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Document 1 of 1 Candy for All, But Toys and Games Only for Some: A Comparison of Advertising on Children'sTelevision Channels in India and the United States Author: Pashupati, Kartik; Vasavada-Oza, Falguni Publication info: Media Asia 37.3 (2010): 142-156.ProQuest document link Full text: Headnote This paper presents a comparative content analysis of television commercials shown on child-targeted cable TVchannels in India and the United States. The study described here extends previous research by being the firstto compare ads across matching children's cable TV networks (The Cartoon Network, Nickelodeon and ToonDisney) in India and the US. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the similarities and differences in ads targeted toward childrenin India (one of the world's fastest-growing, relatively nascent advertising markets with a very large proportion ofyoung viewers) and the US (a wellestablished, mature advertising market, with a long tradition of advertisingdirected towards children). US and Indian ads are compared in terms of the types of products being advertised,their information content, the types of message appeals used, and the cultural values embodied in the ads. A secondary focus of this paper is to examine the relative incidence of advertising for food and beverages onchildren's TV channels. This issue is especially relevant in light of various high-profile self- regulation effortsannounced by food marketers in the US and Europe, aimed at curbing the advertising of unhealthy foodproducts toward young children. These initiatives began in the US in 2006 with the Children's Food andBeverage Advertising Initiative (CFBAI), launched by the Council of Better Business Bureaus (CBBB).According to the CFBAI's website, "the Initiative is designed to shift the mix of advertising messaging to childrento encourage healthier dietary choices and healthy lifestyles" (Better Business Bureau, 2010). At the end of2009, 15 food marketers had adopted some version of the CFBAI pledge. Following the US lead, a group of 11multinational food marketers signed a European Union pledge in December 2007 to stop marketing junk food tochildren under the age of 12 (Sweeney, 2007; www.eu-pledge.eu). In June 2010, leading MNCs like HUL andNestle and the likes have entered into a pledge in India to stop advertising to children below the age of 12especially in the Food &Beverages category (www.afaqs.com). Other marketers are expected to follow suit,reflecting the increased interest of multinational brands in establishing a significant footprint in India (Bhushan,2009). Literature review and hypotheses Background: The Indian media market In recent years, India has received much attention in the business and general media. This media attention hasbeen mainly due to India's emergence as one of the world's largest and fastest growing economies . Accordingto most popular accounts, this emergence was spurred in large part by marketplace reforms and economicliberalisation measures initiated after the country faced a foreign currency crisis in 1991 (e.g. Ahluwalia, 1994).While some scholars (e.g. Rodrik and Subramanian, 2005) argue that the turning point in India's economicgrowth preceded the reforms of 1991, there is little dispute that the increasingly business-friendly economicclimate in India has attracted international marketers and brands in a variety of sectors, including consumerpackaged goods (CPG, also known as Fast Moving Consumer Goods, or FMCG). Alongside the economic resurgence, the Indian media environment has undergone some radical changes,especially in the television sector. Until the early 1990s, viewers in India could watch just one,governmentowned (but advertising-supported) network (known as Doordarshan), that broadcast on just one ortwo channels in a limited number of local languages. Following the emergence of direct broadcasting satellite

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(DBS) networks- such as Hong Kong based STAR-TV- in the early 1990s, the Indian television market hasexploded. Indian consumers now have access to several dozen domestic and international channels that aredelivered via cable systems, or via direct- to-home (DTH) satellite dishes (Melkote and Shields, 2001;Pashupati, Sun and McDowell, 2003). The growing economy and liberalised economic climate have attracted anumber of international media players into the Indian television sphere, including well-known US-basedchildren's cable brands such as Nickelodeon (known in India as Nick), Cartoon Network and Disney Many ofthese channels now offer international programmes dubbed in Hindi (the official national language of India) andother regional Indian languages. Viewers who have direct-to-home (DTH) satellite dishes sometimes have theoption of receiving the audio in English, or occasionally, even in one of India's major regional languages such asTamil or Telugu. (This facility is similar to the Second Audio Program or SAP c hannel on many US televisionnetworks and stations. The SAP is often used by US networks to air Spanish language versions of theirprogrammes.) "Family-oriented" cable channels (such as Animal Planet and the National G eographic Channel,in addition to Nick, Disney and Cartoon Network) have been the pioneers in the tactic of offering the sameprogramme content dubbed into multiple Indian languages. Toon Disney initially launched some programming inthe South Indian languages of Tamil and Telugu before moving into Hindi language programmes (Velloor,2005). The emergence of children's television channels in India is noteworthy in light of the fact that India is oftendescribed as one of the youngest countries of the world. According to one account, more than 80 per cent of thepopulation was less than 24 years old in 2000. In 2020, the age of the average Indian is expected to be only 29,compared with 37 in China and the US, 45 in Western Europe and 48 in Japan (Chandrasekhar and Ghosh,2006) . Another significant demographic trend is the fact that the average household size in India has grownsmaller, particularly in urban areas. The Indian Census Bureau reports that the size of the average urbanhousehold declined from 5.3 in 1991 to 5.1 in 2001 (Census of India, 2010). This shift appears numericallyinsignificant, but it is important to note that these aggregate figures reflect the move from traditional joint familiestoward nuclear families, often with just one or two children. At the same time, the number of two-incomehouseholds is on the rise in India. Collectively, these trends have contributed to the ascendancy of children asinfluencers of buying decisions- commonly known as "pester power", a term better understood than the moreneutral terms favoured by academic researchers, such as "purchase influence attempts" or "purchase requestbehaviour" (McDermott, et al., 2006). Scholars have also hypothesised that television has begun to supplement-but not altogether supplant- the family as a source of socialisation (Mukherji, 2005). A study of the content ofchild-targeted Indian T V advertising is therefore very timely, in light of the rapidly changing media environment,accompanied by gradual changes in family and social structures. A comparison of Indian ads with their UScounterparts provides additional insights in terms of examining how cultural and economic factors affect thecontent of advertising in two seemingly disparate countries. Impact of cultural factors on ad content Many scholars have noted that advertising is a form of cultural communication. Accordingly, in comparativecontent analyses of advertising, cultural differences are often used as the foundation for hypotheses that predictdifferences in the ads of culturally dissimilar countries (e.g. Ji and McNeal, 2001; Lin, 2001). The five culturaldimensions proposed by Hofstede (2001) form the basis for many cross-cultural comparisons. The definitions ofHofstede's five dimensions are provided in Table 1, along with the comparative scores for India and the US.(The table also provides world averages as a reference point.) The US and India are quite similar in terms of theUncertainty Avoidance index, and (somewhat surprisingly) show only a small difference with respect to theMasculinity index. However, the two countries differ substantially with reference to Power Distance,Individualism and Long-Term Orientation (see Table 1). The expected impact of these dimensions onadvertising is discussed in the following section. Definitions of Hofstede's five dimensions of cultural values

1. Power Distance Index (PDI) is the extent to which the less powerful members of organisations andinstitutions accept and expect that power is distributed unequally This represents inequality (more versus less),but defined from below, not from above. It suggests that a society's level of inequality is endorsed by thefollowers as much as by the leaders. 2. Individualism (IDV) (versus its opposite, collectivism) is the degree to which individuals are integrated intogroups. On the individualist side we find societies in which the ties between individuals are loose: everyone isexpected to look after him/herself and his/her immediate family On the collectivist side, we find societies inwhich people from birth onwards are integrated into strong, cohesive in-groups, often extended families (withuncles, aunts and grandparents) which continue protecting them in exchange for unquestioning loyalty. 3. Masculinity (MAS) versus its opposite, femininity refers to the distribution of roles between the genders whichis another fundamental issue for any society to which a range of solutions are found. The assertive pole hasbeen called "masculine" and the modest, caring pole "feminine". The women in feminine countries have thesame modest, caring values as the men; in the masculine countries they are somewhat assertive andcompetitive, but not as much as the men, so that these countries show a gap between men's values andwomen's values. 4. Uncertainty Avoidance Index (UAI) deals with a society's tolerance for uncertainty and ambiguity. Uncertaintyavoiding cultures try to minimise the possibility of such situations by strict laws and rules, safety and securitymeasures, and on the philosophical and religious level by a belief in absolute Truth: "There can only be oneTruth and we have it." The opposite type, uncertainty accepting cultures, are more tolerant of opinions differentfrom what they are used to; they try to have as few rules as possible, and on the philosophical and religiouslevel they are relativist and allow many currents to flow side by side. People within these cultures are morephlegmatic and contemplative, and not expected by their environment to express emotions. 5. Long-Term Orientation (LTO) (versus short-term orientation) refers to the extent to which a culture programsits members to accept delayed gratification of their material, social and emotional needs. Source: Hofstede (2001, pp. xix-xx) Power distance In a study comparing children's ads in China and the US, Ji and McNeal (2001) argued that children in a countrywith a high power distance index (PDI) would be programmed to be more respectful of authority figures such asadults. Accordingly, they hypothesised that ads in China- a country with a high PDI- would feature more adults(authority figures) than ads in the US. India has a high PDI of 77 (similar to China, which has a PDI of 80),substantially higher than the US score of 40 (Table 1). Following the lead of Ji and McNeal (2001), the followinghypothesis is proposed: H1 Ads on Indian kid-targeted channels will have significantly more adult characters compared to US ads. Individualism Of the five dimensions defined by Hofstede (2001), individualism is the one on which the US has the highestindex (91). India is a relatively less individualistic (or more collectivistic) culture, with an individualism index of45 (see Table 1). In a collectivist society, one would expect more co-viewing of TV programmes by adults andchildren. The collectivist nature of Indian society is also evident in the fact that friends and extended familymembers are often invited to participate in celebrations (such as birthdays and anniversaries) that might beregarded as relatively more private in the US and other Western societies. Accordingly, the followinghypotheses are proposed: H2 Compared to US ads, a greater proportion of Indian kid-targeted ads will feature appeals targeting adults. H3 Compared to US ads, a greater proportion of Indian kid-targeted ads on will feature more groups of adults. H4 Compared to US ads, a greater proportion of Indian kid-targeted ads on will feature more groups of children. In addition to cultural values, pragmatic constraints in terms of space (smaller homes) and financial resources

(only one TV per household) may contribute to a greater co-viewing of children's programmes by adults in India.Advertisers who recognise this behaviour pattern may also be tempted to use this opportunity to use children'sTV channels to advertise products that are meant to be used by parents, rather than children. Accordingly, thefollowing hypothesis is proposed. H5 Compared to US ads, ads on Indian kidtargeted channels will feature a significantly higher proportion ofproducts targeting nonchild audiences. Masculinity In their comparison of US and Chinese children's ads, Ji and McNeal (2001) hypothesised that Chinese adswould have a greater use of male models and male voice-overs, in light of the fact that China is seen to have afar more male-dominant culture than the US. Anecdotally, India is also perceived to have a male-dominantculture. For example, Indian parents traditionally favour male children over females, despite decades of socialcommunication efforts to the contrary. Even in urban Indian households, traditional gender roles prevail: menare expected to be the breadwinners, while women are expected to perform thebulk of domestic chores (even intwo-income households with working mothers). In the light of these perceptions, it is somewhat surprising tonote that India and the US are quite similar to each other on Hofstede's masculinity/femininity index, with the USbeing slightly more masculine than India (see Table 1). Hofstede's findings might be coloured by the fact thathis data were collected in an organisational context, from employees of multinational corporations.Nevertheless, based on Hofstede's indices, the following hypotheses are proposed. H6 There will be no significant differences between US and Indian kid-targeted ads with regard to the use ofmale versus female voice-overs. Method Content analysis has been a popular technique in advertising research (Kassarjian, 1977; Kolbe and Burnett,199 1). It has been used to examine the content of advertising messages both within cultures as well as acrosscultures. Scholars have pointed out that content analysis has its limitations (Carlson, 2006). Nevertheless, it is auseful tool for comparing the content of advertising and marketing communication messages across cultures(e.g. Ji and McNeal, 2001; Lin, 2001; Nelson and Paek, 2006). Television programmes Studies of advertising targeted toward children in the US have often used ads on Saturday morning networkprogrammes, as this used to be the daypart carrying the bulk of kid-oriented TV programming and advertising.However, with the proliferation of specialised cable channels targeting children, the majority of TV viewing bychildren is no longer confined to Saturday mornings. Nowadays, children in the US are more likely to watch T Von weekday afternoons, early evening and prime time (Connor, 2006; Desrochers and Holt, 2007). Likewise,interviews with key informants in India (conducted by one of the authors) indicate that children in Indian cities domuch of their TV viewing on weekday afternoons as well as on weekends. The purpose of this study was to compare ads airing on matched cable TV networks in India and the US, duringthe same dayparts. Accordingly, a constructed week was used for this study Programs were recorded in April2009, using the dayparts listed in Table 2. Copies of the TV programmes were made for coding by researchassociates in India and the United States. Coding categories The categories for coding the ads were drawn mainly from previously published cross-cultural content analyses.The ads were coded for information content using a typology adapted from the well-known work of Resnik andStern (1977). Following the lead of Ji and McNeal (2001), gender was coded for adult and child models, as wellas voiceovers. The categories for coding appeals and executions were adapted from Ji and McNeal (2001), whoin turn relied on categories defined by Pollay (1983) and Barcus (1977). Acomplete list ofthe coding categories,alongwith their operational definitions, can be found in Appendix 1. Coders

The ads were coded by two research associates in India, both of whom were bilingual, fluent in English andHindi (the language used in all of the non-English ads in the sample). One of the coders had lived for a fewyears in the US and Canada, and was therefore quite conversant with US cultural idioms. A subset ofthe USads was also coded by a native-born graduate student in the US, in order to ensure that idiomatic expressionsused in US ads were not lost in "cultural translation". The coders were trained for several hours, using ads thatwere not part of the final sample. After training, both coders coded three commercials in order to test inter-coderagreement and fine-tune the coding instrument. Inter-coder agreement on all categories exceeded 75 per cent(0.7), indicating that the coding instrument was reliable. Analysis and results Number of ads The US and Indian TV shows had a similar structure with respect to commercialbreaks and ad pods. A typical30-minute segment had two or three commercialbreaks. The duration of each break was between two and threeminutes. In addition to the actual commercials, Indian TV shows had extensive sponsorship announcements("This program is brought to you by..") at the beginning ofthe show. These sponsorship messages generallyfeature more than one brand. After eliminating repeated instances of the same commercial, the programmes in the sample yielded 125 uniqueads. There were 76 unique ads in the US sample and 49 ads in the Indian sample. From this, one might betempted to conclude that Indian children see fewer commercials than their US counterparts. However, theIndian TV programmes in the sample contain multiple repetitions of ads from a limited number of advertisers. Inaddition, most US shows do not have extensive sponsorship announcements, whereas almost all of the Indianprogrammes in the sample have such announcements. Therefore, Indian children are exposed to the nearly thesame number of commercial messages as their US counterparts. Presence of adults Based on the cultural differences between India and the US, the first hypothesis (Hl) predicted that Indian adswould have a significantly greater proportion of adults than US ads. The data pertaining to this hypothesis arereported in Table 3. Ofthe 125 unique ads in the sample, 100 ads contained live human characters, while therest of the ads were animated or featured only the product without any human actors. In the US sample, only18.6 per cent ofthe ads with human actors featured adults, in marked contrast with the Indian sample, in which81.8 per cent ofthe ads had adult actors. This difference was statistically significant, thus supporting Hl. Appeals The second hypothesis (H2) predicted that, compared to US ads, a greater proportion of Indian ads wouldcontain appeals directed primarily toward adults. Appeals were coded based on a typology developed by Pollay(1983), as noted in Appendix 1. It is possible for an ad to use more than one appeal (e.g. an ad might usehumour as a secondary appeal, in addition to health as a primary appeal). Accordingly ads were coded in termsof primary appeals and secondary appeals used. For the purpose of this analysis, primary and secondaryappeals were combined to yield a single cell denoting presence or absence of that appeal. The results of the analysis for H2 are presented in Table 4. In order to test H2, the authors identified adventure,fun/happiness as appeals targeted primarily toward children. The remaining appeals were identified as beingtargeted primarily toward adults. These appeals are convenience, education, effectiveness, health/ nutrition,popularity, price/economy, and uniqueness. The humour appeal is different from all others, in the sense that itcannot be classified as uniquely targeting adults or children. The data in Table 4 provide support for H2 with respect to six out of the nine appeals (other than humour). Thetwo kid-targeted appeals (fun/ happiness and adventure) were found in a significantly greater proportion of USads, while four adult-targeted appeals (convenience, effectiveness, health/nutrition, and uniqueness) werefound in a significantly greater proportion of Indian ads. There were no significant differences between US andIndian ads with respect to the appeals of education, popularity, and price/economy Interestingly, these were the

least used appeals in both countries (see Table 4). We had trouble in categorising humour as an appeal that mainly targets either adults or children. Therefore, it iscategorised as an appeal that could be targeted toward either (or both) of these audiences. Seventeen of the125 ads in the sample use humour as a primary or secondary appeal. (It is important to note that this should notbe interpreted to mean that other ads did not use a humorous treatment, or that they did not use humour as atertiary appeal.) As detailed in Table 4, there is a significant difference in the use of humour, with more ads fromIndia (20.4%) using humour compared to the US (9.2%). Portrayal of groups of adults Based upon the fact that India is a more collectivist culture than the US, the third hypothesis (H3) predicted thata greater proportion of Indian ads would feature groups of adults, relative to US ads. The relevant data arepresented in Table 2. Overall, 18 (81.8%) of the 22 ads featuring adult groups were from India. Only four of theUS ads featured groups of adults, with two featuring single-sex groups, and two featuring mixed-sex groups.Thus, H3 is supported by the data. Portrayal of groups of children Following the same reasoning as H3, the fourth hypothesis (H4) predicted that a greater proportion of Indianads would feature groups of children, compared to US ads. The results pertaining to H4 are presented in Table5. Again, only the 100 ads featuring human (non-animated) characters are included in this analysis. Of the adsin the sample, 56 per cent featured children in single-sex or mixed-sex groups. Somewhat surprisingly, all 16 ofthe ads featuring single-sex groups were from the US (accounting for 27.1% of the 59 US ads). In terms of adsfeaturing mixed-sex groups (i.e. ads with both boys and girls), 42.4 per cent of all US ads had such groups,compared with 36.6 per cent of Indian ads (see Table 5). Thus, H4 is not supported. Contrary to the hypothesis,US ads featured many more groups of children than did Indian ads. A detailed examination of the data shows that 14 of the 16 ads featuring single-sex groups were for toys andgames- which are often distinctly segmented by sex (gender) in the US. Thus, ads for toys and games targetingboys (such as Bakugan, Bandai BenlO Alien Force and SwitchPlay Tornado Football) featured groups of boysin play, while ads for toys targeting girls (such as Barbie, Littlest Pet Shop, Girl Gourmet Cupcake Maker andFur Real Friends) showed groups of girls. By itself, this is an unsurprising result. However, what makes thesefindings interesting is the fact that ads for toys, games and dolls were found only in the US sample. With theexception of one ad for Barbie dolls, there were no ad for toys, games or dolls in the Indian sample, whereasthis category accounted for the majority (56.6%) of the ads in the US sample (see Table 6). This finding isdiscussed in greater detail in the following paragraphs. Categories of advertised products Based on the more collectivist nature of Indian culture, and the expectation of greater co-viewing of TVprogrammes by parents and children, the fifth hypothesis (H5) predicted that Indian children's channels wouldcontain a greater proportion of ads targeting adult audiences, compared to their US counterparts. The maincategories of advertised products seen in the sample are listed in Table 6. T he data appear to support H5.There are significant differences in the types of products advertised on child-oriented cable channels in Indiaand the US. The vast majority of ads in the US sample were targeted toward children, includingads for toys and games(56.6% of US ads), and shoes/clothing/accessories (7.9% of US ads). In contrast, the Indian sample containeda large number of ads for products targeting adults, such as consumer packaged goods (CPG- comprisedmainly of antiseptic/germicide, toothpaste, soaps, detergents and household cleaning products) and appliances(air conditioners and refrigerators). Ads for CPG comprised 24.5 per cent ofthe Indian sample, and ads forappliances accounted for 4.1 per cent (see Table 6). The only common category advertised in both countries is food and beverages (F&B). Out ofthe 125 unique adsin the sample, there were 51 ads (40.8%) for F&B. In the Indian sample, F&B was the single largest category,

accounting for 65.3 per cent of all ads. In the US sample, it was the second-highest category, accounting for 25per cent of all ads. Even within this category, there were some interesting differences between India and theUS. Almost all of the F&B ads in the US appeared to target children (e.g. Caprisun juices, Yoplait yogurt and anumber of candy brands), while the F&B ads in the India sample targeted both children (with products such asCadbury's Dairymilk chocolates and Big Babol chewing gum) as well as parents. For example, there were anumber of Indian ads for Nestl's Maggi Instant Noodles, Sundrop Peanut Butter, and a variety of milk additives(mostly chocolate flavoured malted powders fortified with vitamins and minerals) such as Bournvita, Complanand Horlicks. Several Indian ads in the F&B category depict the entire family at the dining table. For example,an ad for Sundrop Peanut Butter shows the whole family- father, mother, son and daughterall eating breakfast,with the father marvelling at the strength-building qualities of Sundrop. Another ad- for Knorr Chinese Recipes-shows the mother preparing dinner for her husband and son; at the end of the meal, the young boy (about 10 to12 years old) appreciatively licks his lips, winks at his mother and says, cheekily, "Shall we reserve a table atthis Chinese restaurant tomorrow as well?!" Gender balance in voice-over According to the data collected by Hofstede (2001), India and the US are not very different with respect to themasculinity/femininity index (see Table 1). Based on this, the sixth hypothesis (H6) had predicted that therewould be no significant India-US differences in the use of male versus female voice-overs. The results of thisstudy support H6 (see Table 7). More than 60 per cent of the commercials in both countries featured malevoice-overs. Only 14.5 per cent of the US ads and 18.4 per cent ofthe Indian ads had female voice-overs. Arelatively small number of commercials (7.9% of US ads and 10.2% of Indian ads) had mixed-sex (both maleand female) voice-overs. These findings are consistent with the results reported by Browne (1998). In hercomparison of ads on children's television shows in the US and Australia, she found that 66.4 per cent of USads and 61.7 per cent of Australian ads had male voice-overs. In contrast, Ji and McNeal (2001) reported amuch lower incidence of male voice-overs in children's TV ads: only 10.0 per cent of US ads and 24.2 per centof Chinese ads used male voice-overs. In sum, the data presented in Tables 2 to 7 offer support for four hypotheses, namely, Hl, H3, H5 and H6. Thedata offer partial support for H2, and do not support H4. The significance of these findings is discussed in thefollowing section. Discussion The purpose of this paper is to compare advertising on children's television channels in India and the US, with aview to examining key similarities and differences. In keeping with previous literature in the field (e.g. Browne,1998; Ji andMcNeal, 2001; Lin,2001),thepresumptionis that cultural values help shape the content ofadvertising. Accordingly, six hypotheses were generated, predicting differences in the content of US and Indianads, based on the cultural dimensions identified by Hofstede (2001). As summarised in the previous section,most of the hypotheses were supported by the data. In this section, key differences and similarities between USand Indian ads will be discussed in terms of their implications for advertising practitioners and for policymakers. Key differences The most noteworthy differences between the US and Indian ads airing on children's cable channels can besummarised underthefollowingheadings:(l) differences in product categories advertised; (2) differences in theprevalence of adult models; and (3) differences in advertising appeals. Differences in product categories: Toys As seen in Table 6, Indian children are exposed to hardly any ads for toys, dolls and games, whereas their UScounterparts are subjected to fairly heavy doses of ads for these products. This is partly due to the relativelyunder-developed nature of the market for toys in India. Even though the two largest US toymakers- Hasbro andMattel- have had a presence in the Indian market for more than 20 years, the Indian toy market has beendominated largely by unbranded products marketed by small-scaled businesses, and, in recent years, cheap

unbranded imports from China (Sharma, 2004). In terms of the elements of the marketing mix, therefore,distribution seems to play a more important role in India than promotion. According to one estimate, firms in theUS spend about 10 to 11 per cent of their sales revenue (and about 21 per cent of profits) on advertising(Hummel and Company, 2007). Comparable percentage figures for India are not readily available, but it is safeto conjecture that toy marketers have a substantially smaller revenue base compared to products such as F&Band consumer packaged goods (CPG). This factor possibly makes it difficult for toy marketers to affordtelevision advertising- even in the very media vehicles that are best suited to reach their target audience. The diffusion of branded toys in India has been hindered by the perception that these products are significantlymore expensive than their unbranded counterparts. As India's middle class starts to enjoy a higher level ofdisposable income, this situation is likely to change. Besides the economic factor of price, the relatively slowdiffusion of toys could be due to socio-cultural factors, namely, that Indian parents do not feel the need to buy alot of toys in order to keep their children occupied at home. Most Indian parents can still tell their children to goout and play with their friends in neighbourhood parks or apartment compounds, unlike in the suburban US-where play dates have to be arranged in advance by parents, and the logistics of athletic activities arecoordinated by the proverbial "soccer moms" and "hockey moms." It appears as if marketers of branded toys inIndia are losing out on the promotional possibilities presented by children's TV channels. However, if toys are perceived as an expensive luxury, rather than an affordable indulgence, then marketersmay have to work on other elements of the marketing mix (such as price and distribution) before focusing onpromotion. Marketers of a variety of consumer goods have discovered that success in the Indian marketplaceoften demands strategic adjustments in pricing. For example, Unilever and other companies have had greatsuccess selling shampoos in single-use sachet packs; these packs make shampoo affordable and accessibleeven to rural Indian women, who use the product not on a daily basis, but for special occasions (Bijapurkar,2007). Differences in product categories: Consumer packaged goods and durables It is evident from Table 6 that viewers of Indian children's TV channels are exposed to a large number of ads forconsumer packaged goods (CPG), such as household and kitchen cleaners, antiseptics/germicides, toothpaste,soaps and detergents. Indian children's channels also carry some ads for consumer durables, such asrefrigerators and air-conditioners. Most of the CPG and appliance ads do not appear to be tailored specificallytoward a child or "family" audience. (A notable exception is found in ads for Dettol antiseptic liquid, which useemotional appeals centered around a mother's desire to keep her children safe from germs- an appealcommonly found in germicidal products in the US as well.) These commercials are clearly "crossover" ads,targeted toward parents, who are presumed to be co-viewers of these channels along with their children. Asnoted earlier, the presumed high level of parental co-viewing of Indian children's channels is a result not only ofa more collectivist culture, but is also a reflection of practical realities, namely, the fact that most homes haveonly one TV set, and the stay-athome mother often has no choice other than to watch the programmes that herchildren are viewing. Finally, it is possible that Indian advertisers are not taking full advantage of thesegmentation potential of cable channels, and are trying to benefit from economies of scale by doing cross-channel deals that allow them to air their commercials on children's T V channels in addition to general-audience channels for a relatively modest additional cost. In contrast to their Indian counterparts, very few of the ads on US children's channels are targeted toward co-viewing adults, with the possible exception of four commercials in the automotive category However, three ofthe four auto ads in the sample were "cut-in" ads for local auto dealers. The only strategically targeted nationalad was a 15-second spot for Honda Odyssey minivans, using 1960s-era graphics, and featuring quirky visualsof vans from a variety of old-time TV shows (such as "The A-Team") and urging viewers to "Respect the Van".This underlines the virtual absence of adulttargeted ads on children's channels, and also indicates that localadvertisers on cable systems in the US are less discriminating than their national counterparts in terms of their

choice of cable TV outlets. (A comparison between local and national advertisers in India is not possible, as thecurrent system of TV signal distribution does not allow for local ad cut-ins.) Differences in models and appeals In light of the differences in the types of products advertised- and the presumed underlying differences inaudience composition- it is not surprising that ads on Indian TV channels feature a greater proportion of adultcharacters (see Table 3), and feature appeals that are in some instances significantly different from their UScounterparts (see Table 4). While cultural factors undoubtedly play some role in shaping some of the creativechoices on the use of adult models and appeals, one should note that the more heterogeneous audience forIndian TV channels is probably the major reason for the observed differences in terms of adult models andmessage appeals. For example, the majority of US ads in the sample use adventure and fun/happiness asprimary appeals. There is relatively less use of these appeals in the Indian ads, not because advertisers seeIndian children as less susceptible to adventure or fun, but rather because most of the advertised products aretargeting either adults as primary users or co-users. Key similarities Besides the significant differences noted in the preceding paragraphs, there are some notable similaritiesbetween the ads seen on children's TV channels in India and the US. The single most striking similarity is thehigh prevalence of food and beverage ads in both India and the US. The F&B category was the largest singlecategory in the total sample, accounting for 51 (40.8%) of the 125 unique ads. F&B ads comprised 65.3 per centof Indian ads and 25 per cent of the US ads (see Table 6). The US data are consistent with prior trends; forexample, an industry research report estimated that packaged foods accounted for a third of the ads on the USNickelodeon channel in 2000 (Crain Communications, 2001). In recent years, widespread research attention has focused on the topic of food advertising on children'stelevision, particularly after the US Surgeon General declared obesity to be a national epidemic (in 2001), andthe World Health Organization (WHO) released a report (in 2003), blaming food industry marketing andadvertising efforts for widespread childhood obesity (Maher, et al., 2006). In 2006, the Council of BetterBusiness Bureaus (CBBB) in the US launched the Children's Food and Beverage Advertising Initiative (CFBAI),which had been adopted by 15 food marketers by the end of 2009. As noted previously, the US initiative wasfollowed by the European Union Pledge, signed by 11 marketers in December 2007. In April 2009, four majormultinational marketers signed an Indian version of the EU Pledge, vowing to stop marketing junk food tochildren under the age of 12 (Bhushan, 2009). Are these pledges being reflected in the content of F&B ads onchildren's channels in India and the US? In order to answer this, ads in the F&B category were divided into sub-categories, as detailed in Table 8. Confectionery products It is evident from Table 8 that confectionery products (such as sweets, chocolates and chewing gum) are thedominantsub-categoryamongfood ads inboth countries. Almost by definition, these products are high in sugarcontent, and provide little nutritional value. As far as we could tell, none of the confectionery brands waspromoted by one of the four signatories to the Indian Pledge, although several of the candy ads in India werefrom Nestl, which is a signatory to the EU Pledge (www. eu-pledge.eu). Breakfast cereals The second-most advertised product category in the US was cold cereals. There were five unique ads forcereals in the US sample, namely, Cinnamon Toast Crunch, Kellogg's Frosted Flakes, Kellogg's Pops, PostFruity Pebbles and Tricks. All of these brands have relatively high sugar content, with 9 to 14 grams per serving(compared to 3 grams per serving of Kellogg's Corn Flakes, and 1 gram per serving of Cheerios). The solebrand of cereal advertised in the Indian sample was Kellogg's Chocos (similar to Kellogg's Cocoa Krispies in theUS), which contains 10 grams of sugar per serving. All of these cereal ads used fun and taste appeals targeteddirectly toward children. Kellogg's is a signatory to the CFBAI Pledge in the US, as the pledges in Europe and

India. General Mills (makers of Trix cereal, one of the brands in the US sample) is also a signatory to the USand EU pledges. In the US version of its pledge, Kellogg has agreed not to advertise cereals that contain morethan 12 grams of sugar (Kellogg Pledge, 2007). All of the advertised brands (with the possible exception ofKellogg's Corn Pops) are technically within this limit, but Kellogg's has obviously set a fairly threshold high limitin terms of sugar content, thus allowing the company to advertise a number of products that are relatively highin sugar, although below the 12 gram limit. General Mills (makers of Trix cereal and Yoplait yogurt) has alsoadopted the same norm of 12 grams of sugar per serving. Milk additives One of the notable differences between Indian and US sub-categories is the large number of Indian ads for milkadditives (often, malted powders with chocolate or other flavouring). Similar products are marketed in the US-such as Ovaltine and Nesquik- but there were no ads for these in our sample. The most frequently advertisedIndian brands in this category are Cadbury's Bournvita, Complan (originally developed by GlaxoSmithKline, nowmarketed by Heinz), Horlicks and Boost (both marketed by the British pharmaceutical giant, GlaxoSmithKline).All of these brands use message appeals that target parents as well as children. Milk additives are positionedas food supplements that will improve the physical growth, stamina and mental acuity of children. One ad forComplan even presents the results of a clinical study, claiming that children who drank Complan were shown togrow at twice the rate of children who did not (disclaimer information about these results is presented in verysmall text at the bottom of the opening frames). Such appeals will clearly be attractive to parents, especially in acountry where malnutrition is still widespread, and parents are willing to make sacrifices in order to ensure thattheir children are well-fed and well-educated. However, it is unclear if such advertising claims are given closescrutiny. Indian advertisers have been subjected to both government and self-regulation for several decades,although some of the regulatory codes are rather vaguely worded (Sengupta and Pashupati, 1996;Venkateswaran, 1993). The Code of Self-Regulation in Advertising, formulated by the Advertising StandardsCouncil of India (ASCI) states that advertising claims need to be supported by independent research orassessment (ASCI, 2007). In the absence of specific challenges from consumers or competitors, however, it isquite possible for advertisers to make inflated claims about product benefits, especially if these claims can besaid to fall under cover of puffery. The ASCI does have its own set of guidelines for regulation of food productsto children under the age of 13, but these guidelines are extremely vague compared to the pledges supervisedby the CFBAI and EU. Clearly, there is a greater need for clearer advertising regulation to protect children inIndia, and a need for even better implementation of existing regulations in both India and the US. Conclusion The objective of this paper was to conduct a comparative content analysis of commercials airing on children'stelevision channels in India and the US. This study makes a contribution by being the first to compare ads onthe exact same television networks (Cartoon Network, Disney XD and Nickelodeon) in two major countries.Using Hofstede's cultural dimensions as an underpinning, hypotheses were generated about likely differencesin advertising content between India and the US. Most of the hypotheses were supported. We then examinedthe main differences and similarities in US and Indian ads, in order to see if there were implications foradvertisers and policymakers. Several interesting differences and similarities emerged in terms of the types ofproducts and message appeals seen in each country. Like all studies, this one has limitations. First, even though ads were sampled over a one-week period, the totalnumber of unique ads is relatively small. Further studies need to be conducted, using a larger sample of adsgathered over a longer period of time. Second, it should be noted that this study- like many others in the positive-empiricist literature- presumes thatculture affects advertising content, rather than vice-versa. Many scholars have argued that advertising is acultural institution that helps shape cultural and social values, instead of merely mirroring them (Berger, 2004;Pollay, 1986). While it is beyond the scope of this study and its methodology to examine this two-way

relationship, such an examination is especially pertinent in the context of advertising targeted toward children,as they are deemed by many researchers to be particularly vulnerable to persuasive messages (Maher, et al.,2006). References References Advertising Standards Council of India (2007). The Code for Self Regulation in Advertising. Retrieved on 10March 2010 from www.ascionline.org/ regulation/ASCI_Code_of_Self_Regulation.pdf Ahluwalia, Montek S. (1994). India's quiet economic revolution. The Columbia Journal of World Business(Spring), 6-12. Barcus, F. Earle (1977). Children's television: An analysis of programming and advertising. New York: PraegerPublishers. Berger, Arthur Asa (2004). Ads, fads and consumer culture: Advertising's impact on American character andsociety. Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefield. Better Business Bureau (2010). Children's Food and Beverage Advertising Initiative, available online. Retrievedin January 2010 from www.bbb.org/us/ children-food-beverage-advertising-initiative/ Bhushan, Ratna (2009, April 11). Companies lose appetite for junk food ads. The Economic Times, onlineedition. Retrieved on 10 February 2010 from http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/news-by-industry/services/advertising/Companies-lose-appetite-for-junk-food-ads/articleshow/4387665. cms Bijapurkar, Rama (2007). Winning in the Indian market: Understanding the transformation of consumer India.Singapore: John Wiley &Sons. Browne, Beverly (1998). Gender stereotypes in advertising on children's television in the 1990s: A cross-national analysis. Journal of Advertising, 27(1), 83-96. Census of India (2010). Data Highlights. Retrieved on 17 February 17 2010 from http://censusindia.gov.in/Data_Products/Data_Highlights/Data_ Highlights_link/data_highlights_hhl_2_3.pdf Chandrasekhar, C. P., &Jayati Ghosh (2006, January 17). India's potential "demographic dividend". The HinduBusinessLine, online edition. Retrieved on 27 January 2010 from www.thehindubusinessline.com/2006/01/17/stories/2006011701531100.htm Connor, Susan (2006). Food-related advertising on preschool television: Building brand recognition in youngviewers. Pediatrics, 118(4), 1478-1485. Crain Communications (2001). TV's biggest advertisers, Electronic Media, April 2, p. 16. Descrochers, Debra M., &Debra J. Holt (2007). Children's exposure to television advertising: Implications forchildhood obesity. Journal of Public Policy and Marketing, 26 (2), 182-201. Hofstede, Geert (2001). Cultures consequences: Comparing values, behaviors, institutions, and organizationsacross nations. Thousand Oaks CA: Sage Publications. Key data are also available at www.geert-hofstede.com. Hummel and Company (2007). 2007 advertising to sales ratios for 200 largest ad spending industries. Retrievedon 20 March 2010 from www. hummelandcompany.com Ji, Mindy, &James U McNeal (2001). How Chinese children's commercials differ from those of the UnitedStates: A content analysis. Journal of Advertising, 30(3), 79-92. Kassarjian, Harold H. (1977). Content analysis in consumer research. Journal of Consumer Research, 4(1), 8-18. Kellogg Pledge (2007). Children's Food and Beverage Advertising Initiative: Kellogg Company Pledge.Retrieved in March 2010 from www. bbb.org/us/storage/0/Shared%20Documents/ CBBBkelloggpledge06-28-07.pdf Kolbe, Richard H., &Melissa S. Burnett (1991). Content-analysis research: An examination of applications withdirectives for improving research reliability and objectivity. Journal of Consumer Research, 18(September), 243-

250. Lin, Carolyn (2001). Cultural values reflected in Chinese and American television advertising. Journal ofAdvertising, 30(4), 83-94. Maher, Jill K., John B. Lord, Renee S. Hughner, &Nancy M. Childs (2006). Food advertising on children'stelevision. Young Consumers, 7(4), 41-52. Nelson, Michelle &Hye-Jin Paek (2006). A content analysis of advertising in a global magazine across sevencountries: Implications for global advertising strategies. International Marketing Review, 24(1), 64-86. McDermott, Laura, Terry O'Sullivan, Martine Stead, &Gerard Hastings (2006). International food advertising,pester power and its effects. International Journal of Advertising, 25(4), 513-540. Pollay, Richard W. (1983). Measuring the Cultural Values Manifest in Advertising. In James H. Leigh andClaude R. Martin Jr. (Eds.), Current Issues and Research in Advertising (pp.71-92). Ann Arbor, MI: University ofMichigan, Graduate School of Business, Division of Research. Pollay, Richard W. (1986). The distorted mirror: Reflections on the unintended consequences of advertising.Journal of Marketing, 50(2), 18-38. Resnik, Alan J., &Bruce L. Stern (1977). An analysis of information content in television advertising. Journal ofMarketing, 41 (January), 50-53. Rodrik, Dani &Arvind Subramanian (2005). From "Hindu Growth" to Productivity Surge: The Mystery of theIndian Growth Transition. IMF Staff Papers, 52(2). Washington DC: International Monetary Fund. Sengupta, Subir &Kartik Pashupati (1996). Advertising in India: The winds of change. In Katherine T. Frith (Ed.),Advertising in Asia: Communication, Culture and Consumption. Ames IA: Iowa State University Press, 155-188. Sharma, Arti (2004, May 22). Renovating the playroom. Rediff.com. Retrieved on 27 March 2010 fromwww.rediff.com/money/2004/may/22spec2.htm Sweeney, Mark (2007, December 11). Food companies sign EU ad pledge. The Guardian, online edition.Retrieved on 10 February 2010 from www. guardian.co.uk/media/2007/dec/11/advertising, europeanunion Velloor, Ravi (2005, September 4). Indian TV counts on kids' pester power. Singapore: The Straits Times.Retrieved on 17 February 2010 from www.asiamedia.ucla.edu/print. asp?parentid=29390 Venkateswaran, K. S. (1993). Mass media laws and regulations in India. Singapore: Asian MassCommunication Research and Information Centre (AMIC). Wah, Lee Chun (2005). Cultural influences in television commercials: A study of Singapore and Malaysia.Journal of Promotion Management, 12(1), 57-84. Wicks, Jan L., Ron Warren, Ignatius Fosu, &Robert H. Wicks (2009). Dual-modality disclaimers, emotionalappeals and production techniques in food advertising airing during programmes rated for children. Journal ofAdvertising, 38(4), 93-105. AuthorAffiliation Kartik Pashupati is Assistant Professor at the Temerlin Advertising Institute, Southern Methodist University,Texas, and Falguni Vasavada-Oza is Associate Professor at the Mudra Institute of Communication, Ahmedabad(MICA), India. Appendix APPENDIX 1 Operational definitions of variables used in content analysis Activity Scholastic Actors are shown participating in academic/scholarly activities Athletic Actors are shown participating in sports related activities like exercise, playing games, etc. Fun/Play Actors are shown participating in activities around fun and laughter like fooling around, playing pranks,etc. Information content(a)

Price-Value Is the price or cost of the product mentioned? Quality Product's characteristics that distinguish it from competing products based on an objective evaluation Performance What does the product do, and how well does it do what it is designed to do in comparison toalternative purchases? Components/Contents Availability Where can the product be purchased? When will the product be available for purchase? Special offers What limited-time non-price deals are available with a particular purchase? Taste Is evidence presented that the taste of a particular product is perceived as superior in taste by a sampleof potential customers? (The opinion of advertiser is inadequate) Nutrition Are specific data given concerning the nutritional content of a particular product, or is a direct specificcomparison made with other product? Packaging/Shape Safety What safety features are available on a particular product compared to alternative choices? Independent research Company research New ideas Are any new/breakthrough ideas presented in the ad? Contact information Website address Phone number SMS Ad contains instructions on how to send text messages to the sponsor Others Models Characteristics of models or characters shown in the ad playing roles Gender Ethnic identity Spokesperson/Character Who is the lead actor in the commercial? Adult Male/Single-gender group/Mixed group Gender Animated Kid Celebrity A known face from any field like TV, films, sports, music, history, etc. Style of display Only display Will display the product as showcased on a table or a close shot Usage demonstration Setting/Ambience The setting is the situation shown in the ad Home School Others Appeals(b) Adventure Emphasise a product involving unknown and risky experience Convenience Product is suggested to be handy and easy to use Effectiveness Price/Economy Education Product claims to make the child smarter and obtain higher academic/scholastic achievement Fun/Happiness Health/Nutrition Popularity Focus on the universal recognition and acceptance of a certain product by consumers

Uniqueness Emphasise the unrivalled, incomparable, and unparalleled nature of a product Humour Emphasise humour and jokes being cracked as the main story Interaction Within peer group With teachers With grandparents/seniors With parents Kids shows interacting with both parents With Mom Only mom present with the kid With Dad Only dad present with the kid Auditory devices Voice-over present Gender Is the voice of the unseen narrator male or female? Tagline Is the tagline of the brand being said or written in the ad? Response action Jingle Does the ad have a jingle that is specific to the ad/brand? Music Is there a presence of some form of music in the ad (other than a jingle)? Cultural values(c) Individualism Collectivism Hedonism Veneration for elders Disrespect for elders Health Wisdom a adapted from Resnik and Stern (1977) b adapted from Pollay (1983) c adapted from Wah (2005) Publication title: Media Asia Volume: 37 Issue: 3 Pages: 142-156 Number of pages: 15 Publication year: 2010 Publication date: 2010 Year: 2010 Publisher: Asian Media Information and Communication Centre Ltd. Place of publication: Singapore Country of publication: Singapore Publication subject: Communications, Journalism, Publishing And Book Trade ISSN: 01296612

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http://search.proquest.com/docview/808166532?accountid=50247http://www.proquest.com/go/contactsupporthttp://search.proquest.com/info/termsAndConditionsCandy for All, But Toys and Games Only for Some: A Comparison of Advertising on Children's Television Channels in India and the United States