Can he be accused for breakup of Pakistan in 1971? -- Zulfikar Ali Bhutto -- By Syed Jaffer

8/9/2019 Can he be accused for breakup of Pakistan in 1971? -- Zulfikar Ali Bhutto -- By Syed Jaffer

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Can he be accused for

breakup of Pakistan in

1971?

By Syed Jaffer


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Late Syed Najiullah was the holder of document on the basis of which this paper has

been written the document in question can be termed as a visa from the Bangladeshgovernment. The date on which this visa was issued is October 1971 a date whenPakistan was yet to recognize Bangladesh as an independent state.

It is significant that the Bhutto government allowed the holder of the document toproceed to Dhaka through India supposed to be our adversary. It is also significant tonote that the Bangladesh government gave permission and not only allowed Mr.Najiullah and his companion to come to Dhaka but also instructed the concernedauthorities to be courteous and facilitate them.

The following pages will show that Mr. Bhutto did not do what he is accused for. Not

only that he was not responsible for the breakup, he tried even after the debacle tosalvage the situation and keep the name Pakistan for the two parts of subcontinent.Preceding document the special visa and the following document the instrument ofsurrender will prove the point.

Syed Najiullah was a popular journalist in the eastern wing of Pakistan, he used to writefor Pakistan Observer Dhaka an English Daily, Bengal having a good literacy rate Mr.Najiullah could be termed as popular among the masses in East Pakistan, and was


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taken as a spokes person for the Bengalis in Islamabad. He was the founder presidentof Karachi press club and gave the constitution to the press club.

Hardly any one dared write against Ayub Khan who was above everything, without anylegal or moral sanction had made himself Field-Martial the highest rank even among the

dictators. Mr. Najiullah was a strong critique of the so-called Field-Martial and wasbarred entry in every event related with the dictator. There was harsh censorship andcorrespondence containing material of political nature was banned transfer within andoutside the country.

Mr. Najiullah had employed a way of sending his articles to be published in the dailyPakistan Observer which was based in Dhaka. The articles used to be transferredthrough mail bags specific for the government. I remember before the shifting of thecapital Mr. Najiullah was based in Karachi my home town, which was then the capital ofthe country Mr. Najiullah was my uncle. I used to deliver the articles and news letter togovernment officials residences on Garden road.

Mr. Najiullah in 1969 was convicted sentenced and jailed for 5 years rigorousimprisonment for writing an article in a Weekly Interwing Islamabad. The paper wasowned by Mr. Shamsul Huda, a Bengali. The article was against Legal FrameworkOrder of General Yahya Khan. The article suggested that the laws emanate from the


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assemblies and not from an individual and that Yahya had no right to impose his will onthe people of Pakistan.

This sentence passed by a summary military court got widespread protests Mujeeb wasmost vocal amongst the protestors. Mr. Najiullah loved writing for free for any one on

the national issues, this article too must have been an effort free of cost, and the rewardfrom the dictator in return; Mr. Najiullah used to consider punishment from a dictator areward for his service to the nation.

If one is honest about his profession journalistic duties do demand hard and laboriouswork, but it was different when you write something against a sitting dictator. DuringAyubes and Yahyas regime he used to send a story, spend the following night walkingrestless anticipating and waiting for the authorities to come for his arrest.

Being a journalist was a 24-7 job, he was not in the era where you could pickup detailsof your story from the internet, nor was he facilitated with compiling on a computer using

drag and drop possibility. The job would require door to door visit to the governmentfunctionaries and bureaucrats collecting information and manually typing till latemidnight.


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On the advice of Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung in 1940 he joined the then only Muslim newsagency Orient Press of India. This is when he started his carrier as a working

journalist; he always had a pride in being a working journalist. Being vocal and straightforward he was respected among all the leaders of Indian subcontinent includingJawaharlal Nehru; that respect was carried over to Indira Gandhi the next generation.

He was respected by the leaders of National Awami Party of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan,to the extent, that he used to writ resolutions and press statements of that party and itsleaders for which the opponents of the NAP, the Muslim leaguers lead by Khan AbdulQaium Khan, tried to kill him. He survived after being hospitalized for several months.

Jung, Dawn, Outlook, Current, Pakistan Economist, Musawat, Frontier Gaurdian andmany dailies and periodicals have published his articles. He was visiting professor tothe Quaide Azam University, Islalmabad to teach journalism students and used to givelectures to the Foreign Office in Islamabad. A few Organs including FAO and UNCTADof the United Nations used to get his comments and analysis on its programs. He was

twice part of Pakistan delegation to the United Nation.

Among all the notables of that era He was a very close friend of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto andDr. Mubashir Hasan. His friendship with Bhutto was typical; they would fight at publicplaces. Mr. Najiullah used to narrate one such fight when Bhutto ran after Mr. Najiullahhurling what ever he had in his hands. Mr. Bhutto was looking for some books atLondon Book Depot Rawalpindi. This was after when Bhutto resigned the Ayubscabinet and travelled to Lahore where his hankie with absorbed tears of Mr. Bhutto wasauctioned. Mr. Najiullah playfully asked, Mr. Bhutto being out of job if he was sellinghandkerchiefs for his living.

This friendship brought Mr. Najiullah as a volunteer into the initial setup of Mr. ZulfikarAli Bhutto. He served Bhutto as a Copy-Writer and used to right portions of the formalspeeches which Mr. Zulfikqr Ali Bhutto used to read, pertaining to the economic affairs,Mr. Bhutto otherwise used to deliver extempore speeches.

His earlier contributions to the nation as a journalist brought him recognition and he wasgiven responsibilities in Zulfikar Ali Bhutto government. He served State Bank ofPakistan on its Board of Directors. He was nominated Additional Secretary Financeattended the office as secretary for a few months but could not accept he being nameda bureaucrat. He was an advisor to Radio Pakistan during Bhuttos period while asearly as 1950-51 he used to deliver speeches on Radio Pakistan on air.

He liked to be called a working journalist and remained so till his departure from thisworld to leave behind one and a half ton of journalistic literature as his assets andcollection. His collection included complete collection of budgets of Pakistan and Indiasince 1947, all the issues of Pakistan Economic Surveys full file of several dailies andperiodicals including Economist, Wall Street Journal, UN reports concerning Pakistanseconomy many more.


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Almost 40 years after the breakup of Pakistan opponents of Bhutto still try to argue thatit was Bhutto who did this heinous act. The highest authority in control of East Pakistannow called Bangladesh was lieutenant general Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi who handedover the control of that territory to Jagjeet Singh Arora. Niazi formally signed theinstrument of surrender and allowed full control of East Pakistan to the General Officer

Commanding in Chief of the Indian and Bangladesh forces. The very first paragraph ofthat paper signed by Niazi on the 16th of December 1971 renames East Pakistan asBangladesh. Those who accuse Bhutto and hold him responsible for the fall of Dhakacan only be excused for being ignorant of the facts and history.

If one goes through the findings of Hamoodur Rahman Commission will find astonishingfacts. The report proposes that Lt. Gen. A.A.K. Niazi, former Commander, EasternCommand among others, be punished by court-martial on 15 charges as set out inChapter III of part V of the Supplementary Report regarding his willful neglect in theperformance of his professional and military duties connected with the defence of EastPakistan and the shameful surrender of his forces to the Indians at a juncture when he

still had the capability and resources to offer resistance. The commission had heldmany others responsible and suggested their court-martial as well; here they are not thesubject of discussion.

Hamoodur Rahman report further states that he was guilty of conduct unbecoming aOfficer and Commander of his rank and seniority in that he acquired a notoriousreputation for sexual immorality and indulgence in the smuggling of Pan (beetle leaf)from East to West Pakistan, with the inevitable consequence, that he failed to inspirerespect and confidence in the mind of his subordinates impaired his qualities ofleadership and determination, and also encouraged laxity in discipline and moralstandards among the officers and men under his command; That he was undulyfriendly with the enemy during the period of his captivity, so much so that he wasallowed to go out shopping in Calcutta, a facility not allowed to anyone else by theIndians;

That he willfully, and for motives and reasons difficult to understand and appreciate,stopped the implementation of denial plans, with the result that large quantities ofvaluable war materials were after surrender handed over intact to the Indian forces, inspite of the fact that GHQ had specifically ordered by their Signal (formal telegraphicorder) of the 10th December, 1971, to carry out denial plans; Denial operations are animportant facet of modern warfare, denial plan is a systematic exercise by which thesurrendering forces destroy everything which could be of use and utility to theadvancing enemy.

If one recalls Niazi was not there in East Pakistan to protect the country, they werethere to protect Islam a wrong notion cultivated by Maudoodi in the minds of pseudo-intellectuals. While Yahya was busy drinking and womanizing his cabinet was full ofJamaat Islami people who were on a crusade to Islamize this country.


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Minister for information of Yahya regime Nawabzada Sher Ali was a known pro-Jamaatperson. While the nationalist tendencies were on the rise in the subcontinent Jamaatsslogan was Asia Sabz hay (Asia is green; green color is associated with Islam) tocounter the slogan of leftists movements--Asia Surkh Hai (Asia is red; red color isassociated with socialist revolutionary movements). Jamaats stake was to propagate

Maudoodis philosophy in Pakistan while the generals were taking the opportunity toindefinitely continue their rule in the country. Moulvi Tufail of Jamaat went to the extentof recognizing the Yahyas constitution as an Islamic constitution.

As early as 1949 the favorite of Mr. Jinnah a staunch Muslim leaguer Huseyn ShaheedSuhrawardy left Muslim league and formed Awami Muslim league which after shreddingthe word Muslim ultimately turned into Awami league that party later was headed bySheikh Mujeeb ur Rahman. It is argued by many that Suharwardy was assassinated inBeirut and Ayub was involved in it. Ironically even the politicians known to beprogressive or leftist could not go together and were divided into Bengali and non-Bengali, pro-Moscow and pro-Peking factions. National Awami Party which was

supposed to be on the left of the political thinking was divided on the basis of two wingsEast and West Pakistan NAP Bhashani Group and Wali Khan Group.

Kazi Nazrul Islam was their national poet Dr. Iqbal was promoted in the western wing ofthe country. The whole population of east was looked down as an inferior race ofhuman kind. Rabindranath Tagorewas a hero in the east and banned in the WestPakistan. The Bengali language was taken as unislamic while Urdu was forced on theBengali population. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had no direct influence on the events that tookplace between the times of partition of the subcontinent to the breakup of Pakistan.

Bengalis had to part ways because the seeds for the separation of East Pakistan from

the west were sown just when Pakistan got independence no one was cognizant of thisand no one took any action to avoid the ultimate not even the founders of this country.After the breakup two journalists Mr. Syed Najiullah and Mr. Mazhar Ali Khanapproached Bhutto to seek permission to go to Sheikh Mujib-ur Rahmanand explore ifit is possible to form a confederation of the two countries and keep the name Pakistan.

Both these journalists had good rapport with the three ruling leaders of the countriesinvolved in unfortunate happenings the fateful happenings not because of the trueleaders or the peoples of these countries but because of the shortsightedness of themilitary dictators and power hungry bureaucrats. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto agreed to thescheme of Syed Najiullah and Mazhar Ali Khan. Indira Gandhi facilitated and provided

assistance for the journalist to travel through her country. Sheikh Mujib-

ur Rahmanpermitted them to visit Bangladesh by issuing a special letter of permission, whilePakistan and Bangladesh had yet to recognize each other.

The trip did materialize and the journalist reached Dhaka where situation was not andcould not have been in favor of Pakistan. In Dhaka the whole show was run by themilitants and radicals of Mukti Bahini, emotions were high against Pakistan and its Armythey were demanding action against those who were responsible of atrocities against


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Bengali people. The situation demanded very careful and subtle approach to theproblem. Instead of being careful the establishment in Islamabad issued a pressstatement declaring that Mr. Najiullah and Mr. Mazhar Ali Khan were in Dhaka at theinvitation of Mujeeb ur Rahman. Maulana Kausar Niazi known to be an establishmentman planted in PPP issued the statement without Bhuttos consent.

That was reckless on the part of Pakistanis and an embarrassment for Mujeeb he hadyet to consolidate his position. Radical like Tajuddin Ahmed and others had the centralposition in decision making. Without losing time both the journalist were confined to thehotel where they stayed in Dhaka until flown out of Bangladesh. The whole idea of anyconfederation died before it could takeoff.

One argument given against Mr. Bhutto is that he stopped elected members of the

assembly to attend the session called by Yahya Khan. To counter the allegation

explanation given is that the elections were held on the basis of LFO the Legal Frame

Work Order. Awami league contested the elections on the basis of its 6 point manifesto

and got landslide victory, there was no constitution to govern and control the events. 6

points of Sheikh Mujeeb and the LFO were the de facto documents governing the state

of Pakistan.

LFO was the only and de facto law of the land accepted by all the parties who contested

the 1970 elections, LFO imposed certain conditions on the elected members. The

condition imposed was that the assembly was given only 120 days to draft, discuss and

approve the constitution of Pakistan failing which the Martial Law Administrator was the

authority to give the constitution.

Yahya Khan when took over, accepting a popular demand broke one unit, the one unit

had earlier created two provinces of Pakistan one in the east know as East Pakistan

and other West Pakistan comprising of 4 provinces joined together in the west. In the

eastern part of the country Mujeeb lead Awami League and Mulana Abdul Hameed

Khan Bhashani lead National Awami Pary NAP. NAP if not as popular as Awami

League was not far behind Awami League in popularity. Bhashani boycotted the 1970

elections and let Awami League sweep; favour for the 6 points of Mujeeb in the east

was unanimous.

The party that emerged as majority was Awami League its manifesto wasimplementation of 6 points. Implementation of the 6 points on the whole of Pakistan

would have created one sovereign country in the east and 4 sovereign countries in the

west of Indian sub continent.

The six points of Mujeeb came to surface during the round table conference and given

to Mr. Mehmood Ali and Nurul Ameen Bengali politicians attending the conference


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called by Ayub Khan. Six points demanded separate currencies of the federating units

separate bank reserves, separate fiscal and monitory policies, separate foreign

exchange accounts, right to impose taxes separate armed forces for the eastern wing

etc. Bhutto and Bhashani were not the participants of the conference.

The portion on the east would have survived in spite of all the odds but in the west no

one except the military would be powerful enough to keep 4 divergent provinces

together. Politician of Bhuttos caliber could understand the future events and resisted

the move. His argument was that it is a trap laid down by the dictator to prolong the

Army role in the west while the ruling clique knew that east is going away anyway. It is

suggested that the 6 points of Awami League were drafted by a bureaucrat in Ayubs

regime; the junta knew and planed to get rid of the Bengali politicians, in whose

presence it was impossible to cling to the power. It is interesting to put here that instead

of going by his own constitution Ayub Khan preferred abrogating it and handing over

power illegally to Yahya fearing that the Speaker of the National Assembly was aBengali and would come into power the height of mistrust.

Bhutto knew the consequences of a constitution reflecting only the wishes of one

section of the population and was sure that it would be disastrous and certain death of

Pakistan in the west. He has put his argument on record as press statements and

press conference. His argument was that 120 days imposed by LFO were not enough

for sorting out wrongs committed during the previous 25 years. Ordinary man on the

streets of West Pakistan was not responsible for the miseries of the common man on

the streets of East Pakistan; it was the conspiracies of the ruling clique.

Everyone except for the Punjabis was voicing apprehensions that they will ever get their

rights in Pakistan. Borders on the west were defined neither geographically nor as a

democratic will of the people. Factions like GM Syed seemed popular who publically

uttered that they have closed the file of Pakistan. Pukhtoons were suspected that they

will breakup and join their Afghan brothers. Leaders in Baluchistan were painted as

secessionists, situation was most uncertain, his first speech when he took over as the

president and the chief martial law administrator his words reflect his feelings when he

says that he has pickup bits and pieces to make a new Pakistan.

Mujeeb was indifferent on the issue when his attention was called for, regarding the

consequences in the Western part of the country; he is on record saying if the leaders in

the west are interested in living together as a single country they are independent to

decide what they like. During all his election campaign his sympathies were for Sonar

Bangla meaning golden Bengal. He hardly mentioned Pakistan, West Pakistan or East

Pakistan during his public meetings if ever he uttered those words those were in context


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of and to accuse for the access done against the Bengalese. Leaders of the party of

Mujeeb who had the sway hated the word Pakistan to the extreme.

What Bhutto wanted was consensus among all the parties on a draft before going to the

parliament to agree on a constitution. He was sure that the problems and suspicions

piling up for the last half a century cant be solved within a short period of 120 days. He

otherwise wanted the limit of 120 days to agree on a constitution should be lifted and

everyone be given a chance to argue his point in the parliament.

Mujeeb the aggrieved one was in a hurry to implement his plan and doubted the

intention of Yahya and Bhutto and thought it was yet another conspiracy of the west to

deprive Bengalis of their rights. It served the interest of military junta and bureaucracy

that the politicians were fighting and there was mistrust among them. There are

inductions to prove that the military junta and the bureaucracy in the west were planting

mistrust in the minds of the politicians who mattered at that point in time.

When Bhutto took over he did what he was demanding. He brought together all the

major parties to evolve a consensus on a draft constitution before taking it to the

parliament. The three major parties Pakistan Peoples Party, National Awami Party and

Jamiat Ulma e Pakistan, who won the election, went into an agreement for the salient

features of the proposed constitution. That is the beauty of the 1973 constitution of

Pakistan and that is why it survives till now it is not a constitution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto it

is our constitution.

There is no doubt that Bhutto was a Pakistani with all his heart and soul. I cant say thisabout Mujeeb with certainty I dont think anyone can.

There is yet another argument submitted by the opponents of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto that

had he not torn out the Polish resolution in the UN Security Council Pakistan would

have survived as a country -- This is the weakest argument. Poland was a satellite of

the USSR. The USSR with all its allies had every kind of civil and military pacts with

India, and India was totally aligned with USSR at the same time the other super power

the USA was not against India.

We were the most allied ally of the USA with several pacts against the Communist bloc

only a fool could expect USSR or Poland will do anything for our benefit. Liaqat Ali

earlier had put us in the American basket visiting the US and ignoring the Russian

invitation, antagonizing that super power for all the times to come. On issues like

Kashmir USSR vetoed all decisions of the UN which went in Pakistans favour. Bhutto


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said just before tearing the resolution that the Security Council was using delaying

tactics and waiting for Dhaka to fall nothing could be truer.

Some pseudo-intellectuals argue that Bhutto was power hungry and could not resist

grabbing the post as Chief Martial Law Administrator the only civilian ever to hold that

post. The only law of the land at the time was The LFO, on the basis of that order

Yahya was the head and Bhutto was made to takeover from him. Bhutto got rid of the

stigma as soon as he was able to put things in order and provide the interim basis to

govern the country democratically.

Hamood ur Rahman Commission findings hint that the breakup of Pakistan as a country

was the planning of the ruling elite in West Pakistan and that the Six Points of Mujeeb

were drafted by Altaf Gohar a civil servant under Ayub Khan. Individuals like Altaf

Gohar turn pages of history black praising dictators, do every wrong while in power and

end up planted in journalist community and ultimately translate Quran and go to heaven.The ruling elite in Pakistan comprises of civil and military bureaucracy, landlords, tribal

chieftains and a section of politicians if these people can ever be called as politicians

who thrive only under martial law.


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On the basis of the above arguments and the document I have put, there is no reason

to doubt that Bhutto was in any way conspiring to break up the country or doing

something foolish which would result in the breakup of Pakistan. What he did was

politically and technically right, the history and later events have proved that.

It is a fact that sowing the seeds for the separation was not the doing of the politicians

who were in control after the partition of the subcontinent. The seeds were sown as

early as the Lucknow pact in 1916. The following editorial has that to suggest:

EDITORIAL Daily Times: Thursday, December 18, 2003: Talking about fall of Dhaka

We routinely discuss the tragedy of the separation of East Pakistan in December 1971,but it is only this year that some of us have told the truth about what happened.Appearing on private TV channels, Mr Mehmood Ali held the martial law of 1958responsible for what later transpired. He accused General Yahya Khan of having lostcontrol of the Bengali bureaucracy which had all but deserted to Mujib ur Rehman.General (Retd) Zaidi accused West Pakistan of evolving a military strategy thatpretended to defend East Pakistan by building up the military defence of only WestPakistan. General (Retd) Farman Ali accepted as true the Bengali accusation that most


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of the foreign exchange earned in East Pakistan was spent in West Pakistan. RajaTridev Roy stated that West Pakistan ignored the linguistic nature of Bengalinationalism in East Pakistan and tried to impose Urdu there.

This is not what our textbooks say. Our official version is that the Indians invaded East

Pakistan and separated it in collaboration with the Hindus living there. Our politicalversion is that Z A Bhutto was responsible because of his udhar tum idhar ham (yourule there and we rule here) slogan. It isnt that the truth has not been told at all aboutwhat really happened or what led to the break-up of Pakistan. Fifteen years ago, civilservant Hassan Zaheer laid out all the causes of the break-up in his definitive book onthe separation of East Pakistan. His story begins in 1947 and by the time he comes to1970 the reader is already convinced that the causes of the break-up were plantedfirmly in the process of nation-building started by the leaders of the West Pakistan afterpartition. However, a latest version, an even more significant one, has come to light withthe publication of historian KK Azizs book World Powers and 1971 Break-up ofPakistan. The following facts extracted from the history of the Pakistan Movement raise

the question whether or not East Bengal should have joined West Pakistan in the firstplace.

The Aligarh movement set up Urdu as the language of all Muslims of India, ignoring thefully developed Bengali language in which the Muslims of that part of India expressedthemselves. Most northern Indian Muslims thought Bengali a Hindu language. But thereal bias against the Bengalis came to the fore when the Muslims went to meet theviceroy in a delegation in 1906, later to be known as Simla Delegation. The delegationwas 35 strong with only five members from Bengal. Out of the five, three were actuallynot from Bengal, and of the remaining, one was Urdu-speaking, which left only oneBengali to represent Muslim majority Bengal. Yet the Muslim League was founded inDhaka in 1906, and in the first session, East Bengal sent 35 members while the UP hadonly 16. Then, when the provisional committee of the new party was set up, there wereonly four members from East Bengal while the UP bagged 23. And both the jointsecretaries were from the UP! When the Simla Delegation was deliberating what to tellthe viceroy in Simla, a Bengali member suggested a defence of the partition of Bengalbecause that was close to the heart of Bengali Muslims. But the Delegation ignored theproposal and the subject was not mentioned to the viceroy. The Aga Khan, it may berecalled, was the permanent president of the League, and he was opposed to thepartition of Bengal. In fact, the Muslim League was to mention the partition plan onlytwice in its numerous resolutions.

Then the All India Muslim League did something that actually inserted a wedge betweenthe Muslims of North India and East Bengal. The partition of Bengal was annulled in1911. The Muslim League reached an agreement over separate electorates with theNational Congress in a joint session at Lucknow known as the Lucknow Pact of 1916.The Muslims of Bengal were not given a fair allocation of seats (they demanded 50 percent on the basis of population) under separate electorates and appealed to the AllIndia Muslim League to agitate the demand, but to no avail. When the Bengal MuslimLeague failed to elicit a response from the central party in 1920 it encouraged Bengali


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leaders to turn to the Hindus for support, arriving at what was later known as the BengalPact. Thus the truth is that the Muslim League leaders from the United Provincesdominated it and were most reluctant to reopen the question of representation as thatwould have threatened the exaggerated quotas of seats they had won for the Muslimminority areas. In 1930, AK Fazlul Haq denounced the Lucknow Pact and called for its

revision. The same year the Bengal League did not send its delegation to the All-IndiaMuslim League session at Allahabad (1930) where Allama Mohammad Iqbal spoke of aMuslim state in the Northwest of India. The Bengalis also boycotted the 1932 session ofthe party convened to consider the Communal Awards of 1932.

Then in 1935 the central League decided to contest the coming elections. And itdecided to stuff the Bengal Muslim League with non-Bengali and Urdu-speaking office-bearers. The 54-member Central Parliamentary Board had only eight Bengali seats.And when the session was called, only two members from Bengal attended and theywere not Bengalis! After that all changes made in the structure of the Bengal MuslimLeague from the centre excluded the Bengali-speaking Bengalis, replacing them with

either non-Bengali residents of Bengal or Urdu-speaking Bengalis. No secretary of theAll-India Muslim League was to be from Bengal: No Bengali was ever to sit in thesecretariat of the Muslim League, writes Prof Aziz. Finally, when in 1946 the MuslimLeague decided to join the Interim government in Delhi it sent five men to the ViceroysCouncil. The Bengali member it chose was a Hindu from the non-scheduled castes! Nowonder therefore that East Pakistan opted out in 1971 by calling in India and thusrejecting the two-nation theory.

Can he be accused for breakup of Pakistan in 1971? -- Zulfikar Ali Bhutto -- By Syed Jaffer

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