-West confrontation paved the way for East-West cooperation, certain security assumptions began to fall apart. Within 18 months of the signing of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), India and Pakistan conducted a series of nuclear tests, which served as a setback to the entire non-proliferation regime. The security parameters for nuclear as well as non-nuclear states have altered dramatically since then and it seems that nuclear weapons will continue to underpin the defence discourse for a long time to come.

The notion that security is about states using force to manage threats to their territorial integrity and national stability, primarily from other states, began to change as new transnational threats stemming from demographic movements, deforestation, global warming, and transnational crimes began to surface. It might have been hoped that such threats would prompt a rethinking of security parameters and options, but instead the world started to rearm itself to fight against 'perceived threats' and asymmetric warfare.5 Since the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the mobile chemical labs, dirty nuclear bombs, anthrax spores, sarin gas, and other weapons of mass destruction have fuelled popular fears and inspired countless anti-terrorism initiatives coming to the fore, pushing non-military threats into the background.

3 Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) Annual Report 2004, Working for a safer world', www.nti.org 4 Rebecca Johnson, op. cit., p. 7. 5 Human Security Report 2005 maintains that the nature of warfare has undergone changes. Today's conflicts tend to be low-intensity civil wars, or 'asymmetric' wars in which high-tech forces fight poorly armed opponents,' p. 34.


26 PAKISTAN HORIZON

Some scholars believe that access to weapons of mass destruction is greater now than it was during the Cold War. While this fear has prompted nations to take firm steps to contain nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, the category of small arms has been largely overlooked. 'Among the seemingly endless list of items on the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) agenda that require urgent attention, the trade and proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs) has an enduring place'.6 As one of the least controlled elements of modern military activity, the category of small arms and their trade begs attention from the international community simply because the correlation between the proliferation of small arms and the increase in human rights abuses is stark and unmistakable.

The problem of arms proliferation and the ensuing conflicts in the world have not only given rise to problems such as alienation and instability, but have also threatened basic human rights and the security of people. There have been numerous crimes against humanity and countless breaches of international humanitarian law throughout the conflict period. Evidence shows that there is an alarming rise in urban violence due to the presence of small arms and there appears to be a shocking pattern of human rights abuse in regions of instability. It has been documented that 'weapons play a direct and indirect role in the ability of armed groups and security forces to commit serious human rights violations'.7 The direct impact of the use of small arms and light weapons has mostly included homicide, genocide, torture, amputation and other life-threatening acts of violence. Some of India's major armed conflicts, for instance, have germinated in the north and the north- eastern parts of the country, enveloping the states of Jammu and Kashmir, Assam, Manipur, Nagaland and Tripura. The country's long- standing confrontation with Pakistan has given rise not only to cross- border infiltration for the past 50 years and more, but also deepened social and cultural fragmentation on both sides. The north-east is ravaged by internal strife and has surprisingly led to a similar societal degeneration and disorder in the region. If one has to identify a common denominator in both these cases, it would undoubtedly be the role played by the proliferation of small arms.

It is certain that small arms have significantly altered the pace and nature of conflicts and have become a potential threat to human security

6 Massimo Fusato, 'Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration of ex- combatants/ in Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess (eds.), Beyond Intractability (Boulder: University of Colorado, 2003), p. 1.

7 www.armstradetreaty.org



in the region. It is estimated that the total number of battle-related deaths in Assam alone ranges between 881-1129 in the years 1991 to 2005.8 Be it external conflict or internal clash, the presence of small arms fundamentally undermines the social fabric of a community and places human security in absolute jeopardy. The fact that the Rwandan genocide of 1994 was substantially heightened due to the availability of small weapons proves that small arms are not only capable of flaring up a conflict, but also capable of increasing human insecurity and social instability. Apparently, small arms are the single most lethal means of large-scale violence and one of the biggest challenges to human security in all conflict zones of the world.

Territorial insurgency is the apparent cause of the majority of armed conflicts in the regions of Asia and Africa, but perceived economic and political marginalization of the tribal population and an increase in the influx of weapons and narcotics from the neighbouring countries have elevated the threats to human security. The gun culture in these areas has rapidly weakened the state security forces and created pockets of criminal bases around the cities and towns. In fact, there is an increase in the number of civilians acquiring arms to defend themselves and their families because there is an overwhelming atmosphere of fear and oppression. Given that 'the objective of human security is to safeguard the vital core of all human lives from critical pervasive threats in a way that is consistent with long-term human fulfilment', weapons are a category that can be seen as a grave threat to the aforesaid notion of stability and human development.9

Economic challenges

The remarkable growth in the influence of the international market, assisted by the opening of economies at the end of the Cold War, has rewarded many. This post-Cold War liberalization of the market equations was popularly conceived as globalization, and the concept largely encompassed activities such as 'actions of a few in one locale having significant consequences for "distant others", or events in one country directly affecting the others; the shrinking of borders and geographical barriers and an intensification of global integration and

8 Uppsala conflict database, www.pcr.uu.se 9 Sabina Alkire, A Conceptual Framework for Human Security (Oxford: University of Oxford, Queen Elizabeth House, 2003), p. 2.


28 PAKISTAN HORIZON

interconnectedness'.10 Globalization is also associated with the worldwide spread of capitalism where the network of financial flows and economic regimes envelops every state. A useful way of looking at the world, apart from the system of states, is in terms of a complex set of networks. These networks constitute the new face of marketing that substantially modifies the operations and outcomes in processes of production and capacity building.11 These networks transcend spatial boundaries, questioning the key elements through which the state is understood. One such element is the institution of defence manned by the state's own personnel, including means of violence and coercion.12 This networking has been possible through transnational linkages of private capital, a trend characterizing the rising industry of 'private military firms', which is also distinctly a representative of the changed business environment at the start of the 21st century and a significant challenge to peace and security in countries facing crises.13

It is often argued that the end of the Cold War produced a vacuum in the market of security, creating a 'security gap' that the private market rushed to fill.14 For instance, a private military firm by the name Airscan was contracted to replace the function of the US military in the Balkans when the US air reconnaissance was pulled out of the region to serve in more active operations in South-West Asia.15 Most private military firms (PMFs) have influenced the outcome of many conflicts, including those in Angola, Sierra Leone and Iraq, but there is no clarity about the exact relationship between governments and these firms primarily because governments and military establishments often publicly distance themselves from such ambiguous private entities. Such ambiguity raises concerns regarding their identity as combatants and problems of enforcing international law in case of human rights abuse, as was seen in the case of Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. The Taguba Report on abuses at

10 David Held and Anthony McGrew (eds.), The Global Transformations Reader : An Introduction to the Globalization Debate (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000), p. 3. 11 Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye Jr., 'Globalization: Whas next? Whas not? (And so what?)/ in David Held and Anthony McGrew, ibid., p. 76.

12 John A. Hall and G. John Ikenberry, The State (New Delhi: World View, 1997), dp. 1-2.

13 Peter W. Singer, 'Should humanitarians use private military services?/ Humanitarian Affairs Review (Brussels), Summer 2004. The present global order also indicates that measures undertaken by the United States and its allies to curb terrorism require these private military firms to engage in regions of greater strategic relevance to the interventionist states. 14 Ibid.

16 Ibid.



Abu Ghraib stated that 'contractors in civilian clothes roamed freely in the prison answering to no one because they were effectively outside the chain of command'.16 This not only raises doubts about safeguarding internal security, but also puts human security at grave risk.

When analyzing the linkage between globalization and security, the part that is often misinterpreted is 'economic growth.' Globalization is mostly equated with technological advancement, integration of global financial markets, growth in international trade, and rapid modernization. But this so-called economic growth heavily weighs down on countries that lack adequate resources and are struggling to survive either an ethnic conflict or poverty or disease. It is estimated that in many parts of Africa, cereal harvests in 2005 were an overall improvement on previous years, but severe droughts have still left millions on the brink of starvation.

On the one hand are the four African countries of Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia and Djibouti who are some of the worst affected where an estimated eight to nine million people are severely famished, while on the other, 'China's trade surplus in March 2006 amounted to 11.19 billion dollars, up to 98.5 per cent on the previous month', which is attributable to the country's internal economic condition.17 While economic growth encompasses development through trade and infrastructure, there are serious welfare implications involving income inequalities, damage to indigenous industries, inflation, market disruptions that need to be treated. 'As developing countries take steps to open their economies and expand their exports they find themselves confronting significant trade barriers - leaving them, in effect, with neither aid nor trade'.18

The right to development is important, but durable growth without compromising on human security that ensures adequate goods and services fulfilling basic human needs is far more important in fighting economic insecurity.

Environmental challenges

The ultimate purpose of an environmental regime is to safeguard environmental quality, however defined, but no regime can actually control the environment. All

16 Peter W. Singer, 'Outsourcing war/ Foreign Affairs (New York), vol. 84, no. 2, March/April 2005, p. 5.

17 People's Daily Online , http://english.people.com.cn 18 United Nations Economic and Social Council Report, The realization of economic, social and cultural rights: Globalization and its impact on the full enjoyment of human rights', 2000, p. 10, www.un.org/ecosoc


30 PAKISTAN HORIZON

it can do is work to modify human behaviour in ways that, it is hoped, will result in more satisfactory environmental conditions/

Konrad von Moltke, 2001

Damage to the environment poses another significant challenge to global security. The question of how secure is the world if global warming, ozone depletion, deforestation and acid rain continue to weaken the global environment, has begun to feature as a cause of concern among policymakers across the world. Challenges to environmental security have increased in leaps and bounds and Cynthia E. Rosenzweig, an expert on climate and agriculture at NASA opines, 'As you march through the decades, at some point negative effects of climate change dominate everywhere'.19 'Accidents like the meltdown of the Chernobyl reactor, which irradiated much of Europe, caused billions of dollars of property damage, and ultimately could result in thousands of premature cancer cases'.20 Such events not only serve as warnings, but also highlight the impact of reckless human activity on the environment.

T. K. Oommen stresses that human beings are the only ones who have 'agency, autonomy and reflexivity' capable of being responsible for damage and/or restoration to the environment. Therefore, it is vital for states to focus on the problem of overpopulation because at current growth rates the earth's population will double by the year 2100, aggregating to almost 12 billion, adding new challenges to environmental security.21 The other problem is that of limited resources, especially in the developing countries. It is estimated that 'deforestation, primarily the conversion of forests to agricultural land, continues at an alarmingly high rate - about 13 million hectares per year' and most environmentalists believe that 'exploding populations will put unsustainable stresses on regional ecosystems, thus bringing about a collapse of the security systems'.22 Damage to the ecosystem has had effects on humanity in the past and it can bring unimaginable destruction on this planet if the environment is left unprotected.

The Millennium Development Goals Report 2006 estimated that, in 2003, the total number of people affected by chronic hunger in the

19 Andrew C. Revkin, Toor nations to bear the brunt as world warms/ The Times of India (New Delhi), 2 April 2007.

20 Michael H. Shuman and Hal Harvey, Security Without War : A Post-Cold War Foreign Policy (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993). 21 The United Nations, The Millennium Development Goals Report 2006 (New York, 2006), http://mdgs.un.org

22 Michael Shuman and Hal Harvey, op. cit., p. 17.



developing world was around 824 million.23 This estimation arrived after five years of the publication of the Global Report 2000 which had predicted that the turn of the century, overpopulation would lead to widespread starvation and to the catastrophic over consumption of firewood, forests, grasslands, croplands, ocean fisheries, and fresh water'.24 Not surprisingly, these predictions are now coming true. Climate change is affecting physical and biological systems everywhere and most global warming has been caused by carbon dioxide emissions and other greenhouse gases. 'Most scientists believe that there will be enough man- made emissions to warm the Earth three to eight degrees Fahrenheit'.25 Rising temperatures will not only cause polar ice caps to melt, but will also affect the river deltas of southern Asia and Egypt for instance, rendering small island nations at high risk.26 Locally generated disasters, caused by overuse of natural resources, will unmistakably affect the global environment and security in some of the ways listed below:

Resource exhaustion will perpetuate and even worsen global poverty, reducing demand for high value products, further upsetting the international trade balance.

The terrible costs of this poverty such as disease, hunger, homelessness, unemployment, illiteracy will leave the under- privileged angry and eager for radical, perhaps even revolutionary change.

Environmental exhaustion will mean greater interstate compete- tion for scarce resources.27

Conflicts over river systems, where the world's most important 155 river systems are shared by two countries, could pose major security problems for the world.28 Environmental scientist Norman Myers remarked, 'So critical are assured water supplies to Israel that one reason it went to war in 1967 was that Syria and Jordan were trying to divert the flows of the Jordan River.' Similarly, Iraq almost went to war against

23 The Millennium Development Goals Report 2006 , op. cit. 24 Michael Shuman and Hal Harvey, op. cit. 25 Ibid., p. 169. 26 Andrew C. Revkin, op. cit. 27 Norman Myers, 'Environment and security,' Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.),

no. 74, Spring 1989, pp. 28-29. Although this classification of problems is done from an American point of view, it is not out of context to suggest that environmental problems are also global problems and they do not limit themselves to a particular region or state. 28 Ibid., p. 29.


32 PAKISTAN HORIZON

Syria in 1975 when the latter built the Thawrah Dam on the Euphrates and endangered the economic survival of three million Iraqi farmers living downstream.29

The most significant environmental threats facing us are truly global in nature. 'Every year, deforestation in the tropics denudes an area the size of Austria and wipes out species of plants and animals at a rate one thousand to ten thousand times faster than natural extinction'30 Other environmental threats to human beings are now posed by the development and spread of 'new chemicals that can permanently impair the human gene pool, the development of ever more resistant varieties of agricultural pests, and the ecological deterioration of the world's oceans'.31 All together, 'global environmental disasters caused by human mismanagement have created more than 10 million refugees - more than those uprooted by wars or persecution - who themselves are producing a variety of military, political, and economic instabilities worldwide'.32

Therefore, an effective global environment needs to enable, support and encourage policymaking leading to an effective response to environmental management needs which require action at the global level. Konrad von Moltke opines, 'Good environmental governance at all levels has been characterized by reliance on sciences; the use of the precautionary approach; the ability to accommodate actions at different levels of governance; the use of economic incentives and the avoidance of physical coercion as an implementation strategy; and high degree of transparency and participation.' Only an interlinked, holistic approach to governance, which puts the environment and people's needs first, will suffice for the years to come.

Political challenges

Provision of safety and security to every human life is one of the most fundamental duties of a state or government. Protection of lives and a pledge to uphold human rights is central to good governance, and 'cooperation of the political, administrative, scientific and industrial communities for the formulation of a vision, integrated missions, policies, plans and programmes' can help achieve a comprehensive security framework for a prosperous future for everyone.33 However, certain key

29 Ibid. 30 Ibid. 31 Michael Shuman and Hal Harvey, op. cit., p. 18. 32 Ibid., p. 19. 33 Remarks by President A. P. J. Abul Kalam, The Hindu (Chennai), 15 August

2006.



factors such as resistance to devolution and decentralization of power to the people, disintegration of political parties and democratic institutions, indifference of the ruling elite to social needs, corruption, and lack of accountability tend to impinge upon governance and lead to state failure in some cases.

Domestic governance, therefore, has to strive for greater transparency and regulation because it has been widely accepted as a 'welfare need', which encompasses non-traditional components of security and development alike. Instances like Darfur stand out as a sore example of government inaction in the African continent. South Asian states are also not free from misgovernance. It is believed that inefficient and ineffective governance, coupled with corruption and lack of adequate funding, have contributed to policy incoherence, duplication and operational hazards in times of crises. 34

Human rights and development reports reveal that the conflict in Darfur is causing one of the worst humanitarian disasters in the world, yet little has been done about a tragedy that affects more than one million people. The failure to carry out rapid political action in Darfur has resulted in massive social, economic, political and environmental costs fuelling poverty, deprivation, violence and gross insecurity. The Human Security Report 2005 highlights failure on the part of the government to act in a conflict-ridden state as an act amounting to 'democide'.35 A ground-based survey by Practical Action, formerly Intermediate Technology Development Group (ITDG), in Darfur showed systematic destruction of people's possessions and food stocks with around one million people getting displaced and roughly more than half of the villages destroyed or abandoned. The failure of the Sudanese government to maintain the ceasefire to re-establish security in the region, and its inefficiency to facilitate access for humanitarian relief has escalated the conflict from a local concern to a global problem.

This brings us to the issue of political violence, which is yet another challenge for global security and stability. Some scholars believe that

34 P. R. Chari, 'Security and governance in South Asia: Their linkages/ in Ramesh Thakur and Edward Newman (eds.), Broadening Asia's Security Discourse and Agenda : Political, Social and Environmental Perspectives (New Delhi: Bookwell, 2005).

35 According to the Human Security Report 2005 , 'Democide includes not only genocide, politicide and other massacres, but also deaths that arise from government actions (or deliberate failures to act) that kill people indirectly. Deaths from starvation in government-run forced labour camps would, for example, be an unambiguous example of democide/ p. 41.


34 PAKISTAN HORIZON

'political violence is a term that embraces more than simply war, genocide and terrorism. It also encompasses state repression: torture, executions, use of death squads, and incarceration without trial. All of these are as much part of the human security agenda as they are of the human rights agenda'.36 State-based violence results from 'conflicts between states or between a state and a non-state actor', which amounts to political violence. One-sided violence, on the other hand, involves killing of non- combatants as opposed to armed men and women, and is different from armed conflicts. In either case, the death toll and violation of human rights indicate that government inaction can potentially escalate violence and insecurity with possibilities of a spillover in neighbouring states, giving rise to regional insecurity.

State-based or non-state based violence and deaths can pose serious security threats and can spiral into political chaos, social and economic disruption, and imbalance in the cultural and ecological set-up of a state or region. Given that numbers speak for themselves, shown below is a table that adequately reflects the degree of political violence in the world's regions, and how both state-based and non-state based violence amounts to maximum deaths.

Number of Reported Deaths from Political Violence (2002-2003) Regions State-baaed Non-state One-sided Total

2002 2003

2002 2003

2002 2003""~

2002+2003 Africa 6,659 5,935 4,556 3,464 3,217 1,584 25,415

Americas 1.157 487 595 129 188 115 2671 Asia 5,979 4.854 1,778 149 1,138 812 14,710

Europe 753 480 0 0 34 59 1,326 Middle 027 8817 200 181 306 248 10,779 East I I Total 15,575 20,573 7129 3923 4883 2818 54,901

Source: Human Security Report 2005 P1

Traditional security measures have, to a large extent, failed to deliver meaningful security to a significant number of Asians. The region has witnessed periodic setbacks where 'class tensions, ethnic conflict and confrontations between the state and citizens are omnipresent'.38 In generic terms, the state is seen as a provider of security, but often times, it also poses a threat to human security. It is believed that creating

36 Ibid., p. 64. 37 Ibid., Figure 2.4, p. 73. Only relevant data has been taken to validate the point

made in this section. 38 Rajesh M. Basrur, 'Human security, the state and democracy in a globalizing

world/ in Comprehensive Security : Perspectives from India's Regions (New Delhi: Delhi Policy Group, 2002), p. 149.



constituencies for peace by focusing on David Baldwin's components of human security,39 the state can successfully override political obstacles to sustainable peace and stability.

A comprehensive security policy

'Human security privileges people over states, reconciliation over revenge, diplomacy over deterrence, and multilateral engagement over coercive unilateralism/

Archbishop Desmond Tutu, 2005

The world's least secure countries are those ravaged by domestic violence or terrorism, and the World Bank has predicted 'the possibility that a government will be destabilized or overthrown by unconstitutional and/or violent means', if countries fail to address the issue of comprehensive security.40 Among the list of least secure countries, Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Afghanistan, Burundi, Cote d'Ivoire, Sudan, Somalia, Colombia, the Palestinian territory, and Iraq occupy the top ten places showing 0-4.9 on a scale of 100 in terms of political stability and peace (0 representing the 'worst' and 100 representing the 'best').41

With such an alarming figure representing the state of human conditions, it is critical that countries address the notion of human security more conclusively. David Baldwin categorically talks about the meaning of security and its guiding principles: security for whom, security for which values, how much security, security from what threats, security by what means.42 As mentioned above, an incompetent state which threatens individual rights and security will possibly be forced to dissolve in order to make way for a better state. Given that ^ historically, states have come to be regarded as the most effective way of ensuring the safety and freedoms of individuals', it is important that they consider every aspect of human security from bodily safety and freedom to well- being and sustainability.43 The role of the state is critical in fighting the challenges posed by polity, environment and economics. Regulation and control of legislative and executive initiatives, pertaining to the

39 David Baldwin, 'The concept of security', Review of International Studies , (Cambridge), vol. 23, issue 1, January 1997, pp. 12-18.

40 See the World Bank's 'Political Stability and Absence of Violence Index,' www . go vindicator s . org 41 Ibid.

42 David Baldwin, op. cit. 43 Kanti Bajpai, 'Beyond comprehensive security: Human security', in Comprehensive Security : Perspectives from India's Regions , op. cit., p. 6.


36 PAKISTAN HORIZON

environment, for instance, should be balanced out with economic stability and political security. 'Externally, the state has to engage in interstate negotiations to preserve the environment and at the same time combat protectionist pressures emanating from developed countries in the garb of 'environmental standards', an area in which there is much scope for collaboration among South Asian countries'.44

In facing up to the challenges of their times, world leaders, 60 years ago created new multilateral institutions - the United Nations, IMF, and the World Bank - in the conviction that international cooperation was the best way to solve the challenges of the post-war world. It is about time that the present world, unprecedented in the challenges it faces, works towards a better future by making human security its top priority. Although economic issues seem to have gathered more attention than matters related to the global environment or human development, efforts are underway to focus on the shared responsibility to protect the environment. Considerable progress has been made in terms of humanitarian action and peacekeeping operations, where there is an attempt to look at security more comprehensively.

However, some commentators complain that defining security in military, environmental, economic and political terms 'muddles thinking and confuses policymaking*.45 For example, University of Pennsylvania political scientist, Daniel Deudney, questions the 'value of lumping environmental threats with military threats, because each poses different kinds of harm, because the perpetrators of the two kinds of threats have different intentions, and because protection from each requires different institutions'.46 All threats emanating from the environment, society, polity or the military ultimately harm life and its values of freedom and security and 'threats originate, at least in part, from outside the territorial boundaries of each country and therefore must be met through foreign policies - that is, through policies that influence others to act differently. And all these threats can only be ameliorated through the widening of security policies and global action'.47

Ultimately, the real world of interlocked economic and ecological systems will not change; the policies and institutions concerned must. To think of security purely in terms of military is regarded as an outdated and non-functional approach. Barry Buzan pointed out that the 'sources

44 Rajesh M. Basrur, op. cit., p. 148. 45 Michael Shuman and Hal Harvey, op. cit. 46 Ibid. 47 Ibid.



of threat could be economic, political, social and militar/.48 Therefore, military preparedness is not the only need of the hour. Mahathir Mohammad rightly pointed out that 'national security is inseparable from political stability, economic success and social harmony. Without these all the guns in the world cannot prevent a country from being overcome by its enemies, whose ambitions can be fulfilled somehow without firing a shot.'

Conclusion

What are the major obstacles for the adoption of a comprehensive security policy and how could such obstacles be removed? There is more to challenges to global peace and security than those mentioned in this paper. T. K. Oommen, in his article, 'Environment and security: An overview', opines that matters of national relevance should be placed in the realm of 'high polities' and should be handled by politicians, bureaucrats and military personnel because what ordinary people discuss are matters of 'low polities' and critical issues must be given special attention.49 To a large extent, most security issues are measured from a 'national interest' point of view and those that fail to qualify as threats to national security are pushed into the background. For instance, threats to human existence posed by the growth and development of science and technology50 are frequently overlooked when it comes to assessing threats from terrorist olitfits. Therefore, in order to assess threats to security, generated either locally or globally, the states need to bring about a balance in their approach. Some scholars opine that it is the mindset of the ruling elite, which is responsible for pursuing a retrogressive and outdated security approach. In the case of South Asia, the history of India and Pakistan is punctuated with decades of suspicion and mistrust. The continuance of hostility has succeeded in undermining the real security problems faced by their people. In such an environment of intolerance and paranoia, those subscribing to the non-traditional approach of security find it extremely difficult to assert their position because most policies are guided by national security parameters.

No one can deny the relevance and importance of economic, political, religious, ethnic, and environmental security in South Asia, the Middle

48 Barry Buzan, People , States and Fear : The National Security Problems in International Relations (Sussex: Longman, 1983), p. 203. 49 . K. Oommen, 'Environment and security: An overview/ in Comprehensive Security : Environmental Dimensions (New Delhi: Delhi Policy Group, 2004), p. 4. 50 Ibid.


38 PAKISTAN HORIZON

East and Africa - the three most security challenged regions of the world. These pockets of insecurity have become hostages of a few security issues, mostly involving socio-economic and political threats, which have not been addressed in the past decades. In view of the intransigent approach of the ruling elite, one does not see the chances of the settlement of such issues in the near future. As a result, one can see the prominence of security threats, which are related to territorial and political conflicts, but not those emanating from environmental degradation or excessive commercialization of goods and services. Social scientists are of the view that a non-traditional security approach is not necessarily in opposition to state sovereignty and national security. Oommen suggests that a shift from the prevailing 'governmental ation of security to governance of security^ will bring about the much needed change in the mindset and approach of those assigned to deal with threats.

Although the state remains the central provider of security in ideal circumstances, the desired comprehensive approach must take into account the reality of security as traditionally defined - the defence of territorial integrity by military means - and blend it with critical dimensions of the security of its citizens. It has been observed that an overemphasis on 'statist' security has been detrimental to human security needs. Therefore, while traditional conceptions of state security are a necessary condition, they cannot be a sufficient model for accomplishing human security.

The conventional definition of security is narrowly identified as 'defence', which also represents a falsified image of the policy process. The military is only one of the several interest groups, alongside the environmental and social groups, competing for a larger share of the collective goods being allocated by the government. Rational policymakers will allocate resources to security only so long as the marginal rate of return is greater for 'security' than for other uses of the resources. Security of individuals, as understood in the abstract, and a remote concept of traditional security can also mean insecurity in terms of the threats to the lives of human beings as manifested by the lack of food, education, health care, fresh water and clean surroundings. The non-traditional security approach is undoubtedly a 'series of continua' embedded in interdisciplinary analysis and approach to critical welfare issues. It is believed that most issues of survival become security concerns when they reach a tipping point by threatening the stability and integrity of societies51 leading to the destabilization of the state. Therefore, 'security analysts should consider those elements which cause

51 Ramesh Thakur and Edward Newman, op. cit.



insecurity either because of human action or inaction',52 and incorporate that understanding in the broader approach to defend human lives and civilizations. In sum, a comprehensive security solution does not merely require a redefinition of international or national security policies, but a better understanding of the nature of certain threats to security.53

Given that human security is viewed as an aggregate of military, economic, environmental and political security issues, an approach that encompasses all the above-mentioned factors to secure a sustainable future for all is not just a solution to the problems of instability, but a precondition for global peace and security.

52 T. K. Oommen, Understanding Security: A New Perspective (New Delhi: Macmillan India Ltd., 2006), p. 8. 63 Peter H. Gleick, 'Environment and security: The clear connections', Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (Chicago), vol. 47, no. 3, April 1991.


Article Contentsp. [23]p. 24p. 25p. 26p. 27p. 28p. 29p. 30p. 31p. 32p. 33p. 34p. 35p. 36p. 37p. 38p. 39

Issue Table of ContentsPakistan Horizon, Vol. 60, No. 3, GLOBAL SECURITY (July 2007), pp. 1-207Front MatterEditor's Note [pp. 1-2]Pakistan's Foreign Policy Survey January - June 2007 [pp. 3-22]Challenges to Global Security [pp. 23-39]Unipolarity, Systemic Instability and the Global War on Terror [pp. 41-56]Fundamentalism in the United States and the Muslim World [pp. 57-72]Outlook for Regional Security in South Asia [pp. 73-82]South-Western Extension of Greater China [pp. 83-98]New Thinking on Countering Insurgencies [pp. 99-107]US Unilateralism and the Persian Gulf Security Paradigm [pp. 109-121]Risks and Rewards of a US-Pakistan Alliance [pp. 123-136]Pakistan and the World (Chronology: April - June 2007) [pp. 137-159]Documents [pp. 161, 163-206]PIIA Chronicle: Major Discussions and Lectures [pp. 207-207]Back Matter

Challenges to Global Security

Documents

Transcript of Challenges to Global Security