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Giordano Bruno: De Umbris Idearum ('The shadow of Ideas')

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Giordano Bruno: De Umbris Idearum ('The Shadow of Ideas')

This digital edition Copyright © 1997 by Joseph H. Peterson. All rights reserved.

Bruno became a noted expert in the art of memory while still a Dominican monk. He repeatedly demonstrated his memory techniques, including to Pope Pius V. Bruno carried the traditional mnemonic training well beyond the Dominican traditions.

This is Bruno's first book on memory, and presents a rich system which integrates mnemonics, psychology (ala Ficino), and hermetic magic. This work is dealt with at some length by Frances A. Yates in her Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (1964).

IORDANVS

BRVNVS NOLANVS

DE VMBRIS IDEARVM.Implicantibus artem, Quaerendi, Inueniendi, Iudicandi, Ordinandi, & Applicandi:

Ad internam scripturam, & non vulgares per memoriam operationes explicatis.

AD HENRICVM III. SERE-

nis. Gallor. Polonorùmque Regem, &c.

PROTESTATIO.

Vmbra profunda sumus, nè nos vexetis inepti. Non vos, sed doctos tam graue quaerit opus.

PARISIIS,

Apud AEgidium Gorbinum, sub insigne Spei, è regione gymnasij Cameracensis.

M. D. LXXXII.

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CVM PRIVILEGIO REGIS.

PH. IORD. BR. NOL. AMICO ET STVDIOSO

Lectori.

Est in sublimi posita

Dianae in Chio facie, Quae tristis templum videtur intrantibus, Hilaris exeuntibus.

Et littera Pythagorae,

Bicorni acta discrimine, Quaeis trucem ostendit vultum dextri tramitis: Finem largitur optimum.

Vmbrarum, quae profundis

Emersere de tenebris, In fine grata fiet, nunc asperior Et facies, & littera.

HENRICO III SERE-

NISS. GALLORVM,

Polonorùmque Regi, &c. Philotheus Iordanus Brunus Nolanus.

S. P.

Quis ignorat (sacratissima Maiestas) principalia dona principalibus; principaliora maioribus: et maximis principalissima deberi? Nullus ergo ambigat, cur opus istud, tum nobilitate subiecti circa quod versatur; tum singularitate inuentionis, cui innittitur; tum grauitate demonstrationis, qua communicatur, inter maxima numerandum: in te aegregium populorum spectaculum, virtute praestantis animi spectatissimum, celsitudine sublimis ingenij celeberrimum, ideóque clarissimorum, magnanimum, doctorúmque omnium obsequio iure colendissimum respexerit. Tuum est ipsum gratioso animo acceptare, magno fauore tueri, maturoque iudicio examinare: Cum eminenter generosus, potens, atque sapiens videaris.

VALE.



MERLINUS ART.

Est qui depinxit gallos gallinaceos,

Qui quoniam non est omnino imprudens: Quò non sic grauius deprehendi possint Tractus inepti, de inepto artista: Seruulos ordinauit, et amiculos; Per quos vult naturales procul abigi.

Hoc cum non ignoraueris, timeto

Dum verus gallus in pictos appropias, Qui faciunt mirari auriculatos: Ne importuno ministro abactus, doleas.

MERL. IVDICI SOBRIO.

Est fluuius in Phrygia dictus Gallus

De quo si bibas modicum, Medetur malis corporis.

Si absorpseris insorbrie, t' absorbebit

Adusque ut agas animum, Non bibiturus iterum.

Sic etiam literae sophiae parum tactae:

Ciuilem ad vitam conferunt, Et condelectant plurimim.

Si nimium t' ingurgitas, te turbabunt,

Inqú insaniam t' adigent, Precipitemue gloriam.

Cum fueris igitur hactenus factus prudens,

Nè tantum damnum incurreres, Magistrorum suffragio



Tantummodo sophiam placuit pitissare,

Tantum labris attingere, Et naribus olfacere.

Propterea non bene facere te declaro,

Huc dum iudex acceleras, Quò quasses Midae auriculas.

MERL. APTO IVDICI.

Est quod canis accessit ad arandum;

Quod scandere astra vult Camelus, est quod Tractante rana sorex tranat fluuium Quod lenti properant ad venandum asini, Quod tentat cuculus lupos aucupari, Est quod concupiunt volare porci, Est aliquid natura malè appositum.

Non autem est Organete hoc artis vicium,

Vel inuitantis ad effodiendum, Seu faciedas expiscationes, Siue tranandum pennis aptis aerem, Vel docentis venari, & aucupari.

Si vos sentitis aptos effosores,

Et minimè non aptos ad volandum, Expiscandum, venandum, & aucupandum, Atque idcirco non ind' esse lamenta: Concaedam vobis, concaedentibus quod Intrastis labyrinthum sine filo.

PHILOTHEI IORDANI

BRVNI NOLANI DIALO-

gus praelib. Apologeticus pro vmbris idaearum ad suam memoriae inuentionem.



-----

INTERLOQVTORES:

HERMES. PHILOTHIMVS. LOGIFER.

HERMES. - Perge liber. Neque. n. ignoras eundem solem; eamdemque artem. Idem sol huius gesta propalat in honorem, illius in contumeliam facta producit. Tristantur illo presente nocturnae striges, bufo, basiliscus, bubo: solitaria, nocturna, & Plutoni Sacra. Gestiunt autem Gallus, Phoenix, Cignus, Olor, Aquila, Linx, Aries atque Leo. Ipso oriente operatores tenebrarum congregantur in cubilia, homo vera & animalia lucis exeunt ad opus suum. Haec inuitat ad laborem; trudit illa in ocium. In ipsum lupinus & Elitropia conuertuntur, ab ipso vero herbae atque flores noctis auertuntur. In nebulae speciem rarefactos humores attollit, deturbat autem in terram condensatos in aquam. Aliis perennem atque continuam; aliis vicissitudinalem lucem impertitur. Hunc intellectus non errans stare docet: Sensus autemn fallax suadet moueri. Hic terrae girantis parti huic expositae oritur: occidit simul aliter dispositae. Idem orizontes quos dicunt arcticos per differentias dextri atque sinistri apparenter circuit: aliis vero multis supernum atque infernum perlustrare videtur arcum. Hic terrae sui circuitus altum habenti maior apparet: imum vero tenenti (vt potè ab eodem magis elongatae) minor. In aliis emicircuitum portionibus tardè; in aliis vero velociter absentatur. Hic terrae incumbenti in Austrum Boreolior: in Boream vero properanti Australior efficitur. Rectum habentibus Orizonta, in lances aequales hinc inde latitudinem recipit; obliqum vero tenentibus in iniquas. Idem intra duos molis istius medios parallelos spacium incolentibus perpetuo commensuratas luci tenebras tribuit: coeteris autem tempore definito. Ipsi diua tellus suo nos dorso enutriens, nostrum frontem obiiciat, obliquos eius radios nobis impetrabit: iis autem rectos quorum capitis verticem supposuerit. Ad ipsum quoque quaedam admota mundi corpora, (quae multi intelligunt esse animalia deòsque sub vno principe secundos) ipsius ab auge vel apogio (quod appellant) lumen conceptant; caeteris habentibus ipsum in opposito, vel mediis (vt vocant) latitudinibus & interuallis. Eiusdem totius luna (quam aliam intelligunt philosophorum plurimi esse terram) in suo ad illum conuerso hemisphaerio liberum concipiente lumen: haec illius globi interpositione tristis vmbratam ad eundem conuersam, auerso hemisphaerio lunae commonstrat faciem. Vnus ergo idèmque perpetuo Sol perseuerans atque manens, aliis atque aliis; aliter atque aliter dispositis; alius efficitur atque alius. Haud secus solarem artem istam aliis, aliisque, aliam atque aliam futuram crediderimus.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Quid est Hermes quod tecum ipse loqueris? qui nam libellus est, quem prae manibus habes?

HERMES. - De vmbris Idearum ad internam scripturam contractis liber est, de quo sum anceps; an prodire debeat, an perpetuo sub eisdem, in quibus olim latuit, tenebris perseuerare.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Cur hoc?

HERMES. - In signum siquidem (ut aiunt) sese effert ipsius author in quod non unius generis armati collimant Sagittarij.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Id quidem si omnibus esset formidandum atque precauendum, nemo unquam digna pertentasset opera: nihil vnquam bonum atque egregium prodiisset in conspectum. Non cessat prouidentia deorum, (dixerunt Aegyptij Sacerdotes) statutis quibusquam temporibus mittere hominibus Mercurios quosdam; etiam si eosdem minime vel male receptum iri precognoscant. Nec cessat intellectus, atque sol iste sensibilis semper illuminare, ob eam causam quia nec semper, nec omnes animaduertimus.

LOGIFER. - Facile ipsis concenserim qui res eiusmodi minimè vulgandas esse censerent: Philotimum audio hac de re dubium, qui si ea auribus percepisset, quae nos percepimus, certè potius haec cremanda in ignem proiiceret, quam publicanda curaret. Haec n. doctori suo hactenus haud iucundam attulere messem: nunc ignoro quid nam sit quod in



posterum sperare possit, praeter n. perpaucos, qui haec per se ipsos intelligere possunt, rectum de ipsis iudicium inferre minimè poterunt.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Audis quae dicit iste?

HERMES. - Audio, sed vt plus audiam, inter vos ipsos discutite.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Diseptabo igitur tecum Logifere & illud primum dixerim: dictum tuum nullius esse persuasionis quin potius tuae rationis neruus oppositam valeat firmare sententiam. li. n. pauci, qui huius inuentionis intelligentiam fuerint assequti, de quorum numero ego Hermèsque sumus: non modicis efferrent laudibus: qui verò ipsum minime intellexerint, nec laudare poterunt, nec vituperare.

LOGIFER. - Dicis quod esse debet: non quod erit, est, atque fuit. Multi cum non intelligant, ob id ipsum quod non intelligunt, insuper & ex iniquo, quo aguntur animo, multas aduersus authorem ipsum & artem adglomerant calumnias. Nonne auribus tuis doctorem Bobum audisti, qui nullam dixit esse memoriae artem: sed eam consuetudine tantum & crebra excursuum repetitione, quae fit visa multoties reuidendo, auribusque percepta multoties recipiendo, comparari?

PHILOTHIMVS. - Huic si cauda foret, cercopitecus erat.

LOGIFER. - Quid respondebis Magistro Anthoc, qui eos, qui praeter vulgares edunt memoriae operationes, putat magnos vel energumenos vel eiusce generis alicuius speciei viros? Vides quantum in litteris insenuerit ille.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Hunc non dubitauerim esse nepotem illius asini qui ad conseruandam speciem fuit in Archa Noe reseruatus.

LOGIFER. - Et magister Roccus artium et medicinae archymagister, qui Empyricam mauult quam doctrinalem memoratiuam, nugas putaret ista potius, quàm artificiosas praeceptiones.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Non ultra matulam.

LOGIFER. - Dixit unus ex antiquis doctoribus hanc artem omnibus esse non posse peruiam preterquam iis qui memoria pollent naturali.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Depontana sententia.

LOGIFER. - Pharfacon iuris utriusque doctor & philosophus grammeus sentit hanc artem grauare potius quam releuare, nam ubi sine arte recolendae sunt res: iam cum arte obligamur recolere res, locos, & imagines plurimas, quibus nulli dubium est magis memoriam naturalem confundi & implicari.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Crysippi acumen, & sententia ferreo ingentique pectine carminanda.

LOGIFER. - Dixit doctor Berling ex istius oratione etiam doctissimos, demetere nihil posse, credo quia nil ipse demetit.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Sub illis echinis ulla ne castanea?

LOGIFER. - Magister Maines & si omnibus placeat inquit, mihi nunquam placebit.



PHILOTHIMVS. - Nec vinum quod nunquam gustabit.

LOGIFER. - Ille, quem nosti amicum tuum, quid putas hac de re, sentiet?

PHILOTHIMVS. - Sepiae atramentum additum lucernae facit homines Aethiopa videri; vitiana quoque liuore mens turpia iudicat etiam aperte pulchra.

LOGIFER. - Execelsum quoque Magistrum Scoppet inter huius nostrae tempestatis, medicos facilè principem, ferunt dixisse authori: ut suam illi memoriam ostenderet priusquam artem, quod dubium est an dedignans, an impotens ille praestare noluerit.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Si dixisset illi ostendae mihi urinam tuam priusquam solidiora contempler excrementa: fortasse morem illi gessisset author noster, hospitalius enim & urbanius, & pro sua dignitate, sua officia, & arte conuenientius illum excepisset.

LOGIFER. - Quid dicemus de Magistro Clyster doctore medico quem non fas est proxime dicto cedere, nihil n. differt ab eodem qui ex Aknaldo & Tiberide vult magis super obliuiosum linguam vpupae impositam, tenacissimam ferenti memoriam conferre. PHILOTHIMVS. - Dixit Aristoteles. cytharizando fit cytharaedus. Si quis huic miserrimo (ipso quod habet extracto) aliud superimposuerit celebrum, forsian medicando fiet medicus.

LOGIFER. - Dixit quoque doctor Carpophorus ex Proculo & Sabino itacense Mentis & memoriae sedem tripliciter distinctam. Inter pup[p]im enim atque proram pinea media est: quae cum memoria quippiam repetere instamus patefacta; à prora ad puppim spiritui animali aditum praestat. Porro nunquam animalis spiritus nisi serenus, lucidus, & clarus pertransit. Hinc immodica frigid[it]ate obtusus memoriam nostram hebetem reddit atque languidam. Quae quidem frigiditas si fuerit cum siccitate coniuncta: immodicas vigilias afferet et insomnia: si cum humiditate lethargum. Ad quae propulsanda, sunt per artem haec excogitata. Exercitium sensus reuocans & excitans, & spiritus turpi vecordia, & ocio consopitos quasi expergefaciens. Moderatus coitius. Propulsata tristitia & voluptate laetitia revocata. Meatuum corporis omnium purgatio. Eburneo pectine asperóque panno capitis confricatio. Leuiorum, vel lymphatorum vinorum vsus, ne venae hiantes vini vehementia sanguinem exurant. Stomachi rebus natiuraliter vel artificialiter stipticis occlusio, ne fumositas è stomacho cibi ebullitione euaporans, mentem ingeniumque obscurans somnum excitet. A frigidis humidisque cibariis vt à piscibus in genere, cerebro, atque medullis abstinentia, non minus quam ab acutis atque fumosis porris raphanis, alleis, caep[is] quae igne non fuerint digesta. Rerum aromaticarum usus. Capitis atque pedum cum atque decotione, in qua Melissa, Laurifolia, Foeniculi, Camomillae, Cannae similiaque ferbuerint, abstersio. Pythagorica exercitatio quae nocturno fiat crepusculo, vtpotè memoriae menti ingenióque maxime conferens. Haec sunt quae memoriam possunt releuare, aeque quae Democritus Archigene[s] Alexander & Andronicus Peripateticus literarum monumentis tradidere, non artes istae nugatoriae, quae nescio quibus imaginibus & figuris solidam seiactant conflare memoriam.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Alienum sermonem, ruditu proprio conclusit; Psithacum egit venerabilis doctor, & Asinum.

LOGIFER. - Dixit Magister Arnophagus iuris legumque peritus, & apprime probatus, plurimos esse doctos qui eam non habent peritiam, haberentque si qua esset.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Puella ratio non adhuc dentiens: propterea denti frangibulum non adducimus.

LOGIFER. - Artem Tullij, Thomae, Alberti, Alulidis, aliorumque obscurorum authorum se vidisse, & ex eisdem nullum se elicere potuisse succum protestatur Doctissimus Theologus & subtilissimus literarum patriarcha magister Psicoleus.



PHILOTHIMVS. - Iudicium primae tonsurae.

LOGIFER. - Et vt vno verbo tanden omnia complectar: varij variè sentiunt, diuersi diuersa dicunt, quot capita tot sententiae.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Et tot voces. Hinc corui crocitant, cuculi cuculant, lupi vlulant, sues grundiunt, oues balant, mugiunt boues, hinniunt equi, rudunt asini. Turpe est dixit Aristoteles solicitum esse ad quemlibet interrogantem respondere, boues bobus admugiant; equi equis adhinniant, asinis adrudamt asini; nostrum est colloquio aliquid circa istius hominis inuentionem pertentare.

LOGIFER. - Recte quidem. Placeat igitur Hermeti librum apperire, ut ipsius authoris sententias consideremus.

HERMES. - Libentissime faciam. En operis prophaemium lego.

Neminem (inquit) latere existimo multas memoratiuas artes ab aliis editas, quarum omnes atque singulae iisdem prorsus canonibus vtentes, in eadem ferme difficultate versantur: qua de re consultum fuit nobiscum, vt potius inuentionis istius fruges proponeremus, quibus grauius, facilius, atque expeditius negocium adeò illustre, pro arte tam desiderabili consequenda tractaretur. Diuturnam exercitationem antiquiores institutiones perquirendo: ab earum prosecutione atque studio ingenia foeliciora importunius abigebant: minus. n. durantia & (vt rem apertius insinuem) magis impatientia, quo magis subtilia promptioraque sunt ingenia, quorum quibusdam magis omnia tangere, quam vnum apprehendere consulitur.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Illud quod mihi arridet de authore isto est quod non se facit de eorum grege qui aliorum sententias hinc inde in vnum colligentes, se pro immortalitate consequenda aliorum impensa in numerum authorum pro posteritate laborantium referunt; & vt plurimum eorum se constituunt doctores, quorum nullam prorsus habent intelligentiam atque rationen: iique multoties facere non possunt: quominus (postquam pellem leonis ex aliorum inuentis vtcumque sibi adaptauerint) in propriam crebrius, & tandem irrumpant vocem, quando aliquid ex eorum delumbi Marte (quia facile est inuentis addere) eiaculantur, vel de penuria stupidi sensus egurgitant. Illa illa sunt arietes infantiarum, tormenta errorum, bombardae ineptiarum, & tonitrua coruscationes, fulgura, & tempestates magnae ruditatum.

LOGIFER. - Non sentis idem de carminilegis & versificatoribus nostris qui alienis inuentionibus, hemiuersibus & versibus, pro suis se nobis venditant poetis?

PHILOTHIMVS. - Mitte poetas. sicut. n. pro locis scimus longas regibus esse manus, ita & attae longaeque pro locis atque temporibus poetis solent esse voces.

LOGIFER. - De versificatoribus dixi, non poetis.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Benè, pauci igitur, aut nullus pro se dictum putabit. Sed haec quid ad rem nostram? Sufficit quod in proposito authorum artis istius fuerit intellectum.

LOGIFER. - Non de poetis.

PHILOTHIMVS. - Sed cepta prosequamur legas.

HERMES

Hinc (ait) cum animum meum ad obsequendum quibusdam amicis meis appulerim post diuersi generis alias memoriae



artes, quas priuatim ad diuersos direximus, & iuxta vias varias aliis pro eorum dignitate atque captu communicauimus: hanc ex principiorum virtute, quae continentur in ea aliis omnibus praeferendam, & ex deductis nulli posthabendam compilauimus. In qua nimirum artificium facilé & scientiam pro praxi minimé laboriosam polliceor, librum veró, cum suis sententiis minimé omnibus peruium, contra eorum consuetudinem qui libros de hac arte faciles, atque breues: ipsam veró difficilem, atque prolixam tradidere: istam eruditorum pauci intelligant, intelligentibus autem omnibus vsu veniat: sitque quam omnes siue rudes, siue eruditi, facilé scire, & exercere possint: quàmque sine doctore, tantum in metaphysicis & doctrinis Platonicorum bene versati possint intelligere: habet enim illud ars ista, quia cum hoc quod complectitur terminis arduis & speculatiuarum facultatum prae suppositiuis, poterit tamen quibuscumque (dummodo prorsus hebetis non sint ingenii) declarari, continet enim propriissimos terminos, & rebus signifficandis maximè accommodatos.

Ars ista non simplicem ad memoriae artem confert: sed & ad multarum facultatum inuentionem viam aperit & introducit. Propterea meminerint quibus dabitur eius interiora percipere: vt eam pro maiestate non cuicumque sine delectu communem faciant: eiusdemque canones singulis eorum quibus est communicanda pro meritorum capacitatisque facultate, intensius, atque remissius elargiantur expliciti.

Super haec nouerint in quorum manus ars ista inciderit: nos eius non esse ingenij, vt determinato alienae philosophiae generi simus adstricti: neque vt per vniuersum quamcumque philosophandi viam contemnamus. Neminem quippe eorum qui ad rerum contemplationem proprio innixi ingenio, aliquid artificiose methodicéque sunt moliti, non magnifacimus. Non abolemus Pythagoricorum mysteria: non paruifacimus Platonicorum fides: & quatenus reale sunt nacta fundamentum Peripateticorum ratiocinia non despicimus. Ipsum ea de causa dicimus: vt eorum curam attenuemus qui proprio ingenio aliena volunt ingenia metiri: Cuiusmodi est infortunatum genus illud, quod cum diutius in optimis philosophis elaborauerit: non eó vsque proprium promouit animum, ne vsque in finem cum proprio careat ingenio: semper vtatur alieno; cui tamen magis quám iis qui propriam ignorantes paupertatem audent non audenda; compatiendum est & quadam ex parte (nisi ex incuria remaneat) est laudandus. Isti similes cum fuerint Aristotelico repleti spiritu (vt iam vocales & progressiuos libros liceat videre. vbi audierint vel legerint. De vmbris Idearum: iam verbo haerebunt dicentes, idaeas esse somnia, vel monstra. quas esto concesserimus, quaeritur an quod rerum naturae conformatur, conuenienter dicatur currere sub vmbris idaearum? Rursum vbi incurrerint locum ratiocinantis animae. Iordane (inquient) iam animam texere dicis vel filare. Similiter & in aliis quibusdam buccas inflantes, per internum quendam hostem á fructus istius disciplinae participatione diuertentur. Quibus hoc manifestari volumus. Nos quoque in iisdem cum minus saperamus versasse animum, tunc. n. (vt par erat) fide ad scientias captandas vtebamur. Nunc vero vbi superum beneficio, acquisitis & inuentis ad vlteriores proprios actus vti possumus citra contradictionis iustam notam: Si commodus est Platonicus terminus & intentio commoda: acceptatur. Si quoque Peripateticae intentiones ad maiorem rei in hac arte faciunt expressionem; fideliter admittuntur. De aliis similiter iudicetur. Non enim reperimus vnum artificem qui omnia vni necessaria proferat. Non idem, inquam, Galeam, scuthum, ensem, hastilia, vexilla, tirnpanum, tubam, caeteraque omnia militis armamenta conflabit, atque perficiet. Ita maiora, aliarum inuentionum tentantibus opera non solius Aristotelis Platonisque solius officina sufficiet: Quandoque etiam (ipsum queraro si consuetis vti videbimur terminis:) illud ideo est non quia non consuetas per eos explicare cupimus intentiones. Per vniuersum autem diuersis variorum philosophorum studiis vtimur, quatenus melius propositum inuentionis nostrae insinuemus. Vnde nihil est quod faciat quominus periti in istis philosophandi generibus per se ipsos facilé (dummodo animum aduertant) hanc, & alias artes nostras intelligere valeant.

Artem istam sub duplici forma tractamus, atque via: quarum altera est altior & generalis tum ad omnes animi operationes ordinandas, tum etiam est caput multarum methodorum, quibus tanquam diuersis organis artificiosa potest pertentari & inueniri memoria: Et consistit ipsa primo in triginta intentionibus umbrarum. Secundo in triginta conceptibus idearum. Tertio in pluribus complexionibas, quae fieri possunt ex intentionibus & conceptibus per industriosam adaptationem elementorum primae rotae ad elementa secundae. Altera quae sequitur, est contractior ad certum memoriae per artificium comparandae genus.



TRIGINTA INTENTIONES VMBRARVM

INTENTIO PRIMA. A.

Vnico igitur annuente deo, propiciisque diis sub ipso altissimo principe magnis, ita incipimus.

Hominis perfectionem, & melioris quod in hoc mundo haberi possit adeptionem insinuans Hebraeorum sapientissimus; amicam suam ita loquentem introducit. SVB VMBRA ILLIUS QVEM DESIDERAVERAM SEDI. Non enim est tanta haec nostra natura ut pro sua capacitate ipsum veritatis campum incolat, dictum est enim. Vanitas homo viuens. Vniuersa vanitas. & id quod verum est atque bonum, vnicum est atque primum. Quî autem fieri potest vt ipsum cuius esse non est proprié verum, & cuius essentia non est proprié veritas; efficaciam & actum habeat veritatis? Sufficiens ergo est illi atque multum: vt sub umbra boni, verique sedeat. Non inquam sub umbra verí boníque naturalis atque rationalis (hinc enim falsum diceretur atque malum) sed Methaphysici. Idealis, & supersubstantialis: vnde boni & veri pro sua facultate particeps efficitur animus, qui & si tantum non habeat vt eius imago sit; ad eius tamen est imaginem: dum ipsius animae diaphanum, corporis ipsius opacitate terminatum, experitur in hominis mente imaginis aliquid quatenus ad eam appulsum habet: in sensibus autem internis & ratione, in quibus animaliter viuendo versamur: vmbram ipsam.

INTENTIO SECVNDA. B.

Hoc ipsum cum consideraueris: illud quoque tibi occurrat velim: vt a tenebrarum ratione seiungas vmbram. Non est vmbra tenebrae: sed vel tenebrarum vestigium in lumine. Vel luminis vestigium in tenebris. Vel particeps lucis & tenebrae. Vel compositum ex luce & tenebris. Vel mixtum ex luce & tenebris. Vel neutrum a luce & tenebris, & ab vtrisqus seiunctum. Et haec vel indè quia non sit plena lucis veritas, vel quia sit falsa lux. Vel quia nec vera nec falsa, sed eius quod vere est aut falsé, vestigium, &c. Habeatur autem in proposito. vt lucis vestigium, lucis particeps, lux non plena.

INTENTIO TERTIA. C.

Porró cum bifariam accidat intelligere lucem; & in regione substantiae, & in regione eorum quae circa substantiam, vel in substantia consistunt (vnde secundum duplicem sumitur vmbra oppositionem) illud te meminisse oportet; lucem quae circa substantiam est tanquam vltimum eius vestigium á luce quae primus actus dicitur proficisci. Umbram quoque quae est circa substantiam ab umbra quae ex substantia dicitur emanare. Ipsa est primum subiectum quod & materiam appellant phisici nostri: Eius omnia participia cum puram non recipiant lucem: sub vmbra lucis esse & operari dicuntur.

INTENTIO QVARTA. D.

Consequenter te non praetereat quod cum vmbra habeat quid de luce, & quid de tenebris. Duplici aliquem accidit esse sub vmbra. Vmbra videlicet tenebrarum & (vt aiunt) mortis: quod est cum potentice superiores emarcescunt, & ociantur, aut subseruiunt inferioribus. Quatenus animus circa vitam tantum corporalem versatur, atque sensum. Et vmbra lucis, quod est cum potentiae inferiores superioribus adspirantibus in aeterna eminentioraque obiecta subiiciuntur, vt accidit in coelis versanti qui spiritu irritamenta carnis inculcat. Illud est vmbram incumbere in tenebras: hoc est vmbram incumbere in lucem. In Orizonte quidem lucis & tenebrarum, nil aliud intelligere possumus quam vmbram. Haec in orizonte boni & mali: veri & falsi. Hic est ipsum quod potest bonificari, & maleficari, falsari, & veritate formari: quodque istorsum tendens sub istius, illorsum veró sub illius vmbra esse dicitur.



INTENTIO QVINTA. E.

Vmbras eas in proposito maximé consideramus quae sunt appetituum, & cognoscitiuae facultatis obiecta, sub specie veri bonique concepta, quae sensim ab vnitate illa supersubstantiali decedentia, per crescentem multitudinem, in infinitam multitudinem (vt Pythagoreorum more loquar) progrediuntur: quae quantum ab vnitate recedunt, tantum ab ipsa quoque veritate elongantur. Fit enim ab ipso superessentiali ad essentias ab essentiis ad ipsa quae sunt, ab iis ad eorum vestigia, imagines, simulachra, & vmbras excursus: tum versus materiam vt in eius sinu producantur; tum versus sensum, atque rationem vt per eorum facultatem dinoscantur.

INTENTIO SEXTA. F.

Vmbra in materia seu natura, in naturalibus ipsis in sensu interno atque externo, vt in motu & alteratione consistit. In intellectu veró, intellectumque consequente memoria est vt in statu. Ideo sapiens ille viraginem supra naturalem & suprasensualem quasi notitiam consequtam: sub illius primi veri bonique desiderabilis vmbra sedentem inducit. Quae sessio seu status quia in naturaliter degentibus non multum perseuerat (mox n. atque statim sensusisti nos insiliunt atque deturbant, ipsique nostri duces phantasmata nos circumueniendo seducunt) sessio illa potius praeterito absoluto vel inchoato, quam praesenti tempore designatur. Dicit. n. sub vmbra sedi, vel sedebam.

INTENTIO SEPTIMA. G.

Cum vero in rebus omnibus ordo sit atque connexio, vt inferiora mediis & media superioribus succedant corporibus; Composita simplicibus, simplicia simplicioribus vniantur. Materialia spiritualibus spiritualia prorsus in materialibus adhaereant. Vt vnum sit universi entis corpus, vnus ordo vna gubernatio, vnum principium, vnus finis, vnum primum, vnum extraemum. Cumque (vt non ignorauerunt Platonicorum principes) demigratio detur continua á luce ad tenebras (cum mentium quaedam per conuersionem ad materiam, & auersionem ab actu; subeunt naturam, atque fatum) nihil impedit quominus ad sonum cytharae vniuersalis Apollinis ad superna gradatim reuocentur inferna: & inferiora per media, superiorum subeant naturam: quemadmodum & sensu constat terram in aquam, aquam in aerem, aerem in ignem rarefieri: sicut ignis in aerem, aer in aquam, aqua in terram densabatur. Ita generaliter videmus in iis quae mutantur, motum statu, & statum motu semper terminari. Quod & in ipso coelo semper esse atque fieri optimé Peripateticorum quidam considerauere: cum quippé ipsum habere actum admixtum cum potentia dicunt (quamuis & aliae sint mixtionis istius rationes) intelligunt eius motum esse in fine ad praeteritum, & in principio ad futurum. Quidquid ergo sit de alia descensus specie de qua Theologorum prudentia decernat: illud obnixé nobis est intentandum, vt pro egregiis animi operationibus naturae schalam ante oculos habentes, semper á motu, & multitudine, ad staturn & vnitatem per intrinsecas operationes tendere contendamus: quod cum pro facultate praestiterimus, pro facultate quoque diuinis multitudini mirabilibus operibus conformabimur. Ad ipsum rerum praesignata connexio, & connexorum consequentia nos confortet & adhortetur. Nouit quidem & docuit antiquitas quomodo proficiat discursus hominis á multis indiuiduis ad speciem, á multis speciebus ad vnum genus ascendens. Insuper quomodo infima intelligentiarum per omnes formas intelligat species distincté, inferioris distincté per plures atque multas formas ipsas omnes species concipiunt; superiores per pauciores, suprema per vnam, & ipsum quod est supra omne non per formam aliquam. Porro si antiquitas nouit quomodo proficiat memoria, á multis speciebus memorabilibus, ad vnam multorum memorabilium speciem se promouendo: ipsum certé non docuit.

INTENTIO OCTAVA. H.

Ad proximius quidem superius proximum inferius per aliquos gradus contracta similitudine promouetur, quos certé gradus cum nactum fuerit omnes: iam non simile: sed idem cum illo dicendum erit. Quod sané quomodo fiat per ipsum edoremur ignem: qui aquam non attrahit nisi in calore & raritate adsimilitam. Per communem igitur similitudinem ab



vmbris datur accessus ad vestigia, á vestigiis ad speculares imagines, ab istis ad alia.

INTENTIO NONA. I.

Quoniam veró quod est simile simili; est etiam simile eidem similibus sive per ascensum, siue per descensum, siue per latitudimen: Hinc accidit vt (infra suos limites) natura facere possit omnia ex omnibus, & intellectus, seu ratio cognoscere omnia ex omnibus. Sicut inquam materia formis omnibus informatur ex omnibus, & passiuus (quem vocant) intellectus formis omnibus informari potest ex omnibus: & memoria memorabilibus omnibus ex omnibus. quia omne simile simili fit, omne simile simili cognoscitur, omne simile simili continetur. Porro simile remotum ad suum distans, per simile medium sibique proximum tendit.

Hinc herbae forma spoliata materia, non immediate formam induitur animalis istius, sed formis Chili, sanguinis, & seminis mediantibus. Hinc qui nouerit apta extraemorum media: & naturaliter & rationaliter omnia poterit ex omnibus elicere.

INTENTIO DECIMA. E.

Coeterum. Similitudinem illam quae cum aequalitate currit; & vniformitati (quam aequiparantiam appellant) consonat: in proposito sensu alium operationum, siue ad internos, siue ad externos referantur sensus, inutilem & malè officiosam habeto. Fit enim vt simili caliditate affectum nec similem, nec infra illius similitudinis gradus consistentem sentiat: sed eam quae existentem in sensitiuo subiecto excellit. Hinc qualem redigere in praxim debeas similitudinem praeuideto, ne quae sita ab adeptis quominus ingredi possint repellantur.

INTENTIO INDECIMA. L.

Considera, mundum istum corporeum partibus eius omnino similibus existentibus, formosum esse non potuisse. In variorum ergo connexione, partium pulchritudo manifestatur: & in ipsa varietate totius pulchritudo consistit. Hinc rei vmbratilis visio est visionum imperfectissima: quia quod imago cum varietate demonstrat: vmbra quod est infra extrinsecae figurae terminos vt plurimum etiam ementitos, quasi sine varietate profert. De vmbra dixerim quatenus vmbra est: non autem quá talis quam in proposito recipimus.

INTENTIO XII. M.

Verum Anaxagoricum Chaos est sine ordine varietas. Sicut igitur in ipsa rerum varietate admirabilem concernimus ordinem. Qui supraemorum cum infimis, & infimorum cum supremis connexionem faciens: in pulcherrimam vnius magni animalis (quale est mundus) faciem, vniuersas facit conspirare partes. Cum tantum ordinem tanta diuersitas: & tantam diuersitatem tantus ordo requirat. Nullus enim ordo vbi nulla diuersitas extat reperitur. Vnde primum principium nec ordinatum, nec in ordine licet intelligere.

INTENTIO XIII. N.

Certé si quemadmodum indissolubilis concordia fines primorum connectit principiis secundorum; & calcem eorum quae antecedunt capitibus eorum quae proximé sequntur: cathenam illam auream quae é caelo fingitur ad terram usque tensa contrectare valebis: sicut è coelo per te potest factus esse descensus, facilé ad coelum per ordinatum ascensum remeare valebis. Per hanc artificiosam connegionem magnum experiri possumus memoriae releuamen: quae valet etiam nullam ad inuicem per se retinentia consequentiam memoriae ordinata presentare. Ipsum manifestatur in subsequenti carmine, vbi cum intelligatur Aries agere in Taurum, huncque motum diuerso actionis genere, agere in Geminos. Et inde moti



varia, consequentíque actione deferantur in Cancrum. similitérque deinceps in aliis: eueniet vt ex intuitu vnius, alterius mox inmediatéque consequentis occursum collucremur.

Dux gregis, armenti regem sublatus in iram In geminósque pedes, impete fronte ferat.Vindex menté vacans hinc Taurus concitus, ictu Irruit in Geminos impaciente fratres.Germanos iuuenes affines protinus vndae Excipiunt. Cancer rosida prata petit.Repens obliquó lympharum Cancer alumnus, Villosi vultum forte Leonis adit.Percitus inde leo crinitos surgit in harmos Vnde vagans rapidae visa Puella ferae est.Hanc petit: illa fugit: quae gressu insana fugaciLibrantem incurrit persica lance virum.Aestuat hic, cupidis quem dum complexibus haeret: Attriti Vermis cuspis adunca ferit.Formidans laetum medicas dum currit ad artes Poné Sagittiferum sentit adesse virum.Qui modo stuprata, quam credit virgine laesus Quo petit hunc iaculo, vulnerat ecce CaprumVt primum intrusum ferrum persensit iniqué Effugit in rapidas praecipitosus Aquas:Sic caper anfoelix á gurgite tractus aquarum; Insueta inclusis Piscibus esca datur.

INTENTIO XIIII. O.

Ascensus quidem qui fit per connexa atque concathenata, in proposito vmbrarum idealium: non est per cathenam similibus constantem annulis, ratione quae concipitur ex proximé dictis, atque deinceps enunciandis. Nec huius cathenae annulus esse debet vmbra sub qua intelligitur Leuiathan dormire: non inquam vmbra abducens á luce; sed conducens ad lucem, quae etiam si non sit veritas: est tamen á veritate, & ad veritatem, ideóque in ipsa non credas esse errorem sed veri latentiam.

INTENTIO XV. P.

Non igitur confundens vmbrarum significatum per occultam omonimyam, omnino hoc stultitias genus incurras, vt sine delectu de vmbris sentias, intelligas, & decernas, opponitur enim ea quam protegunt aliae vmbrae (pro qua dicitur. Protegunt vmbrae vmbram eius) ei quae eleuatur super corporum altitudinem in confinio intelligentiarum. Pro qua dicitur operuit montes vmbra eius. A qua ea quae producunt in nobis intelligentiam & memoriam, deducuntur & emanant: Et in quam tandem scandentia versus lucem terminantur. Hanc, vel huic similem figura tam habent, qui Cabalistae dicuntur, quia velamen quod erat Typicé seu figuratiué in facie Mosis: figuraté veró in facie legis: non erat ad deceptionem; sed ad ordinate promouendos hominum oculos, in quibus accidit laesio si repenté de tenebris in lucem promoueantur.

Neque enim natura patitur inmediatum progressum ab vno extraemorum ad alterum: sed vmbris mediantibus, adumbratogue lumine sensim. Naturalem videndi potentiam perdidere nonnulli de tenebris in repentinam lucem prodeuntes tantum abest vt perquisito potirentur obiecto. Vmbra igitur visum preparat ad lucem. Vmbra lucem temperat. Per vmbram diuinitas oculo esurientis, sitientísque animae caliganti, nuncias rerum species temperat, atque propinat. Eas



igitur vmbras quce non extingunt: sed seruant, atque custodiunt lucem in nobis; & per quas ad intellectum, atque memoriam promouemur, atque perducimur, recognosce.

INTENTIO XVl. Q.

In suo genere dixit Theologus nisi credideritis, non intelligetis: & in suo genere confirmant philosophi ex concessis positisque iis quorum fides esse dicitur (quae fides apud Pythagoricos erat de non demonstratis, apud Peripateticos de non demonstrabilibus, apud Platonicos de vtrisque) aucupandas esse scientias: & ex iis quae in virtute, & radice, & implicatione quadam continent, ad formarum explicationem, & per naturalem. & rationalem cursum nobis est progrediendum. Natura dat inuolutas species, antequam tradat easdem explicatas. Similiter Deus, similiter & artes quae diuinum,' & naturalem ordinem pro dignitate persequntur. Si quibus veró arduum videtur in vmbris exerceri, & vanitatis suspectum si per eas ad lucem non pateat accessus: norint talem defectum non esse ab vmbris. Norint etiam sat expedire vel inuolutum tenere, quod nudum non capias.

INTENTIO XVII. R.

De vmbris physicis, sunt ex arboribus & herbis quae fugant serpentes, & mitiora fovent animantia: sunt & contrariae iis. De vmbris autem idealibus (si veré sint ideales) cum omnes referantur ad intellectum & ad purgatum sensum interiorem non sunt quae maximé non conducant si per eas fiat ascensus, & non dormiatur sub eisdem.

INTENTIO XVIII. S.

Non dormies si ab vmbris physicis inspectis ad proportionalem vmbrarum idealium considerationem promoueris. Si ab oculis nostris elongatum corpus ad distantem lucem accedat: minoratur illius ad oculos nostros vmbra: sed ipso corpore magis á luce recedente, minor ab illo transfunditur vmbra, visuíque maius affertur impedimentum.

INTENTIO XVIIII. T.

Maiora intensione lucis & densitate corporis, vmbra perspicacior efficitur: expressior inquam redditur, atque formatior, quod inde est, quia in densitate, & raritate; continuitate & discontinuitate corpus imitatur. At vero talis imitatio per corpus detegitur.

INTENTIO XX. V.

Vmbra motum corporis simul persequitur atque lucis. Mouetur corpus? Vmbra mouetur. Mouetur lux? Vmbra mouetur. Mouetur vtrumque? Vmbra mouetur. Contra physicas obseruantias idem subiectum (subiectum inquam motus) simul diuersis, contrariisque subest motionibus. Quid. n? nonne necessario motum corporis ad lucem sequitur vmbra? & motum lucis ad corpus sequitur vmbra? numquid soluitur haec necessitas amborum concursu cum oppositis mouebuntur lationibus? Porro aduerte quemadmodum ad lucis motum mouetur vmbra quasi fugiens; ad corporis autem motum quasi sequens: vnde non videtur implicari contrarietas, sed concordantia in fuga vnius, & prosequtione alterius oppositi, atque contrarij. Caeterum quomodo sit in istis, & proportionaliter in aliis: tu ipse perquire & considera: per nos enim res plusquam sat est aperitur iis, qui in haec & alia animum aduertent.

INTENTIO XXI. X.

Non te praetereat tandem vmbrarum cum ideis similitudo tum enim vmbrae, tum & ideae non sunt contrariae



contrariorum. Per vnam speciem cognoscitur in hoc genere pulchrum & turpe; conueniens & inconueniens; perfectum, & imperfectum, bonum & malum. Malum enim imperfectum, & turpe proprias quibus cognoscantur non habent ideas: quia tamen cognosci dicuntur & non ignorari, & quidquid cognoscitur intelligibiliter per ideas cognoscitur: in aliena specie cognoscuntur, non in propria quae nulla est. Illud enim quod est eis proprium, est non ens in ente, vel (vt apertius dicam) defectus in effecto.

INTENTIO XXII. Y.

Vmbram si appellaueris accidens corporis á quo proiicitur: habes accidens vnius subiecti á quo recedat, & ad quod redeat vel secundum eandem speciem: vel secundum eumdem numerum: Si volueris eam esse accidens eius in quod proiicitur; iam facies accidens ita ab vno subiecto separabile: vt idem numero diuersa pererret subiecta: vt cum per motum lucis, aut equi, vmbra equina quae proiiciebatur in lapidem; nunc proiicitur in lignum. Hoc est contra physicam accidentis rationem: nisi in Scyllam te transportes negando vmbram esse accidens. Porró quid dicimus de idealibus vmbris? ipsas nec substantias esse intelligas, sec accidentia: sed quasdam substantiarum, & accidentium notiones. Si cui placeat eas animi, rationísque accidentia dicere, imperité dicet: non enim sunt habitus, nec dispositiones, nec facultates innatae vel accedentes: sed quibus, & per quas dispositiones quaedam, habitus, facultatésque producuntur atque consistunt. Recte enim speculantibus substantia & accidens non diuidunt quidquid esse per vniuersum dicitur, vt modo supponimus. Consideratio ista non modicum valet ad vmbrarum rationem habendam.

INTENTIO XXIII. Z.

Vmbra non subest tempori, sed istius tempori, non loco sed istius loco, non motui sed istius motui. Similiter de oppositis est intelligendum. Abstrahitur ergo ab omni veritate, sed non est sine illa. Et non reddit ineptos ad illam (si idealis sit vmbra) concipere enim facit contraria & diuersa, cum sit vnum. Vmbrae enim nihil est contrarium, preciséque nec tenebra, nec lux. Ad vmbram ergo arboris scientiae confugit homo pro cognitione tenebrae, & lucis, veri, & falsi, boni, & mali, cum quaereret ab illo Deus ADAM VBI ES?

INTENTIO XXIIii. ¥.

Illud etiam non est praetermittendum quo minus consideretur, quod vnum corpus opacum duobus vel pluribus oppositum luminaribus: duas vel plures proiicit vmbras. Intellige igitur quomodo, & penes quid umbra sequatur corpus: & quomodo penésque quid lucem consequatur: & considera quemadmodum vmbram producit á corpore vno multiplicem lux multiplex: innumerae luces innumeras vmbras, licet sensibiliter non appareant. Consequitur ergo alio modo lucem vmbra, licet eam alios ratione confugere videatur.

INTENTIO XXV. A.

Nec te praetereat quod vt vmbra lucem fugiat corporis quantitatem mentitur: & non nisi in certa vnicaque distantia, situ, & dispositione: secundum longitudinem, & latitudinem corpori aequalem, ab opposita luce producitur vmbra, adeo vt ipsam lucem nihil magis fugere videatur, quám corporis quantitatem per vmbram insinuare. Sol quippé quibusdam in locis numquam vmbram corpori reddit aequalem, in aliis vero rarius & ad modicum temporis.

INTENTIO XXVI. E.

Si magnitudo corporis opaci lucidi corporis magnitudinem excaedat; producit vmbrae conum in corpore, basim vero proiicit in infinitam seu interminatam distantiam. Si vero magnitudo lucis, corporis opaci magnitudinem excaedat: producit vmbrae basim in corpore, conum veró determinabit in sua extra corpus ipsum proiectione ad talem, tantamque



distantiam: quantam magnitudo corporis lucidi supra opaci corporis magnitudinem proportionalem obtinuit rationem. Hinc vmbra quam lunae corpus lucidum produceret de terra in partern oppositam (posito quod sol absit ab hemisphaerio inferiori) haberet pro cono certam terrae

marginem: basis vero eius extra terram quasi in infinitum crescens non esset determinabilis. Vmbra vero quam solis corpus producit de terra: habet certos terrae terminos pro basi: conus autem ipsius Mercurij sphaeram non attingit. Iam simile de ideis vmbrisque ipsarum iudicium facito.

INTENTIO XXVII.

Vnde nota quemadmodum de luce & tenebra (tenebram enim densitatem corporis appello) nascitur vmbra, cuius lux pater est, tenebra mater: & non adest nisi hac & illo praesente: atque ita sequitur lucem, vt eamdem fugiat: quasi pudeat ipsam matris speciem presentare patri: vt pudore saltem regiam progeniem protestetur. Veluti genere nobiles qui nobilitatem ipso habitu monstrare non valentes, ipso satis proprij habitus pudore demonstrant. Hinc crescente luce attenuatur, quae illa se contrahente dilatatur: eademque totum circumplectente corpus fugit.

INTENTIO XXVIII.

Sicut ex interposito perpendiculariter super planum inter Arcton & oculum gnomone, ex vmbra imaginabili lineam lucramur meridianam: & infallibiliter alias multas temporum differentias quae in nocturno polarium stellarum circuitu ad differentias partium circelli quas linea in illius tensa circumferentiam per numeros manifestat. Non minus & ideales vmbrae per physica corpora ad ideas innumeras poterunt tibi rerum significare proprietates & differentias.

INTENTIO XXVIIII.

Et veluti sol sex vmbrarum cardinales immittit differentias. Aliam oriens: cum proiicit vmbram corporis in occasum; Aliam occidens, cum extendit illam in orientem. Aliam meridianus & in Australi latitudine versus Boream. Aliam in latitudine Septentrionali versus Austrum. Aliam si nullam admittit latitudinem. Ex cingulo (quod aiunt) caeli perpendiculares intendens radios, versus nadir suum, terrae producit vmbram. Ab ipso autem emisphaerij alterius opposito versus augem effundet ipso progressu attenuandam vmbram. Ita nobis in orizonte naturae, & in aequilibrata rectáque eiusdem sphaera constitutis sub aequinoctiali sensus, vel intellectus aequidiali; sex sub aeternis ideis formantur vmbrarum differentiae, ex quibus omnimodam ad lucem conuersionem possimus accipere.

INTENTIO XXX. A.

Vt vero intelligis omnes vmbrarum differentias ad sex cardinales tandem referri: non minus scire debes quod omnes tandem ad vnam foecundissimam, aliarumque fontem generalissimum reduci debeant. In proposito (inquam) nostro vna potest esse omnium idearum vmbra, Additione, substractione, & alteratione generaliter dictis omnes alias conflans, iudicans, atque praesentans. Sicut in arte materialiter per substantiuum subiectum, formaliter autem per adiectiuum, quae recipiunt in se ipsis alterantia, transponentia & vniuersaliter diuersificantia: Analogiam enim quandam admittunt methaphysica, & logica, physica: seu ante naturalia, naturalia, & rationalia. Sicut verum imago, & vmbra. Caeterum idea in mente diuina, est in actu toto simul te, vnico. In intelligentiis sunt ideae discretis actibus. In coelo, in potentia actiua multiplici & successiué. In natura per vestigii modum quasi per impressionem. In intentione, & ratione per vmbrae modum.

Adest paradigma vnius, ideae actu infinitas rerum differentias habentis, & vnius vmbrae in facultate in finitarum differentiarum. Linea AB iacens lineam CD perpendiculariter cadentem & duos rectos angulos constituentem excipit.



Iam si linea cadens inclinetur versus B: reddet angulum acutum ex vna parte, ex altera vero obtusum. Magis atque magis inclinata in F, G, H, I, K, & ita deinceps; obtusos, acutósque magis hinc inde dabit angulos.

Ita patet quomodo in facultate duarum illarum rectarum linearum; sint infinitae acutorum, obtusorumque angulorum differentiae. In prima causa haec facultas non differt ab actu, quae, & in qua quidquid esse potest, est. Quandoquidem esse & posse idemtificantur in ea. Ideoque in ipso D infinitae simul; & vnum sunt angulorum differentiae. In motore caelesti est in potentia actiua: sicut in manu quae potest mouere in punctum E, F, G, & alios innumeros: non tamen mouit. In coelo sicut in mixto ex actiuo & passiuo, sicut in linea CD quae potest moueri ad efficiendum angulum hunc & illum: secundum quippè multas rationes coelum intelligitur a Peripateticis habere actum potentiae ad mixtum. In mobilibus consequentibus atque materia, est in potentia passiua, significata per D, quod innumerabiles differentias acuti, & obtusi per modum essendi in materia, & efficiente, & modum participantem de actu, déque potentia vt patet. Hoc quod diximus de differentiis angulorum: referas ad specierum differentias, quae dicuntur esse sicut numeri. Vnde in omnibus & per omnia quaelibet posse figurari manifestum est.



DE TRIGINTA IDEA-

RVM CONCEPTIBVS.

Iam ad triginta Idearum conceptus, primo simpliciter; secundo cum intentionibus vmbrarum complexé concipiendis, consequenter progrediamur.

CONCEPTVS PRIMVS. A

Lvciferos (inquit Plotinus) in facie Deus oculos fabricauit: caeterisque sensibus adhibuit instrumenta: vt inde tum naturaliter seruarentur, tum etiam cognata luce aliquid contraherent. Quibus sane verbis manifestat aliquid esse praecipuum, quod de mundo intelligibili ad ipsos pertineat.

CONCEPTVS II. B

Non fas est cogitare mundum istum plures habere principes, & per consequens plures habere ordines praeter vnum. Et consequenter si vnum est ordinatum, membra ipsius alia membris aliis sunt adnexa & subordinata. Ita vt superiora secundum verius esse subsistant, in extensam molem, & multiplicem numerum versus materiam se exporrigentia. Vnde ab eo quod est per se maximé ens; ad id quod minimuln habet entitatis, & prope nihil haud temeré nuncupatur fiat accessus. Quem ordinem cum suis gradibus, qui mente conceperit: similitudinem magni mundi contrahet aliam ab ea quam secundum naturam habet in se ipso. Vnde quasi per naturam agens: sine difficultate peraget vniuersa.

CONCEPTVS III. C

Qvia in iis quae semper fiunt non est consultatio, & argumentatio. Si aliquid demonstratum fuerit semper idem facere: actus argumentationis tollitur ab eo, tollitur & consilium. Sed vt quadam forma se ipsam foras quasi naturaliter exprimente vel aliquid é sua natura explicante, & effundente, opera sua perficit. Ad cuius operantis similitudinem propius accedit quod idem vt plurimum & frequentissime operatur. Fiet enim vt minus, miniméque cogitans & decernens, in perfectum, exquisitumque actum prodeat. Qui ergo in loco consistens atque tempore, á loco rationes idearum absoluet atque tempore: diuinis entibus in suis operibus conformabitur, siue ad intellectum pertineant, siue ad voluntates. Id fortasse faciebat is qui dixit. IN CARNE CONSISTENTES NON SECVNDVM CARNEM VIVIMVS.

CONCEPTVS IIII. D

Qvod si possibile est atque verum: intellectualem animan non veré insitam atque infixam, inexis-tentemque corpori licet apprehendere: sed veré vt adsistentem & gubernantem: ita vt perfectam à corpore seorsum pre se ferre possit speciem. Cui sententiae (sine controuersia) Theologus ille adstipulatur maximé: qui perfectiori eam intitulans nomine, interiorem hominem appellauit. Quod si pro huius confirmatione, operationes sine corpore eidem possibiles exquiras: Ecce certo loco temporique non adstrictis copulatur ideis, quotiescumque mente animo-ue solutus homo materiam destituit atque tempus.

CONCEPTVS V. E



Habet anima substantiam ita ad supernos intellectus se habentem, sicut diaphani corpus ad lumina (vt & principes Platonicorum intellexere) quod pro diaphanitate transparentiáque sua, nonnihil velut innatae luminositatis admittit, quae semper est in actu cum exuta est á corpore, tanquam regionem lucis inhabitans. In corpore veró degens tanquam cristallus cuius diaphanitas opacitate terminatur: habet species sensibiles vagas: quae per conuersionem, & auersionem iuxta temporum, locorumque differentias, accedunt atque recedunt.

CONCEPTVS VI. F

Rerum formae sunt in ideis, sunt quodammodo in se ipsis; sunt in coelo; sunt in periodo caeli, sunt in causis proximis seminalibus; sunt in causis proximis efficientibus, sunt indiuidualiter in effectu, sunt in lumine, sunt in extrinseco sensu, sunt in intrinseco: modo suo.

CONCEPTUS VII. G

Receptione formarum ideó materia non impletur (vt per aeternam nouarum affeectationem protestatur) quia nec veras accipit; nec veré recipit quod recipere videtur. Non enim quae verè sunt, sensibilia ipsa sunt, atque indiuidua: vt autumat qui haec primo, principaliter, & maximé suhstantias appellat. Quae. n. veré sunt semper manent: quae autem generationi subiacent, atque corruptioni non vere dicuntur esse. Quod non solum rectius philosophantibus placet. Sed & Theologorum alios audimus exteriorem hominem sub hac conditione naturali vanitatem appellantes. Alij vero cuncta quae fiunt sub sole, id est quae regionem incolunt materiae vniuersalem vanitatis notam subire volunt. Ab ideis igitur, ab ideis, conceptionum fixionem perquirat anima, si intelligis.

CONCEPTVS VIII. H

Ideam primum hominem. Animam secundum. Tertium veró quasi iam non hominem dixit Plotinus vbi de ratione multitudinis idearum edisserit. Dependet secundus á primo, tertius á secundo, dum per ordinationem, contractionem, & compositionem, ordinatur ad physicam subsistentiam. Pro methaphysico igitur conceptu tertius ascendat in secundum: secundus in primum.

CONCEPTVS IX. I

Idem, manens, & aeternum coincidunt. Idem enim quia idem, manet, & est aeternum. Aeternum quia aeternum, manet, & estidem. Manens, quia manens est idem, & aeternum. Nitaris igitur in ipsum idem oportet, vel id in quod identitatis habet rationem; vt permanenter, & perseueranter habeas. Id si capies: caput habebis quo specierum fixionem facias in anima.

CONCEPTVS X. K

Sententia haec satis digna est vt in ea mentis acies figatur. lntellectus primus lucis amphitrites: ita lucem suam effundit ab intimis ad externa, & ab extraemis attrahit: vt quidlibet ab ipso pro capacitate possit omnia contrahere, & quae libet ad ipsum pro facultate per ipsius luminis viam tendere. Hoc forte est quod quidam intellexit dicens. ATTINGIT A FINE VSQVE AD FINEM. & alius dicens. NOn EST QVI SE ABSC. A' CAL. EIVS. Lucem hic intelligo intelligibilitatem rerum quae sunt ab illo, & ad illum tendunt, & id quod concomitatur intelligibilitatem. Hae res cum profluunt aliae ab aliis, diuersae á diuersis; in innumerum multiplicantur vt eas nisi qui numerat multitudinem stellarum, non |determinet: Cum veró refluunt vniuntur vsque ad ipsam vnitatem quae vnitatum omnium fons est.

CONCEPTVS XI. L



Primus intellectus foecunditate sua, modo suo propagat ideas non nouas, nec nouiter. Natura nouas res producit in numero, non nouiter tamen (modo suo) si semper eodem modo operatur. Ratio nouas atque nouiter in infinitum species format: componens, diuidens, abstrahens, contrahens, addens, subtrahens, or dinans, deordinans.

CONCEPTVS XII. M

Deformium animalium formae, formosae sunt in caelo. Metallorum in se non lucentium formae, lucent in planetis suis. Non enim homo, nec animalia, nec metalla vt hic sunt, illic existunt. Quod. n. hic discurrit illic actu viget, discursione superiori. Virtutes enim quae versus materiam explicantur: versus actum primum vniuntur: & complicantur. Vnde patet quod dicunt Platonici, ideam quamlibet rerum etiam non viuentium, vitam esse & intelligentiam quandam. Item & in prima mente vnam esse rerum omnium ideam, Illuminando igitur, viuificando, & vniendo, est quod te superioribus agentibus conformans, in conceptionem & retentionem specierum efferaris.

CONCEPTVS XIII. N

Continet lumen, vita intelligentia, vnitásque prima: omnes species, perfectiones veritates, numeros, rerumque gradus. Dum quae in natura sunt differentia, contraria, atque diuersa: in ea sunt eadem, conuenientia, & vnum. Tenta igitur an possis viribus tuis identificare, concordare, & vnire receptas species, & non fatigabis ingenium: mentem non turbabis, & memoriam non confundes.

CONCEPTVS XIII. O

Cvm deueneris ad rationem qua conformabere coelo corpori, quod animalium inferiorum etiam vilium ratione non vili formas continet pedem ne figito, sed nitaris ad intellectualis caeli conformitatem: quod totius mundi formas, praestantiori modo possidet, quam coelesti.

CONCEPTVS XV. P

Talem quidem progressum tunc te veré facere comperies, & experieris cum á confusa pluralitate, ad distinctam vnitatem per te fiat accessio: id enim non est vniuersalia logica conflare, quae ex distinctis infimis speciebus, confusas medias, exque iis confusiores supraemas captant: Sed quasi ex informibus partibus & pluribus, formatum totum & vnum aptare sibi. Sicut manus brachio iuncta: pésque cruri, & oculus fronti, cum sunt composita: maiorem subeunt cognoscibilitatem, quam posita seorsum. Ita cum de partibus & vniuersi speciebus, nil sit seorsum positum & exemptum ab ordine (qui simplicissimus, perfectissimus, & citra numerum est in prima mente) si alias aliis connectendo, & pro ratione vniendo concipimus: quid est quod non possimus intelligere memorari & agere?

CONCEPTVS XVI. Q

Vnum est quod omnia definit. Vnus est pulchritudinis splendor in omnibus. Vnus é multitudine specierum fulgor emicat. Quod si coniicias: tale inter oculos tuos, & vniuersaliter visibilia interpones oculare, ut nil sit quod te fugere possit omnino.

CONCEPTVS XVII. R

Error nobis & obliuio accidit; quia apud nos ex forma, & infirmi viget compositio. Formatio quippe corporei mundi, forma inferior est, ex ipsius enim vestigio, & deformitate componitur. Illuc igitur ascende vbi species sunt purae, nihil



informe, & omne formatum ipsa forma est.

CONCEPTVS XVIII. S

Notauit Platonicorum princeps Plotinus. Quamdiu circa figuram oculis duntaxat manifestam quis intuendo versatur, non dum amore corripitur: Sed vbi primum animus se ab illa reuocans, figuram in se ipso concipit non diuiduam, vltráque visibilem: protinus amor oritur. Simile iudicium de obiectis intelligibilibus; ei quod est de appetibilibus. Hinc igitur inuestiga & contemplare quomodo species citius, viuacius, atque tenacius concipiantur.

CONCEPTVS XIX. T

Septem gradibus (quibus duos addimus) constare intellexit Plotinus Schalam qua ascenditur ad principium. Quorum. Primus est animi purgatio. Secundus attentio. Tertius intentio. Quartus ordinis contemplatio. Quintus proportionalis ex ordine collatio. Sextus negatio, seu separatio. Septimus,votum. Octauus transformatio sui in rem. Nonus transformatio rei in seipsum. Ita ab vmbris ad ideas patebit aditus, & accessus, & introitus.

CONCEPTVS XX. V

Omne quod est, post vnum; necessario multiplex est & numerosum. Praeter vnum igitur @tque primum omnia sunt numerus. Vnde sub infimo gradu schalae naturae est infinitus numerus, seu materia: in supraemo vero infinita vnitas, actusque purus. Descensus ergo, dispersio, & euagatio fit versus materiam. Ascensus, aggregatio, & determinatio fit versus actum.

CONCEPTVS XXI. X

Per numeros (inquiunt nonnulli) entia, se habere ad id quod veré est, seu verum ens, sicut materia per inchoationem formarum se habet ad formas.

CONCEPTVS XXII. Y

Triplicem considera formam. Quarum prima est á qua rem ipsam formari contingit, vt poté quae producit actum: & istam non proprié ideam, vel rerum producendarum formam appellamus. Secunda qua res ipsa formatur tanquam parte: & huic non conuenit similitudinem dici eius, cuius est pars. Tertia quae aliquid terminat, & figurat tanquam inhaerens qualitas: & eiusmodi non potest recipere ideae rationem, cum ab eo cuius est forma non separetur. Quarta ad quam aliquid formatur, & quam aliquid imitatur: & haec vsu loquentium consueuit nomen ideae retinere. Et haec quatrifariam dicitur. In artificialibus ipsis, ante artificiata. In intentionibus primis, ante secundas. In principiis naturae, ante naturalia. In diuina mente, ante naturam & vniuersa. In primis dicitur technica, in secundis logica, in tertiis physica, in quartis methaphysica.

CONCEPTVS XXIII. Z

Qvaedam formae imitantur vt ex natura: veluti imago in speculo obiectae rei formam. Quaedam ex institutione: veluti figura impressa sigillum. Rursum quaedam imitantur vt per se: quemadmodum pictura quae ex intentione pictoris aliquem presentat. Quaedam medio modo inter per accidens & per se: vt si fiat pictura ad presentandum quem potest presentare. Quaedam veró vt forté obtigit: quemadmodum cum effigiem depictam accidit praeter intentionem quempiam imitari. Quaedam nec per se neque per accidens quae ad nullum prorsus referuntur nec referri possunt imitandum, si



possibile est tales esse formas. In primis est ratio maior idealis. In secundis minor. In tertiis minima, in quartis nulla.

CONCEPTVS XXIIII. 1

Agens ex natura vel á casu, non ex praescripto voluntatis, non supponit ideas. Tale si esset primus efficiens: nullae essent ideae, & agens nullum ex arbitrio operaretur. Caeterum valeat Democritus, Empedocles & Epicurus. Si habes impossibile vt agentis ratio á quocunque separetur: & importunius ipsum id omnibus rimabere ni omnia tibi reddantur possibilia, reddentur plurima.

CONCEPTVS XXV. E

Dixit vnus de nostratibus. Exemplaris forma habet rationem finis, & ab ea accipit agens formam qua agit quod sit extra ipsum. Non est autem conueniens putare deum agere propter finem alium á se, & accipere aliundé quo sit sufficiens ad agendum: idcirco ideas non habet extra se. Nos autem oportet eas extra, & supra nos inquirere: cum vmbras earum tantum in nobis habeamus.

CONCEPTVS XXVI. I

Per speciem quae est in intellectu: melius aliquid apprehenditur, quam per speciem quae est in physico subiecto, quia est in-materialior. Similiter melius cognoscitur aliquid per speciem rei quae est in mente diuina, quam per ipsam eius essentiam cognosci possit. Duo requiruntur ad speciem quae est medium cognoscendi: representatio rei cognitae, quae conuenit ecundum propinquitatem ad cognoscibile, & esse spirituale, & in materiale secundum quod habet esse in cognoscente.

CONCEPTVS XXVII. O

Sicut ideas sunt formae rerum principales, secundum quas formatur omne quod oritur & interit: & non solum habent respectum ad id quod generatur & corrumpitur; sed etiam ad id quod generari & interire potest. Ita tunc verum est nos in nobis idearum vmbras efformasse, quando talem admittunt facultatem & contrectabilitatem: vt sint ad omnes formationes possibiles, adaptabiles. Nos similitudine quadam formauimus eas, quae consistunt in reuolutione rotarum. Tu si aliam potes tentare viam tenta.

CONCEPTVS XXVIII. V

Accidentium ideas non posuit Plato. Cum quippe intelligeret eas esse proximas rerum causas: vnde si quid praeter ideam esset proxima causa rei, illud non volebat habere ideam, ideóque in iis quae dicuntur per prius & posterius non esse voluit communem ideam: sed primum esse ideam secundi. Vnde Clemens philosophus in entibus superiora volebat esse inferiorum ideas.

Accidentium ideas esse volunt Theologi qui intelligunt Deum esse immediatam causam vniuscuiusque rei, licet secundos deos causasque non excludant. Et nos in proposito ideó omnium volumus esse ideas: quia ab omni conceptabili ad easdem conscendimus. De omnibus enim formamus vmbras ideales. Nec propterea destruimus Platonicam doctrinam vt intelligenti patet.

CONCEPTVS XXIX. A



Singularium ideas non posuit Plato, sed specierum tantum. Tum quia ideae pertinent ad formarum productionem tantum, non materiae. Tum etiam quia formae principaliter sunt intentae per naturam, non autem genera & indiuidua.

Singularium ideas ponunt Theologi, quia & quantum ad materiam & quantum ad formam attinet, totalem causam asserunt esse Deum. Et nos in proposito singularium ideas volumus, quia sumimus ideati rationem secundum vniuersalem figurati, & apprehensi similitudinem: siue illa sit ante rem, siue in re, siue res, siue post rem: atque ita siue in sensu, siue in intellectu, & hoc siue practico, siue speculatiuo.

CONCEPTVS XXX.

Ideas minus communes in ideis communioribus generatas quidam collocant, ac tandem omnium idearum genera in ipso ente primo, quod summum intelligibile vocant, vniunt. Tu vmbras idearum minus communes in communioribus: & subiecta earum extrinseca minus communia, in comunioribus collocare memento.

TYPVS IDEALIVM INTENTIONVM.

DE COMPLEXIONE QVAE FIT CONCVRSV PRIMAE

rotae cum secunda.



Oportebit ergo volentem per se ipsum artem generalem ad habitum intellectus, voluntatis, & memoriae captare (licet eam in presentiarum ad memoriae perceptiones contrahamus): Primo callere elementarium primum cum suis significationibus. Secundo secundum. Tertio secundum deducere per primum. Prima duo nos prestitimus, quae optimé peruia sunt versatis in peripateticis doctrinis & Platonicis. Tertium ipsius industriae committimus.

Iam applicationem, & intentionis vniuersalis contractionem, ad artem memoriae aggrediamur.

Bruno, Giordano Bruno, 1548-1600. De Umbris Idearum ('The Shadow of Ideas') / by Giordano Bruno.1. Christianity -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.2. Hermetism -- Early works to 1800.3. Mnemonics -- Early works to 1850.I. Title.B783193 B83.IF

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Giordano Bruno: Ars Memoriae (The Art of Memory)

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ARS MEMORIÆ

IORDANI BRVNI

I.

Tvnc artem sub vmbra Idearum degere arbitramur, cum aut torpentem naturam antecedendo sollicitat; aut deuiam & exorbitantem dirigit & perducit; aut deficientem lassámque; roborat atque fulcit, aut errantem corrigit, aut perfectam sequitur, & industriam emulatur.

II.

Est quidem huiuscemodi ars rerum prosequendarum in genere discursiua architectura; & habitus quidam ratiocinantis animæ, ab eo quod est mundi vitæ principio, ad omnium atque singulorum se exporrigens vitæ principium. Nulli de potentiis ipsius tanquam ramo innixus, neque de peculiari quadam emergens facultate: sed ipsum totius stipitem vtpoté ipsam animæ totius incolens essentiam. Quod non ab re dictum existimarim: si quippé in memoratiua potentia consisteret: quomodo effunderet ab intellectu? si in intellectiua: quomodo é memoria, sensu, & appetitu transmitteret? Porró per ipsam regulamur & dirigimur, ad intelligendum, discurrendum, memorandum, phantasiandum, appetendum, & quandoque vt volumus sentiendum.

III.

At vero hoc quo, generaliter ad omnes atque singulas functiones anima fertur, quale sit, & quomodo: non satis est apertum, quæritur. n. quid est quo artem induit anima? qua arte anima artem induit? nunquid non artem conuenit appellare quo technica mater natura ex frequentatis actibus, expertem se reddere nititur?

IIII.

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Nónne licebit dicere anté plurimas artes extare artem quam organicam dixerim: cum plurimi artificum vtantur organo; quorum tamen ars non est organum; sed per organum prosequuta? Nonne artem dicere licet, quæ artium fabricat instrumentum? quid. n. erit si non est ars ? Adhæc si organum non precessit quo oportuit aliud fabrefieri: expone mihi artis rationem, quæ artem debuit precessisse? In quo nam vt in subiecto agentis ars organica præxtitit? Omni proculdubio in physico illo quod præ erat. Illud positione quadam formatum est in primi organi intimæ susceptiuum deminationis. Quod si vulgariter phylosophanti placeat ab extrinseca forma rei essentiam primó denominare: dimittimus; Quia consuetum est artificialium rationem in forma extrinseca ponere: cum ars non profundet in intima materiæ. Sed hic distat á nostra intentione: ita vt non intolligat.

V.

Quod si ita est vt melius philosophantibus apparet: id quod primó est ars nil aliud est dicendum; quám naturæ lacultas connata rationi, cum seminibus primorum principiorum, quibus inest potentia, qua ab extrinsecus obiectis tamquam diversis illectentur illecebris; & ab agente intellectu tanquam irradiante sole illustrentur: & ab æternis Ideis quasi siderum mediante concursu influxum recipiant: dum ab optimo maximo foecundante cuncta in actum, atque finem proprium pro viribus consequendum ordinentur. Ex quibus manifestatur non temeré nos dedalam naturam artium omnium fontem, atque substantiam velle nuncupari.

VI.

Considerato igitur qua intentione possimus expressisse, artem in quibusdam excellere naturam: eandemque in allis ab illa superari. Id. n. esse minimé potest quam vbi naturam in actibus remotioribus; quasdam rationes maiores, quam in mage propinquis ostendere conspexerimus. Ipsam perpetuare fertur in eadem specie formam substantialem, quam non valet secundum numerum eandem perpetuasse: in quibus artis facultas non extenditur. Forma vero extrinseca, atque figura inuentoris clauis magnæ; per artem duro committitur lapidi, vel adamanti. Item conditiones, actus, & nomen memoriæ, & cogitatiuæ obiectis perpetuanda committuntur; quæ tamen natura retinere non potuisset: quandoquidem fluctuantis materiæ stomachus maturé omnia digerit.

VII.

Sed vnde inquam hæc arti facultas? inde nimirum vbi viget ingenium. Ingenium cuius est proximé? hominis. Homo vero cum suis facultatibus omnibus vnde emanauit primo? á natura sané parturiente. Ergo si rem ab exordio intueberis, & ab ipsa radice hanc arborem transplantandam velis euellere: ad naturæ cultum, atque recognitionem inclinatur. Id sané præstabis cum vociferanti, clamantíque principio, in timiús que nos illustranti animum intenderis. Natura est quæ animis corpora confingit; Natura animis instrumenta congrua suppeditat. (vnde Pythagorei, & ingenia Magorum, vitam, atque animæ speciem á corporis forma deprehendisse perhibentur). Natura ipsa tibi (nisi auertaris) aderit in omnibus: vniuersalis. n. natura non contrahitur quo minus nobis extet officiosa, super omnia enim pluit Iuppiter germina, & super omnes plantas oritur benignus Apollo. Sed non omnia parem á superis imbuunt vitam: cum non pariter omnia ad illos conuertantur, vt manifesté patet in nobis qui per nos ipsos ab illorum communicatione diuellimur.



VIII.

Cum igitur omne possibile natura præstet, siuo anté naturalia, siue in naturalibus, siue per naturalia: ita intelligas á naturalibus omnibus actionem proficisci: vt naturam per eadem agere non ignores. Distinguat quantumlibet, agens positiuum á naturali vulgaris philosophia; non. n. inficiam. Illud mihi iuro admitti volo: vt ita distinguatur, sicut organum operantis ab ipso distinguitur operante; sicut medium ab ordinanto, brachium ab exagitante.

IX.

Propterea intelligas nos minimé alligatos esse communi philosophiæ cum naturæ nomen materiæ, formæque adstrinxerit: sed & cum efficiens intrinsecum principium recognouerit; siue sit omnibus commune, siue ad hoc suppositum, vel ad illud fuerit contractum. Vnde libentius idiotas loquentes audimus: dum naturam istius hominis, cum illius hominis natura comparant: non. n. vt vniuersale logicum, vel ad eius similitudinem licet apprehendere naturam: sed vt physicum, quod est tum in omnibus, tum ad singula contractum.

X.

Hæc est quæ mediaté sensibilia preterita & absentia: præsentia reddit, atque conspicua: hinc quidem visu sensibilia per sculpturam, atque picturam: inde vero fluentia verba, & quasi in nihilum prodeuntia; stabilia, fixáque reddit per scripturam. Insuper & conceptus, & silentes intentiones cominus comunicabile, è minus ad omnia loca transmittit, atque tempora.

XI.

Quod liberé siue fatum, sine necessitatem, siue bonum, sine demourgon, sine mundi animam, sine naturam appellare consueuere: ab imperfectis ad perfecta, inferioribus istis communicanda: motu atque tempore procedit, quod in omnibus, & singulis est idem principium. Hinc & eadem serie progressum facere dicitur ars, quam manu ducit. Ideo (vt ad propositum intentionis nostræ spectat) cultris in arborum corticibus prior scripsisse perhibetur vetustas. Cui successit ætas in lapidibus celte excauatis inscribens: Quam sequuta est papyrus sepiarum succis exarata. Inde pergamenae membranæ atramento artificioso magis intinctæ. Proinde charta & inhaustum, præloque promendæ in vsum longé omnium aptissimum literæ. A cultris inquam ad stilos, á stilis ad spongias; á spongiis ad calamos; á calamis ad pennas; á pennis ad fusilia tandem elementa peruentum. Haud secus in iis quæ ad scripturam pertinere videntur, internam contigisse arbitramur: dum ab antiquo humanum studium sine á Melico Simonide, siue ab alio sumpserit exordium: quæ locorum, & imaginum proportionalium chartæ atque scripturæ, actúque phantasiæ & cogitatiuæ, locum scriptoris & calami subeuntibus: species rerum memorandarum in interno libro inscribere studuerunt. Quorum industriæ quid, & quantum addiderimus: ipsorum qui hæc nostra cum illorum monumentis conferre poterunt, esto iudicium. Iam quæ ad nostram faciunt praxim aggrediamur.

XII.



Habes in libro clauis magnæ duodecim indumentorum subiecta. Species, Formas, Simulachra, Imagines, Spectra, Exemplaria, Vestigia, Indicia, Signa, Notas, Characteres, & Sigillos. Quorum quædam referuntur ad sensibile ob oculum (siue natura sine arte figurante dicta) cuiusmodi sunt extrinseca forma, Imago. Exemplar quæ per picturam, & alias figuratiuas artes emulatricos matris maguæ describunt, atque describuntur.

Quædam ad internum sensum referuntur in quo magnificantur, protelantur, & multiplicantur, in mensura, duratione, & numero: vt sunt quæ contrectanda phantasticæ se offerunt facultati. Quædam sunt quæ in eodem versantur similitudinis puncto: vtpoté quæ á forma eiusdein generis, & substantia eiusdem speciei extrahunt exemplar. Quædam á propria propositi substantia deficiunt, vt patet in omnibus in quibus sophista mendicat á reali; & vniuersaliter ars emulatrix á natura. Quædam veró adeó arti videntur appropriata: vt in eisdem videatur naturalibus omninó suffragari: hæc sunt Signa, Notæ, Characteres, & Sygilli: in quibus tantum potest: vt videatur agere præter naturam , supra naturam, & si negotiun requirat, contra naturam.

XIII.

Hisce succurrit vbi figuras & imagines reddere non potest: cum in imaginabilium, vel figurabilium genere non versentur. Carent. n. illa accidentibus illis quibus sensuum pulsari consueuere ianuæ: carent partium differentia, & dispositione, sine quibus antecedentibus, effigiantis actus non succedit. Horum genus ex vna parte ingrediuntur quædam medio se habentia modo: nempé quæ quodammodo referunt, & referuntur: cuiusmodi sunt indicia. Indicamus enim non solum efficiabilia, imaginabilia, & exemplificabilia; item exempla, imagines, & effigies: verum quoque, quæ sigillis, notis, & characteribus exprimunt, & exprimuntur. Vnde non temere in illa enumeratione indicia mediam sortita sunt sedem;

XIIII.

Mercurium ergo præsentat species: forma simulachrum, exemplar, & spectrum. Mercurij veró substantiam, essentiam, bonitatem, iustitiam, & sapientiam, præsentant notæ, characteres, & sigilli. Quæ veró promiscué tum Mercurium, tum & omnia quæ de Mercurio dicuntur præsentia reddunt: indicia sunt proprius appellata. Iis tanquam communi imaginis, notæque stipite: indicamus, & præsentamus, vtrumque. Sicut in demonstratiuis pronominibus est manifestum: cum Mercurij, & virtutis dicimus hoc simulachrum, hoc signum, hanc notam, hanc similitudinem.

XV.

Istis consideratis: memento huic arti media alia vsu veniro non posse ad suum finem consequendum, quam sensibilia, formata, figurata, tempori, locóque contracta: quemadmodom & in omnibus aliis technicis animæ operibus accidere in primo volumine Clauis magnæ fuit expressum. Nihilo tamen minus non vti intelligitur omibus tanquam imaginibus: siquidem multa quorum debet esse memoria, imaginabilia non sunt neque effigiabilia, neque simili quodam insinuabilia; cuiusinodi sunt termini, vsia, ypostasis, mens, cæteraque id genus: sed vt signis significabilium; imaginibus imaginabilium. Et cum hoc illud non est



mente prætereundam quód non minus sunt alligatæ signis imagines, quám signa imaginibus sunt adnexa.

XVI.

Ex adnexionis defectu accidit infirmitas illa, qua vtentibus arte multoties collocata species non occurnt, non tamen ex hoc capite rem ipsam perpendisse videntur prædecessores nostri. Hic est qui interim visus sensum refringit magis quam lumen excellentius, densior obscuritas, magna celebritas, distantia dispergens, & id genus alia, quæ locis quibus vti consueuerunt solentem accidere. Hinc veluti percussi canes lapidem mordentes vel baculum, verum discriminis huius authorem minimé percipientes, alium incusant. Nobis autem cum datum est illam inuenisse, & perfecisse, nec locis materialibus (verificatis. s. per sensus exteriores) vltra non indiguimus, nec ordini locorum memorandorum ordinem adstrinximus: sed puro phantasiæ architecto innixi, ordini rerum memorandarum, locorum ordinem adligauimus. Vnde nobis ita successisse presumimus, vt quidquid ab antiquoribus hac de re fuit consideratum , præceptum & ordinatum (quatenus per eorum scripta quæ ad nostras deuenere manus extat explicatum) non sit conueniens pars inuentionis nostræ, quæ est inuentio supra modum prægnans cui appropriatus est liber Clauis magnæ. Sed interim ad dignitatem considerationis istius conuertamur.

XVII.

Fama est naturalis considerationem proportionari considerationi de simo, quæ non formam seorsum, nec materiam seorsum respicit, quæ naturæ nomine insigniuntur: sed materiam formatam, formamque materialem materiæ adplicitam, quibus efficitur quod naturale proprié nuncupatur. Hic est nexus ille, quo abacto, nullum prorsus opus est, quod natura valeat effingere: multó minus valet ars quæ eiusdem pedissequa: si infra nihilum minus aliquid esse licet somniare, Ars. n. non solum vt primum subirctum naturam ipsam supponit: sed & vt subiectum proximum ipsum naturale. Sicut igitur omnis ars pro suæ considerationis elementis requirit rationem materiæ conuenientis suorum operabilium, atque formæ concinnioris (cum generalis omnium finis sit in aliquæ subiecto aliquam nouare formam:) ita & ars ista, cuius eadem ratio est cum ratione graphicæ facultati in genere, & excellenti proportionis modo; duabus manifestis eiusdem speciebus proportionatur. Est. n. pictura intrinseca, cum rerum, & operum memorandorum producit imagines. Est etiam scriptura intrinseca, cum rationum, & verborum ordinat, atque tribuit signa, notas & characteres: quæ quia etiam in imaginabilibus subiectiuantur: non inficior quód communiter loquentes, tum ad memoriam rerum, tum ad verborum retentionem ordinatas foruias, appellant imagines.

XVIII.

Habet pictura (vt decentibus vtar in hac arte terminis) subiectum primum in quo, parietem, lapidem, & similia. Habet subiectum proximum ex quo, ipsum colorem; & habet pro forma ipsos colorum tractus. Scriptura etiam habet subiectum primum chartam tanquam locum: Habet subiectum proximum minium, & habet pro forma ipsos characterum tractus. Ita & hæc ars obiectiué duplex admittit subiectum: primum videlicet quod est locus; & proximum quod est appositum, sine adiectum. Potentialiter etiam duplex admittit subiectum, memoriam videlicet, atque phantasiam in genere, loco vnius: & speciem phantasiabilem seu cogitabilem in genere, loco alterius: Et admittit pro forma intentionem, & collationem



specierum existentium in vno subiecto; ad species existentes in alio subiecto. Sicut etiam pictura, atque scriptura, quibus suam forment materiam, adaptant organa: ita & huic, non desunt arti suarum figurationum instrumenta.

SECVNDA PARS.

Triplex igitur consideratio artis istius praxim anteire oportet. Prima quæ speculatur quæ, & qualia debeant esse subiecta. Secunda quæ docet quæ, & cuiusmodi sint apparandæ formæ. Tertia quæ adaptare docet organum, mediúmque illud, quo solertior operatur anima: de quibus omnibus perfectissimé in primo Clauis magnæ peractum est: pro ratione tamen huius libri ne sit truncus, & imperfectus in se ipso (non. n. semper est commodum inquirentem artis principia ad subalternantem transmittere disciplinam: quatenus. n. principia differentus quibusdam ad speciem aliquam contrahuntur; migrant in primam partem scientiæ subalternatæ) tres pro tribus istis canonum ordines adducemus. Primos de materia siue de subiecto. Secundos de forma siue de adiecto. Tertios de instrumento quod virtutem præ se fert efficientis: vnde in idem vergunt caussæ, genus efficiens & instrumentum.

DE SVBIECTIS.

Primum ergo subiectum est technica extensio, siue sinus in phantastica facultate, ordinatus. Ex speciebus receptaculorum consitus, quæ ex animæ fenestris influxere. Diuersis distinctum partibus, visa omnia atque audita suo recipiens ordine & ad animæ libitum retinens. Quæ definitio respicit subiectum commune, formarum communium, ex arte communi quæ ex antiquitate ad nos vsque deducta est. Prim um autem subiectum ex principus Clauis magnæ est: phantasticum chaos ita tractabile; vt cogitatiua potentia ad trutinam redigente visa, atque audita in talem prodire possit ordinem, & effigiem; quale suis membris primis vltimisque partibus felicissime valeat ipsa per aures vel oculos percepta constanter presentare, tanquam nouæ arboris vel animalis, vel mundi prospectum incurrens. Haud. n. secus tale chaos se habere videtur quam nubes ab externis impulsa ventis; quæ pro impulsuum differentiis atque rationibus, infinitas omnésque subire valet specierum figuras. Hoc sané subiectum quam foelix extet atque nobile; melius ipsa experientia quam vlla vi potest iudicari. Verumtamen qui ex Claui magna potent elicere eliciat: non enim omnibus dabitur hanc adire Corynthum. Iam ergo ad subiectum primo definitum modo redeamus.

II.

Constat quidem subiectum primum partibus materialibus; atque ita materialibus: vt visiuam non subterfugiant facultatem, quatenus eadem suo ordine phantastica facultas valeat contempiari, vel ipsis vtens tanquam partibus atque principiis, in monstra, novasque innumeras metamorphoses digerere, & digestas velut orbi adfixas intueri. Ideóque in horum consortium non admittuntur in materialiora subiecta, de quibus in arte vera artium, & facultate facultatum.

III.

In horum constitutione seruanda est ratio inter magnitudinem, & parvitatem relata ad hominis molem atque



prospectum. Inter intensionem & remissionem; relata ad sensus limites. Inter præteritum & futurum, relata ad præsentem actum. Inter excessum partium & delectum relata ad rei totius præsentandæ integritatem: Inter distantiam, & propinquitatem, relata ad motus competentiam. Inter terminum á quo & terminum ad quem, relata ad eius quod mouetur appulsum naturalem.

IIII.

Horum aliud est communissimum, qula tantum valet extendi, quantum phantasiæ potest comprehendere sinus, qui positæ orbis quantitati quantumlibet addere potest, licet non quantumlibet substrahere. Aliud est commune quod Cosmicarum perspectarum partium cumulo constat. Aliud est minus commune, vtpoto si libet politicum. Aliud est proprium, nempé si placeat oeconomicum. Aliud est magis proprium tetrathomum, videlicet vel, pentethonium Aliud est propriisimum, quod est athomum, athomum inquam non simpliciter, sed in isto genere. Quorum omnium modorum: primus excluditur per se ipsum ab vsu præsentis artis. Nouimus enim quomodo infinita in vnum atrium reducantur, & multiplicentur in eodem.

V.

Hæc quoque dupliciter contingit vsuuenire animata. s. & inanimata. Animata quidem cum subiecta substantiua adiectiuis apparebunt illustria, & insignita, quæ quidem aduentantium formarum, decursti moueantur: in animata vero cum vacua proferuntur & inania. Caueto igitur ne vulgatum illud experiaris. Vacua vacuis. frustra. n. sperabis in artis huius praxi, quod aiunt. Parietes clamabunt: lapides dabunt vocem suam.

VI.

Committe communia communibus; minus communia minus communibus, propria propriis; proprioribus atque propriissimis propriora, atque propriissima. Hic habes considerandi locum quo non modo ab omni obliuionis formidine exemptus fias; verum quoque ad perfectiores effigiandi & inscribendi vsus, item in ordinando & methodum methodorum inueniendo, promptior atque securior efficiaris. Et habes istud modo suo in radicibus primi Clauis magnæ.

VII.

Sint naturalia omnia & vel phisicam vel technicam admittant formam. Sint formis effigiandis quantitate proportionata, vbi illud memineris quod natura clamat so prescriptum in speciebus ad maximum & ad minimum habere terminum, eique tanquam subditæ præstanti legi non licere quantæcunque materiei quamcumque committere formam. Quod ad mensuram superius consideratum est referendum cum antiquis, quæ quidem respicit formas seu adiecta illa, quæ frequentissime subiectis committi assolent. Sint non vitra metam præcipué visibilium vnde intensione sua lædere possint, nec infra suos etiam remissa fines, quatenus ad internum oculum commouendum minus, vol minimé reddantur habilia. Caueto in engraphia vt cauetur in extrinseca scriptura: ne inquani ita subiecta subiectis sint apposita: vt proprios nec distinguas terminos & interualla: propriámque figurationem admisceates alienæ; tum sui denegent coniecturam, tum & alienam impediant. Sicut enim litteræ super litteras appositæ, & sigilli super sigillos,



se inuicem aut delent, aut certé confundunt: non minus subiectis nedum inquam adnexis & connexis: sed & continuis, vol contiguis, nulla intercapedinis conuenienti latitudine distinctis: importunam te noueris incurrere confusionem.

VIII.

Ita quoque capienda sunt subiecta vt determinatis mediis, longitudinibus, altitudinibus & latitudinibus & extremitatum differentiis, habitudinem aliquam habeant ad inuicem. Omnis enim virtus naturaliter præsentantium, & oculum tum primo externum, tum deinde internum commouentium, non tantum in coloribus & eorum fonte lumine sita est, quantum in extremitatum differentiis, ex quo principio perspectiuo opticus & catopticus ad ea quæ cæteris mirabilia videntur peragenda sunt promati: quod si ratio subiecti faciat vt ipsum non ferat á semetipso: tentet succurrens (vt innuimus) cogitatio vel per additionem externi, vel per additionem proprij, cum per congruentes formationes vtrumque possit accidere materiæ. Subtractione, ex lapide fit Mercurius. Additione ex ligno consuitur nauis. Compressione & distractione de cæra fit effigies. Tractu ex lineis fit figura. Alteratione ex vino fit acetum. Item alia commixtione, segregatione alia. Nexu alia. Solutione alia, alia Consequentia, & Continuitate tentantur ad commutandam formam, & vniuersaliter mutabilis rei naturam.

IX.

Illud quoque non est prætereundum subiecta proportionalitor ad oculorum intuitum in obtutu cogitationis internæ spectanda esse. Sicut. n. ibi sensibile inhaerens sensui non sentitur, & sensibile eminentius remotum á sensu, caret actu sensibilitatis siquidem nec oculis nimis proximos (nec admodum ab oculis sepositus liber legitur) ita in proposito, obtutus internæ cogitationis, quam ita regulare convenit, vt in genere suæ facultatis mediocri sitam elongatione ab intendente potentia, sibi figuret obiectum atque fingat. Illud quoque non minus omnibus est cauendum, ne quasi credentes & memorantes subiectum naturali potius memoriæ, quám speculari afferamus visui: accidit. n. ex huius considerationis penuria, aliquem opinari se subiectum figurare, vel tanquam figuratum contueri: cum tamen illud non sit. Aliud enim est subiectiuare, aliud, quasi in tenebris scribere, vel sub pallio.

X.

Ad amouenda vero quæ subiectorum continuitatem faciunt eorumque distributionem, distinctionémque propediunt, consultum erit vt inter positum subiectum & subiectum interposita tanquam abolita deletáque censeantur. E contrario vbi continuum & vniforme spacium nimis produci contigerit vt vltra quam satis est natura sua valida seiunxerit subiecta: tua positione alia post alia subordinare valebis, nec non adiectivis insignita concipere subiectis. Quid. n. obstat quominus phantasia antiqua hinc recedere; iisque noua accidere secum ipsa fingero valeat? Porró hæc phantastica, quæ veris addi placuerit: non levitor habeantur sicuti levitor efformantur: eo úsque. n. in illis cogitando est incumbendum, quoad ita tibi consuescant, vt á verioribus nihil differre videantur; Id quidem modica præstabis sollicitudine si voles.

XI.



Subiectorum sane repetita excursio, tantum adfert emolumenti; quantum præsens artificium valere potest. An ignoras illum qui diutius legere consuevit: citius quam possit opinari, eum singulas considerasse literas, ex literis composita scripta referre? ipsum sane consuetudo ad perfectius sine cogitationo agendum impulit: quam in assuetum valeat vnquam pura & intentior super singulas partes & elementa regere atque ducere cogitatio. Peritus consuetudine cytharedus perfectissimé sola actus consuetudine, non cogitando cytharizat: alius autem etiam tactuum rationom eandem habens, quam et ille: cum consuetudine careat, tanto se habebit rudius: quanto magis super agendis cogitando incumbet. Satis vulgatum est quanta sit vis consuetudinis. Satis perspicuum est quem leuis aqua durum excauare valeat marmor atque ferrum. Sed quid plura de re nimium manifesta? Dicta non prætermisimus, haud quidem quia satis non sunt manifesta: sed quia maximé operæ precium est, vt ad istud propositum referantur. Nouerunt iuxta artis antiquæ canones laborantes, simul longé seposita ab inuicem subiecta, eadémque plurima: vno cogitationis actu contueri ad expressionem non minus quam si in charta legerent expeditam & exquisitam. Id cum imperitis omnibus, tum & iis qui primo se accingunt operi minus credibile solet apparere: ipsa tamen res conuincit oppositum. Quod si per antiquas artes est præstitum præstarique videmus quotidie: quid fiet in ista inquam breuissimam admodum moram exigit consuetudo? plus, melius, tersiúsque tibi præstabunt, hic tres quatuórue lunæ reuolutiones: quám sex illi solis proprij potuerint afferre recursus. Inuenimus namque viam committendi singulis quibuscunque subiectis integros quosque terminos retinendos, & maiora longéque plura vt ex archanis magnæ Clauis est manifestabile. Quod, quantum & quomodo attrectauerit, alij ipsi viderint qui de ambobus recté poterunt iudicare.

XII.

Aspicis proinde quam sit ab eminente natura prelata varietas. Varia sunt mundi membra. Variæ sunt in membris mundi species. Variæ sunt in speciebus indiuiduorum figuræ: non. n. altera olea alteri oleæ prorsus est configurata; non alter homo prorsus alteri similis. Itaque differentus omnia sunt pro capacitate distincta, singula á singulis, omniáque ab omnibus proprii secernuntur tanquam finibus differentiis. Tenta igitur naturæ conformaturus in omnibus diuersitatem, in modo subsistendi, in magnitudine, in forma, in figura in habita, in habitudine, in termino , in situ, & quot poteris discriminibus indue, in agendo, patiendo, elargiendo, capiendo, subtrahendo , addendo , aliisque modis vt diximus alterando. Vicissim quidem dicuntur ens et vnum: quidquid vnum non est, ens non est, vniquodque autem hoc ipso vnum esse sentimus: quia modo suo propria terminatur differentia. Sensibus omnibus vniformitas nauseam parit, omnes. n. non modo vna qualitatis specie frequentiori, atque continua non delectantur: sed neque ad modicum temporis vnam eamdemque prorsus: vtpote vno, eodemque modo prorsus affectam patiuntur. Quod minimé præteriuit eos qui velocissimum in naturalibus omnibus fluxum considerantes: impossibile rati sunt eundem fluuium bis (imo vel semel) posse pedibus attingi.

XIII.

Hinc affectiuitas dependet subiectorum, affectiuitatem appello afficiendi actiuam facultatem, cum aliqua alliciente vel vrgente varietate, vel ab intrinseca natura dotantur, vel ab ipsa insigniuntur positione. Inde quibusdam consultum est principalibus subiectis apposititia quædam addere subiecta; vt affectiuitatem quam á se ipsis non habent: possint propter aliorum quasi sibi insitorum additamentum admittere. Quid enim? quanto magis in affectiuitate intenduntur atque remittuntur, tanto virtuosius ant lentius affectibilem



ipsam commouere possunt phantasiam, memoriæque subire aulam atque repetere. Hinc calcaria, hinc sales, hinc aculei; hinc condimenta, hinc obliti dum tentant reminisse, repetunt, recapitulant, resumunt quasi per ipsam diuersitatem, per ipsas vices, vel vt melius exprimam; per ipsam in vicibus diuersitatem sperent accire spiritum memoriæ. Quod bene facillimé cedit iis qui minimé animo turbati id faciunt: alioqui tanto in maiorem tenduntur confusionem; quanto turbatio illa magis atque magis incalescit. Quanta vero sit affectuum in genere virtus, & quomodo sint prouocandi, seruandi, & variandi , non parum aperte in libro Clauis magnæ insinuatur.

DE ADIECTIS.

I.

Adiectum vero seu forma in genere isto definitur subiecto sine physico, siue technico, siue phantastico appositum, ad aliquid per solertem cogitationis apparatum, presentando, effigiendo, notando, vel indicando ad picturæ scripturæque similitudinem; exprimendum vel significandum. Quæ ratio rospicit formas communes, ab antiquitate ad nostra vsque tempora dilapsas. Forma vero vt ex radicibus Clauis magnæ elicitur: est depromptus & explicatus ordo cogitabilium specierum, in statuas, vel microcosmon, vel in aliam generaliter architecturam dispositum; ad quolibet dicibile interius notandum , vel figurandum ex ductu phantastici chaos, methamorphoses omnes admittentis. Cuius Typum non tanquam hic declarandum: sed ut & hic iuspiciendum apponimus.

FIGVRA PRIMA.

II.

Est ibi chaos in tua primordiali natura elementorum & numerorum ordinem, atque seriem non excludens, cum non solum ipsum informe formabile oportet intelligere, verum quoque vt ordinate formabile concipere necesse est. Est vt vides diuersis distinctum interuallis in se suísque portionibus omni formalibus figura: dum formator designatus per elementum. A. per informes numerorum elementorúmque discurrit circuitus, & semidiametros. Aliam ipse figuram per Arietem imprimit: aliam per Taurum; alias quoque per reliqua omnia. Aliam per arietem denuo cum Saturno reuertentem, aliam cum Marte remigrantem, aliam cum hoc & illo: aliam sine hoc & illo. Vnde in infinitum possunt formari & reformari, siue numeri ipsi, ipsáque elementa, siue ipsi diuersimode ducti motores atque efficientes. Hoc est informe chaos formare, siue formantes eosdem ad formata; diuersa siue formantes varios atque diuorsos ad eadem formata referas, nihil interest in proposito. Veruntamen illud quod immobile manet, atque subest: hac ratione qua subest, atque formatur, habeatur vt foemina ad marem, & prorsus informe vt vndecunque formabile esse possit. Esset communi iudicio magis perfecté chaos, si ex inordinatis constaret etherogeneis, sed tale nulli posset esse vsui. Necessum quidem est ad obsequium memoriæ numeros & elementa ordine quodam esse disposita quo aduentantibus motoribus atque formatoribus; cæteras etiam memorabiles valeant suscipere formas. Sunt autem (vt vides) ita ordinate disposita, vt idem nec in eadem semidiametro, neque in eodem circuitu, aliquando possit occurrere, siuo sit elementum, sine numerus. Excellentissima pleraque alia per hanc figuram pertractari possunt; sed minimé hic locus est. An tamen cum hoc consulto sit apposita; non decerno, sed affirmo tantum. Hoc vnum dixerim quod si attentius eam



contemplabere cum rationibus hic explicitis: artem figuratiuam talem poteris adipisci, qualis non solum memoriæ, sed & cæteris omnibus animæ potentiis mirum in modum subueniendo conferet.

III.

Primum igitur & in adiectis notandum est, eorum rationem esse inter excessum & diminutionem, intensionem & remissionem , præteritum & futurum, distantiam & propinquitatem , relata ad hominis molem, vel semissem, ad intuitum, & præsens tempus in quo debet esse memoria.

IIII.

Horum alia sunt animata, & ista possunt concurrere vt organa, & efficientia, adiacentia, & opera, alia sunt inanimata, & huiuscemodi concurrunt vt organa adiacentia, & opera duntaxat. Animatorum vero alia sunt rationis participia, & ista aptasunt ad omnem actionem & passionem, & neutrum se habendi modum. Alia ratione carent, & istis (vt satis est manifestum) dicta per vniuersum non satis conueniunt.

V.

Ipsorum quoque quædam sunt naturalia, quaodam artificialia, quaodam sunt á sensibus externis illapsa ad sensus internos. Quædam in sensibus ipsis in ternis efformata quorum omnium species sunt Forma, Similitude, Imago, Figura, Exemplar, Character, atque Signum, secundum formalia significata distinctæ vt stat indictum in Clauis magnæ considerationibus.

VI.

Quod ad eorum magnitudinem attinent: Adiecta eo pacto conuenit subiectis esse commensurata: ut reuera ipsa sunt in rerum natura, alioqui facilé deperderentur & visum phantasiæ aut obtunderent aut disgregarent. Diuturniorem certé perquisitionem in ampla pagina microgramma: requirit & ægré requisitum reperitur. Mole quoque sua arbor spatium replens aut exuperans non reddit suam perspicuam figuram. Pro iis valde nobis probatur artificum quorundam industria, vbi modica quædam & phantasiæ visum subterfugientia subiectis sese offerunti adiicienda: alteri adiectiuo formam illam adiiciunt, cui adherere assolet atque concomitari. Adferet illi Sagittarius sagittam, scriptor calamum, Sutor acum. Tanta virtus est in connexione, adnexione, antecedentia, concomitantia & consequentia: vt inuisibilia faciant visibilia, intelligibilia per vniuersum sensibilia, difficilis quoque sensus facile persentita.

VII.

Quod ad qualitatem attinet: sint illustria, sint quæ imaginationem, cogitationémque pulsare valeant, vtpoté quæ aliquid admirandum, timendum, iucundum, triste, amicum, inimicum, abominabile, probabile, admirandum, prodigiosum, de quo sit spes, vel suspicio, & omninó quod in intimos affectus potenter irrumpat: secum afferant. Hinc caueto ne aberres minus sobrié intelligens modum præceptionis nostræ, cum inter species adiectorum signa, insignia, characteres , & sigillos enumerauimus: est. n. quod ea omnia



modifices per ca quæ proximé dicta sunt ad quantitatem attinentia, & figendus est oculus considerationis in eo quod in Clauis magnæ considerationibus habetur: vtpoté á sensibus, & phantasia, nihilo nisi per cogitatiuam facultatem ad memoratiuam patere posse ingressum.

VIII.

Quod ad relationem attinet. Opus est non ita adiecta subiectis applicari, quasi ea casu & vt accidit proiiciantur: atqui referenda sunt tanquam comprehensa ad comprehendentia; indumenta propria ad indutum; tutelata ad tutantia; ita adeóque inuicem connexa, vt nullo ab inuicem discuti possint turbine. Sint relata secundum omnes partes, ad omnes partes; vt pertinentia, vel in pertinentia, vt ordinata, vel deordinata; resistentia, vel conuenientia; & vniuersaliter ita fiat, vt conceptus vnius connectatur alterius conceptui. Quis. n. adiectum hoc Dignitas regia, abscisum ab omni subiecto conceperit? Simul igitur intelligantur adiecta cum subiectis: & quasi elementa lapidibus insculpta prodibunt; nec tanquam á vento exagitata volitabunt, vel confundentur, sicut accidit figuris arenarum tractibus effinctis.

IX.

Agere quoque intelligantur adiecta in subiecta, & in subiectis: vel pati á subiectis, vel in subiectis. Aliqua inquam actione, vel passione viuificata habeantur; quatenus aliquo motu, internum visum quasi sopitum, exagitatione quadam expergefaciant. Errando, Transeundo, Subeundo, Adeundo, Abeundo, Coeundo, Ascendendo, Descendendo, Obuiando, Deuiando, Vitando, Destituendo. Quo aliquid Admoueant, Pellant, Trudant, Excludant, Abalienent, Circumagant, Auersentur, Refrenent, Vexent, Abiiciant, Retorqueant, Deiiciant, Demoliantur, Diruant, Erigant, Eleueut, Extirpent, Distendant, Eradant, Abstergant, Eximant, Euacuent, Hauriant. Quibus omnibus non efficitur quo minus subiectis adiecta sint adnexa atque fixa: sed potius vt magis figantur; ipso enim in motu est fixionis, & perseuorantiæ sita facultas. Ne igitur hæc inde stabiliri desperes: neque. n. continuus motus sua stabilitate caret qua sit continuus: sic vt & fortunam poeta sua in inconstantia constantem appellitat. Cæterum in varietate, multitudine, velocitate, & tarditate seruetur modus: nec careant conditionibus ad qualitatem adiectorum pertinentibus.

X.

Quemadmodum in subiectis ita & in adiectis euitanda est vniformitas. Quantum quippe valeat, naturæque consona sit varietas ex supradictis desumi potest. Vnde & illud.

Per tanto variar natura è bella.

licet quidem eadom adiecta diuersis apponere subiectis: sed id in sepositis. atque post plurium interpositionem distantibus, actibus implicita differentibus, & secundum diuersas habitudinum species se habentia.

XI.



Illud etiam adiecta retinent cum subiectis commune, (cum conueniat, necessariumque sit ea subiectorum distinctionem consequi vt ipsa quæ ad vnum pertinent subiectum, non complectantur ilia quæ pertinent ad alterum; sod omnem continuitatem, connexionem, constipationem, & ad mixtionem fugiant. Dtim quippe diuersorum subiectorum adiecta vltro citroque actiones admitterent, atque motus: quasi inter se manus conserentia, aliisque occupata negociis frustra ad tuum auocabis obsequium.

DE ORGANO

I.

Reliqum est ut de organo, quo in proposito vtitur anima non-nihil determinemus. Non n. agenti, sufficit ad completam cognitionem: formæ inducendæ, & subiecti formandi rationem habere: verum quoque vbi negocij vrget opportunitas, id quod est ab agente in subiectum formæ vehiculum operæ præcium est non omittere quid sit in sua essentia; item, quale esse debeat, & quomodo sit contrectandum.

II.

Nouem concurrunt ad rememorationem faciendam & memoriam. Intentio antecedens qua primum aliquis sensus extrinsecus, vel intrinsecus sit in actu ex hoc quod mouetur ab obiecto. Prouocatio imaginationis, vbi sensus commotus iam mediate vel immediate expergefacit imaginationem. Imaginationis motus passiuus quo pellitur ad inuestigandum. Imaginationis actiuus motus quo iam inuestigat. Scrutinium quo intendens imaginatio inuestigat. Imago, ut pote species memorabilis. Intentio imaginis, nempé ratio qua memorabilis efficitur in præsentiarum aliis exclusis. Præsentatio illius intentionis, quod. s. intentio illa præsens officiatur. Et iudicatio qua apprehenditur eam esse intentionem illius imaginis.

III.

Inter hæc omnia quod scrutinium appellamus siue discerniculum (vtpoté quo cogitatio inquirit atque discernit) instrumenti rationem sortiri facilé constat quod ita communi nomine insignimus: quippe cum ad nostra vsque tempora eius nulla facta fuerit consideratio: proprio celebrique nomine caret. Cuius nominis rationis, considerationisque carentia isti occlusit iter inuentioni: quandoquidem radix formandæ reminiscentiæ atque memoriæ, in cæco densarum tenebrarum latuit profundo. Est ergo instrumentum istud in facultate cogitationis, proportionatum baculo in nostra manu (vnde nominis instituti vel melius instituendi rationem habere possis) quo stantes iacentem aceruum, dimouemus, diruimus, atque dispergimus. Vt nobis castanea é medio glandium, vel é communitate aliarum castanearum determinata prodeat.

IV.

Et cognoscitur instrumentum istud ab actu. Cum. n. sit duplex virtus conseruationis videlicet & rememorationis: quæ cum (vt aiunt) sint re vnum, secundum rationem distinguntur; sicut & vtrumque ab



imaginatione, magis tamen meo iudicio. Virtus. n. conseruationis est in confinio virtutis memoratiuæ & imaginariæ: & quasi conterminat eas. Distinguitur igitur rememoratiua ab imaginaria: cum quandoque sine forma imaginabili, imaginabilis formæ intentio comprehendatur: quandoque vero eius intentione forma non exuitur. Hinc fit vt cum multa simul retineamus, multa simul imaginari non possimus. In iis ergo hoc est quod agit instrumentum, Discernit, Disterminat & Ordinat vel (si libeat magis iustificate loqui) est quo fit Discretio, Distermitiatio, Ordinatio. Vnde á cogitatiua seponitur sibi in prospectum præsens de multis vnum, vnum inquam imaginatum vel vnius imaginem de multis retentis educit in propositum: Et sicut imaginatiua comprehendere dicitur, quid eius quod á pictore est in pariete descriptum; rememoratiuaque illius picturæ retinet intentionem: ita organum istud habet vicem deferentis & applicantis, vel magis eius quo fit delatio, & applicatio istius ad illud: ac si inuicem sint colligata: vt accidit in amplexu qui est in annulis cathenarum & similium. Ideóque quasi natura ipsa duce ad nostra vsque tempora hanc connexionem, locorum ordine emulabatur ars: vt vbi rem rei non valebat connectere, illud quod erat vnius post id ei quod erat alterius ordinabat: vnius inquam & alterius non proprium & pro ratione: sed appropriatum á præsenti positione: & hoc pacto quasi ex extraneis applicationem imaginis ad rememoratiuam aucupabatur. Ecce igitur scrutinij munus est vt vnitates (ita. n. dixerim multa vna vt verborum censoribus aliquid concædam) sigillatim capiendas per ipsum in ordinem disponantur. Quod ita accidit, vt cum centum ouium singulas singulis, atque diuersis numerorum notis vt 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9, & aliis deinceps inusserimus: ipsis mox cateruatim, & confusé occurrentibus adeó vt alia aliam impediat: vt gregarius baculo has oues diuertit, illas conuertit; has attrectat, illas allicit, quó suo singulas deducat ordine: ita cogitatio promptissimé aliis abactis: determinatum seligit aliud post aliud ipsa scrutinij virtute. Hic est locus considerandi á similitudine, quatenus veluti gregarius ex memoria ordinis numerorum, ordinem recipit ouium, quem per ipsas habere non potuisset: Sic nos facile genus artis inuenimus quo audita, vel visa numeris suo generi congruentibus formantes, ipso numerorum ordine, ordinem sentitæ rei deinde concipiamus, in tantum, vt scientes numerare perquam facile doceamus memorari. De formatione numerorum per omnia extat nostrum aliquid apud paucos. Et eius theoria est in libris Clauis magnæ vbi de numeris semimathematicis. Ingeniosis credo sufficere monstrasse nos in ista parte locum: vbi si non quod satis est insinuamus, forté pro congruentia loci vitra quam satis est expressimus. Nobis. n. ad paucos (vt gratias habeant) non autem ad omnes respicere consulitur.

V.

Est igitur scrutinium numerus quidam, quo cogitatio tangit modo suo species conseruatas, eas pro sua facultate Disterminando, Disgregando, Colligendo, Applicando, Immutando, Formando, Ordinando, inque seligendam vnitatem Referendo. Dicitur quidem numerus quia in nullo genere conuenientius potest collocari. Porro talis numerus est: vt nil sit quod per aliud quam per ipsum memorabilitatem possit induere, ve1 habere: non obstante quod aliis notum non viderim; nec per eosdem quoquo pacto definitum: ipsum in memoratione est necessarió concurrens principium (loca. n. habent vim non quia loca, neque quia imaginata: sed quia talem numerum in eorum ordine latentem habent) cuius rationem duarum differentiarum (quarum altera contrahit ipsum genus proximius, altera contrahit alteram vt melius possumus hoc pacto, explicamus. Numerus videlicet á quotuitate denominatus, dictus ad differentiam numeri denominati per quotitatem, quo responderemus quærenti quot sunt oues? Et numeri denominati per quotuitatem quo responderemus quærenti quoties venerunt oues in occursum? per ipsum. n. satis faceremus quærenti. Quota est ista ouis? quota est illa ouis? & ideo differenter per quotuitatem dicitur.



Quæ eum duobus adhuc sumatur modis tum videlicet vt respondet per primum secundum & tertium: tum vt primo, vel secundo vel tertio suo occurrit vel occurrere facit. ordine: iam in proposita iuxta secundam specificatur proximam differentiam; non autem primam. Est. n. quotuitas practica non theorica, quæ. s. non in ratione sed magis propriéque in vsu consistit. Qui quidem vsus dupliciter accidit; & videlicet primo cum quodam respectu habitudinéque determinata quadam, vt contingit iis qui per ingenium, rationem, & intelligentiam, recordantur: cum sciant de hoc esse dicendum, hoc esse proferendum, & post hoc sequi illud, & post illud rationabiliter aliud: in quibus proprie fieri dicitur reminiscentia, vt patet per famosam distinctionem ipsius á memoria. Et secundo sine apparente respectu: sed potius cum quadam magis absoluta (licet non vero absoluta) ratione, vt nobis accidit cum vocum minimé intellectarum meminisse possumus, cuiusmodi extant illa Charontis apud Merlinum.

Est percor partes agrios labefacta ruinam.

& allis eiusmodi in quibus nullus potest esse cogitatiuæ actus, nec distinctiuæ virtutis, ideóque eorum memoria esse potest; reminiscentia autem minime vt satis manifestum est us quibus manifesta est alterius ab altero differentia. Cum igitur hæc applicatio non referatur ad memoriam cuius est recipere & retinere (vt diximus & probauimus demonstratiuæ in Clauis magnæ doctrina:) nec phantasiæ generaliter dictæ (utpoté quæ includit etiam in sua significatione sensum communem communiter appellatum) ipsa. n. non est nisi eorum quæ vel secundum integrum, vel secundum partes in sensibus particularibus & externis præxtitere modo suo. Nec certé cogitatiuæ, cum ipsa sit de apprehensiuis cognitiuisque facultatibus, eiusmodi vero quorum allatum est exemplum non sint, in apprehensibilium cognoscibiliúmque genere. Quæ nam igitur est illa potentia interior quæ ab aure perceptas illas voces ad sensum communem delatas vt voces tantum nudas, potuit intrudere in memoriam? certe si est cogitatiua (cum non libeat aliam internam fingere potentiam ex æquo cum cogitatiua memoriæ proximam pro intrudendis his) haud est nuda cogitatiua, sed scrutinio armata, quo non solum quæ quasi manu tangere potest, sed & ea ad quas quasi manum extendere non valet, immittit in memoriæ promptuarium. Ex quibus patet hoc instrumentum esse necessarió ponendum, cuius latentia multarum occlusit iter inuentionum.

VI.

Genus actuum scrutinio prosequutorum in quinque distribuitur species. Applicationem, Formationem, Immutationem, Adunationem, & Ordinationem, quæ sane perpaucis notæ sunt: Sicut. n. non omnes qui vident, & audiunt: quomodo vident & quomodo audiunt, & quid est quo vident, & quid est quo audiant bene norunt: ita & non omnes, qui applicant, formant immutant, adunant, & ordinant: sciunt quomodo hæc præstent, & quid sit quo præstent. Notum satis est in vniuersalitate & confusione quadam hæc á ratiocinante anima produci: Sed non admodum quibus proximé potentiis, facultatibúsue, & organis: nec vt desideramus ante nos apparuit qui hæc fuerit rimatus intimius quam quidam ex Arabibus qui versati sunt circa Peripateticam disciplinam à quibus nonnulla prætacta sunt. Sed si nos hæc omnia per singula velimus in notitiam deducere: maximum aggrederemur negocium, & difficile ad communicandum; præsertim cum videam temporibus istis perpaucos veré philosophos vt in præludij significatum est sententiis: mitto quam aliquorum nominum, nouitas quam nouæ exigunt inuentiones, atque considerationes, plurimos lederet: hac de causa SILVI A BONIS, atque etiam quia ad negocium istud quod ad praxim præcipué dirigitur non spectant necessarió: illud ergo maximé animaduertendum est quod de scrutinio cum quandoquo



enumeratis nunc ordinate subinferemus.

VII.

Pro applicatione notandum quod dicitur facultates istas analogiam & ordinem inter se retinere vt sensus exterior sit circa corpora; Phantasia circa corporum simulachra. Imaginatio circa singulas simulachrorum intentiones: Intellectus veró circa singularum intentionum naturas communes & rationes poenitus incorporeas. Ex qua analogia sequitur (vt alibi monstrauimus) quod sicut extat ars quæ sensum externum allicit, trahit, atque ligat: ita est quæ allectat, atque tenacissimé vincit. Cur ad vuas per Zeusim depictas accursabant volucres? cur Venus á Praxitele sculpta vix ab amatoribus pudica seruabatur? quia artificum forma quædam ita suum subiectum rebus applicabat vt eas intensius exquisitiusque discerneret; nec non sedes vnde præcipuè & [vt ita dicam] capitaliter species irrepunt in sensus inueniret. Licet autem [vt supra dictum est] principium istud omnibus sit communo: non tamen vniforme esse in omnibus satis est planum: quibus enim aptius atque temporatius est instrumentum (puta corpus) clariores sunt animæ.

VIII.

Anima clarior diuinis Ideis magis exposita intentius obiectorum formas suscipit: quemadmodum qui acutioris visus est, facilius aptiúsque discernit Formæ. n. in corporibus nil aliud quám diuinarum idearum imagines esse censentur: quæ eædem in sensibus hominum internis, quo melius nomine intitulari possunt quam diuinarum idearum vmbræ; Cum ita á realitate distent naturalium; sicut. naturales á veritate distant methaphisicalium? Harum quidem specierum aditumm in intellectum potius crediderim immediate fieri per conuersionem ad lumen illud quod agit in nobis intelligentiam: quam mediantibus rerum physicarum formis intus per sensus exteriores ingestis. Ex vna tamen parte vno experimur modo, ex alia vero alio. Propterea expedit vtramque opinandi viam sine contradictione complecti: quod quomodo fiat alibi demonstrauimus; & tu ex temetipso si in communissima versatus es philosophia, per hæc poteris determinare. Huiusce sané oculi nisi in te vigeat emissio per applicationem: qui fieri potest vt per ipsum in cæteras interiores animæ potentias scibilium speres consequi immissiones? quid. n. aliud est non appellere, quám clausos habere oculos? quid aliud est claudere oculos quam in vmbra (vt aiunt) mortis versari? non ne á rerum veritate vsque ad ora vulgi transmissum est; vt equiualeat quempiam clausisse oculos & esse mortuum?

IX.

Pro formatione vero quæ sequitur applicationem: illud primo animaduertendum, eius totam vim in modo & specie applicationis esse sitam. Potentia. n. generaliter apprehensiua habet illud cum matoria commune: vt in se ipsa, & ex seipsa nil sit præter sinum & conceptaculum: nullum elementorum in se odorem habet aliquem, vel saporem, vel calorem: concurrentibus tamen illis fama est, in diuersos ordines atque gradus, omnem prodire colorem, saporem, & odorem. Ignis alteri corpori admotus lucet; insuper & iuxta corporum varietatem diuersimodé in melius, atque deterius splendescit. Id sané non habet ignis in se, nec corpus alterum in se, sed ambo habent virtute applicationis. Iam habes per similitudinem, formationem tum intellectus, tum memoriæ consequi applicationem, tanto meliorem; quanto, & antecedens melior extitit applicatio: & huius efficacia maxima ex parte in scrutinij manuductione consistit.



X.

Sunt qui velint formas facilis reductionis esse illas quæ sunt apud virtutem imaginatiuam atque communem sensum, multæ corporalitatis & modicæ (inquiunt ipsi) spiritualitatis. Formas vero difficilis reductionis, esse multæ spiritualitatis & modicæ corporalitatis. Id quidem ita sibi suadent quia formæ multæ corporalitatis morantur dum sensus communis spintualitatem ab earum corporalitate distinguit; vnde formam illam fixari in ea contingit; idque præsertim cum eam pauci corticis recipit. Hinc reciproce inferunt hominem tardi motus in cuius anima figuntur sensibilia quæ transierunt: melioris esse rememorationis. Quæ omnia habent quandam leuem persuasionem quæ quidem cum verbis explicantibus ipsa similia sunt opinationibus & sermonibus somniantium. Constituunt. n. memoratiuas species alias veloces, alias tardas, alias tempestiué, alias maturé; alias figurari per equum Martini, alias per equum Georgi, quod dicere & sentire non convenit grauitati illorum. Quidquid enim sentiant: nunquam corporalitas quá corporalitas, seu proprius dicas corpus qua corpus est, quippiam agere intelligi debet imó vniuersaliter asserendum à corporalitate non esse actionem; á maiori minus esse, a maxima minimè, quia corpus quatenus corpus non agit, omnis. n. actio est à qualitate, & ab eo quod spiritualius est ipsa qualitate; magis, & ab incorporeo maximé. Vtlibet ergo intelligantur verba illorum famosorum virorum euitare nequeunt semper inconueniens, & si velis eos excusare quod non corporalia agunt magis quia corporalia, sed quia multum morantur & sunt vehicula accidentium, á quibus informationes efficiuntur quæ morantibus corporibus morantur; & morantia figuntur magis. Hæc excusatio non potest capi nec retineri quominus obiter euomatur á verbis illorum, leuissimique stomachi sententia. Mitto quod magis rudes sunt magis morosi, & magis morosi magis rudes: nec obstat quod experimur nos morantes in consideratione vnius rei magis memores reddi quám leui consideratione præter labentes, experimur enim etiam atque non minus, nos quædam sine mora audita atque visa vel etiam considerata in sempiternum recordari; alia vero diutius attentiúsque visa & considerata, minimé retinere. Haud igitur in mora & corporalitate est virtus, imo in ipso contrario maximé quod ad corpus attinet. Quod vero ad alterum non est mora quæ facit fixionem: sed formæ actiuitas, videtur autem mora conferre aliquando: quia forma aliqua non apta vel nata est citó agere, vel subiectum citó recipere, ideóque morando perficitur actio. Vbi vero forma est spiritualior, est & actiuior. Hinc ignis actiuissimus est omnium elementorum, quia spiritualissimum est inter ea, & potentissimum ad conuertendum in se, & data materia solus per se in infinitum crescens. Qui etiam si multum agit: non quia multus est. & magnus, agit, vtpote propter multam corporalitatem: sed propter intensiorem qualitatem, quæ consuenit seruari in illa magnitudine: quæ quidem qualitas (vt notant quidam Platonicorum) si posset reduci in medietatem illius magnitudinis: intenderetur adeo magis, vt duplo potentius ageret, si in minimam quantitatem, maximé potentior: si in indiuiduum infinite potentior. Ex his ergo considerari potest quam inconsiderate dicti philosophi loquuti sint.

XI.

Hinc etiam patet quam imperité (etenim hoc notare non est sine emolumento eorum quæ ad præsens institutum spectant) equini quidam medici proferant illud vulgatum. Non qualitas, sed quantitas. Cum ad eorum propositum oppositum totum proferri deboat. Esto. n. quod qualitas tantæ virtutis non sit infra tantam quantitatem, & in multa quantitate multa qualitas conseruetur: nunquam tamen actiuitas refferri debet ad molem, totúmque illud quod est pertinens ad rationem materiæ, extensio. n. ipsa ordinata est



[ipsis etiam indicibus] ad continentiam: qualitatis, atque formæ. Ferri id tamen potest si ab Apotecariis eorum dictum fuerit: quia recipiunt precium iuxta quantitatem quæ est in ponderibus, numeris, & mensuris, quidquid sit de qualitate simplicium, pharmacorum & aliorum confectorum; & idcirco, vt existimo, quidam ex eis in suo insigni notatum habebat in nostra patria. NON QVALITAS SED QVANTITAS. quamuis. n. constaret eum hæc retulisse ad porcum depictum de quo non quæritur sicut de equo, an concinnos habeat oculos, parvas auriculas, contractam ceruicem, latum pectus, minacem frontem, os arrectum, crura soluta, & id genus alia, sed duntaxat an sit latus longus atque pinguis, id tamen non minus conuenienter subinde poterat á porco ad id quod erat intus in apotheca referri. NON QVALITAS SED QVANTITAS, vtpoté pia mater, quæ dotauit filias & doctorauit filium.

XII.

Adunatio uero & immutatio, licet sint duo actus: simul tamen fiunt. Immutando enim fit adunatio; adunando fit imrnutatio. Horum rationem ita aperimus. Dixit Heraclitus, Si omnia entia fumus fierent: nares omnia discernerent. Dicamus crassius. Si omnia præter Vulpeni in gallinaceos conuerterentur frustra non esuriret vulpes, omnia per vulpem essent vorabilia. De potentibus omnia suo modo conuertere, vnum est hominis phantasia: de potentibus omnia suo modo vorare, & degustare vnum est hominis cogitatiua. Tale conuersionis genus potent attingere (non sine cogitationis actu) phantasia; vt omnia memorabilia potenter reddat non absque phantasiæ actu cogitatiua. At inquies oportebit phantasiam conuertere omnia aut in vnam speciem, aut in plures: si conuertat & reformet in vnam; iam non erit multorum memoria, sed vnius: si quippé omnia conuertantur in ouem: iam lupus non multiplicabit comestibilium speciem vt dici possit præter vnum quippiam illi esse comestibile. Si conuertat reformétque in plures species: aut finitas, aut infinitas si finitas: aut determinatas & istas cognoscere & aut determinare opportet; aut indeterminatas, & ita erimus in eodem in quo sumus. Infinita vero tentare stultum est. Scire igitur oportet conuersionem non ita fiendam vt substantialis diuersitas destruatur; nec vt accidentia vnius cuiusque rei propria tollantur: Sed vt diuersa atque omnia ita vna illis applicita adueniente forma, afficiantur modo suo: vt vnam ab vno, & per vnum memorabilis subeant rationem: Sic omnia lupus iste ingurgitabit vt vnum: si omnes substantiæ & quæ inmediate consequuntur eas vnius generis accidentium indumenta subibunt.



Sicut ad eandem vocalem in centro circuli innumera si esse, & imaginari possint elementa relata; (non ablato quod corum singula suam diuersitatem retineant) omnia vnius sonantiæ modum subeunt: imo tantum abest vt per vocalis applicationem subcludant suam essetiæ ab aliis diuersitatem: vt per illam magis eadem insinuare valeant. Sic & vni spiritui pluribus appositis organis diuersæ pro eorum propria ratione producuntur voces. Quid ergo est quod disperans non disponaris, & quasi accingaris ad aliquam de innumeris possibilibus tibi speciem comparandam; in phantasiæ & cogitatiuæ conterminio situandam: qua vniuersa sicut in libro spectabilitatem, ita & in anima memorabilitatem induant? Hoc est quod tuæ



relinquimus industriæ ô quicunque es ingeniose. Intueare quid præstiterit modus inventionis Pan Archadiæ Dei cum primus calamos coniunxit agrestes: hæc quæ diuersis iam acta ingeniis non facile olim consonare solebant: iam vnico eiusdem spiritu, in vnum quasi imparibus compactum cicutis in missorum, ablatam dispersionem, adunionemque factam, quam commode præstat vnus.

XIII.

Pro hoc quod ad ordinationem attinet, vulgatæ sunt (licet ad rem minus & modicum relatæ) propositiones ab ista pendentes, quæ consideratis iis quæ per nos extant enucleata melius vsuuenire possunt. Principaliter ergo contingere dicitur reminiscentia, cum motus iste huic motui de necessitate succedit, vel motum istum hic motus concomitatur: siue id sit locali, siue temporali, siue rationali, siue naturali, siue artificiali, siue quomodocunque aliter positiua concomitantia, atque vnius post alterum successione. Ad quem sané modum, progredimur á memoria niuis ad memoriam hiemis; Hinc ad eam quæ frigoris. Hinc ad eam quæ antiperistasis: Hinc ad eam quæ intendentiæ caloris in stomacho: Inde ad eam quæ potentis digestionis; Ab hac in appetitum, & viuacius nutrimentum; robur, & exercitium; & ita deinceps in hoc. In aliis omnibus similiter. Si quid vero habet naturam carentem ordine: ad aliud ordinatum referatur: atque innitatur: quod quidem semper esse debet aliquod sensibile: quamobrem non temeré á ratiocinativo philosopho dicitur ordinem propria natura sensibilium esse: & non cognoscit ipsum extra margines naturæ. Vnde si quæras ab illo quid est ordo? est inquiet progressus rei secundum viam naturæ. Quid est ordinis carentia exitus inquiet á via naturæ. Hæc sunt quæ de organo, & ad organum scrutinium pertinentia volumus esse dicta: quæ si attentius contemplaberis; nihil est quod ne ad vlteriora progrediaris impediat: ex iis. n. remoueris ab eo, quod ad consequentes actus occlusum faciebat iter. Et certé facere non potuimus; ne sub titulo theorices sufficienter apponeremus ea, quæ per so ipsa praxim complere valeant.

TERTIA PARS

I.

Age iam ad operandi formam transeamus insinuandam. Tanquam præludiis agentes, ab elementorum simpliciorúmque notitia, ad compositi integri, atque perfecti considerationem deueniamus.

Primum igitur ad eorum similitudinem qui prius manum paginæ docent admouere quam oculi ad inscriptos caractheres coniiciantur: proponimus ante apparanda subiecta quorum præcesserit memoria: vt ipsorum virtus & efficacia discooperiatur hunc in modum. Sumatur subiectum commune idque primo in partes eius maiores distribuatur, quæ ex instituto saltem operantis sibi succedere debeant: quæ partes maiores, subiecta magis propria superius sunt appellata. Hinc ad subdiuisionem procedatur; vt partes istæ ad inuicem finiri, & ordinatæ sibi inuicem succedere perceptæ, in loco contiguitatis veræ, vel positiuæ describant sibi alias partes, quæ subiecta propriissima indiuiduáque sunt: quæ multiplicari debent iuxta rationem latitudinis subiectorum magis propriorum, & commodum occurrentium sedium adiiciendorum.

II.



Quibus ita dispositis & prompté memoriter habitis adsit cathalogus diuersarum rerum sensibilium, quæ primo numero sint viginti & quinque, deinde quinquaginta, mox centum: vt gradatim exercitationis beneficio exoptata comparetur disciplina; cum hoc quod optimé videbitur quomadmodum ea quorum ordo naturlem memoriam suggeret: merito subiectorum quibus distributa sunt & applicata; ordinate tibi non minus quam si in pagina essent exarata occurrent: vt ab vltimo ad primum eadem facilitate possis incedere; qua á primo ad vltimum accedebas. Item & quomodo libet ordinem referendorum inuertere; ad hoc ipsa locorum sensibilitate conferente.

III.

Proinde visa subiectorum efficacia ad adiectorum rationem transeamus quibus non tanquam leui fragilique fundamento naturalis innittitur memoria. Adest ergo duplicis generis memoria, terminorum videlicet atque rerum: quarum hæc simpliciter admittit necessitatem: illa veró in aliquo quodam genere, vel in eo quod per ipsam acui creditur memoratiua facultas ad propriæ functionis expeditionem: grauiora. n. passi minorem difficultatem & arduitatem non sentire consueuimus: vel quia alicuius facultatis fert consuetudo, cum occurrentia propositi atque sententiæ in initialium verborum expressionem requirere, vel quia rebus accidit vnicum propriumque nancisci nomen idque non satis in promptu, vt sunt herbaram, arborum, mineralium, seminum & id genus aliorum, quorum conceptum habere minimé sufficit: vel tandem quia sæpe sese offert occasio proferendi verba, quorum minimé rationem habemus.

IIII.

De generibus quibus res ipsæ adiiciuntur, explicantur, séque inuicem insinuant: alibi declarabimus. Pro genere autem istius facultatis satis tibi apertum iter ex antedictis: necnon habes optimam magistram atque ducem tum intrinsecam, tum extrinsecam naturam, quæ te per rationem insitam & obiecta præsentia semper illuminat.

V.

Modorum quoque quibus termini adiiciuntur plurimi, & innumeri occurrere tibi poterunt dummodo fueris in agitatione Clauis rnagnæ peritus (illa quippe fons est omnium inuentionum) eos qui nobis commodiores visi sunt in diuersis locis diuersos explicarnus. Modum vnicum quo ad nostra vsque tempora vsi sunt antiqui prorsus contemnimus, quia laboriosus est multámque requirit exercitationem, nec certæ est ab omnibus assequutionis.

VI.

Perstrinximus igitur intrinsecæ lectionis latitudinem illam & longitudinem compressimus: iis. n. oculum phantasiæ disgregantibus atque distrahentibus, maius causabatur negocium, quod artis difficultate exercitationísque prolixitate, dignioribus intenta negociis ingenia repellebat. Quid. n? indiuiduo subiecto per vnicum adiectum vnicum tantum (vt in pluribus) committere licebat elementum, quippe cum innumerabiles habeantur combinationum & compositionum differentiæ. Qua de re qui primus apparet hanc



artem transtulisse á Græcis ad Latinos: deridet Græcorum quorundam studium verborum imagines conscribere volentium, atque ita eas sibi parare, vt cum opportunæ fuorint in inquirendo tempus non consumetur. Videbat. n. verborum infinitam esse multitudinem, ideoque ridiculum esse illam persequi velle. Atqui nobis non solum possibile sed & facile compertum est posse apparatas haberi imagines, quibus singulis quibusque locis cuiuscumque generis terminos integros apponam, idque pluribus modis, vt in pluribus tractatibus ad diuersas ordinatis intentiones manifestamus: In presentiarum vero per hunc qui sequitur proponatur modum.

Prima praxis quæ vocum est.De fixione rotarum.

I.

Ad ordinatam parandam exercitationem: primò elementorum prompta habeatur conceptio: elementorum inquam illis adiectibilibus explicabilium, quæ ad omnes producendas actiones nec-non ad passiones omnes recipiendas sunt aptissima.

II.

Ex iis ergo triginta tuæ notitiæ melius inhærentes ad triginta elementorum expressionem faciendam eligantur: quæ completum reddunt numerum, eorum quæ diuersis inseruiunt in tribus idiomatibus pronunciationum differentus: neque. n. necessarium est triplex instituere elementarium, cum A ipsum equiualeat ipsi α [alpha] & [aleph] B. ipsi β [beta] & [beth]. similiter & alia multa aliis. Vbi vero super nostri generis elementa sunt Græca vt ψ ω θ [psi omega theta] & vltra hæc & illa, sunt Hebræa: propriis sunt notata caracteribus. Et ita vnum simplex elementarium deseruit tribus linguis & iis quæ illis sunt subalternatæ.



III.

Triginta igitur adiecta promptitudine citra omnem dilationein possibili tuæ se offerant phantasiæ, dum alius vel tu te intentes ad prompté respondendum quid pro singulis elementis ordinate, regressiué, & progressiué, item & inordinaté propositis habeatur.



IIII.

Quo quidem peracto, ad tribuendum singulis singulas appropriatas operationes procedatur: quæ omnes sint ad oculum sensibiles; quæque non sine corporis motu prosequantur. Tu prout tibi commodius videbitur ordinabis atque statues: nos interim eiusmodi sub typis proponemus Agentes & actiones.

Lycas in conuiuium AA

Deucalion in lapides. BB

Apollo in pythonem CC

Argus in bouem DD

Arcas in Caliston EE

Cadmus in satos dentes FF

Semele in partum GG

Echo in Narcissum HH

Tyrrhenus nauta in Baccum puerum II

Pyramus in Ensethe KK

Mineis in lanificium LL

Perseus in caput Medusæ MM

Athlas in coelum NN

Pluto in Proserpinam OO

Cyane in stagnum PP

Arachnes in telam QQ

Neptunus in equum RR

Pallas in oliuam SS

Iason in Tauros TT

Medæa in cacabum Esonis VV

Theseus in Scyronem XX

Filia Nisi in paternum crinem YY

Dedalus in alarum structuram ZZ

Hercules in Antheum ψψ [psi psi]

Orphæus in lyram ϕϕ [phi phi]

Cicones in Orphæum ωω [omega omega]

Esacus in precipitium θθ [theta theta]

Mennonis in sepulturam òò [`ayin `ayin]

Arion in delphines öö [sadhe sadhe]

Glaucus in herbam. ùù [shin shin]



In quibus non requiritur necessarió primum nominis agentis vel actionis elementum; idem esse cum illo cuius est expressiuum: sufficit enim ambo hæc determinato huic significando esse adscripta.

Rotam igitur primó immobilem intra alte-ram immobilem ita situabis: vt exte-

rior homines; interior autem ap-propriatas denotet actiones.



V.

Quibus foeliciter succedentibus ad vlteriorem fiat progressus operationem. Placeat inquam homini & hominis actioni addicere instrumentum vel insigne non quidem quod ad illius tantum referri debeat actionem, sed quod sit omnibus vt fieri potest adaptabile vel saltem omnibus in operibus obeundis compatibile. Non. n. ideo fixæ figurantur hæ rotæ vt maneant perpetuo: sed vt vnius adiecti appropriata nostræ figantur memoriæ: vt cum huc, illucque prodeunt: semper atque statim referri possint ad illum (vt in vlterioribus patebit) ad quem præsentia sunt ordinata. Habet ergo Lycas cathenam, Deucalion vittam, Apollo baltheum, Argus caputium, Arcas peram, Cadmus antesinale, Semele suppositam sedem, & ita deinceps alij alia, quæ licet singulis sint propria: sunt tamen pro viribus omnibus appropriabilia quod quidem magis est curandum. Ratio. n. praxis vltimæ atque profectio; rationi praxis initialis est præferenda.

Rotam igitur secundo immobilem intra duas alias immobiles pro appropriatis duobus: quæ ad hominem referuntur constanter nanciscendis collocato: quatenus perpetuo naturam elementorum vbicumque ponantur, & quomodocumque disponantur præsentare queant. Rotæ fixæ mentis oculo conspiciendæ sunt huiusmodi.



Ibi exterior significat homines Media proprias actiones. Interior vero insignia hunc in modum.

A Lycas A in conuiuium A cathenatus

B Deucalion B in lapides B vittatus

C Apollo C in Pythonem C Baltheatus



D Argus D in bouis custod. D caputiatus

E Arcas E in Calistum E peratus.

Similis de aliis esto institutio, ordinatio, & iudicium. Vbi vero ad tertij elementi significationem instrumentum addere contigerit (quamuis hoc minus commodum sese offerat, accidit enim actionem appropriatam, vel contingentem non pati in manu tale appositum) ipsum pro commoditate imaginetur aliquo adiectum vel alligatum vel interiectum pacto, vt operationem Turbet, Adiuuet, & vel Abiiciatur, Euertatur, Eximatur, Extricetur, Euacuetur, Ruat, Incidat, vel quomodolibet aliter pro operis congruentia se habere possit: Cæterum incomparabiliter conuenientius est insignire: quippé cum sine vlla difficultate insignia possint ad omnes referri & applicari.

VI.

Consulto plané industriæ tuæ committere placuit inueniendas congruentes actiones, & organa, sine insignia, sicut enim singulis peculiares determinatorum hominum sunt magis notæ & celebres effigies: ita etiam (cum trahat sua quemque voluptas) habent singuli quibus operibus instrumentis & insigniis, sollicitentur magis, magisque in affectus concitentur. In superioribus. n. Ianuæ memoriæ dicebantur affectus; hósque potentiores, patentiores: ij vero nec iidem sunt, neque ab iisdem emanant principiis in omnibus.

Author: Bruno, Giordano, 1548-1600.Title: Ars Memoriae ('The Art of Memory') / by Giordano Bruno.Edition: F. Tocco et al., eds., Jordani Bruni Nolani opera latine conscriptapta publicis sumptibus edita...Published: Neapoli : D. Morano, 1879-91.Description: 3 v : ill. ; 23 cm.Subject Headings: 1. Metaphysics -- Early works to 1800. 2. Hermetism -- Early works to 1800. 3. Memory -- Early works to 1800. 4. Mnemonics -- Early works to 1850.Other: Bruno, Giordano, 1548-1600. Ars Memoriae, 1582. Bruno, Giordano, 1548-1600. Opere Latine. I. Title. B783 193 B83.IF



V. II (i), pp. 56 ff.

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Giordano Bruno: Cantus Circaeus ('The Incantation of Circe')

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Giordano Bruno: Cantus Circaeus ('Incantation of Circe')


Cantus Circaeus ("Incantation of Circe") is an early work by Bruno on the art of memory with strong magical elements. It is written in the form of a dialogue between the great sorceress Circe and her assistant or apprentice Moeris. It opens with Circe's incantations to the planets which appear to be based on Agrippa, De Occult. Phil. II, lix. These incantations are described as "barbara & arcana". These are accompanied by various magical operations including the use of an altar, fumigations, and notae. This is followed by an Art of Memory.

According to I.P. Couliano, "Giordano Bruno's magic is based not only upon the Ficinian tradition but also on techniques relating to the art of memory. This art consisted of a manipulation of phantasms or inner images, whose purpose varied from the mere learning by heart of a text to mystical contemplation." ('Magic in Medieval and Renaissance Europe' in Hidden Truths: Magic, Alchemy, and the Occult: 1987).

Cantus Circaeus follows chronologically De Umbris Idearum, which is mentioned in the preface. The character of Circe also recurs prominently throughout Bruno's works, including his The Heroic Frenzies, and his final work De imaginum ... compositione (1591).

PHILOTHEI

IORDANI

BRVNI NOLANI CAN-

TVS CIRCÆVS AD EAM

memoriæ praxim ordinatusquam ipse Iudiciariam

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appellat.

AD ALTISSIMVM PRINCI-

PEM HENRICVM D' ANGOVLESME

magnum Galliarum Priorem, in Pro-uincia Regis locumtenentem, &c.

PARISIIS,

Apud Ægidium Gillium, via S. IoannisLateranensis, sub tri urn coro-

narum signo.M. D. LXXXII.

ILLVSTRISSIMO ALTISSI-

MOQVE PRINCIPI HENRICO D'ANGOV-

lesme Magno Galliarum Priori, Prouinciæ Gubernatori, ac Locumtenenti generali, & totius maris



orientalis pro Regia Maiestate Admiralio Io. Regnault eiusdem Illustrissimi á secretis Consiliarius.

Cum ad manus meas, Altissime princeps, duplex de cantu Circæo & eius ad memoriæ Artem applicatione Dialogus peruenerit; cúmque artis ipsius excellentia, & fructus non me lateat: dignissimam quæ nobilibus & generosis ingeniis communicaretur existimaui. Materiam enim minime vanam, de rebus maxime desiderabilibus comprehendit. Mitto quod præter titulum, & artis elementa nihil habet cum aliis hactenus editis commune: eáque admittit propria, quæ Iordanum non solum autorem sed & frugi inuentorem testificabuntur. Ad hæc artis istius editio ad eius famam, & iustificationem pertinet: accidit enim eius exemplaria successu quodam fuisse vitiata: & conspurcata circumferantur: quatenus & auctor reddatur vulgo suspectus, & Ars minus commendabilis. Consultum ergo mihi fuit eam ipsam artem habentem pro titulo prohemium (in quo quæ promitti possunt proponuntur) cum suo progressu cuius erat cxemplar apud me, fidelissime vt olim quibusdam dictata fuerat, vtque dialogo Circæo cum eiusdem applicationibus ad augmentum & non modicum ornamentum & claritatem facientibs postea per Ior. est efformata, in lucem edere. Cui quidem amico consilio atque sententia libentissime vt par erat consentiuit Iordanus meque roqauit vt (cúm sit ipse grauioribus negociis intentus) ego eam ipsam curam susciperem & complerem. Post igitur aliam artem per ipsum editam, & christianissimo Regi dicatam: quæ de vmbris idearum intitutatur: hanc ego edendam suscepi, quæ quidem illud habet peculiare, atque proprium: vt memoriam verborum seu dictionum quam aliæ artes inter millibus suppositis imaginibus, & centum millibus locis difficile complebant: ista in centum, & viginti præcipuis formis (vt ipse loquitur) subiectiuandis: iuxia terminorum, sententiarumque numerum facillime perficiet, determinatis operationibus insigniis, circunstantiis, & adsistentibus. Quibus efficit vt hæc ars pro memoria verborum longe minus labore, industria, & exercitatione: quam cæteræ omnes quæ legi possint indigeat. Adeo vt facilius, & certius hanc viam incedentibus præstent tres quatuorue menses, quam aliorum tramitem persequentibus, tres quatuorue præstare valeant anni. Quod sane artem hanc alijs comparare potenti non potest esse dubium. Quod veró ad memoriam rerum & sententiarum attinet: satis apertum est quod mox auditis artis præceptionibus: quilibet eadem possit pro sua vti capacitate: & ab eius profectu non est iudicij compos qui excludatur. Dictas igitur cum in ipsa singularitates acceperim dignum existimaui vt sub tui nominis splendore curreret: quatenus etiam obsequium perpetuæ seruitutis qua tibi ex toto pectore sum addictus, hoc etiam signo percipere possis: vt & si qui fructum ex huius artis canonibus emetent, ipsum ex parte ad te, cuius secundis auspiciis est edita, referant. interim celsitudo tua muneris exiguitatem., animi affectúsque magnitudine compenset obsecro. Vale, & quamdiutissimé Regiæ Ma. Patriæ, & admnistrationi tuæ, tuísque foelix & incolumis viue.

Tuæ amplitudini addictiss. & obsequen-tissimus seruus Io. REGNAVLT.

IORDANVS LIBRO.



Visurus magam magni solis filiam,His procedens é latebris,Ibis Circêum liber in hospicium,Haud arctis arctis clusum terminis.

Balantes oues, mugientes & boues,Crissantes hoedorum patresVisurus, vniuers' & campi pecora,Cunctasque syluæ bestias.

Concentu vario errabunt cæli volucres,In terra, in vnd' in aere.Et to dimittent illæsum pisces maris,Naturali silentio;

Tandem caueto, quando domum appuleris,Inuenturus domestica:Namque antè fores, aditumqu' ant' atrii,Limosum se præsentans

Occurret porcus, cui si forté adhæseris:Limo, dentibus, pedibus:Mordebit, inquinabit, inculcabit,Et grunditu t' obtundet.

Ipsis in foribus, in adituqu' atrii,Moraus genus latrantium:Molestum fiet baubatu multiplici,Et faucibus terribile.

Hoc ni desipias, & nisi desipiat,Metu dentis, & baculi,Te non mordebit, ipsum non percuties,Perges, nec te præpediet.

Quæ cum solerti euaseris industria,Interiora subiens:Solaris volucer to gallus excipiet,Solis committens filiæ.



PHILHOTHEI IORDANI

BRVNI NOLANI CANTVS

Circæus, ad Memoriæ praxim ordinatus.

DIALOGVS PRIMVS

Interloquunt. CIRCE & MOERIS.

CIRCE.

Sol qui illustras omnia solus. Apollo, carminis audior, pharetrate, arcitenens, sagitti-potens, Pythie, lauriger, fatiloque, pastor, vates, augur, & medice. Phæbe, rosee, crinite, pulchricome, flaue, nitide, placide, cytharæde, cantor, & veridice. Titan, Milesi, Palatine, Cyrrhæe, Timbræe, Deli, Delphice, Leucadice, Tegæe, Capitoline, Smynthæe, Ismeni, & Latialis. Qui mirabiles impertiris naturas elementis: quo dispensante tumescunt, & sedantur maria: turbantur & serenantur aër & æthera: viuida quoque intenditur, reprimitúrque ignium vis atque potentia. Cuius ministerio viget istius compago vniuersi, inscrutabiles rerum vires ab ideis per animæ mundi rationes ad nos vsque deducens & infra, vnde variæ atque multiplices herbarum, plantarum cæterarum, lapiduinque virtutes, quæ per stellarum radios mundanum ad se trahere spiritum sunt potentes.

Adesto sacris filiæ tuæ Circes votis. Si intento, castóque tibi adsum animo, si dignis pro facultate ritibus me præsento. En tibi faciles aras struximus. Adsunt tua tibi redolentia thura, sandalorúmque rubentium fumus. En tertio susurraui barbara & arcana carmina. Peractæ sunt lustrationes. Septem suffituum genera pro septem mundi principibus expediuimus. Solutiones & ligamenta de more sunt peracta. Sygillauimus omnia. vnum abest vt præcationum quæ præcurrere debuerunt, quæque ad suos repetitæ sunt numeros concupita proferamus. Moeri inspice lineam, & vide an adhuc altum cæli sol teneat.

MOERIS. Nil abest.

CIRCE. Conuertor igitur ad te meridianum solem, per mirabilem potentiam qua vnus tam plurima facis. Per concitatorum equorum tuorum cursus, qui vniuersa detegens duo latentia percurris hemisphæria. Quis quæso rerum modus est? Ecce sub humano cortice ferinos animos. Conuenit ne hominis corpus vt cæcum atque fallax habitaculum bestialem animam incolere? Vbi sunt iura rerum? vbi fas, nefásque naturæ? Si repetiuit Astræa cælum, cuius ne vestigium quidem terra videat: cur non de cælo saltem apparet Astræa?



Ecce subiuimus minimé occultum Chaos. Cur non miscentur ignibus maria, & limpida nigris terris astra: si in terris ipsis & earum gubernaculis nihil est quod faciem demonstret suam? Ipsa ne nos mater natura decipit? Matrem dixerim an nouercam? Veritati nil ipsa odibilius esse debet falsitate: bonitati nil ipsa malitia molestius. Non est, non est certé modicum ô clarissima mundi lampas, quod & visibilium, et non sensibilium ratiocinantum circumueniamur ingeniis. Cur ergo similem debuimus in ipsa natura ypocrisim experiri? Si perpauci hominum animi sunt effincti, cur quæso tot hominum sunt efformata corpora? Conuertere igitur ad partes tuas ô Sol, & tantum naturæ & dignitatis tum præiudicium vindicato. Insignito Circem tuam tu cæterique præpotentes dii, vt eidem potentia qua ministerialibus spiritibus proximisque corporum istorum formatoribus imperare valeat.

Adiuro vos per mendaces vultus errorum ministros, per altam præsidum naturæ potentiam, vt à singulis brutalium specierum indiuiduis humanam abstrahentes faciem, in suas ipsa faciatis extrinsecas atque veraces prodire figuras. Si quando repressum cursum obire debent flumina. Si quando altum suum arripere debent ignes. Si nullum est æterno violentum. Si tandem omnia suos ad terminos debent appellere. Mutatur ne aliquid Moeri?

MOERIS. Nil prorsus.

CIRCE. Adiuro vos iterum quid trepidatis? quid hæretis vectores formarum, sygillorum naturæ falsificatores. Iuppiter verax, cuius per vos est læsa maiestas vobis imperat. Cogìt vos pater hominum, in cuius virtute vos ter, atque quater adstringo. Impero quoque vobis per cæteros qui supra cætera animantium genera habent imperium deos: vt sophistico hominum remoto vultu non impediatis quominus singulorum in lucem conspiciendæ prodeant figuræ. Respice Moeri.

MOERIS. Nil adest noui.

CIRCE. Tertiam igitur adiurationem aggrauabo.

Iterum ad te manus tendo meas, ô sol. En tibi tota adsisto. Explica rogo te leones tuos, tuos lynces, capros, cynocephalos, ]aros, vitulos, serpentes, elephantes & cætera animalium istorum ad te pertinentium genera. Alciones, hirundines, coturnices, coruos, cornices, capellas, cicadas, & scarabeos, cæteráque tui generis volitantia. Testudinem, pholim. tunnum, raiam, cethe, cæteráque id genus tua. Qui Vbius, Alexicacus, Phanes, Horus, Apollo diei, Dionysius noctis & Diespiter diceris. Cuius virtutem aurum, hiacinthus, rubinus, & carbunculus mihi vicariam subministrant. In medio regiminis planetarum reuerendè, cursum præmonstrans & commonstrans omnium: educens, producens, & maturans vniuersa, regnantium, & consiliariorum domine, fulgentibus radiis celeberrime. Si tu princeps mundi, oculus cæli, speculum naturæ, architectura animæ mundi, & sygillus alti architectoris. Te quoque lunam appello. En & adsisto tibi. Profer (rogo te) tuos mergulos, grues, buteones, cyconias, graculos, anates, anseres, cæterásque volucres aquaticas. Lumacas, ligurinos, palmipedes, salpas, araneas, ictices, iuersas, lacertas, tuáque generis istius vniuersa: Rubetam, ranam, cancros, limacas, ossolas, tuáque cætera natantium. Te appello: quam Hecaten, Latonam, Dianam, Phæben, Lucinam, Triuiam, Tergeminam, Deamque triformem dicimus. Si agilis, omniuaga, pulcherrima, clara, candida, casta, innupta, verecunda, pia,



misericors, & intemerata. Iaculatrix, honesta, animosa venatrix, regina cæli, manium gubernatrix, dea noctis, rectrix elementorum, terræ nutrix, animantium lactatrix, maris domina, roris mater, aëris nutrix, custos nemorum, syluarum dominatrix, tartari domitrix, laruarum potentissima insectatrix, consors Apollinis. Adsis Menala, Euxina, Pisæa, Latona, Auentina.

En & tibi Saturne senex erigor. Affer (rogo potentiam tuam) tuos asinos, bubulos, camelos, ceruos, talpas, lepores, mures, sues, basiliscos, feles, simias, hienas, siluros, mures, bufones, origes, cæteráque tui generis terrestria. Vespertiliones, noctuas, gallinas, muscas, brucos, locustas, cuculos, aliásque tui generis aues. Anguillam, polypum, sepiam, spongiam, & reliqua tui generis aquea. Falcipotens, grandæue, mature, lente, tarde, verende, falcate, tristis, sapiens iudiciose, profunde, penetrator, rimator, scrutator, cogitabundè, & contemplator. Ætatum dominator, agrorum cultor, falcis inuentor, temporum gubernaculorum moderator, currentis minister æternitatis, emensorum metitor spaciorum, duratione intransibilem æquans sempiternitatem. Deorum parentis pater, adportans, & asportans vniuersa sub voraci tempore, orditor eorum quæ fiunt, seruator eorum quæ durant, & absumptor eorum quæ intereunt. A quo draconibus tractum toties sum mutuata currum. Qui Iouem igneo æthereóque cælo, Iunonem aeri, Neptunum mari, & Plutonem inferno deos genuisti. Adsis pater ætatis aureæ. Leucadie, Cretensis, Itale, Latie, Auentine.

Ad tuum quoque tribunal convertor ó Iuppiter, ede (exoro te) tuas aquilas, percnopteros, pygargos, perdices, pellicanos, cyconias, anthos, iliades, turdos, apes, cæterásque tui generis aues. Elephantos, subulones, ceruos, satherios, boues, cameleontes, aliáque generis istius animantia. Delphinos, siluras, mugiles, glaucos & alia quæ tibi degunt in vndis. Fulminator, inuictissimé, iudex, prætorie, magistralis, dux, princeps, rex, imperator, & monarcha. Opulente, xenie, hospitalis, verax, & religiose. Hilaris, liberalis, pie, regalis, magnifice, misericors, & iustificator. Deorum fortunatissime. Vniuersam de fato felicitatem contrahens, veritatis amator, promotor potentatum, seruator maiestatis, fons vniuersæ lætitiæ. Stator optime, legislator populorum, conciliator deorum. Qui diuum omnium pater appellaris. Cuius incessu geminus mundi cardo contremiscit. Adsis Olimpice, Dodonæe, Pæanomphe, Idæe, Phrigie, Tarpeie, Lybice, Pysæe, Gnidie, Molosse, Ausonie, Elysie, Latialis.

Te quoque Mauortem aduoco, ne dedigneris tuos hic promere scorpiones, serpentes, aspides, viperas, hircos, hoedos, pardos, canes, cynocephalos, apros, pantheras, lupos, onagros, equos, hyppelaphos, vulpes, tuasque cæteras bestias atque feras. Accipitres, falcones, sabbuteones, strutiones, gryphos, percas, miluos, alias rapaces volucres & vespas. Fucam, draconem, crocodilum, chroneum, torpelinem, narum, & alia quæ tibi degunt in aquis. Gradiuum, bellicosum, masculinum, acutum, terribilem, collilatum, villosum , minacem, indomitum, truculentum, belliparentem, cruentum, infaustum, impauidum, frementem, ambiguum, trucis aspectus deum, latis incedentem passibus, robustum, horrificum, ferreum, armisonum, furentem, efferum, horridum, crudum, homicidam, rabidum, turbidum, infestum, rapacem, atque funestum. Ardentibus oculis terribilem, ignem è naribus efflantem, magnæ grauitatis ducem, truculentæ factionis gloriosum principem, callidum cordis litigantium incensorem, euaginato gladio omnem tibi vim adaperire potentem, potentiarum & robustorum omnium inuictum dissipatorem, soliorum irrefragabilem enersorem, cui obsistenti resistit nemo, quem metus & discordia antecedunt, cui furor iráque ministrant, & quem mors sequitur, maxime omnium formidanda. Adsis Scythonie, Threiicie, Bistonie, Strimonie, Odrysie, Melyte, Getice, Quirine.



Adsis & tu dea tertij cæli Venus, quam & Esperum, Bosphorum, & luciferum dicimus. Oro te, prome tuas columbas, turtures, pauones, ficedulas, galgulos, passeres, pelecanes, harpas, pifices, olores , cygnos, palumbos, sturnos, chenalopices, & non nominatas aues tuas. Lepores, hinnulos, equas, formicas, fringillas, cæteráque specierum istarum animantia. Phocam, ruticillam , sagum, vitulum & vndicola tibi natantia. Venus alma, formosa, pulcherrima, amica, beneuola, gratiosa, dulcis, amena, candida, siderea, dionea, olens, iocosa, aphrogenia, foecunda, gratiosa, larga, benefica, placida, deliciosa, ingeniosa, ignita, conciliatrix maxima, susceptrix optima, amorum domina, harmoniarum ministra, musicalium dictatrix, blanditiarum præposita, saltationum moderatrix, ornamentorum effectrix, vniuersorum compago, rerum vinculum. Tu ex tota primi deorum parentis Cælij propagatiua virtute exorta, tu continuam animantibus successionem præbens, tu voluptatum & gaudiorum omnium vniuersalis propagatrix, tu inaccessorum arduorúmque omnium penetratrix, tu potens deorum omnium triumphatrix. Adsis dea Paphia, Cypria, Ericina, Calydonia, Samia, Idalis, Guidia, Cytheræa, Capitolina.

Ad me conuertere Mercuri. qui & Hermes, & Stilbon, filius Maiæ, & Athlantis nepos generosus diceris. Coge, me rogante tuas vpupas, apes, luscinias, meropes, orchilos, monedulas, ardeolas, penelopes, philomelas & alias aues tuas. Item paros, pantheras, ligurinos, herinaceos, mustelas, mulas, & eius generis alia. Trochilum, aquatinam, cancellum, murenam, pastinacam cum cæteris eiusdem speciei. Mercuri caducifer, galerate, pinniger, alipes, iuuenis, pulcherrimé, virtuose, strenue, impiger, agilis, volucer, diligens, conuertibilis, sapiens, scriba, pictor, cantor, vates, inuentiue, disputator, numerator, geometra, astronomé, diuine. Reconditorum penetrator, occultorum elucidator, enigmatum enodator, deorum interpres, nuncie facundissime, ratiocinator maxime, notarie solis, superum, & infernorum conciliator, vtroque sexu foecundissirne, mas maribus, foemina foeminis, arbiter numinum, inuentor cytharæ, artibus omnibus sufficientissime. Adsis Arcas, Tegæe, Memphitice, Ægyptie, Atheniensis, Palladie, Olimpice.

Adeste simul omnes septem mundi principes, & in Circeni vestram intendite, vt vestra mutuata potentia (quam in vicariis vestris herbarum succis, & ignium fumis, & lapidum appensionibus insinuo) administratores figurarum valeam adstringere, vt vel coacti faciant alius generis viuentium species latentes (ementita hominis recedente figura) ex occultis in apertam prodire lucem.

Iterum ergo atque iterum coniuro vos, atque confirmo, vastatores iniqui, impudentissimi, impij, pertinaces, non me fugietis. Recedant, recedant vel inuitis nobis humani vultus á bestus. Potenter vobis impero inconspectu solis istius, per Iouem altitonantern, & per deos omnes qui segnitiem & tergiuersationem vestram viciscentur. Creditis ista deos non curare? En literæ deorum sacræ: quas in hac lamina ostendo. En quos in aerem explico characteres. En vestigium magni sygilli. Moeri, explica membranam in qua sunt potentissimæ notæ, quarum mortales omnes latent misteria. Hæc sunt quibus ipsas credimus nos posse mutare naturæ leges: cur non per ipsas licebit easdem impié prophanatas instaurare? Adde ignibus thura, fumigiorumque cæteras species, hæcque dum ipsa submurmurauero, respice de fenestra quid se turba fiat:

MOERIS. Mirabile visu Circe, mirabile, de tot quos vidimus hominibus, tres quatuórue tantum, qui trepidi ad tuta confugiunt remansere. Cæteros omnes quorum alij in proximas se recipiunt cauernas, alij



in arborum ramos aduolant, alij se dedant in proximum mare precipites, alij domestici magis ad nostras fores adproperant: in diuersi generis animantia video transformatos.

CIRCE. Imó proprias explicauere formas. Futurum est vt inculper Moeri: beneficam Circen maleficam imprudentes homines appellabunt. Ij qui adhuc perstant veri sunt homines: illos nec vult, neque potest cantus noster attigisse.

MOERIS. Terrore concutior mea diua & regina, quoniam visu terribiles nobis bestiæ comminantur.

CIRCE. Paulo ante formidabas?

MOERIS. Minimé quidem.

CIRCE. Nunc igitur minor tibi datur timoris occasio.

MOERIS. Cur id?

CIRCE. Non enim differunt hæc quæ modo vides bruta & bestias (vt & ipsa nosti) ab iis quos paulo ante videbas homines, præter quam quod apertos nunc habent vngues, dentes, aculeos, & cornua quæ latebant. Imó & hoc te non ignorare volo, quod cum illo careant organo, quod est ad ipsa animorum intima ledenda efficacissimum: longe minus nocua, atque formidanda sunt effecta.

MOERIS. Quid ipsum?

CIRCE. Lingua.

MOERIS. Dij me ament quid fecerint magis timeo quam quid dixerint.

CIRCE. Minus ideo sapis. At & hoc indicabo tibi quod & nunc pro eo in quo versaris formidinis genere minus debeas esse solicita. Ipsi enirn, quorum alios cornutos, alios aculeatos, alios ita dentatos, alios letiferé vnguitos aspicis: erant omnes atque singuli cornu simul & aculeo , & dente, & vngue terribiles. Iam diuersa atque singularia quibus se tueri, & alios ledere possint arma nacti sunt, cúm prius haberent omnia.

MOERIS. Quonam pacto id mihi suadebis?

CIRCE. Nescis eum qui manu armatur magis omnibus armari? nescis manum omnibus carere armis: vt omnibus præpotens esse possit armis? ignoras ipsam sibi & aculeos, venena, & cornua, & dentes adaptantem, á nullis sibi timere bestiarum insultibus, & eo tantum instrumento animantibus omnibus quæ videntur imperare consuenisse? Temeré igitur & imprudenter es facta timidior. Omnem igitur formidinem pelle ex animo, omnem abigas ambiguitatem, & mecum in ipsorum examen pergito.



MOERIS. Non possum non timere præsentia, aptata, atque conuersa contra nos inermes atque debiles cornua, cæteraque quæ video mortis instrumenta.

CIRCE. Tutó propera, facili carmine superabimus omnia.

MOERIS. Id si dea potens polliceris , nihil hesitans pergo.

CIRCE. Principio isthæc domestica vestigemus animalia. En proximos nobis porcos qui fugam versus tecta arripuere, facillimé omnium istos sub humano cortice cognouisses.

MOERIS. Facillimé quidem.

CIRCE. Porcus enim est animal A, auarum. B, barbarum. C, coenosum. D, durum. E, erroneum. F, foetidum. G, gulosum. H, hebes. K, Kapitosurn. L, Li bidinosum. M, molestum. N, nequitiosum. O, ociosum. P, pertinax. Q, quærulum. R, rusticum. S, stultum. T, turgidum. V, vile. X, lunaticum. Y, auriculatum. Z, mutabile, , non bonum nisi mortuum.

MOERIS. Cum elementarium porcinum institueres Circe, vnum de mage necessariis elementum prætermisisti.



CIRCE. Non illud inconsulté factum, quia ipsum est tum in aliis omnibus elementis implicitum, tum & ipsorum elementum videtur elementorum. In vno ergo adferantur omnia, sicut in omnibus allatum est vnum. A ingratum. B immundum. C inconsultum. D infidum. E inconstans. F impaciens. G indiscretum. H inciuile. I impudens. K impetuosum. L incautum. M infaustum. N ineptum. O iniquum. P inhumanum. Q immite. R inuerecundum. S inquietum. T insanum. V intemperatum. X ignobile. Y incultum. Z inhospitale. immemor.

MOERIS. Et ego per numeros ex naturalibus ipsum considerabo. j. Paruos habens oculos, hosque non nisi gulæ inseruientes. ij. acutas habet aures. iij. peramplas fauices. iiij. immunditias ad omnes nares adpositas. v. læsiuos dentes. vj. augustum. angustum volo dicere frontem. vij. cerebrum pinguiusculum. viij. caudam semper mobilem, semper adnodantem, nunquam veró nodantem, quasi semper negociantem, & numquam proficientem. ix. ventrem habet vnum & ampliorem. x. dentes nunquam amittit. xj. intra eius ossa nihil aut modicum reperies medullæ. xij. quadrupedum omnium difficile pilum mutat, aut amittit. xiij. habet pediculorum genus familiare. xiiij. propriam habet ad coitum vocem. xv. foemina eius ipso mare est vocalior. xvj. acerrimé sænit tempore coitus. xvij. foecundissimum multorum animalium. xviij. non est vno cibo constans. xix. facile in omnibus cibi generibus assuescit. xx. pabuli mutatione, & varietate maximé gaudet. xxj. illius qui glandibus est pastus caro, magis, meliúsque sapit. xxij. in urbanum & syluestre genus diuiditur. xxiij. ibi deliciosius degit vbi lutum repperit. xxiiij. brutale omnino.

Tot igitur indicia sui cúm porous habeat, quis ipsum facilé (quantumcumque sub homine lateat) non cognoscet? Si tibi videtur domina, cætera vnico, magísque adcommodato signo persequamur: præstare enim videtur leuius multa tangere, quám duo comprehendere, vel vnum.

CIRCE. Ita faciendum.

QVÆSTIO PRIMA.

MOERIS. De pluribus quæ video canum generibus, cæteris omissis vt hac quæ mordax est & proprié Cynica, quæ non minus est ipso porco illustris: quomodo istud ignauum canum genus sub humana figura potuissem agnoscere?

CIRCE. Ipsum est genus illud barbarorum, quod quidquid non intelligit damnat atque carpit: vt modo ignaui & ipsa figura noti canes allatrant in ignotos omnes etiam beneficos, in perditos etiam atque scelestissimos notos mitiores.

QVÆSTIO II.

MOERIS. Asinos modo prætormittam: de ipsis n. alias grauius, atque maturius considerabitur. Hos asinorum filios puta mulos, qua nota dinoscere potuissem?

CIRCE. Ij sunt qui vt philosophi haberentur & eloquentes: nec philosophi nec eloquentes erant. vt



poëtam iactantes & oratorem: neutrum essent. vt sub titulo legistarum atque scholasticorum: nec tales haberentur neque tales. vt grammatici & disceptatores: in vtroque deficerent munere. vt mercatores & nobiles: secretius ignobilitatis genus incurrerent. vt togati & armigeri: bello essent & literis inepti. vt aulici & religiosi: etherocliti generis se præstarent animal. vt pulchri & terribiles: neque foeminam ederent neque virum. veluti modo ex equa matre & asino patre, non sunt equi nec asini: & ruditum cum hinnitu mixtum habent.

QVÆSTIO III.

MOERIS. Hyrcos quid mihi significasset?

CIRCE. Vel odor hyrcinus, vel quod quandiu viuunt, tamdiu coeunt. vel hoc quod gestiunt cum socium cum sua foemina coeuntem viderint, tunc præ gaudio crissant, & exultant vt arietes.

QVÆSTIO IIII.

MOERIS. Quomodo potuissem simias obseruare?

CIRCE. Vel ab ipso naso, vel ex hoc quod cúm optima quæque affectarent, vt vel optimam poësim, vel sophiam, vel orationem, vel hystoriam: infælicissimé tamen in omnibus se gerebant. Ex hoc inquam quód tendentes ad optimum inciderint in pessimum. vt nunc vides, quód cúm hominem animalium pulcherrimum imitentur, hoc ipso fiunt maximé omnium deformes.

MOERIS. Non obstante quod simius simio pulcher.

QVÆSTIO V.

MOERIS. Quomodo distinxissem ab isto genus illud aliud simiarum?

CIRCE. Illi in serus grauibúsque rebus inutiles, ma gnatibus adulando, & hystrionando, & parasitos agendo placebant: vt modo cúm non valeant cum asinis ferre onera, cum equis militare, arare cum bobus, cum porcis rnortui pascere: sic tantum vsuueniunt vt risum faciant.

QVÆSTIO VI.

MOERIS. Est & tertium simiarum genus sepositum, respice ad ripas fluuii, quid illud indicabat?

CIRCE. Erat videre barbarum parentum genus, inurbanos, inciuiles, & malé natos educans filios, dum immodico & irrationali affectu moribus illorum indulgerent: vt modo vides in propria forma catulos suos strictius amplexando necare.



QVÆSTIO VII.

MOERIS. Qua nota camelos aspexisses?

CIRCE. Dicam. Cúm sub eo quod hominis est latitarent, puris rebus minimé delectabantur, sed cuncta ad morem suum conspurcata probabant: de quorum genere sunt qui sapientum monimenta puerilibus & sordidis infecta adjectionibus suscipere malunt, aut suscipi: vt modo totum camelum præferentes potu mininie gaudent, nisi cúm pedum conculcatione turbata fuerit aqua.

QVÆSTIO VIII.

MOERIS. Isti proximum genus & capite persimile non cognosco. hæret enim cameli capiti ceruix equina, maculísque intincto dorso tigrim refert, & pedibus bouem.

CIRCE. Cameleopardales ipsos appellant, quos inde percipere potuisses, quia ritu quodam erant deorum cultores, voce carnifices, vita diuerso vitiorum genere immundi, scripturæ monumentis bubulci.

QVÆSTIO IX.

MOERIS. Qui erant hienæ gestus?

CIRCE. Blandiebantur obsequio, vt in perniciem traherent: vt modo humanam sciunt referre vocem, & homines proprio quod audierint nomine aduocare, quos discerpant.

QVÆSTIO X.

MOERIS. Videtur adstare & aliud hienæ genus.

CIRCE. Ipsum idem sub actionibus diuersis agnouisses. vides quemadmodum adcurrant ad hominis excrementa, quæ si atius essent (vt nequeant attingere) suspensa: porrectu corporis lassæ interirent. Iisdem cúm homines referrent, foedissima quæque habebantur dulcissima, & de optimis ipsum pessimum consulebatur accipere. Sicut in saccis quibus vina colantur apparet: ipsi enim vina effundentes, solas sibi retinent feces.

QVÆSTIO XI.

MOERIS. Ceruorum genus istud tam celebriter cornutum?

CIRCE. Isti sub quorundam principum tegumento latebant, quibus si quid placebat, id procul



percipiebant: si quid minus arrisisset quamtumuis clamasses non intelligebant. vt modo si arrigant aures, acutissimo pollent auditu: si demittant surdissimi sunt.

QVÆSTIO XII.

MOERIS. Quid nos in elephantum prospectum adduxisset?

CIRCE. Hoc quod nares habebant pro manu, vel quod carentes manibus, vtebantur naribus: nihil enim ipsi cúm faceere nescireut: in aliorum factis iudicandis tantummodo occupabantur.

QVÆSTIO XIII.

MOERIS. Quis vrsos istos olfecisset?

CIRCE. Quicumque expertus esset illorum naturam contumacem, barbaram, atque feram: quos pariendo, fouendo, nutriendo, & lambendo promouerit. Hoc enim animal quantumuis lingua aliísque oris lenimentis cx infigurato rudíque partu formetur: ferum tamen adolescit, durum, & alpestre.

QVÆSTIO XIIII.

MOERIS Quis leones cognouisset?

CIRCE. Qui considerasset quod cúm principes essent, á viribus infimorum conuitiis illis erat metuendum, veluti nunc natura ipsa coguntur cristam, vocemque galli formidare.

MOERIS. Nunquid proprea in feras sunt mutati?

CIRCE. Minimé, sed erant ipso addito furore leones.

QVÆSTIO XV.

MOERIS. Cætera illa majora alias consideranda relinquo. Qua nota istricem mihi potuisses indicare?

CIRCE. Nonne vides ipsum aristas spinásque suas non nisi prouocatum, accitum, instigatum, & compulsum iaculari?

MOERIS. Intelligo.

QVÆSTIO XVI.



MOERIS. Echinos facile cognouissem, quia vt modo spinas , spinis circumquaque contecti ingrediuntur: sic olim in omnibus negociis acerbitatem seruabant, cúm animum intus asperum retinerent.

CIRCE. Veré quidem.

QVÆSTIO XVII.

MOERIS. Vnde pro testudinibus illos diuinassem. & quale testudinum genus (omissis aliis) est istud?

CIRCE. Hi extiterant magnifica expectatione allecti ad aulas principum, quarum deliciis delectari poterant, adusque vt eis postea liberé in suum se ocium atque quietem recipere non licuerit: veluti nunc humano deposito velamine, & suo apparentes cortice contectæ, cum meridiani solis oblectatæ calore, totum illi excalfaciendum dorsum exposuerint, adeo potentia solis ipsarum corticem exsiccauit, vt eodem quasi supernatante subere repressæ: nequeant ad tutiores, interiorésque recessus adnatare, vnde & nullo negotio iam possunt á venatoribus captari. Hoc testudinum genus Indicum appellant.

QVÆSTIO XVIII.

MOERIS. Quid ais de cancris istis quos pinnoteras appellant?

CIRCE. Nonne vides quemadmodum sub inanibus se condunt concharum testis: minores sub minoribus, sub capacioribus autem maiores? Iam videre licebat multos qui cum per sese nihil valerent: propria diffisi sufficientia, maiorum dominorúmque suorum titulis tuebantur.

QVÆSTIO XIX.

MOERIS. Vidisses crocodillos?

CIRCE. Contra plaudentes ferociebant, concedebant autem contemnentibus & obstantibus: vt modó terribiles extant in fugaces, fugaces in terribiles.

QVÆSTIO XX.

MOERIS. Aspides quoque?

CIRCE. Hi in parentes, magistros, & beneficos: contumeliosi, ingrati, homicidæ: vt modó filij, matres morsibus enecant.

QVÆSTIO XXI.



MOERIS. Quomodo illuxissent isti pro chameleontibus?

CIRCE. Vel quia adulatores & imitatores omnium præter quám eorum quæ onesta & clara videntur: sicut nunc præter rubrum, atque candidum, colores omnes imitantur. Vel quia aura popularis eos alebat nec quippam aliud ab humana laude & gloria aucupabantur. Aspice illos ore semper hiantes, vtque alio quám aëre non pascantur. Vel quia intra maximum quem habent atque capacissimum pulmonem nil possident: veluti iam præter ventosam iactantiam nil potuissent animorum notomistæ in ipsis contemplari.

QVÆSTIO XXII.

MOERIS. Vno dic verbo, quis aspectu homines, conuicisset esse aquaticos istos?

CIRCE. Dicam. Qui illos malorum turpiurnque libenter auditores & imitatores considerasset: ita. n. Sycias comperisset, quæ modo id quod in corpore pessimum est, & insuaue potenter attrahunt. Illos Polypos cognouissent, si vidissent quomodo diuersorum se moribus adcommodando, & animalium diuersi generis (vt aucupes facere consueuere) fingendo voces: rem domesti cam nouerant simulando augere, quemadmodum modo coloris mutatione venantur.

QVÆSTIO XXIII.

MOERIS. Dimissis istorum speciebus aliis, aliás considerandis: leuemus oculos Circe ad aues istas quæ ad proximam Syluam & eminentias aduolare. Qui erant hyrundines quæ in ipsis nidulantur tectis? Suo satis vultu ipsas eos figurare fertur qui vultum suum serenante fortuna amicis aderant: qua sæuiente & inconstantem obnubilante faciem. terga dabant: vt modo veris tempore nobis adsunt, hyeme veró vrgente recedunt.

CIRCE. Bene. Sed & in hoc Cognosci poterant, cúm sub hominis tegumento sirnul cum veris conuersarentur hominibus, & humanus adirent patrias, atque domos, de abiectis paleis, & festucis eorum se adcommodantes: ipsis tamen non poterant assuescere: sicut & mures nequeunt cum hominibus conuenire, quantumuis sub eodem degant atque viuant tecto.

QVÆSTIO XXIIII.

MOERIS. Pauones quoque facilé cognouissem, videbam enim gloriosos altigrados, pennas colorésque suos amplantes, inflato pectore tumentes.

CIRCE. Certe. Sed & eos intelligere pauones debuisses, qui nihil nisi laudati faciebant: vt modo cum quis eos laudauerit, se pennis explicatis faciunt perspicuos.

QVÆSTIO XXV.



MOERIS. Luscinias quoque non ignorassem. Erant quoddam loquacium hominum genus, qui multum dicebant vt multum sapere viderentur: quos quidem stultorum alebat existimatio: sapientibus æque atque stulti contemptibiles, quibus illud non latet quod dicitur. VAS VACVVM MVLTVM SONAT.

CIRCE. Optimé. Erat & quoddam garrulum poëtarum genus, quod inanibus modulationibus abundabat.

QVÆSTIO XXVI.

MOERIS. Quem refert auis pusilla quæ vocem bouis imitatur?

CIRCE. Istos cognouisses cúm villa, atque pusilla subiecta: sufficientia, animo, & natura viles: vocem (de rebus magnis loquentes, & decernentes) magnificabant.

QVÆSTIO XXVII.

MOERIS. Coccices noui, cum alienas vxores suorum facerent filiorum matres: vt nunc videmus oua in alienis supponere nidis.

CIRCE. Recte iudicasti.

QVÆSTIO XXVIII.

MOERIS. Aquilam quam auem regiam appellant, contortis rapacibúsque digitis satis ipsam se declarantem, quis non cognouisset? quis ipsam sub homine vociferantem non audisset?

CIRCE. Certum est & aquilas multas sub quorundam potentum vultibus latere. Omnes aquilæ sunt potentes, atqui non omnes potentes, aquilæ. Neque enim Circen tuam ex hac parte aquilam dixeris, cúm deam asseras, atque reginam.

MOERIS. Minimé quidem, sed quid esset iniuriæ? nonne & deorum pater Iuppiter ipse sub aquila latuit?

CIRCE. Recedis á proposito, iam de aquilis quæ sub homine latebant loquimur, non de hominibus atque diis qui solent sub aquilis & animantibus aliis latere.

QVÆSTIO XXIX.

MOERIS. Auemn illam quæ aquilam videtur oppugnare, non cognosco.

CIRCE. Cybindum appellant. Aquila & Cybindus latebant sub specie principum, qui cúm inter se consererent, á tertio inuadente subuertebantur: vt modo ad usque cohærent vnguibus & rostro so



dilacerantes: vt ad inferiora terræ mutuo conflictu depressi, ab aliis corripiantur.

QVÆSTIO XXX.

MOERIS. Dij optimi nunquam adeó magnam auim vidisse memini.

CIRCE. Illa est strutio camelus auium maxima, atque stolidissima: quæ cum frutice collum occultarit, latere se existimat. Tales sunt & phasiani, tales sunt & mugiles, in aquis. Ipsam aspicere potuisses cúm homo ingenti corpore onustus atque mole, minimum habens iudicij præsentabatur.

QVÆSTIO XXXI.

MOERIS. Siquidem multis volatilium communem esse constat rapacitatem & carniuoracitatem, quónam Circe vultures (si vultures sunt quos video, ob ipsas enim quæ superuenere tenebras non bene possum eas quas ibi video nigras aues distinguere) signo seorsum ab aliis cognouissem?

CIRCE. Ipsi sunt vultures. Ipsi iam imminentes diuitum captabant mortes, quas pluribus præcedentibus annis olfaciebant: vt modo ad cadauera aduolant, quæ ante triduum futura præsentiunt. Sed nos famem futuram non præsensimus, & nimium volatilibus istis intentæ, tenebras in ipso extremo sentiuimus crepusculo: quæ stellarum nobis reddito conspectu, nos ab istorum animalium intuitu distraxere. Tectum ergo coenaturæ repetamus.

MOERIS. Crastinam ergo diem si lubet totam ad inspicienda reliqua destinemus.

CIRCE. Ita, si á magis vrgentibus non auertar.

QVÆSTIO XXXII.

MOERIS. Sed diuersi generis noctilucas istas quæso domina Circe ne differas significare mihi, sub quibus latuisse possunt faciebus?

CIRCE. Isti sunt docti, sapientes, & illustres: inter idiotas, asinos, & obscuros.

QVÆSTIO XXXIII.

MOERIS; Qui erant hoc adeo venustum, affabile, humanum, conuersatile, & officiosum animalis genus: quod ante nos vrgente nocte ad perticas domesticas aduolauit? Gallos inquam istos quomodo cognouissem?

CIRCE. Gallus cúm sit animal pulcherrimum, canorum, nobile, generosum, magnanimum, solare,



imperiosum & pené diuinum: seipso tamen abutitur, & ob id vnum meliori exuitur forma: quod cum simili atque consorte, pro vilibus & ociosis gallinis vt plurinium in pugna commoritur, isque qui victor euadit aliis oblectamen spectatoribus, cantu se testatur superiorem. Istum vidisses in illis latere , qui mutuis dissidiis mutuo se consueuerunt atterere, quique sua in suos facinora cæteris ridiculi iactabant.

FINIS.

PHILOTHEI

IORDANI BRVNI

NOLANI DIALOGVS II.

applicatorius ad Artem

FINIS.

Memoriæ.

Interloquunt. ALBERICVS

BORISTA.

ALBERICVS.

AMICE Borista, in lectione Circæi cantus, eiusdémque fictorum successuum, exigui quo vti licet temporis triuisse partem, non potest metedere. Ibi non modicam rerum conspicio varietatem, ibi multos in ipso verborum cortice sensus explicitos: intentiones quoque medullitus implicitas, innumeras esse coniicio, de quibus omnibus id quod seriosum est atque præcipuum, ignorare me fateor.

BOR. Nec facile intelliges.

ALB. De iis autem in quorum captum possem promoueri, vnum duntaxat est quod ardenti animo concupisco.

BOR. Quidnam?

ALB. Vt eam ipsam quæ in dialogi facie est varietatem valeam (quatenus per artem fieri posse audio)



eodem quo parta fuit ordine, absque negocij arduitate memoriter fixam retinere. Ipsum enim & per laboris impatientiam labilémque (quæ à natura est) retinendi facultatem, alioqui me facere posse diffido. Audio te ex Iordani inuentis haud istrionicam quandam, qualem iactant alij, ex considerationibus de vmbris idearum expressam callere artem: quam multi valde arduam. proprióque studio inaccessibilem iudicant. Nonnulli ex iis qui doctiores vulgo videntur, ne ipsorum insufficientia delitescat, & cúm suam pudeat eos fateri paupertatem, quod quippiam ex ipsis non percipiant ad artem quam asserunt esse confusam referunt.

BOR. Artem quidem inaccessibilem, sed sine schala concesserim facilé. Difficilem quoque fateor, sed non propterea accusatione dignam: omnia quippe optima velimus nolimus, decreto deorum in arduis esse sita, non est quem lateat. Quod etiam doctorum multi per se ipsos eam non intelligant, non est eorum ignorantiæ, nec artis confusioni tribuendum: nihilo enim minus absque istius artis intellectu doctissimi esse possunt. quod enim ad ipsos attinet, illud est in causa, quod allis in nogotiis negotiis magis occupati, modica artis istius sententias legunt attentione. Non enim satis est quod membra intentionúmque partes omnes intelligant: sed & insuper necessarium est eos dignari, vt circa eadem considerent & contemplentur, nec non intentiones alias ad alias referant, relatásque cum aliis ita conferant, vt quasi ex simplicibus intentionibus, terminorum conflent combinationus, & per se ipsos ea quæ in proposito inuentionis iudicij & memoriæ deduci possunt deducant. Pro iis autem qui tantum subire laborem & ad tantam pertingere perfectionem minimé valentes; aliqualem praxim tantummodo captant: extat eius editio quædam, paucis quibusdam amicis communicata, iis qui in huius generis artium studio sunt versati, facilis ad intelligendum. vbi quid alienis addiderit inuentis, quidque totum adinuenerit ipse, per te facile poteris videre.

ALB. Propitij sunt mihi dij: rem mihi desideratissimam videbor esse per te consecutus, si dictis facta respondebunt.

BOR. En exemplar aperio, sis attentus animo, & audita considera , & si quippam non intellexoris perquire. Habet libellus pro titulo suum proæmium.

ALB. Lege.

INTENTIO AVTHORIS.

BORISTA.

Intentio nostra est, diuino annuente numine, artificiosam metodicámque prosequi viam: ad corrigendum defectum, roborandam infirmitatem, & subleuandam virtutem memoriae naturalis: quatenus quilibet (dummodo sit rationis compos, & mediocris particeps iudicii) proficere possit in ea, adeo vt nemo talibus



existentibus conditionibus, ab ademptione istius artis excludatur. Quod quidem ars non habet a seipsa, neque ex eorum qui præcesserunt industria, á quorum inuentionibus excitati: promoti sumus diuturnam cogitationem ad addendum, tum cis quæ faciunt ab facilitatem negotii atque certitudinem: tum etiam ad breuitatem. Quandoquidem quæ secundum viam aliorum requirebant diuturnam exercitationem, intensam attentionem, & quadammodo ab aliis studiis abdicationem, adeo vt feliciora ingenia tale studium dedignarentur: iam per nos Altissimi gratia adeo facile & illustre & dignum negotium proponitur: vt nemo sanæ mentis sit, qui nedum artem amare debeat: verum quoque toto appulsu atque neruis, in eius studium incumbere. Quandoquidem ars ista adiuuat omnes alias, & ostendit viam, & patefacit aditum ad inuentiones alias plurimas. Siquidem ita faciet, ad memoriam, vt etiam maximé conferat ad iudicium. Sed quid in laude, & momento huius artis detineor? Successus rem ipsam comprobat. Vnum tantummodo est difficile, vt aliquis hæc ipsa per se ipsum possit intelligere. A docente omnes intelligent. Quod quidem non euenit ex eo, quia nos difficultati studeamus: sed a nouitate rei & celebritate terminorum. Hortatur autem Plato in Euthidemo vt res celeberrimae atque archanae habeantur á philosophis apud se & paucis, atque dignis communicentur. Aqua enim inquit ille vilissimo pretio emitur, cúm tamen omnium rerum sit pretiosissima. Idem nos amicis nostris facimus, atque intensius: maiori etenim occasione ducimur quám Plato in eo proposito duceretur. Idem omnibus iis, in quorum manus ista deuenerint, consulimus: ne abutantur gratia & dono eisdem elargito. Et considerent quod figuratum est in Prometheo qui cúm deorum ignem hominibus exhibuisset, ipsorum incurrit indignationem. Cætera quæ in proæmiis & ampullatis exordiis solent proponi, prætermittimus. Sufficit enim necessaria adducere & ea quæ ad præsentis intentionis complementum faciunt.

DIVISIO LIBRI.

«Habet præsens negotium vt diuidatur in Theo-«riam & Praxim, vtpote in rationem artis, & prin- «cipioruin ipsius: Et præcepta illa á quibus maxi-«mé proximeque operatio proficiscitur.

«Theoria habet tres partes: Aliam quæ est de

«modo inquirendæ artis in gubernanda phantasia & «cogitatiua, quæ sunt portæ memoriæ; Aliam quæ«est de ratione subiectorum seu locorum; Aliam«quæ est de ratione adiectorum seu imaginum.

«Praxis veró habet duas partes: Alteram quæ «respicit memoriam rerum; Alterain quæ respicit«memoriam verborum.



DE THEORIA PRÆSENTIS

ARTIS

PRIMA PARS TEORHIÆ.

CAP. I.

«Modus & ralio gubernandorum sensuum internarum«ad instruendam & construendam memoriam.

«§ I Ordo potentiarum & organorum.

«Satis famosum est, atque concessum: quatuor«esse cellulas, pro quatuor sensibus internis, qua-«rum: Prima, sensus communis appellatur, situata«in anteriori parte cerebri. Secunda, vsque ad ce-«rebri medietatem, phantasiæ domicilium nuncupa-«tur. Tertia illam contingens cogitatiuæ doinus di- «citur. Quarta veró memoratiuæ. Hoc modicum est«vt ad præsentem spectat considerationem: præ- «terquam ea de causa, vt habeamus ordinem ope-«rationum istarum potentiarum, ad perficiendam«menieriæ operationem,

§ II. Ordo operationum siue actuum.

«Ordinantur igitur ita operationes istæ, vt per«aliam, ad aliam progredi non valeamus, usque ad«vltimum memoriæ cubile: nisi successiué inceden- «tes ab vna in aliam, eodem ordine quo per sua«organa, & domicilia á matre natura fuerunt in- «stitutæ, & ordinatæ secundum situm. Imaginentur «enim vt quatuor cameræ, seu cubilia non quidem«seposita , sed vt altero intra alterum collocato,«ita vt in quartum pateat ingressus per tertium:«in tertium per secundum: in secundum per pri-«mum. Dico in proposito vt nihil ingrediatur me-«moriam, nisi per atrium cogitatiuæ: nihil cogita- «tiuam, nisi per atrium phantasiæ: nihil phantasiam, «nisi per atrium sensus communis.



Comparatio § III.

«Habenda ergo ratio est in arte ista eadem cum«ea quam naturam ipsam habere perapicimus: vt«videlicet ars ipsa & imitetur, & sequatur, emu- «letur , & adiuuet naturam. Idque ipsum præstet «in duobus. Tum videlicet in eo quod faciat res«memorabiles. Tum etiam in eo quod easdem or-«dinaté memorabiles reddat, atque promptas. Pri-«mum efficitur beneficio imaginatiuæ: secundum«beneficio phantasiæ. Imaginatiua enim perficit i- «magines cum rationibus suis, phantasia vero præ-«sertim atque proprie loca atque sedes imaginum.

CAP. II.

De modo inquirendæ artis, in gubernanda phantasia.

«Cogitatiua igitur formatur (vt naturalea volunt)«per species non sensatas, quæ á speciebus sensa- «tis educuntur. Est ianua, & introitus , & clauis «vnica cubilis memoriæ. Vnde eorum tantummodo«meminimus, quorum impulsu cogitatio sollicitata«fuerat (dico cogitationem vniuersaliter dictam in«genere ratiocinantum: hæc enim facultas in bru-«tis æstimatiua dicitur ab ipsis qui solemnius phi- «losophantur) per amorem, odium, metum, spem,«tristitiam, lætitiam, abbominationem, delectatio- «nem, & species aliarum affectionum animalia, qui-«bus quidem memoria redditur habilis ad receptio-«nem specierum sensibilium: & species sensibiles«aptissime actu ab eadem recipiuntur.

«Ecce quomodo species redduntur memorabiles &«formabiles. Iuxta quam facultatem solam tantum-«modo hoc nobis feliciter succedit: vt ea quæ vi-«dimus nos vidisse recordemur cúm occurrerint.«Alterum necessarium est pro vsu doctrinæ, vt or-«dinate & ad libitum eorumdem recordemur. Et i-«deo sicut in scriptura extrinseca atque pictura quæ «seruiunt oculis extrinsecis duo requiruntur: ratio«videlicet formæ atque figuræ characterum & ima-



«ginum, & materia atque subiectum in quo for-«mæ illæ & imagines possint subsistere, manere &«perdurare. Ita etiam in scriptura intrinseca atque«pictura, quæ seruiunt oculis intrinsecis, duo sunt «necessaria. Alterum quod habeat rationem figura-«rum, imaginum & literarum: alterum quod habeat«rationem libri, paginæ, lapidis, atque parietis, vnde «pendet ratio proximé dicendorum.

SECVNDA PARS THEORIÆ

CAP. I.

De his quæ faciunt ad Theoriam subiectorum & formarum.

«Oportet igitur pro basi & fundamento istius,«primo quasi paginam apparare: deinde rationem«adscribendorum characterum, & appanendarum«imaginum adferre & insinuare modo quo alia ad«alia referantur. Facile subinde erit mediocribus«considerationibus & conceptia, prodire ad opera-«tionem.

§ I.

De subiectis: & primo quid sit subiectum.

«Subjectorum ergo ratio, primo consideranda oc-«currit, ante quam promoueamur ad insinuanda ea«quæ illis adueniunt. Subiectum ergo in proposito«non sumitur secundum intentionem logicam, vel«phisicam: sed secundum intentionem conuenien-«tem quæ technica appellatur, vtpote secundum in-«tentionem artificialem: & est subiectum, non for-«malium prædicationum, quod distinguitur contra«prædicatum. Non formæ substantialis, quod ile di-



«citur, quod est materia prima. Nan formarum ac-«cidentalium, quod est compositum physicum. Non«formarum artiticialium inherentium naturalibus cor-«poribus. Sed est subiectum formarum phantasiabi-«lium apponibilium, & remobilium, vagantium, &«discurrentium ad libitum operantia phantasiæ, & «cogitatiuæ. Ex quo desumitur ratio sua definitio«subiecti pertinentis ad hanc artem in sua gene-«ralitate: quod distinguitur in suas species, pacto«quod sequitur.

§ II.

De subiecto quod est præsentis intentionis.

«Subiectum vero istud (vtpote quod est aptum«natum ad recipiendas formas memorabiles vt me-«morandæ sunt) pro commodo esse potest vel com-«positum naturale, vel semimathematicum, vel ver-«bale positiuum. Ipsum vero naturale, Vel potest«esse communissimum, extentum iuxta latitudinem«ambitus vniuersi, Vel communius iuxta latitudinem«Geographiæ, Vel commune iuxta latitudinem alicu-«ius continentis, Vel proprium iuxta latitudinem po-«liticam, Vel proprius iuxta latitudinem domesticam,«seu œconomicam, Vel propriissimum iuxta multi-«tudinem atque numerum partium domus, & par-«ticularum eiusdem.

«Tot existentibus subiecti speciebus: ipsæ quæ «sunt infra latitudines proprietatis: maximé sunt ad«vsum præsentem accomodatæ, licet etiam hæ quæ«sunt infra latitudinem communitatis vsu venire«valeant. Porro praxis illarum, vna cum praxi su-«biectorum semimathematicorum currere potest. De«quibus fortasse in regulis practicis aliquid com-«monstrabimus. Nunc autem conseuens est in me-«dium afferre conditiones subiectorum per ordi-«nem.

CAP. II.



De conditionibus subiectorum.

§ I.

«Subiecta ergo sensibilia atque materialia, iudi-«cio omnium qui de hac arte hactenus bene dixe-«runt: prima quó ad subatantiam ita sunt eligenda, «vt sint ad oculum sensibilia: quorum Alia sunt«naturalia vt lapides, arbores & similia. Alia sunt«artificiosa, vt aulæ, columnæ, anguli, statuæ &«similia. Alia sunt vtroque modo sese habentia, vt«quæ partim natura, partim arte constant.

§ II.

«Quó ad quantitatem eorum continuam, subiecta«propria debent esse non admodum magna, ne qua-«si visum obtundant & disperdant, nec admodum«parua, ne quasi visum fugiant: sed mediacria ad«hominis magnitudinem talem, quæ sit iuxta al-«titudinem eleuatorum & latitudinem extentorum«brachiorum.

§ III.

«Quó ad quantitatem discretam sint tot quot sunt«præcipuæ species memorandæ. Modica quidem at-«que pauca sufficiunt ad rerum & sententiarum me-«moriam: plurima veró ad memoriam verborum re-«quiruntur.

«Quod etiam ad copiam subiectorum attinet, quo-«niam aliquando non sufficere solent ipsa quæ ex«vna domo vel ædificio desumi & eligi possunt: «confugiendum est ad actum proportionalem ei,«quem scriptores ad oculum extrinsecum facere con-«sueuerunt. Vbi quippe eis pagina vna non sufficit«ad integri negotij expressionem, paginam paginæ«adnectunt atque consuunt: vt quod tabella non ex-«primit, liber exprimat. Ita fermé nobis consulitur «in præsenti operatione, vt propria institutione loca «communia locis communibus connectamus. Et o-



«pere nostræ cogitationis, & phantasiæ, ea quæ re«ipsa sunt diuisa, disiuncta, & ab inuicem elonga-«ta: vniantur, coniungantur, & aproximentur. Fiat«igitur hoc pacto. Fini & termino vnius, adhe-«reat principium alterius vel adherere intelliga-«tur. Nihil enim obstat quo minus possis fini atque«termino tuæ domus, quæ est in vna parte ciui- «tatis, apponere principium vnius ædificij, quod«est in alia parte ciuitatis. Pariter nihil obstat quo«minus valeas extremo locorum Romanarum ad-«nectere primum locorum Parisiensium, dummodo«sit fixum apud te, atque sancitum, vt semper tali«fini tale principium intelligas succedere.

§ IV.

«Quo ad Qualitatem. Subiecta vt volunt omnes«non debere esse nimium illustria, neque admodum«obscura: sed talia qualia non intelligantur excel-«lentia sua visum turbare, vel defectu suo visum«minus mouere.

§ V.

«Quo ad Differentiam. Volunt vt caueatur tan-«quam ab igno á pluralitate similium locorum, sed «in omni electione commendetur varietas. Vndo di-«mitte (inquiunt) plura inter columnia similia, si-«miles fenestras, dimitte vacua spatia. In quibus«tamen si placeat aliquid collocare: instituere potes«aliquod receptaculum cuiusmodi est altare, mensa,«solium, ceteráque huiusmodi.

§ VI.

«Quo ad Relationem. Subiecta debent intelligi«formata, mota, & alterata aduentu imaginum: vt«easdem valeat commodé repræsentare. Intelligantur «inquam affecta, sicuti de facto afficitur pagina per«aduenientem literam: vel si fieri potest, & melius, «sicut afficitur cera per nouæ imaginis impressio- «nem. Et hoc notasse valet at id quod sciri debet



«quo ad actionem, & passionem.

§ VII.

«Quo ad Ordinationem. Ex omnium sententia lo-«ca sine delectu non sunt assumenda: sed ordinaté: «sicut per ordinem sibi succedunt partes, & mem-«bra ædificiorum.

§ VIII.

«Quo ad Situm. Non debent esse nimium pro-«pinqua, neque nimium distantia: sed ad conueniens«interualium seposita. Alioqui ita confundeut obtui-«tam & intuitum imaginationis: sicut in scriptura«oculari, confusionem causant literæ super literas «inscriptæ, & literæ literis inherentes.

«Similiter etiam turbant (licet non ita) literæ á «literis plusquam mediocriter semotæ.

BOR. Percepisti ne Alb. subiectorum rationem.

ALB. Percepi, & in ipsis quod ad modos & conditiones eligendorum locorum spectat, nihil amplius adferre videtur præter id quod hactenus ab aliis extat allatum.

BOR. Rem superficie tenus considerasti. Sed concessum sit eum de iis quæ pertinent ad loca sensibilia nihil permutare. Quid dices si hæc, quæ mortua prius habebantur, per ea quæ proximé subsequenti capite habebuntur viuificare doceat, subiectorum maximi faciendam rationem adferens? Certe si animam applicueris: celeberrimam habebis artis speciem, ad artium intentiones & ordinandas, & perpetuo retinendas.

ALB. Bene, ad propositam applicationem faciendam progredere.

BOR. Ita fiet. Habes igitur ex arte communi quemadmodum adparanda sint subiecta. Sensibilia. Naturalia. Artificialia. Mixta. Mediocris spacij. Mediocris perspicuitatis. Iuxta memorabilium specierum numerum. Diuersa. Differentia. Congruas habitudines ad apponendas formas seruantia. Ordinata.

Conuenientibus seposita interuallis.

ALB. Habeo.



BOR. Modo, quo pacto viuificata debeant haberi percipito.

ALB. Lege.

BORISTA.

CAP. III.

Cautela ad firmitatem subiectorum pro formarum retentione, quæ paucis fuit nota & leuiter tacta. Et est quod potest pertinere ad rationem subiectorum, quo ad vltimum prædicamentum quod est HABERE.

§ I.

«Subiectorum alia substantiua, alia adiectiua sunt.«Subiecta substantiua appello ea de quibus hacte-«nus meminimus. Subiecta vero adiectina sunt quæ-«dam quæ locis prædictis adiici possunt differentia «á suis substantiuis in hoc quod illa perpetuo ma- «nent eadem & immobilia: hæc veró licet perpetuo«inibi manere debeant atque maneant: tamen pro«occasione aduentantium formarum, atque imaginum«mouentur, alterantur, & in varios, atque diuersos«vsus assumuntur, dum per ea aliquid sit, vel ipsi«actioni eadem inseruntur quoquo pacto. Ista ni-«mirum addere valent virtuti locorum quantum a-«nima corpori, adeo vt sine istis loca mortua ha-«beantur: cum istis veró viuentia. Adde igitur an- «gulo pileum, sedi pugionem, fenestræ cyatum, cæ- «terásque aliis huiusmodi vtensilia, atque mobilia: «quandoquidem nihil adeo modicum est, quod ad«innumeros vsus innumeras non valeat habere re-«lationes. Nunc in angulo dum vapulat Albertus«pileus, vsu venit ad munus scuti. Nunc dum pin-«git Ideus: pileus deseruit pro continentia colorum.«Nunc dum fodit rusticus: ligone Pileus inciditur,«& ita successiue aliis alia agentibus, atque fa-«cientibus: aliter atque aliter pileus operationibus«inseritur. Hinc aliquando si non occurrat loco ap-«positum, quasi á reuelatore fideli, poteris ab ipso «adiectiuo subiecto de re apposita certior effici: cúm «quæras quid factum est de te pileo? quid factum«est de te pugione?



ALB. Dij me ament Borista, eo magis huius præceptionis industriam laudabilem argumentor, mihíque persuadeo, quo maturius super ista cautela & viuificatione locorum á celeberrimis antiquorum tacta quidem, sed minime comprehensa considero.

BOR. Iam incomparabilem habes inuentionem, cuius ne vestigium quidem prioribus coniectare licet artibus.

ALB. Qua de re?

BOR. De ordinatione semimathematicorum subiectorum.

ALB. Audiam nouitatem subiectorum semimathematicorum.

CAP. IV.

§ I.

De ratione subiectorum semimathematicorum.

«Subiecta puré mathematica vsu venire non pos-«sunt, quandoquidem abstracta sunt & sua abstrac-«tione phantasiam pulsare vel mouere non possunt,«quandoquidem abstractio pertinet ad superiorem fa-«cultatem, quam sit ipsa phantasia.

§ II.

«Illud ergo quod valent præstare Mathematica-«lia secundum se, est ordo solus: & hic in duobus«inquiri potest (in quorum tamen vno feliciter suc-«cedit) in figuris videlicet & numeris. In figuris qui- «dem procedendo á triangulo ad quadrangulum: á «quadrangulo, ad pentagonum: hinc ad exagonum:«hinc ad eptagonum, & ita deinceps in innumerum«per planas figuras. Similiter in solidis figuris, á cor-«pore trilatero ad quatrilaterum, ab ipso quod est«trium superficierum, ad ipsum quod est quatuor su-«perficierum: & ita deinceps ad alia. Qui progressus «difficile formari potest in vsum præsentis artis.



§ III.

«In numeris autem, procedendo á monade ad dua-«litatem: á dualitate ad trinitatem: & ita deinceps in«innumerum. Veruntamen ipsi numeri non valent«repræsentare: sed ordinem tantummodo insinuare.«Applicentur igitur rebus aliquibus naturalibus, &«per easdem colorentur, atque formentur. Destinen-«tur ergo pro primo denario linea, pro secundo li-«gnea, pro tertio ferrea, pro quarto ænea, pro quin- «to argentea, pro sexto aurea, pro septimo sericea,«pro octauo pannea, pro nono coriacea, pro decimo«pellicea. Vel pro prime organa agricolturæ, pro se- «cundo organa artis ferrariæ, pro tertio militiæ, pro«quarto vestiarias, pro quinto lanionicæ, pro sexto «hortensis, pro septimo coquinariæ, pro octauo me- «dicinæ, pro nono tonstrinæ, pro decimo funerariæ, «pro vndecimo sacrificiæ, & ita deinceps.

§ IIII.

«Quibus decadibus ordinatis & determinatis, siue«istiusmodi, siue aliis modis: siue secundum hunc«modum, siue secundum alium: modicis aliquibus«differentiis poteris tibi decernere, & diffiniro dif- «ferentias, ad insinuandos digitos numeros in sin-«gulis decadibus. Siquidem in ligneis, aureis, cete-«risque huiusmodi, sunt differentia instrumenta,«atque res. Similiter in coquinariis, hortensibus &«similibus.

§ V.

«Applicari igitur possunt intentiones rerum me-«morabilium rebus istis suo ordine: vnde non solum«rerum memoriam & ordinem: verum quoque & nu-«merum situm, & regionem, cum intentione partium«& capitum possibile est retinere: sed rem fusius«quám par esse videtur artis dignitati explicuimus.

ALB. Dij beni quám prægnans inuentum ipsum sine tua declarationo percipio: clarius. n. non poterat nec debebat aperiri.



BOR. Ipsum sané maturiori consideratum iudicio maturius & excellentius apparebit. Ipsum ingenus etiam non admodum excitatis ad maximos vsus notabilem offert occasiouem.

ALB. Illud etiam in re proposita perpendas velim: quod non solum locorum, sed & imaginum fœcundissimam rationem explicuit, vbi & loca per imagines, & imagines per loca docuit viuificare. Hic etiam rationem engraphicé habendarum artium inspicio.

ALB. De iis hactenus. Lege.

BORISTA.

§ VI.

De locis verbalibus positiuis.

«De locis autem verbalibus positiuis, non est præ- «sentis negotii tractare: & non nisi violenter tracta- «ri pessent in partem istius artis, de ipsis enim con-«sideramus in libro clauis magnae, qui est de inuen-«tione, & iudicio scientiarum, & de arcana retentione «& fixione. Sufficiat ergo in proposito, proximé dicta«semimathematicalia, quæ capitum, sententiarum,«legum, vel paragraphorum, vel cuiuscumque rei«esse possunt subiecta: verum etiam valent ad hoc«ipsum vt sint imagines numerorum in allegationi-«bus, cæterísque huius modi.

§ VII.

«Illud etiam est considerandum quod pro diuersis«materiis, & occasionibus, ex diuersis generibus, se- «mimathematicalia loca possunt atque debent diuer-«simodé formari: quorum duos enumerabimus: alií- «que multi similiter enumerari possunt.

ALB. Habes ne verbalium locorum rationem Borista?

BOR. Nullam prorsus, eámque si haberem non esset hic locus nec tempus eiusdem adducendæ.

ALB. Quomodo talem iudicas si non cognoscis?



BOR. Id ergo non te prætereat, ad applicandum numerum Circaeum, vt iuxta capitalium terminorum multitudinem, locis sensibilibus, á quorum tibi praxi est exordiendum, apparatis: mox in rerum memorandarum, quæ tum locorum ordinem, tum & á locorum ordine consequuntur, appositionem intendas animum.

ALB. Recte. Iam quasi paginam in qua scribendum, vel tabulam in qua pingendum est habeo dispositam. Mox igitur inscribendi, figuratidique rationem explicato

BORISTA.

TERTIA PARS THEORIÆ DE

RATIONE ADIECTORVM SEV

de formis.

CAP. I.

Quid sit forma, & quotuplex.

«Forma quoque in proposito non sumitur secun-«dum intentionem Methaphisicam Platonicam vt poté «pro idea. Nec secundum intentionem Methaphisicam«Peripateticam, vt poté pro essentia. Nec secundum «rationem physicam, vt poté pro forma substantiali «vel accidentali informante materiam vel subiectum.«Nec secundum intentionem technicam vtpote arti-«ficialem additam rebus physicis actu existentibus«quas supponit. Sed secundum rationem logicam non«quidem rationalem, sed phantasticam (quatenus no-«men logices amplius accipitur) respondentem inten-«tioni subiecti, quod supra pariter diuidendo, & di- «stinguendo ab aliis, diffiniuimus.

§ II.

«Est igitur forma in proposito aliquod cogitatum«vel cogitabile opere phantasiæ & cogitatiuæ, adiec-«tum locis seu subiectis iuxta triplicem superius il-



«latam differentiam, triplicibus: ad aliquod repræsen- «tandum, & retinendum pro informatione, & perfec- «tione memoratiuæ facultatis.

§ III.

«Formarum ergo aliæ sunt naturales, aliæs sunt «positiuæ. Naturalium intrinsecæ vsu non veniunt «in proposito: Siquidein (vt patet) non sunt imagina-«biles, extrinsecæ veró, quæ in sensibus obiiciuntur,«nec omnes vsu venire possunt, sed illæ tantummodo, «quæ per visum, & auditum sensus internos ingre- «diuntur, selectissimæ veró sunt formas visibiles. Gu-«stus enim & ex intimis sentit obiecta, tactus veró «extrinsecus adherentia, olfactus modicum distantia,«auditus distantiora, visus vero distantissima ab ipsis«mundi imaginibus obiecta concipit. Ideo omnium«spiritualissimus, & diuinissimus, sicut naturaliter «antecellit: qui determinant in præsenti proposito «formas extrinsecas visibiles, quæ quidem licet non «sint formæ de quibus loquimur: tamen sunt fontes«á quibus illæ emanant, & matres quas illas partu-«riunt. Vnde si ipsæ exteriores vestigia appellantur «idæarum: interiores vmbras appellantur earundem«á nobis in libro qui de vmbris inscribitur.

§ IIII.

«Formæ veró aliæ quæ sunt intrinsecæ, extrinse-«carum riuuli atque filiæ, quæ per vehicula & cana-«les sensuum externorum, sese in phantasticam fa-«cultatem ingesserunt, sunt præsentis intentionis. Et«istæ dupliciter sumi possunt vno pacto, secundum«suam naturam, nuditatem, & puritatem, & eiusmodi «sunt cúm sensum ipsum internum aggrediuntur:«Altero pacto alteratæ, commutatæ, deordinatæ, &«commistæ, & ita dupliciter, vel ab intentione, vel«ab aliorum naturalium accidentium perturbatione.«Primo modo possint esse artificiales, secundo vero«minimé.

§ V.



«Itaque duo sunt genera imaginum. Aliæ enim«sunt similes rebus extrinsecis secundum totum vel«per integrum, vt image Socratis vel Platonis, image«equi, vel tauri. Aliæ vero sunt similes rebus extrin- «secis secundum partes, sed non secundum totum:«vt image montis aurei, centauri, harpiæ, & simi- «lium. Vtrumque generum commodum est ad praxim«præsentis artificij, siue etiam necessarium.

CAP. II.

De Conditionibus formarum seu imaginum.

§ I.

«Formæ vero quod ad essentiam & substantiam«attinet, debent esse ex eorum genere quæ maximé «valeant phantasiam pulsare, & cogitatiuam excitare. «Genus veró illarum in proxime dictis est manife- «statum.

§ II.

«Quod ad quantitatem discretam attinet, iuxta mul-«tudinem locorum sunt multiplicandæ: & ad commo- «dum rerum insinuandarum distinguendæ, plures in-«quam simul, vtpoté in eodem loco non concurrant. «Hinc enim accidit vt aliæ alias confundant, vt eue- «nit in literis complicatis. Illud tamen feliciter con-«tingere potest, vt in eodem loco plures ita collo-«centur vt aliæ alias consequentes attingant, quæ in«antecedentibus ita continebantur, sicut virtualiter«in præmissis sunt illationes.

§ III.

«Quod veró ed quantitatem continuam attinet, ca-«ueto á paruis imaginibus, & ab immodicis. Illæ enim«sensum non excitant: istæ vero extensione sua vi- «sum, internumque obtutum dispergunt. Extrinsecum«quippe oculum non mouet, vel lente mouet musca,



«ægre veró formam suam insinuat gigas in magno «pariete depictus. Ad mediocritatem ergo contrahan-«tur ampliora, & extendantur exigua. Ideo dicitur«in libro clauis magnæ. Aut modica, aut modificata. «Aut magnifica, aut magnificata: vnde licet elicere«quot ipsum secundum se modicum, & impotens ad«mouendum: beneficio concomitantis reddi potest«magnum atque potens. Scutum & cadauer præsen- «tabit muscam, sagittarius, sagitt. Sutor acum, scrip-«tor calamum.

§ IIII.

Quod ad qualitatem pertinet, illud in memoriam reuocandum est: quod tales eligendæ sunt formæ, quales admirationem, timorem, amorem, spem, abhominationem, similésque alios eius generis affectus valeant accire. Quod si imago hoc ipsum de sui natura non præstet: faciat tua institutione, destinatione, & secundum genus applicatione. Ita enim mortuam imaginem (nisi admodum hebetis extes ingenij) viuificare poteris. Hinc si ex hominum genere magis tibi notos, atque celebres, monstruosos, pulchros, dilectos, exosos omnes adsumas: melius usu venire poterunt. Cúmque duo sint genera formarum, animata videlicet & inanimata: prima præstant secundis. Animatorum quoque cúm duæ sint species, rationalia videlicet & irrationalia: prima secundum omnem modum præcedunt vniuersa. Ipsis enim omnis actio, omnis passio, motus, omnis tandem vsus potest conuenire.

Quodcunque enim valent ferre cæteræ omnes: hæ solæ possunt, atque amplius. Vnde & mundos eas appellare licet.

§ V.

«Quod ad relationem vicissim dicitur de istis,«quod supra de subiectis dictum est.

«Non inquam decipiaris aliquando non collocans«& putans te collocare, non affigens, & putans te «affigere. Quandoquidem aliquando accidit (imo vt«pluribmum) vt per minorem applicationem, siue in-«tentionem naturali memoriæ committas, quod putes«te loco committere, id est cum quasi in aërem fun- «dens excogitatam formam, subiecto illam minimé«facis inhærere. Contra quam delusionem ita repa-«randum est. Assuesce vt habeas semper veram loci«formam ob oculos, & germanam formam collocan-«dæ rei, vt in sene capillos albos, curuum bustum,



«tremulas manus, cæteráque huius modi intuearis: «Et cum istis omnibus eius applicationem ad locum,«& habitudinem loci ad ipsum, quasi dicas. En vbi«homo ille, En quid locus ille capit, similiter de aliis «formis est iudicandum. Proinde, mitto quod supra«dictum est de locis adiectiuis.

§ VI.

«Quod ad actionem & passionem attinet. Intelli-«gatur forma in locum aliquid agere, vel aliquid pati«á loco, aptum vel ineptum: iucundum vel triste:«commodum, vel incommodum. Hinc enim pendet«robur & fixio adiecti cum subiecto, & eius quod «proportionale est materiæ cum eo quod formæ pro-«portionatur.

§ VII.

«Mox á similitudine & vniformitate non minus«cauendum est quam á quolibet alio, quod minus«fauet, atque contrariatur rationi perfectionis imagi-«num. Turbat enim & confundit crebra eiusdem i-«maginis repetitio, & appositio. Quod si necessitas«vrgeat (distinctis tamen interuallis) vt eandem for-«mam iterató accipias: recipias eam alteratam, al- «teram, & aliis habitudinibus indutam. Sicut enim«natura ipsa abolet similitudinem, ipsam (de simili-«tudine numerali loquor) ita & ars. Nunquam enim«natura duos homines similes constituit, imo nec«vnum hominem omnino similem perseuerare facit,«sed quem mane sumpsit vt unum, vespere su mit«sensualiter vt alterum.

ALB. De iis quæ ab antiquis necessaria notatúque digna præcepta sunt, quod faciat ad facilitatem, ordinem, atque sufficientiam: nihil est quod prætermisisse videatur.

BOR. Nimirum præter errores, ineptias, & infantias quæ ab oscuris & irrationalibus quibusdam allata sunt, omnia continet ista consideratio, omnia sufficienter distinxit, numerauit, digessit in species, & ordinauit. Duo sunt quæ sibi peculiariter potest vindicare. Alterum quod adeo (si intelligatur) spiritum ipsum regulare docet: vt tantum absit ne formas in ipsis doceat depingere subiectis, vt mirum in modum quomodo eædem in ipsis insculpi valeant aperiat. Alterum quod paucis aliorum inuenta perficiat, & ad



vlteriora promoueat.

ALB. Prosequere.

CAP. III.

Modi aliquot imaginum ad rerum figurationem atque vocum.

§ I.

«Extant nonnullæ rationes, atque modi: quibus«possunt tum nomina, tum res ipsæ vnica imagine«figurari. Primum quidem distinguendum est de mo-«dis in genere hoc pacto. Eorum á quibus recipi po- «test signum rei repræsentandæ, alia retinent simi-«litudinem secundum rem, alia vero secundum di-«ctionem.

§ II.

j. «Collocamus ergo aliquando rem ipsam si ipsa«est figurabilis á phantasia, vt scamnum pro scamno, «equum pro equo.

ij. «Aliquando veró similem in voce, pro simili. vt- «pote collocamus rem figurabilem, quæ denomina-«tione sua causat memoriam rei infigurabilis, cuius«nomen affine est nomini illius. Sic apponimus«equum ad equitatem memorandam, vitim ad vitam.

iij. «Aliquando veró per Etimologiam, solemus«venari illud á quo ipsa desumitur, utpoté infigura-«bile á figurabili, á Romano Romam, á montano«montem.

iiij. «Aliquando á similitudine capitis, vtpotè prin-«cipij dictionis, consueuimus reuocare memoriam«eius quod in fine est dissimile. Ita per asinum loco«appositum solebam asilum recordari, vel Aser.

v. «Aliquando á translatione nominis, quemadmo-



«dum á Phillippo loco apposito, venabar memoriam«amatoris equorum. vel é conuerso aliquando.

vj. «Ab antecedente, venari solebam consequens,«quemadmodum naturaliter ab aurora solis exortus«concipitur, & á pastu digestionem figuratam conci- «pimus.

vij. «Aliquando ex concomitante, sicut á socio so- «cium qui semper ipsi vnitur consueuimus recordari.«Vbi igitur aliquid est infigurabile, sicut mors, potest «figurari per cædem vel cadauer.

viij. «Aliquando á consequente, quod dicitur vicis- «sim cum antecedente: sicut á fumo nominas ignem«præcedentem, et per ignem recolimus fumum sub-«sequentem.

ix «Aliquando ab accidente subiectum, quem ad-«modum á re alba apposita, niuem lucramur, á sal-«tatione saltatorem.

x. «Aliquando á subiecto accidens: sicut ex alueo «mellis collocato, recolimus dulcedinem, ex leone fe-«rocitatem, ex vrso iram.

xj. «Aliquando ex Hyeroglifico suum designatum:«sicut ex lance & statera iustitiam. Ex speculo pru- «dentiam.

xij. «Alqiuando ex insigni insignitum: vt ex ense«Martem, ex claui Ianum.

xiij. «Aliquando ex simbolo simbolatum, vt ex ho-«mine nasuto Tongilianum, de quo illud, Nil præter «nasum Tongilianus habet. Ex homine armato Han-«nibalem: ex togato, lacerata tunica, nudis pedibus,«detecto capite, Diogenem.

xiiij. «Aliquando ex contemporaneo tompus, sicut«ex floribus Aprilem: ex torculari Autumnum, & sic«de aliis.



xv. «Aliquando ex circumstantia locum atque sub-«iectum, vt ex certo habitu Theutonicum seu Ger-«maniam, Africanum, seu Africam.

xvj. «Ex proportionato proportionale, quemadmo-«dum ex figulo ad lutum, subit nobis consideratio«vniuersalis plasmatoris ad vniuersum plasmabile. in«magno synapi hæc propositio. Modico in semine at- «que principio maximi effectus præexistunt: vnde«paruus error in principio, magnus in fine.

xvij. «Ex conuertente conuersum, quemadinodum«ex voce Maro clarescit Roma, ex voce Remo more.

xviij. «Ex partibus totum, ex componentibus com-«positum, vnde Dauus cúm viti obiicit infigurabile «Dauid.

xix. «Ex capitis diminutione vel additione, corpus«alterius significati, sicut ex Palatio latio clarescit.

xx. «Ex capitis sitnilitudine, capite adsimulatum,«sicut ex pariente Paralipomenon liber clarescit.

xxj. «Ex assolente proferre, vocabulum ipsum, vel«sententiam: hinc quidam qui dicere solebat omnia«amicorum sunt communia loco appositus reducit te«in memoriam sententiæ illius. Et nota hic quod«etiam ex tua institutione potes eiusmodi sententias,«& terminos quibusdam accommodare, veluti vsu«venire potest modus proximé sequens atque magis.

xxij. «Ex subiecto recipiente verificationem sen-«tentiæ, vel significationem termini, sententiam ipsam «atque terminum, sicut mihi quidam garrulus & ma-«ledicus, nec bené fortunatus: sententiam illam psal- «mistæ. vir linguosos non dirigetur in terra.

xxiij. «Ex metaphora seu transpositione, transpo-«sitionis subiectum: ex argento lunam: ex plumbo«Saturnum. Ex stamno Iouem. Item & ex vulpe a-



«stutiam. Ex cane adulationem. Ex simia imitatio-«nem & emulationem.

xxiiij. «Ex propria passione, ipsum cui appropria-«tur, sicut ex boue mugitum, ex porco grunditum.«Ex quibus etiam aliquando translatio fieri potest,«sicut postquam ex asino habemus ruditum, ex ru-«ditu habere possimus fatuum sermonem, eo enim«& asinilogos solebam mihi describere.

xxv. «Ex instrumento artificem, & instrumenta-«tum in genere, sicut ex sphera & astrolabio, astro- «logum possum meminisse.

xxvj. «Ex habituato, habitum infigurabilem, sicut«ex muliere grammatica, quæ est substantia cum ac- «cidente, seu subiectum cum qualitate: ipsam gram-«maticam qum qualitas quædam est conceptare pos-«sem. sicut ex musico, musicam. Similiter ex ha-«bente id quod habetur, vt ex predium habente, pre-«dium: ex principe principatum: licet sit aliud præ- «dicamentum. Similiter in qualitatis genere, ex mo-«dificato, modum: sicut ex recipiente rationem ali-«cuius aduerbii, ipsum aduerbium: sicut ex bené sal- «tante, aduerbium bené occurrere potest.

xxvij. «Ex Ex specie genus, sicut ex boue loco appo-«sito figurabili, meminisse possum animal genus in-«figurabile.

xxviij. «Ex relatiuo correlatiuum, sicut ex domino«seruum.

xxix. «Ex contrario, contrarium per antiphrasim:«sicut per aliquem inculté loquentem, Demosthenem, «per fatuum, Aristotelem.

xxx. «Ex agente, actum, vel actionem: sicut ex«furanto, furtum. Si qui autem alij modi prætor istos «imaginentur, omnes habeantur vt in istis inclusi &«ad istos reducibiles. Perfecta si quidem enumera-«tione atque respectu ad talem redacti sunt numerum,



«vt patet callentibus rationem magnæ clauis.

ALB. Certé alios difficile possem imaginari modos qui (quatenus spectat ad ea quæ sensibiliter mouere continget) in enumeratis triginta non contineantur.

BOR. Cur dicis sensibiliter?

ALB. Quandoquidem ad reminiscentiam atque memoriam quam per ordinem semimathematicalium subiectorum atque verbalium positiuorum: adipiscimur, possumus aucupari: ex prædictis triginta discursibus, quibus alia per alia possunt præsentari (quatenus ex vnius appositi memoria in alterius vel infigurabilis, vel egré figurabilis solemus promoueri) nullus est qui conducere videatur.

BOR. Pace tua, nullum est memoriæ genus in quo aliquod vel plura harum figurationum genera non vsu veniant: sicut enim citra species phantasiabiles nec intelligere nec memorari possumus: ita nec citra vsum alicuius ex enumeratis generibus.

ALB. Considerabo super hoc, nunc ad alia.

BORISTA

PRIMA PARS PRAXIS.

CAP. I. § I.

ALB. Certé nihil amplius requirebatur ad praxim. Quis non videt quemadmodum ipsius praxis ratio sub titulo theoriæ latissime continetur & explicatur.

BOR. Credo hanc tituli distinctionem potius ob ordinem doctrinæ, quám ob aliam causam adduxisse authorem: Sed audi hæc deinceps habebuntur. Ex iis enim non modicum pro vtriusque memoriæ specie releuaberis.

ALB. Audiam.

BORISTA



PRO REBVS PRÆSEN-

TANDIS.

§ II.

«Quamuis his quæ supra allata sunt sub titulo«theoriæ sufficientissime etiam á mediocribus inge-«niis ratio praxis tota possit educi: tamen per hæc «quæ mox subinferimus superiora confirmamus, & «superioribus addimus.

§ III.

Pro rebus præsentandis.

Paratis ergo dispositis ordinatis, determinatis, atque«confirmatis subiectis: facile est formas ipsas appone-«re. Sensibilium quidem sensibiles, non sensibilium«veró etiam sensibiles. Porro sensibiles formæ rela-«tæ ad sensibilia obiecta, rationem veram imaginum «& exemplarum admittunt. Relatæ vero ad non sen- «sibilia obiecta, habent rationem signorum, notarum,«& indiciorum. Quomodo autem quælibet significari «possint, designari, & effigiari, demonstrauimus ex«parte magna, magis quám vnquam demonstratum«fuerit ante nos. Vnum tantummodo abest vt succur-«ramus iis terminis qui per prædictas imaginum ra- «tiones non possunt figurari: cum de triginta modis«illis nullum aliquando possumus ad propositum«adaptare: siue difficultate proueniente á nobis, siue«á re ipsa cuius memoria est habenda, & commodam «præsentationem quærimus. Modo igitur proximé sub«inferendo prouidendum. Qui quidem nullum memo-«rabile excludit, siue sit terminus intellectus siue«non intellectus, siue significatiuus. quomodocumque«sit, dummodo sit articulatus.

SECVNDA PARS PRAXIS.



CAP. I.

De memoriæ verborum praxi.

§ I.

Vbi igitur res ipsas collocare nequimus, quia sunt infigurabiles: aptemus nobis nominum, vocumque quarumlibet inscriptionem tali pacto habendam. Primo sint homines, iuxta elementortum numerum distincti, quorum alij vnum, aliud alij tibi designent elementum, siue ex institutione vt poté ex appropriato: siue ex veritate, vt poté ex proprio nomine. Sint in quam tibi pro elemento A designando plures Aristarchi. pro elemento B plures Bacchi. pro C Cæsares, qui quidem loco appositi, hæc tibi repræsentabunt elementa.

§ II.

Sint proinde aliæ res inanimatæ quæ possunt vsu venire prædictis hominibus: ita vt Armarium, auriculare, arcus, & similia significent tibi elementum A. Baculus B. Corbis C. similiter & alia instrumenta, & armamenta, alia tibi designent elementa. Et ita tum homines plures, tum etiam plures tibi reliquas res & operationes ab hominibus contractabiles ordinabis, quibus quidem valebis eidem loco integram committere dictionem.

§ III.

«Quod si dictio erit prolixior, poteris illam in duo-«bus vel tribus locis committere & extendere, quod«consulimus quando extemporanea replicanda sunt«lecta vel recitata.

§ IIII.

«Vbi veró tu ipse tuam tibi materiam disposue-«ris, poteris vni loco dictionem quantumlibet pro-«lixam committere, apponendo duos vel plures ho-«mines ordinatos: qui cum suis instrumentis & si-«gnis & nominibus propriis literas repræsentando, «quamcumque tibi proferant dictionem.

BORISTA. Quod ad memoriam verborum pertinet: á labore in quem nos artes antiquiores impellunt, mirum in modum nos releuare videtur. Quibus licet modicum considerantibus, modicum videatur addere: melius tamen negocium perpendentibus longé aliter apparebit. Elementa enim quæ per antiquorum præceptiones, singularia tantum docebamur præsentare: nunc ad syllabarum & quarumcumque dictionum



ex ipsis complexarum complementum, vnico cuicumque loco integrum ipsum docemur apponere terminum. Armamenta enim & actiones, non ociosa, leuia, atque vaga nunc instituuntur: neque solum ad memoriam excitandam homines hominibus adstare, résque alias aliis applicari debere perdocemur: sed omnia pluribus onusta muneribus accipere, vt quám facilé commodéque quod antiquis impossibile videbatur nacti simus, non sit difficile videre. Audi quid senserit Tullius in suis ad Herennium.

Scio plerosque græcos qui de memoria scripserunt fecisse vt multorum verborum imagines conscriberent, vt qui eas discere vellent, paratas haberent, ne quid inquirendo consumerent opere. Quorum rationem aliquot de causis improbamus, quarum vna est quod in verborum innumerabilium multitudine, mille verborum imagines ridiculum sit comparare: quantulum enim poterunt hæ valere cum ex infinita verborum copia modo vnum modo aliud nos verbum meminisse oportebit?

Ex quibus sané verbis manifestum est illud Tullium existimasse inipossibile factu: quód non modo in se facillimum comperitur, verum etiam vniuerso negotio facilitatem causat. Cur autem hunc in modum Græcorum illorum derideat industriam, illud est in causa quod ipsum alio pacto fieri non posse existimabat, quam singulis dictionibus singulas destinando imagines. Quod tentare ridiculum est. Nos veró tantum abest vt imaginum numerum multiplicemus: vt in singulis perficiendas atque complendas locis ad expressionem infinitorum terminorum siue significantium sine non: completas, paucas, determinatas, & celebres ordinemus imagines. Habes ergo facultatem qua tum res ipsas seu rerum intentiones in Circæo cantu positas, tum & ipsa quibus explicantur verba, locis valeas affigere. Exerceri tui similes in istis secundis non probarem. Ad vanam quippe atque puerilem facere videntur iactantiam, quatenus enim occurrentium figurandorum terminorum necessitas exquirit: solertia vsus triginta configurationum succurrere poteris. In pueris autem & studiosis adolescentibus præter breuem istam viam & alias quas Iordanus instituit nullam laudauerim, grauis. n. cura diuturnaque intentio, & abductio á seriis studiis ad quæ fortasse per ipsas redduntur inhabiles (in ipsis. n. actibus expediti, atque aptissimi alioqui stupidi mihi comperti sunt) perceptione fructus qui colligi possit in tardo lentóque fine minimé compensantur. Per hæc autem nostra studium non impeditur, memoria naturalis non hebetescit, non languet, sed proficere potest ingenium. Interim spero futuros qui inuentionis istius semina multiplicent. Porró, licet hæc consideratio tanta sit si cum antiquioribus conferatur: sine præiudicio gratiarum quas primis inuentoribus & viam præmonstrantibus habere debemus: nihil tamen est aliarum respectu, quarum integer inuentor apparet iste. quarum mox vnam in breuibus contentam explicabo tibi. Sed hæc de arte, tredecim quibusdam amicis dictata sufficiant.

ALB. Proferas rogo te aliam artem.

BOR. Libentissimé.



IORDANI BRVNI NOLANIARS ALIA BREVIS CERTIOR

& expeditior ad verborummemoriam.

Suppositis us quæ in complemento communis artis de ratione locorum & imaginum sunt allata: nunc in aliquorum gratiam aliam producimus artem, quæ ad nostram integra pertinet inuentionem. Ipsam perfecté subsequenti enunciamus ænigmate.

Bis duodena locum capiant seclusa seorsum Corpora, quæ arqutum finxerit efficiens.Spiritus adstantes habeant d' hinc singula quinos. Queis sit quintuplicem promere posse sonum.Proind' elementa duo dent consistentia quinque. Queis solers medio, quæstaque calce dabis.Quid sit, quid faciat, quid habet, quid suscipit, & quid Adstet, proponant posita quinque tibi.Ii sibi perpetuam firment in corpore sedem: Quos coniurator non queat eiicere.Interea varias poterunt errare per oras. Multáque constando millibus esse locis.



ALB. Quid credis ipsum sibi velle per hoc ænigma?

BOR. Dicam vt possum. Habeas ab inuicem seposita subiecta quatuor & viginti, quæ vniuersa non adiaceant, non inhæreant, non contingant. Sed libera, & solitaria vel situentur vel situata intelligantur.

Tuo ipsa tibi poteris eligere arbitrio, huius tamen esse debent generis B. Arbor. C. Columna. D. Puteus. F. Ara. G. Patibulum. H. Mensa. K. Lectus. L. Statua. M. Tribunal. N. Cathedra. P. Fornax. Q. Focus. R. Incus. S. Archa. T. Saxum. V. Pyramis. X. Horologium. Y. Fouea. Z. Sepulchrum. A. Feretrum. E. Sacrarium. I. Ignis. O. Lapidum cumulus. V. Fons. Quæ quatuor & viginti tibi designent elementa.

Proinde ad constituendas eorum primas combinationes addicas subiectorum dictorum singulis adsistentia quinque, quæ duplici differentia præcedentem vel subsequentem tibi notam demonstrent. Extant quinque cardinales differentiæ. Occidentale, Orientale, Septentrionale, Australe, & Medium. Extant aliæ quinque situales, prostare, flecti, sedere, cubare, iacere. Extant aliæ quinque locales, ante, retro, sursum, deorsum, in medio. Quibus quidem trinis differentiis, subiectum, insigne, & operationem quintuplicare consonando valebis.

Adsistentia quinque, per diuersos actus ad quatuor & viginti differentias multiplicatos elementum sonans atque consonans addere possunt. Qui quidem differentiarum numerus, in diuersis compleatur generibus, vt commode veniat in vsum.



Pro liquidis mediantibus elementis, iis denique & aliis primam combinationem ex duobus videlicet conflatam consequentibus, similiter per aliquot differentias prouidebis.

Quibus ita dispositis, determinatis & menti firmiter adfixis: prompté poteris ex mutuatis insigniis, cæterisque olim propriis quascunque combinationes effingere.

Iam vides quemadmodum signa viginti quatuor elementorum, per quinarium deducantur. Quam si consideraueris industriam, in alias plures poteris per temetipsum promoueri.

ALB. Propositum videor satis (ni decipiar) intelligere. Sed rogo te, aliquid expeditius pro cantu Circæo digneris elargiri.

BORISTA. Faciam.

APPLICATIO PRÆGNANS.

Habes in Circæo dialogo primo duas generalissimas formas, alteram quæ cantum, alteram quæ multiplicem cantus includit effectum. Harum alteram ad vnum generalissimum subiectum, alteram veró ad alterum referas.

Secundo in prima formarum generalissima, habes septem deorum ypostases. Et in secunda tria animantium genera. Illa generalia sub generalissimis septem: ista ad generalia sub suo supremo tria referas subiecta.

Tertio habes sub singulis septem ypostaseon, tres terminorum species: quarum duæ sunt incomplexæ, tertia veró complexa est. Habes etiam, sub singulis trium animantium generum, plures infimas pro commodo enumeratas species. illæ in specialibus subiectis illorum multiplicentur in trinum. Istæ veró in propriis pariter subiectis deducantur.

Quarto sub trium terminorum speciebus istis & illis ad singulas pertinentia species habens indiuidua, in indiuiduis pariter hæc & illa subiectis situabis.

Itaque generalissima forma generalissimum consequatur subiectum: generalis, generale: specialis, speciale, indiuidualis, indiuiduale. Adeo vt subiectum aliud, aliud includat & contineat. & forma alia aliam includat & contineat: & memoriam facilem non modo cantus Circæi, sed & omnium quæ tibi memoranda proponentur adipisceris.

ALB. Experiar.

FINIS.



Twilit Grotto -- Esoteric Archives Contents Prev Cantus Circaeus Next Timeline







Giordano Bruno: Ars Reminiscendi -- Triginta Sigilli (1583)

Twilit Grotto -- Writings of Bruno Contents Prev reminis Next timeline



In this book Bruno further develops the mystical art of memory first seen in De Umbris Idearum.

Although published without date or place, this book is almost certainly the first of Bruno's works published in England, circa 1583. Aquilecchia has established the publisher as John Charleswood (cf. Studi de Filologia Italiana, XVIII, 1960, pp. 101 ff. and also Frances A. Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition, Chicago, 1964, p. 205 ff.)

Contents:

● AD OMNIVM SCIENTIARVM ET ARTIVM INVENTIONEM DISPOSITIONEM ET MEMORIAM

● SIGILLO SIGILLORVM (poem) ● A MICHAELI A CASTELLO NOVO ● AD EXCELLENTISSIMVM OXONIENSIS ACADEMIAE PROCANCELLARIVM

CLARISSIMOS DOCTORES ATQVE CELEBERRIMOS MAGISTROS ● TRIGINTA SIGILLI

1. DE CAMPO, qui primus est Sigillus 2. DE CAELO 3. DE CATENA 4. DE ARBORE 5. DE SYLVA 6. DE SCALA SEV GRADIBVS 7. DE INSERENTE 8. DE AGRICOLA 9. DE TABVLA

10. DE COMPAGINATORE 11. DE VEXILLO 12. DE ZEVXI SEV PICTORE 13. DE PHIDIA SEV SCVLPTORE 14. DE DAEDALO

http://www.esotericarchives.com/bruno/reminis.htm (1 of 34) [7/27/03 9:24:51 PM]





15. DE PROPAGATORE SEV PERSONARIO 16. DE NVMERATORE 17. DE CENTVRIONE 18. DE QVADRATO ENCYCLIO 19. DE BINARII CIRCVLARI ENCYCLIO 20. DE COMPOSITO ET ELEMENTO 21. DE ROTA FIGVLI 22. DE FONTE ET SPECVLO 23. DE EMPIRICO 24. DE ALEA 25. DE CAELO 26. DE CIRCAEIS CAMPIS, HORTIS ET ANTRIS 27. DE PEREGRINO 28. DE CLAVSTRO CABALISTICO ET TEMPLO 29. DE COMBINANTE 30. DE INTERPRETE

● TRIGINTA FORMARVM NON SENSIBILIVM DE SENSIBILIBVS DEDVCTIONES ● AD CAELVM, quod est secundus Sigillus ● AD CATENAM, ubi tertius est Sigillus ● AD QVADRATVM ENCYCLIVM, qui est XVIII. Sigillus ● AD BINARII ENCYCLIVM, qui est XIX. Sigillus ● AD ROTAM FIGULI, quae est XXI. Sigillus ● AD PEREGRINVM, qui est XXVI. Sigillus ● Ad XXIX. Sigillus. ● FIGVRA SIGILLI SIGILLORVM, pro deductione et multiplicatione subiectorum et formarum

PHILOTHEI

IORDANI BRVNI NOLANI

RECENS ET COMPLETA

ARS REMINISCENDI



ET IN PHANTASTICO CAMPO

EXARANDI

ad plurimas in triginta sigillis inquirendi,disponendi atque retinendiimplicitas novas rationes

et artes introductoria.

PHILOTHEI


EXPLICATIO TRIGINTA SIGILLORVMAD OMNIVM SCIENTIARVM

ET ARTIVM INVENTIONEM DISPOSITIONEMET MEMORIAM.

Quibus adiectus est Sigillus Sigillorum, ad omnes animi operationes comparandas et earundem rationes habendas maxime conducens. Et non temere ars artium nuncupatur; hic enim facile invenies quidquid per

logicam, metaphysicam, cabalam, naturalem magiam, artes magnas atque breves theorice inquiritur.

[a1v]

SIGILLO SIGILLORVM.Procede, magne liber, quem non magnumReddit conferta densitas voluminum.Nusquam contemnens pauperum tuguria



Divertito ad superbas fores principum.Tu non minister cruentorum numinumCunctis sedati fructus gerens animi,Nulli abigendus, acceptandus omnibusPraeterquam diris geniis misanthropon,Incede tutus et in oras Hesperi,Oppositique in partes perge Bosphori,Extremosque axis mundi inversi cardines.Officiosum cunctis, nulli noxium,Cum sensus lassus abiget ensiferos,Non te repellet mundus sero sapiens.

[a2r]

PH. IO. BR. NO.

ILLVSTRISSIMO

DOMINO MICHAELI A CASTELLO NOVO,

Domino Mawisserio, equiti aurato, internobiles domesticos regis uni, quinquaginta

equitum gravis armaturae capitaneo,privati consilii consiliario,

gubernatori urbis et arcis sanctiDesiderii, legato christianissimi

regis apud serenissimamAngliae Reginam.

Musarum partus iste non ignobilis, in tua celeberrima aula editus, tibi illustrissime domine sacratur, ut qui mihi debent, Musis debere; qui Musis debent, et tibi earundem perpetuo fautori et protectori devinctos esse cognoscant. Ipsae etenim quibus omne solum patria, ne alicubi haberentur peregrinae seque extraneas



esse [a2v] comperirent, per Italum alumnum, in seposita Britannia, Gallicum, ipsumque regium, hospitium repperere. Vale, illumque satis tibi alligatum scias, cui Angliam in Italiam, Londinum in Nolam, totoque orbe seiunctam domum in domesticos lares convertisti.

[a3r]

AD EXCELLENTISSIMVM

OXONIENSIS ACADEMIAE PROCANCELLARIVM

CLARISSIMOS DOCTORESATQVE CELEBERRIMOS MAGISTROS.

Philotheus Iordanus Brunus Nolanus magis laboratae theologiae doctor, purioris et innocuae sapientiae professor, in praecipuis Europas academiis notus, probatus et honorifice exceptus philosophus, nullibi praeterquam apud barbaros et ignobiles peregrinus, dormitantium animorum excubitor, praesumtuosae et recalcitrantis ignorantiae domitor, qui in actibus universis generalem philanthropiam protestatur, qui non magis Italum quam Britannum, marem quam feminam, mitratum quam coronatum, togatum quam armatum, cucullatum hominem quam sine cuculla virum, sed illum cuius pacatior, [a3v] civilior, fidelior et utilior est conversatio diligit, qui non ad perunctum caput, signatum frontem, ablutas manus et circumcisum penem, sed (ubi veri hominis faciem licet intueri) ad animum ingeniique culturam maxime respicit, quem stultitiae propagatores et hypocritumculi detestantur, quem probi et studiosi diligunt, et cui nobiliora plaudunt ingenia, excellentissimo clarissimoque Oxoniensis academiae procancellario, una cum praecipuis eiusdem universitatis, salutem plurimam dicit.

Extant, praestantissimi domini, qui cum satis perspectum habeant, quod et nos non negamus, sapientiam huius mundi stultitiam esse apud Deum, speculativas omnes disciplinas abhorrentes, nihil student. Cum satis receptum sit apud eosdem opera iustitiae nostrae esse veluti menstruata, et per illa neminem coram Deo iustificari, nihil boni faciunt. Interea tamen ne improbi et ignorantes habeantur, repente sine studio docti efficiuntur , iuxta illud 'Abscondisti haec a sapientibus et prudentibus, et revelasti ea parvulis.' Item sine propriis bonis [a4r] actibus probi redduntur, iuxta illud 'Tu es iustitia mea, o Domine.' Facinorissimi quoque in sanctos, mundos atque puros transformantur, iuxta illud 'Candidi facti sunt in sanguine agni.' Stulti tandem, ignobilissimi et infames nullum sibi praeferunt nobilitatis genus, iuxta illud 'Vos estis genus Dei electum et regale sacerdotium.' Tales sane parvulos, iustos, puros, candidos, electos, reges, sacerdotes et semideos, qui nostram simplicitatem ad animi centrum usque confodere valerent, magis ipsa morte formido; ideo ne eiuscemodi genus aliquo in me aequo et iure congrediatur, illud coram excellentia vestra protestor, quod dum adinventionum nostrarum fructus adferentes, utillimas omnibus animi functionibus



praeceptiones adducimus, ubi pro earundem ratione atque praxi comparanda ad Pythagorae, Parmenidis, Anaxagorae meliorumque philosophorum sententias probandas vel ad proprias novasque positiones adducendas dilabi videbimur, si haec comuni probataeque fidei obstare videantur, ea ipsa a nobis non tanquam absolute vera, sed ut sensui nostraeque rationi magis consona, id saltem [a4v] minus altera contradictionis parte absona, prolata intelligant. Illudque in memoriam revocent, nos haud tantum de propria scientia praesumere, quantum commotos esse ab amore manifestandae imbecillitatis vulgatae philosophiae absolute credita tamquam demonstrative probata obtrudentis, et per discussiones nostras (si illud a Diis dabitur) appareat, quantum regulato sensui respondeant, veritatique substantiae rerum consonent, quae a plebeiorum philosophorum garriente multitudine tamquam a sensu aliena sunt improbata. Interim nolim ut quemadmodum tempore diluvii asinorum stercora malis aureis dixerunt 'Nos quoque poma natamus,' ita nunc cuilibet stulto et asino liceat in nostras positiones hic vel alibi, hoc vel alio modo prolatas obrudere; sed si qui eius sunt tituli, dignitatis vel sufficientiae, ut nostro congressu aliqua ratione non habeantur indigni, et quibus sine conditionis nostrae dedecore respondere possimus, hominem promptissimum et paratissimum, per quem pondus virium suarum valeant experiri, comperient.

Valete.

[1r]

PHILOTHEI


TRIGINTA SIGILLI.

Habes, illustrissime et excellentissime Domine, Sigillorum 30. congeriem, quibus ad trutinam redactis inquisitio, inventio et retentio affabre succedere valeant.

DE CAMPO,

qui primus est Sigillus.



Campus est primus sigillus. Hic ex illis speciebus confletur oportet, quarum simulacra in phantasticae facultatis amplissimo sinu ideo continentur, ut iacta intentionum et phantasiabilium universorum semina in exoptatam messem promoveant. Hunc etiam, quo nobis maxime subsit officiosus, in eas distributum esse voluimus partes, quae sensibiles, mediocris dimensionis, non excellentis nec diminutae perspicuitatis, diversae, differentes, ordinatae, congruentibus sepositae seiunctaeque intervallis, ad humanorum brachiorum elevatorum altitudinem et extentorum amplitudinem, adiectivatae animataeve, exquisitarum [1v] formarum numero adcommodatae, iterum iterumque lustratae existant. Non vulgari tibi praesto erit emolumento, si affabre ipsum divisionum portionibus distributum concipias. Sic Thalmutista Solymam in quattuor latera orientis, aquilonis, austri et occidentis divisam, primo eiusdem laterum singula ad duodenarium multiplicanda numerum, in tres patriarcharum nominibus insignitas portas subdividit, moxque in atria duodecim, quorum singula domorum duodenarium complectuntur, quarum singulae quattuor constant ordinibus, quorum quique duodecim ad summum referunt cubilia, quae tandem vel quattuor angulos, vel etiam in quattuor mediantibus lateribus intersituata recipiant, certo ingressum facit ordine.

DE CAELO,

qui secundus est Sigillus.

Quo caeli imaginum series insculpatur et ordo, sphaera primum in quattuor circumferentiales angulos rectos duobus se circulis magnis intersecantibus divisa, totidem distinctas aequales offeret portiones, quarum quaeque perquisiti, inventi atque retinendi locum situmque ponit ob oculos. Quod si quadrantum singulos in geminas libeat subsecare partes, omni procul dubio divisionis multiplicato opere fiet ut minus in proposito principaliore gravere. Ipsa quidem tribus magnis circulis se ad angulos rectos [2r] inter secantibus delineata occurrens, octo circumferentialium triangulorum spacia suppeditabit aequalis, in quibus tu postea quid ad cuiusque basim, quid ad conum, quid ad laterum quaeque positum sit, per dextri, sinistri, superni infernique differentias contemplabere.

DE CATENA,

ubi tertius est Sigillus.

Ordinate querenti per patrem ordinem proles inventio inventique retentio suppeditatur. Ne qua vero partes dissolutione desiliant, et quo ex unius adeptione alterius proxime consequentis adeptio prodeat, ita in se se complectentes cyclos commigrabunt, ut antecedentis in cauda caput explicetur consequentis. Sit id, ut fieri potest, in elementorum consequentia manifestum: AB. BC. CD. DE. EF. FG. GH. HI. IK. KL.

DE ARBORE,

ubi quartus est Sigillus.



Si ea ratione simplices conceptus aggregaris, ut in ramos, ramusculos, frondes, flores fructusque repullulent, nihil prorsus interesse videtur, si uti catenam, sive uti arboris stipitem conceperis. [2r] Eius progressum et usum coordinata, ut vides, insinuent elementa.

L l K l l k I k l l k i H i k l l k i h G h i k l l k i h g F g h i k l l k i h g f E f g h i k l l k i h g f e D e f g h i k l l k i h g f e d C d e f g h i k l --------------------------------- B A -----

DE SYLVA,

ubi quintus est Sigillus.

Coëunt plurimae arbores in sylvam, porro haec connexionem quidem partium retinet; homogeneam vero univocamque illarum seriem, ni transplantatae in proprios specierum distinctarum ordines digerantur, non admittit; ac. cf. fg. gm. mk. kb. bd. dh. hf. fl. li. Deinde in alia plaga aliter: bf. fk. km. Et deinceps similiter in diversis aliisque plagis diversimode et aliter (catena in arborem et arbore in silvam commigrantibus) ordinabu8ntur.

DE SCALA SEV GRADIBVS,

ubi sextus est Sigillus.

Scala haud alio quam praesenti elementarii gradatione hactenus inspecta sit.

AB. bc. cd. de. ef. fg. gh. hi. ik. kl. AC. cd. de. ef. fg. gh. hi. ik. kl. AD. de. ef. fg. gh. hi. ik. kl. AE. ef. fg. gh. hi. ik. kl. AF. fg. gh. hi. ik. kl. AG. gh. hi. ik. kl.



AH. hi. ik. kl. AI. ik. kl. AK. kl. AL. ---------------------------------------

DE INSERENTE,

ubi septimus est Sigillus.

Ut modo in hunc, modo in illum intendentes ordinem, hic arbori per catenam, vel catenae per arborem, per campum, perque haec caeteraque caeteris, omniaque omnibus adcurramus, rationabilis multiplexque causa nimirum efficiet. Innumerabilibus siquidem modis dum haec illis, aliaque aliis succedunt, inque certam disponuntur speciem atque continuantur, per plures universosve sigillos tua te solertia poteris ad concupita captanda promovere.

[3v]

DE AGRICOLA,

ubi octaves est Sigillus.

Certus agricola si campum cuius est dominus non destituat, vix unquam tua te fallet expectatio. Animam ratiocinantis perpetuo unitam proprio subiecto, pro diversarum formarum adventantium occasione diversimodo se gerentem, adque specierum quarumcumque productionem convertibilem, longeque vivacius quam alibi institutum adiectivum subiectum rerum nobis subministrantem occursum, agricolam appello.

DE TABVLA,

ubi nonus est Sigillus.

Per ordinatum elementorum combinatorium tabula perfici etiam aliis consueverat, dum ab abstracto ad accusatorem, ad adversarium, ad aëreum, ad afflictum, ad agglomerantem, ad aheneum, ad Ayrolanum, ad altum, ad Amblartum, ad anthropophagum, caeterosque per filum sibi succedentes, suis casibus atque gestis significatores, fieret accessio. Hic abstractus virentem complexus arborem, adversarius dolore affectus, agglomerator congregans, diversa mihi per ordinem insinuarunt accidentia.

[4r]



AF | ab. eb. ib. ob. ub. ba. be. bi. bo. bu. BG | ac. ec. ic. oc. uc. ca. ce. ci. co. cu. CH | ad. ed. id. od. ud. da. de. di. do. du. DI | ae. ee. ie. oe. ue. ea. ee. ei. eo. eu. EK | af. ef. if. of. uf. fa. fe. fi. fo. fu. ---------------------------------------------------

DE COMPAGINATORE

ubi X. Sigillus.

Compaginator est qui distinctos campos atriave, ceu folia quaedam segregata seorsumque posita, artificioso quodam nexu consuit, quod tunc sane praestat, cum agricolam vel aliud adiectivum aliamve utcumque formam, quae subiecti communis unius erat extremum, alterius ubicumque positi (pro voto) principii indicem efficiat.

DE VEXILLO,

ubi XI. Sigillus.

Ideo vexillum dicimus, quia pro exigentia vocis aut rei, ad idem referendum multos paucosve, plures paucioresvo valebis intelligere atque destinare. Hinc non unus tibi inserviat Plato, Aristoteles et Diogenes, neque unus adsit Pyrrhonianus, Cynicus et Epicureus, sed affines, similes proportionalesque multi.

DE ZEVXI SEV PICTORE,

ubi XII. sigillus.

Suis cum insigniis atque circumstantus astrictas imagines in subiecti partibus plurimis, in quibus [4v] quippiam inscribere possit ratiocinantis animus, apposui. Sic mihi Teucri Babylonici imagines centum trium millium propositorum suppeditant lectionem.

DE PHIDIA SEV SCVLPTORE,

ubi XIII. Sigillus.



In proprias sedes subiectum commune atque totale distinxi, quae quidem easdem in sua domo perpetuo immorantes imagines quasdam retineant, quo diversorum peregrinantium attactu diversimode sonent. Ibi forma subiecto adveniens penes locales situalesque differentias, nec non per varias partes et secundum varias habitudines considerato, consistentia per subsistentia quinque multiplicare faciet elementa; vel si subsistentis ibi perstare libeat elementi notam, fiet ut elementum quintuplex per caeterorum elementorum signa formationem concupitam recipiat.

DE DAEDALO,

vel XIV. Sigillus.

Quod Phidias in verbis praestitit, in intentionibus perque intentiones notatis rebus Daedalus exerceat. Organa igitur utensiliaque plurima institui, quibus, in quibus, per quae, ad quae et circa quae, vel per catenam, vel per arborem, vel per campum, vel per aliud quippiam ordinibus occurrentia certis, de instrumentorum centenario [5r] operum eliciat centeniarium, et de eorum numero caeterorum quorumlibet numerum consequenter.

DE PROPAGATORE SEV PERSONARIO.

XV. Sigillus.

Inspexi atria quinque, de quorum primo prodlibat homo, qui in secundo de capiti adaptabilibus unum eligebat de pluribus, in tertio de inducmentis corporis unum, in quarto determinatam sibi perscribebat operationem, in quinto certum de pluribus casum perpetiebatur, in sexto quemdam de multis adsistentibus hominem determinabat, in septimo puerum, foeminam vel brutumi ad opus quoquo pacto concurrens sortiebatur; quae quidem omnia, vel simpliciter vel Phidiae operibus complexe capta, ad quantumlibet multipartitas atque varias referendas complexiones (et si libeat quandoque conceptus) conferunt.

DE NVMERATORE,

qui est XVI. Sigillus

Inter omnia, quid melius numero suppeditabit omnia? Non modo ex ipso, sed et ipse est intelligendi modus; ipse omnia includit proportionabilia; ipsum in omnibus et in ipso omnia licet contemplari; hic substantia quaedam rerumque [5v] primum exemplar est Pythagorae; hic in praesentiarum non ordinem conceptandorum retinendorumque modo, sed et (si phantasiabilis effingatur) ipsas retentas atque numeratas obiectare valebit ordinatorum formas. Adsumat igitur diversam pro decadum diversitate materiam, ut primam decadem det linum, secundam lana, tertiam corium, quartam lignum, quintam lapis, sextam crystallus, septimam ferrum, octavam aes, nonam argentum, decimam aurum. Adsumat etiam



differentes (pro diversorum digitorum in decadibus diversitate) formas, ut columna unitatem, porticus dualitatem, tripes trinitatem, arca quaternitatem, sedes quinarium, mensa senarium, altare septenarium, lectus octonarium, patibulum novenarium, arbor denarium adferat. Aliis pariter pluribusque materiis atque formis, eodem similique pacto diversificatis, in innumerum numerata tibi extendere poteris subiecta.

Lineus 3. Crystallinus 53.

Laneus 13. Ferreus 63.

TRIPES Coriaceus 23. Aeneus 73.

Ligneus 33. Argenteus 83.

Lapideus 43. Aureus 93.

[6r]

DE CENTVRIONE,

qui XVII. est Sigillus.

Nolani primam, Parthenopaei secundam, tertiam Capuani, Salernitani quartam mihi centuriam conflavere; dum in primam de singulis centuriis decadem perceptos amicos, in secundam imaginatos verosve fratres, in tertiam consiliarios, in quartam servos, in quintam pueros, in sextam gubernatores, in septimam doctores, in octavam concionatores, in nonam adversarios, in decimam condiscipulos convenire conciperem. Huiuscemodi mihi rerum significandarum subiecta, nunc quidem hic, nunc vero ibi, nunc haec, nunc vero illae, dispositione, motu, actu, habitu atque circumstantiis informata (eorum me nullatenus ordine praetereunte) pro exigentia dilatandi, amplificandi, distribuendi multiplicandique propositi venere in usum.

DE QVADRATO ENCYCLIO.

XVIII. Sigillus.

Quandoque dum ad latera quattuor stellarum primae magnitudinis, aliis secundae magnitudinis quattuor appositis, eâdem forma tertiae magnitudinis quattuor accessissent, quaternarium mihi primo migrabat in duodenarium, secundo duodenarium in 48narium extendabatur, tertio 48narium in 192narium amplificatum universae descriptioni deservisset, ulteriora pari adtentassem serie.

[6v]



DE BINARII CIRCVLARI ENCYCLIO.

XIX. Sigillus.

Habet A circa se B et C, B habet D E, C habet E F, D habet G H, E habet I K, F habet L M, G habet N O, H habet P Q, I habet R S, K habet T V, L habet X Z, M habet a b, N habet c d, O habet e f, P habet g h, Q



habet i k, P habet l m, S habet n o, T habet p q, V habet r s, X habet t v, Z habet x z.

[7r]

DE COMPOSITO ET ELEMENTO.

XX. Sigillus.

Epigramma vel ode denarium mihi numeratum referebat. Ipsa in proprias distincta partes, primo sectionum libros, mox librorum capita, capitum subinde portiones insinuabant, dum universa generalisque materia ratiocinativos discursus, iique suas mihi promerent propositiones atque sententias, a quibus quid impedisset quominus ad incomplexos terminos fieret adcessio? ODI itaque primi, PROFANVM secundi, VULGVS tertii, ET ARCEO quarti, in tertia ipsa divisione, capitis intentionem patefaciebat, quibus sane intentionum signis cum elementorum vel primarum ex iisdem compositionum significata accommodarentur, facillimus ingenio ad ipsarum intentionum partes patuit aditus. Odii expresso indicio operarius per O significatus odisser, odissetque per D significatus didascalus, et per I notatus iracundus, vel unus alius de notatis iracundis, quorum modo hunc, modo alium (pro iisdem in eadem prima vel secunda vel tertia combinatione importunius repetitis elementis) in usum revocabam.

Solertera hic me reddidit quandoque urgens necessitas, ut vel elementa in composita migrare atque extendi, vel haec in illa perstringi contrahique permittorem. Sic enim membrana propositas minus sufficiens scripturae aliam sibi [7v] connecti requirit, vel se nimium capacem angustari decurtarique magis.

Formarum multiplicationem ita mihi quandoque comparabam, utpote cum semel mihi elementum vel combinatum per hominem mihi propositum significant, mox vel per eundem aliter aliterque insignitum, vel melius per operantem eiusdem nomenclaturae alium, aut foeminam aut brutum aut inanimatum quippiam (quod ad idem vel idem elementum figurandum significandumque fuerat ordinatum) ipsum subinde consequens aucupabar.

Hic iam cum res rebus connecterentur, ne quasi in confusam corporis massam membra coalescerent, capita quaeque numeris illustrando, insigniendo, veluti inter cohortes, quae non suum modo, sed et suorum ordinem efficacius referrent, prominentiora constitui.

DE ROTA FIGVLI.

XXI. Sigillus.

Duarum praeceptionum connexione quam optime succedens artificium adipisceris. Si inquam pro centum vel mille patribus seu capitibus, cum suis natis, corporibus atque membris distinguendis, centum animata



subiecta aliqua de praedictis serie in ordinem digesta praeappararis, in quibus do quo ratio est habenda prosequutum negotium intelligatur. Haec vel numeratoris numeros aut alterius cuiusque ordines percurrentia, capita in membra, [8r] membraque in proprios distribuent articulos. Quid enim? Nonne si de centum hominibus successive singuli centum diversificata lustraverint cubilia, decies tibi mille substernent intentiones, quas si duplicare cupias sola totidem cubilium additione, vel hominum multiplicatione perficies? Nonne et in ipsis, sicuti materiae materiis subordinantur, ita et hominibus homines tamquam servos vel amicos vel successores, vel similibus relationibus domos domibus, atriaque atriis subiicere valebis? Numquid non et haec ultima percepta, ut variis ordine quodam subiecta casibus, materiam tibi longe uberiorem et ad inquirendum et ad inveniendum et ad retinendum suppeditabunt?

DE FONTE ET SPECVLO.

XXII. Sigillus.

Non dabitur omnibus istam adire Corinthum. Unicam in unico scientiam subiecto contemplabar. Eius enim quot fuerant praecipuae partes, totidem praecipuae ordinabantur formas, quotque secundariae partium portiones, totidem primariis secundatiae formae adnectebantur. Ad instar igitur artis, quae Cabalisticus auditus intitulatur, non subiectorum, praedicatum utriusque generis et quaestionum modo, sed et actionum et passionum, organorum, comitum, principum et servorum certum mihi numerum comparabam. Haecque erant per quas successive scientiarum et aliarum facultatum particularia subiecta, tanquam per eadem afficienda deducebam. [8v] Horum quidem signa per certa, determinata inque ordinem digesta loca dum praesentarentur, eorum significata pro nostro libito, eorumque ratione meliore, ad alia atque alia conceptacula referebantur. Quod si propositis in quibusdam materiae amplitudo subiectique capacitas simplices formarum vicarias absorbuisset, nos illas invicem commixtas, combinatas ad subiecti expletionem repletionemque in innumerum etiam deduxissemus.

DE EMPIRICO.

XXIII. Sigillus.

Ad varias domos varios referebam laborantes, eas inquam domos, in quibus horti, horres, apothecae, hypocausta, coquinae, in quibus olera, fruges, condimenta, balnea, cibi praeparabantur atque potus. Hic etiam in angustiore pro rei exigentia spatio cuique necessaria et ad quemque conferentia promptius occurrebant. Haud tamen pro numeri mensuraeque cuiusque ratione minime dissimulanda, solertia studiosa non providente. Ibi vero seorsum ab aedibus extabat atrium, ubi malesuada fames et turpis egestas, luctus et ultrices posuere cubilia curae, quae quidem omnia ideo per hortos et pomeria physicorum, magorum circuitus et Daedaleas manuducehantur officinas, ut iisdem proficua atque convenientia evellerent, decerperent, legerent, caperent atque compararent. [9r] Sic enim talibus freti muneribus, qui ripae ulterioris tenebantur amore, tristes Stygis undas transvadantes, in fortunatos incolumitatis campos appellebant.



DE ALEA.

XXIV. Sigillus.

Siquidem aleae nullus apud empiricum, fontem, speculum, figurum caeteraque, nec in campo, nec in caelo, nec in encycliis caeterisque locus vacat, machinati sumus haec ulteriora, quae talibus valde videntur adcommodata, quae nedum moram repetendarum sedium non patiuntur, sed et in ordine proiicientium incerta, indefinita inconstantiaque existunt. Ita igitur principio providebam, ut proiectorem Pontificis, Mortis, Lemuris, Daemonis, Fortunae, mitratus ungeret, falcigera feriret corniger pulsaret, tibicen obtunderet, rota promeret; quae omnia aliis munita functionibus in sequentibus concursibus in proiectores afficerentur. Deine diversa diversis destinabantur conflictibus triclinia, quorum singula quattuor animata continentia subiecta, ex eorundem accidentibus quattuor colludentum proiectiones adsignificarent, dum suis vicibus hic rex spectrum collocat, senex cubat, mors emetit, regina comprimitur. Ibi vero et alibi regina, mors, senex, rex atque caeteri similiter adventant atque aliter. Nescio [9r] an minori effectum fuerit sagacitate, ut decem vel plurium conflictuum ordine Mors primo decalvans, 2. obcaecans, 3. edentans, 4. suffocans, 5. iugulans, 6. confodiens, 7. eviscerans, 8. castrans, 9. manus amputans, 10. prosternens inducatur; Fortuna primo coronet, 2. clarificet, 3. propinet, 4. intorqueat, 5. inauret, 6. palliet, 7. infarciet, 8. connubat, 9. annulet, 10. insoliet; caeterique simili propria compleant ordine denaria.

DE CAELO,

qui XXV est Sigillus.

Erat mundanae aeternitatis figura, circumgyrantis terrae typus, duorum sibi ultro citroque obsistentium principiorum nota, caeteraeque complexarum intentionum quamplurimae delineationes atque descriptiones. Harum cum singulas inspexissem, in campum vel centurionem vel aliud quippiam, in quo adversantum collimantium iaculis minime deperdendis obiicerentur, referebam. Adversus ergo terrae vertiginem erat quod 'Oceanum interea surgens aurora reliquit'; pugnabat contra animae inmortalitatem, quod 'Formosum pastor Corydon ardebat Alexin.' Ibi Oceanum magnitudinis, Interea naturalis facultatis, Surgens lunaris symboli, Aurora veligeras remitaeque ratis, Reliquit indigentiae medium referebant; hic Formosum instabilem continuoque variabilem concipiebam, Pastor se mihi dissolubilem obiectebat, Coridon corporeo mancipatus aderat specimini, quod Ardebat contrariorum exprimebat concursum, Alexin passiva materialisque potentia obtinebat. Quandoque vero ubi iaculator idem in plures diversasque veritatis turres argumentorum tela intorqueret, invabat non in oppugnandorum castrorum, sed impetentium arietum et volitantium iaculorum ordinem respicere. Curabam ut in eodem campo ordinate sui ictus suos sequerentur nunc in istud, nunc vero in illud collineantes iaculatores. Hinc mundum aeternum referebat quod Oceanum quattuor autem adventantium telorum, primum quod Interea, secundum quod Surgens, tertium quod Aurora, quartum quod Reliquit. Iacula in animae immortalitatem caput metri succedentis consequebantur.



DE CIRCAEIS CAMPIS, HORTIS ET ANTRIS.

XXVI. Sigillus.

Facile visa species cum figura formaque, quae circa est, sensus interioris occurrit facultati, facillime vel possumus locum certis destinare speciebus, vel certas locis species ita addicere, ut cum fuerit opus, qualitatis eiusdem ratio, de eiusdem ad determinatum locum relatione, designata prodeat. Hinc evenit, ut sensibilibus speciebus effigiatos numeros, omnibusque locis iuxta specierum pluralitatem pluribus adscriptos experimur ab opere graviore maxime naturalem relevare facultatem. [10v] Ut si in Rota, quam Fortunae appellant, Itali ad denarium, Galli ad vigenarium, Hispani ad trigenarium numerum referantur, quorum particulares certis insigniis actibusve decadum partes insinuent, etiam si non ut subsequens regulata multiplicatione quattuor numerorum constet differentiis. Circaea etenim manus, e regionibus varus varias simplicium decerpit, evellit colligitque species.



[11r]

DE PEREGRINO,

qui XXVII. Sigillus.

Decem communia subiecta potenti varietate formata quandoque institui, quorum singula 24 vel plura vel pauciora partialia complecterentur, ut haec ipsa primus perlustrans peregrinus ita occurrentibus utensilibus se gereret et afficeretur, ut me ad alicuius primi ordinis vel contemplationem vel inquisitionem vel habitum promoveret. Pariter secundi secundus, tertii tertius, et ita deinceps caeterorum caeteri, quibus ad universa opera manus admoveritibus non est adeo prolixum variumque propositum, quod vel intentionum catena vel circumstantiarum appositione vel socio seu vicario succedente non attingant, exaequent vel exuperent. Hinc Aristoteles aliter in subiecta affectus quam Plato fuerit, alia vel per se vel per comitem enunciabit. Seaus item Physicus, secus Logicus, secus Metaphysicus aderit. Quod si capitum significativa partialia subiecta in proprias libeat resolvere portiones, hominem taliter affectum vel agentem ad aliud subordinatarum mansionum commune subiectum referas, in quo significativas impleat functiones. Si vero et partitum exigas particulas, domum domo, campum campo, theatrum theatro subordina, uti Iuris periti libri in titulos, tituli in leges, leges in §§ resolvuntur.

[11v]

Peregrinatur Aristoteles per atrium primum.

A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H. I. K.

A. Ipsum deducitur per atrium secundum.

a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. k.

a. ipsum commigrat per atrium tertium.

I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X.

I. discurrit per atrium quartum.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.



DE CLAVSTRO CABALISTICO ET TEMPLO.

XXVIII. Sigillus.

Habes duo et viginti claustra atque templa, vice duorum et viginti elementorum, quorum singula 22 sedibus, quas recipiunt, totidem eademque dabunt eodem ordine, quae dabant elementa; a quibus, si ad 22 artes et artium singularum 22 gestus procedatur, trium quattuorve radicalium vires delitescent.

[12r]

A claustrum Regis.B claustrum principis.C claustrum ducis.D claustrum comitis.E claustrum praesidis.F claustrum iudicis.G claustrum consiliarii.H claustrum senioris.I claustrum actoris.K claustrum seeretarii.L claustriun satellis.

M templum Pontificis.N templum sacerdotis.O templum prophetae.P templum doctoris.Q templum lectoris.R templum cantoris.S templum sacristae.T templum lampadariiV templum corbonariiX templum ostiarii.Z templum custodis.

In claustro regis A sunt 21 reges, quorum B degtadatur in principem, C in ducem, D in comitem, caeteri similiter in caeteros. In ipso degunt aurifices uno actionis genere, et 21 specialibus operibus. In claustro principis B sunt 21 principes, quorum A exaltatur in regem, C exaltatur in ducem, D degradatur in comitem, E in praesidem, caeterique in caeteros. In claustro ducis C sunt 21 duces, quorum A exaltatur in regem, B in principem, D in comitem degradatur, caeterique similiter degradantur vel mutantur. In ipso sunt impressores. In claustro comitis D sunt 21 comites, quorum alii exaltantur, alii degradantur, alii mutantur in templarios. In ipso sunt ferrarii 21 operationibus. [12v] In claustro praesidis E cum 21 praesidibus exaltatis, mutatis et degradatis sunt stabularii. Similiter in claustro iudicis, in quo milites, in claustro consiliarii in quo fullones; in claustro senioris, in quo bibliopolae, in claustro actoris, in quo musici; in claustro secretarii, in quo barbitonsores; in claustro satellitis, in quo crepidarii. In claustro pontificis sunt 21 pontifices, quorum A mutatur in regem, B in principem, C in ducem, caeterique in caeteros. In ipso degunt cauponae cum 21 operibus. In templo sacerdotis sunt 21 sacerdotes, quorum A exaltatur in regem, B mutatur in principem, C in ducem, D in comitem, aliique in alios. In ipso sunt pincernae. In templo prophetae 21 prophetae, quorum A coronatur in regem, B in principem etc. In ipso sunt laniones. Ita modo suo cogitandum in templo doctoris, in quo pastores; in templo lectoris, in quo agricolas; in templo cantoris, in quo olitores; in templo sacristae, in quo lusersa; in templo corbonarii, in quo magi; in templo lampadarii, in quo lictores; in templo ostiarii, in quo pictores; in templo custodis, in quo voluptuarii.



DE COMBINANTE,

qui XXIX. Sigillus.

Tria haec combinationum genera proponuntur, quorum primum habet consistens elementum quod alterum persistens praecedit; [13r] secundum contrario se habet ordine; tertio est, in quo inter antecedens atque consequens adsistens liquidatum, vel illiquidatum medium persistens suscipitur aliud. Nulla quidem in primi secundique formatione difficultas apparet, in tertio vero taliter instituimus, ut quintuplici situs differentia quintuplex persistens medium in sequenti combinatorio captetur.

Bb. bc. bd. be. bf. bg. bi. bk. bl. bm. bn. bns. bnt. bp. br. bs. bt. bv. bx.

Cb. cc. cd. ce. cf. cg. ci. cl. cm. cn. cns. cnt. co. cp. cr. cs. ct. cv. cx.

Simile iudicium est de caeteris elementis combinandis; in operatione quoque quintuplici operis locali differentia providendum duximus, sicut primo combinatorio differentia triplex liquescentia LRN insinuabat.

Primi generis combinatorium in imaginatis 22 fratribus perficiebatur, quibus quintuplex adveniens differentia concomitans promebat elementum. Secundi generis combinatorium in imaginatis quinque amicis 22 qualitatibus vel circumstantiis adfecti secundum combinationis notabant elementum. Tertii generis primus ordo fiat de devinctis, 2. de aegrotis, 3. de claudis, 4. de caecis, 5. de barbiferis, 6. de signatis, 7. de atris, 8. de candidis, 9. de lividis, 10. de mundis, 11. de caelebibus, 12. de rivalibus, 13. [13v] de officiosis, 14. de gloriosis, quibus habetur signum prioris in combinatione elementi. Ad secundum vero combinationis elementum promptius habendum, ad A pertineant magri, ad B oves, ad C lunatici, ad D magi, ad E invidi, ad F fures, ad G gulosi, ad I iracundi, ad L superbi, ad M simulatores, ad N mercuriales, ad O libidinosi, ad R canini, ad S serpentini, ad T homicidiae, ad V ociosi, ad X castrati, ad Z tortyosi.

Combinatorium primum in negotiis hortensibus ruralibusque in quinque distributum genera versatur; aut enim circa olera, aut circa vineas, aut circa segetes, aut circa fructus, aut circa ligna perficitur; ut alia ad primum, alia ad secundum, alia ad tertium, alia ad quartum, alia ad quintum subsistens referantur.

Combinatorium secundum totidem supposita exigit pro totidem combinatoribus designandis. In quinque igitur genera distribuantur, ut haec quidem circa cibum, haec circa indumentum, ista circa ornatum, isthaec circa aedificia, illa circa aedificiorum versentur ornamenta.

Combinatorium tertium quattuordecim combinationum continet ordines, quarum prima versetur circa musicales actiones, 2. circa studiosas, 3. circa metalla, 4. in lapidem, 5. in merces, 6. in lusus, 7. in militiam, 8. in iudiciariam, 9. in sacrificia, 10. in medicinam, 11. in vecturam, 12. in latrocinia, 13. in magica, 14. in ligamenta.



Restat de duobus subsistentibus combinatorium:

[14r]

Aa Ea Ia Oa Ua

Ae Ee Ie Oe Ue

Ai Ei Ii Oi Ui

Ao Eo Io Oo Uo

Au Eu Iu Ou Uu

Primi combinatorii hortensia negotia Ba. Ca. Da: seminum eductio, ventilabrum, cribrum, pulvis, semen, planta, fasciculus, lapis, canistrum, lympha, ligo, inneus, ascellus, uncini, scopa, linea, testa, flores. Vinitoris gesta Be. Ce. De: Plantatio, extirpatio, collectio, calcatio, pressio, occatio, putatio, vindemia, pali, fasces, frondes, corbes, utres, vinacia, faeces, asellus, utres, dolium, vinum. Frugum conditiones Bi. Ci. Di: satio, aratio, trituratio, eventilatio, area, falx, currus, manipulus, saccus, asinus, cribrum, vomis, excussorium, stimulus, iugum, aratrum. Arborum tractatio Bo. Co. Do: extirpatio, plantatio, putatio, insitio, incisio, coniugatio, lectio, axcussio, rigatio, subtensio, oneratio, exoneratio, sporta, lapis, fovea, fructus. Lignorum contrectatio Bu. Cu. Du: truncatio, sectio, decorticatio, serra, fascis, pyra, dola, securis, lectus, sedes, mensa, arca, solium, altare, columna, tabula, tabulatum.

Secundi combinatorii circa cibum sunt Ab. Ac. Ad: olla, sartago, cacabus, craticula, veru, patella, ignis, mensa, pincerna, pistor, pastillarius, vomens, [14v] frangens, comedens. Circa indumentum Eb. Ec. Ed: linum, filum, tela, vestis, tundit, mundat, filat, convolvit, orditur, texit, scindit, suit, expulverat, plicat, dilacerat, induit, exuit, cardinat. In corporis ornatum Ib. ic. id: manus, facies, caput, pedes, dorsum, barba, ungues, digiti, pecten, speculum, scopa. In aedificia Ob. Oc. Od: arena, lapis, calx, picus, marra, scalprum, scala, fulcrum, ruina, fundamentum, paries, tectum, trabs. In aedificiorum ornatum Ub. Uc. Ud: gypsum, color, frondes, tapeta, aurum, papyrus, puella.

Tertii combinatorii Musicus Bc: campana, nola, tympanum, cornu, cithara, testudo, lyra, tibia, crepitaculum, urceus, trenula. Studiosus Cb: compaginatio, scriptura, lectio, ordinatio, evolutio, mathesis, physis, grammatica, logica, rhetorica. Minerarius Db: tundit, cudit, limat, contundit, ignis, aqua, folles, folliculus, lima, incus, carbo. Lapidarius Fb: excavat, frangit, iacit, levigat, tingit, struit, concoquit, attollit, ordinat, scalpit, portat. Mercator Gb: olera, triticum, linum, pannum, vasa, oleum, cultri, panes, vina. Miles Id: lorica, hasta, ensis, pugio, catapulta, arcus, balista. Iudex Lb: apprehensic, examinatio, consilium, tortura, iudicium, manicae, compedes, flag., auricula, manus, laqueus, rota, ignis. Sacerdos Mb: orat, benedicit, accendit, lustrat, sacrificat, baptizat, exorcizat, excommunicat, communicat, caedit, offertorium, crux, idolum. Lusor Nb: paxilli, aleae, trochus, palus, saltus, lucta, pila, calculi, [saltus,] cursus. Medicus Pb: pulsus, sanguis, ignis, oleum, terra, pharmacum, [15r] extentio, cubatio, fricatio, expurgatio. Vector Qb: arca, dolium, lectus, lagena, corbis, currus, liber, senex, vetula, puer. Latro Rb: percutiens, nudans, feriens, torquens, puella, galerus, porcus, ovis, pallium, crumena. Magus Sb: signum, [thus,] nodus, holocaustum, imago, lemur, ignis, baculus, thus, lymphae lustrales, pentagonus. Pastor Tb: pera, baculus, lana, lac, lupus, ovis, canis, capra, bos, porcus. Venator Ub: caper, vulpes, cornu, aper,



cervus, canis, ursus, leo.

Ad istorum numerum si tamquam semimathematicalia subiecta velis varie per artificium efformata referre, non modicum videberis lucratus. Habeat igitur musicus multiplicem arcam, studiosus tabulatum multiplex, minerarius multiformem lectum, caeterique varie efformata mensam, altare, sedem, brutum, foeminam, vas, offendiculum, obicem, caeteraque quibus appositis idem quod animata designant, consignificetur. Adde ad optimum usum sive radicalium punctorum, sive plurium caeterorum huiusmodi, istam subsistentium elementorum cum subsistentibus aliis elementis combinationem. Iustituebamus enim iuxta radicalium significatores quinque adsistentium genera, quae vel 25 differentiales sibi species adsciscerent, vel de quinque materiis 25 formas educerent. Extabant igitur absoluta quinque AEIOV, quae modica differentia se magna prodere poterant aut parva; subindeque ad duplicis consequentis punctuationis expressionem duobus aliis adnectebantur singula caeterorum quattuor, sictit iisdem A primum adnexum vides.

Aaa Aea Aia Aoa Aua

Aae Aee Aie Aoe Aue

Aai Aei Aii Aoi Aui

Aao Aeo Aio Aoo Auo

Aau Aeu Aiu Aou Auu

DE INTERPRETE,

qui XXX. est Sigillus.

Interpreti primo ad elementorum numerum viros 22 sigillatim referendos decrevi; secundo illorum singulis atria vel domos 22, quas denominarent, adtribui; tertio atriorum vel domorum singula in sex cubilia, quae ordine quodam, 22narium complerent tertium, distinxi, ut virum in quibuscunque cubilibus repertum, trium semper elementorum ex loco quidem praesentatorem, ex activo autem, passivo neutroque gestu significatorem efficerem et interpretem. Figuram quoque institui, in qua primo ex atrii nomine, 2. ex nomine cubilis, 3. ex nomine praesidis inspecto, tria designata inspicerem radicalis. Ipsa quidem quadrata est et 22 ordinibus in 22 partes divisis constans, in quibus notae diametraliter appositae per planum ad dextrum sinistrumque relatae ipsum quod primum in atiio supponitur elementum notant, sursum vero atque deorsum ascensu descensuque respicientes secundum quod a singulis cubilium desumitur elementum designant, singularis vero nota, quae in figurae margine cernitur adfixa, praesidem virum refert. Ibi vel a cubilis intentione ad intentionem atrii et praesidis, vel ab intentione praesidis ad intentionem atrii et cubilis, vel ab atrio ad cubile et praesidem, vel a cubili ad praesidem et atrium, vel a praeside ad cubile et atrium, vel ab atrio ad praesidem et [16r] cubile procedere voleus, non modo tibi interpretem comparabis, sed et maiorum omniumque (si quos habet Cabala) mysteriorum scrutatorem contemplatoremque te poteris efficere.



Non minus exquisitam ad captandum interpretem denuo comperi rationem. Quandoquidem trecentae et septuaginta septem de primis duabus radicibus combinationes agnoscunt Cabalistae, iccirco totidem viros earundem significatores certa serie institui, iisdemque propria atria, domos et cubilia in tot partiales distributa sedes destinavi, quot ipsi pro tertia designanda radice susciperent operationes. Quod ut firmius praestarem et accuratius, talia perpetuo sedibus adieci, qualia designandum elementum referre valeant. Ad universalem autem interpretem viris, virorum insigniis, insignitorum actionibus, agentium adsistentibus atque circumstantibus, ordinatum (prout idiomatis exigit ratio) combinatorum perfeci, quibus seculo expeditis patriam, in qua actionum supposita de primo in secundum actum prodirent, elegi; ibidemque ad locum proprium, agentem, actionem actumque contraheus, ex adiective vel substantive, antecedenter vel consequenter vel concomitanter appositis, substantiam vel accidens, rem vel intentionem, actionem vel passionem, vel aliam quamcumque referendam intentionem ob oculos apponere novi.

TRIGINTA FORMARVM NON SENSIBILIVMDE SENSIBILIBVS DEDVCTIONES.

Praepositis adde quod naturales vel in naturalibus per artem effinctae formae, de externo in internum [16v] sensum irrepentes, et accurata quiditate, magnitudine, multitudine, habitudine ad subiectum, ad continens applicatione, activitate per omnia, motivitate in alia, mobilitate ab aliis, ordine ad alia, situatione cum aliis, nec non aliorum possessione, consistentia, circumstantia et adsistentia excogitatae, triginta modis aliae deducuntur ex aliis, quorum quindecim simplices, totidem vero conversivi existunt.

Primum quindenarium: 1. de habitu externo in internum habitum, 2. de operatione in facultatem atque potentiam, 3. de medio et finito in extremum et infinitum, 4. de insigni in insignitum, 5. de hieroglyphico in suum connotatum, 6. de metaphorico in suum naturale, 7. de instrumento in artificem, 8. de habente in possessum, 9. de locato in locum, 10. de contemporaneo in tempus, 11. de modificato in modum, 12. de specie in genus, 13. de proferente in prolatum, 14. de verificante in verificatum, 15. de accidente in substantiam.

Secundum quindenarum: 1. de propria passione in subiectum, 2. de simili in consimito, 3. de proportionale in comproportionale, 4. de relativo in correlativum, 5. de effectu in caussam, 6. de continenteo in contentum, 7. de parte in totum, 8. de subalternato in subalternans, 9. de contrario in contrarium, 10. de principali in reductivum, 11. de antecedente in consequens, 12. de concomitante in comitem, 13. de commutante in mutatum, 14. de invertente in inversum, 15. de capitis additione diminutioneque in corpus.

AD CAELVM,

quod est secundus Sigillus.



AD CATENAM,

ubi tertius est Sigillus.



AD QVADRATVM ENCYCLIVM,

qui est XVIII. Sigillus.



AD BINARII ENCYCLIVM,

qui est XIX. Sigillus.



AD ROTAM FIGULI,

quae est XXI. Sigillus.



AD PEREGRINVM,

qui est XXVI. Sigillus.



Ad XXIX. Sigillus.



FIGVRA SIGILLI SIGILLORVM

pro deductione et multiplicatione subiectorum et formarum.



Twilit Grotto -- Writings of Bruno Contents Prev reminis Next timeline




Giordano Bruno: Explicatio triginti sigillorum (1583)

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You will need a Hebrew font installed to read some parts of this book.

Contents

● Primi sigilli explicatio. ● Secundi sigilli explicatio. ● Catense, quae tertius est sigillus, explicatio. ● Arboris, quae quartus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Sylvia, quie quintus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Scalae, quae sextus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Inserentis, qui septimus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Agricolae, qui octavus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Tabulae, quae nonus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Compaginatoris, qui decimus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Vexilli, quod undecimus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Pictoris, qui duodecimus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Phidiae, qui tertiusdecimus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Daedali, qut decimusquartus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Personae, quae decimusquintus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Arithmetrici, qui decimussextus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Centurionis, qui decimusseptimus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Circularis Encyclii, qui undevicesimus est sigillus explicitio. ● Quadrati Encyclii, qui duodevicesumus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Compositi et Elementi, quod vicesimus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Rotae, quae vicesimusprimus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Fontis et speculi, qui vicesimussecundus est sigillus, explicatio. ● De Empirico, qui vicesimustertius est sigillus. ● De Alea, quae vicesimusquartus est sigillus. ● Gorgiae, qui vicosimusquintus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Circaeorum camporum, hortorum et antrorum, vicesimisexti videlicet sigilli, explicatio. ● Peregrini, qui vicesimusseptimus sigillus, explicatio. ● Claustri cabalistici et Templi, quod vicesimusoctavus est sigillus, explicatio.

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● Combinantis, qui undetricesimus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Interpretis, qui tricesimus est sigillus, explicatio. ● Secundae tabulae construendae typus. ● Tertiae tabulae construendae typus. ● De explicatione deductionis multiplicis formarum non sensibilium de sensibilibus.

[a1r/519]

PHILOTHEI IORDANI BRVNI NOLANITRIGINTA SIGILLORVM EXPLICATIO.

Omni verborum superstitiosa oura abacta, tibi a nobis ut agglomeratum implicitumque filum evolventibus et enodantibus, velutique occultam complicatamque telam educentibus et explicantibus, triginta, quos ordinavimus, sigilli aperiuntur.

Primi sigilli explicatio.

Campus erat primus sigillus, quem veluti universi operis artificiique subiectum oportet apparasse prius. Ipse est locus, qui in secunda theoriae Artis reminiscendi parte per comunis propriique differentias distinguitur et in suas species omnes distribuitur.

Hic perquiri simulacra locorum dicere maluimus, quam loca. Ea enim cum externis obiiciuntur oculis, minus sensibili praesentia movere comperimus, quam cum internis phantasticae facultatis oculis intentata perlustrantur. Hic ideo amplissimus sinus intitulatur phantasia, quia quod terminatum determinatumque a sensibus externis accepit, in immensum amplificare et in innumerum multiplicare valet.

Sinus iste, qui est in subiecto anima vel animali, alius generis efficitur subiectum, dum ea loca in genere [520/a1v] phantasiabiliter retinentia suscipit, in quibus ea ipsa rerum signa, imagines et figurae inscribi debeant, quae in species significatorum et praesentatorum vivaciori memorativae facultatis obtutu



inspiciendas promovent. Ipsorum vulgatas rationes in secunda theoriae parte protulimus. Iam ut aliquid adferatur huius disciplinae proprium, ad instar Solymae per Thalmutistam divisae, praecipimus ut generalissima forma generalissimum, generalis generale, specialis speciale, individualis individuale subiectum consequatur, haud aliter quam aliam formam ab alia comprehendi conspicimus.

Secundi sigilli explicatio.

Coelum dicitur secundus sigillus, quia ad eam memoriter retinendi rationem spectat, qua cosmicae vel geographicae vel alius eiuscemodi descriptionis formam habere ad sensus interioris oculum concupimus. Cum igitur sphaera mundi vel terrae in sua sit divisa hemisphaeria, quadrantes vel alia eius generis membra, cumque eadem non solum in globi simulacro, sed et in ipso globo non facile statim occurrere possint perquisita; istam excogitavimus viam, qua citra difficultatem suis numeris atque mensuris intendentis sensibus occurrant. Destinamus enim exempli gratia domum universae praesentandae sphaerae, hancque primum in duas generales dividimus partes, quarum altera sit ad partes hemisphaerii superioris, altera ad partes [a2r] hemisphaerii inferioris praesentandas ordinata; dehinc utraque dictarum partium quatuor sibi cubilia seligat, ut primum referat quadrantem orientalem ab aequinoctiali ad arcticum polum, secundum occidentalem, tertium orientalem ad polum antarcticum, quartum occidentalem.

Sicut autem quadrantum singulis tribus angulis terminari, tribusque lineis accidit definiri, ita ipsorum cubilium sunt concipiendae partes, ut pro punctis hic polum, ibi angulum orientis vel occidentis, illic angulum [521] meridiei vel merinoctii statuat; pro lineis vero hic meridiani, ibi aequinoctii vel aequidialis, ibi horizontis portionem terminantem intelligat; moxque ad partium referendarum situs at habitudines respiciens, facile omnium atque singulorum exquisitam potent nactus esse praesentiam.

Catense, quae tertius est sigillus, explicatio.

Catenae explicationem habes in intentione decimatertia libri De umbris idearum, quae quidem dupliciter usuvenire valet, utpote ad ipsum iudicium, cum per hanc rerum habeamus rationem, qua certa serie gradus entium contemplantes intelligamus veram distinctamque cuiusque essentiam veluti in centro quodam esse consistentem, ubi altera quae superior est circumferentiae parte infimum naturae proximae superioris, gradum attingit, altera vero huic opposita naturae proxime [a2r] inferioris supremo continuatur; secundo ad intentionum retentionem faciendam, dum caudam unius intentionis atque conceptus alterius intentionis atque conceptus caput statuimus. Quod ibi typo retinendarum signiferi partium insinuavimus .d.

Dux gregis armenti primum sublatus in iram In geminosque pedes impete fronte ferit.Vindex mente vacans hinc Taurus concitus, ictu Irruit in fratres impatiens Geminos.



Germanos invenes affines protinus undae Excipiunt: Cancer resida prata petit.Repens obliquo lympharum cancer alumnus Villosi vultum forte Leonis adit.Percitus inde Leo crinitos surgit in armos: Unde vagans rapidae visa puella forae est.Hanc petit, illa fugit, quae gressu insana fugaci Librantem incurrit persica lance virum. [522]Aestuat hic: cupidis quem dum cemplexibus haeret, Attriti Vermis cuspis adunca ferit.Formidans letum medicas dum currit ad artes, Pone Sagittiferum sentit adesse virum.Qui modo stuprata quam credit Virgine laesus, Quo petit hunc iaculo, vulnerat ecce Caprum.Ut primum intrusum ferrum persensit inique, Effugit in rapidas praecipitosus Aquas.Sic caper infelix a gurgite tractus aquarum Insueta inclusis Piscibus esca datur.

Arboris, quae quartus est sigillus, explicatio.

Arbor ad inventionem facit atque iudicium, ut manifestum est in iis quae in libro Arboris scientiae perhibentur. De quocunque enim subiecto cum [a3r] dicere volumus, sive ex alienis inventis colligentes, sive ex nostris meditationibus emetentes, ita facimus ut in ipsum velut in arborem respicientes, primo eius radices, puta principia originalia, causas et elementa; deinde stipitem, i. propriam essentiam et esse, mox ramos, i. potentias, facultates atque virtutes; subinde folia, puta accidentia propria et circunistantias; proinde flores, utpote actiones et operationes; tum demum fructus, qui sunt actus et opera, considerentur, ut eo pacto ordo (quo materiam disponimus) inventionem, indicium et retentionem subministret.

Analytice quoque procedentibus, arbor materiae demonstrabilis statuatur, cuius pro radicibus sensus, imaginatio, persuasio, authoritas caeteraque id genus fidem concitantium habeantur, pro gemino stipite investigationem verificationis, alteram ex parte subiecti, alteram ex parte praedicati, et pro complicato in gemini stipitis concursu, habet integrum ex subiecto praedicatoque complexum. Si quippe quaeritur, an materia sit actu, inspiciendae sunt rationes ex parte materiae, rursum rationes ex parte actus, rationes earundem ex parte actualitatis materiei. Proportionaliter ad ramorum multitudinem mediorum admittit [523] multitudinem, quo alia ad unum, alia ad alterum stipitis truncum, alia ad universum stipitem referuntur. Adsumit quoque pro fructibus ea, quae ex concessis mediis illis consequuntur. Pro adsistentibus atque circumatantibus, eadem [a3v] diversam multigenamque recipit turbam, de qua alii invigilant, alii quiescunt, alii dubitant, alii, decernunt, alii hinniunt, grunniunt alii, alii sub illius arboris umbra rudunt, flores decerpunt alii, alii fructus comedunt. His succedit constitutio doctrinae



distinguendo, definiendo, dividendo, subdividendo subiectum atque praedicatum ad ultimas usque furculas, utpote distributiones, ramificando.

Arborem bonam atque malam ex ipsis fructibus dinoscere poteris; quae si primi generis existat, fovenda, nutrienda et contra inpetentium sophistarum importunitates, pro viribus et exigentia rationis, subtensionibus fulcienda. At si secundi generis illa sit, bipenne rationis examinata, mediis a radicibus et stipite desumptis, singulis positarum distinctionum membris ad singulorumn contrariorum dubiorum solutionem relatis, sterilis maligenaque arbor detruncetur et igne reprobationis absumatur.

Arbor etiam facit ad memoriam et ordinatam specierum retentionem. Dorsum arboris habetur ipsa catena, ut in schemate ibi proposito ab A usque ad L facto conscensu, qui per praecipua materiae capita successive continueque discurrit; rami vero arboris sunt ipsae collaterales assumptiones, dum singulis praecipuae catenae annulis hinc inde toties totque annuli connectuntur, quoties [a4r] quotque ad implendam considerationis materiam sufficere possunt.

Sylvia, quie quintus est sigillus, explicatio.

Sylva cum ex pluribus arboribus consita intelligatur, nihil aliud videtur addere praecedenti sigillo, nisi multitudinem et eiusdem rationis repetitionem; quo quidem pacto non solum duplicari possent et alii sigilli, sed et in [524] innumerum frustra multiplicari. Atqui habet peculiarem sigillus iste rationem duplicem: alteram, quam licet in praesenti schemate intueri:

Tityre pascentes dum Mopsus colligit agnos.Tu quoque littoribus nostris Aeneia nutrix.Patulae. Quae patulae nobis poterunt arrigier aures.Recubans. Lanigerum te recubante pecus rapuere simulque.Subque umbra calami dormit humidasqus lacunas.Tegmine decipiens ovium properatque Lycaon.Fagi non proferuat fructus, prope flumina crescunt. --

alteram, qua inventionem et iudicium amplificari comperimus, quando illud per universum, quod in omnibus arboris partibus et circumstantiis consideravimus, in singulis quae de ipso dicuntur, in ipso dicuntur, in ipso sunt, circaque ipsum consistunt, indagaverimus. Dilatatur insuper arbor in sylvam per multiplicem inventionis speciem, de qua dilatatione alius locus est.

[a4v]

Scalae, quae sextus est sigillus, explicatio.

Per scalam tentatur inventio atque indicium, dum accidit fieri ascensum ab inferioribus ad superiora, ob



id quod ea quae dicuntur in istis pro dignitate, in superioribus maiori eminentiorique ratione verificantur, quibus eadem praedicata si non formaliter convenire possunt, ut principiis tamen effectivis sublimiorique ratione denominandis adscribentur; quae vero in superioribus a primi dignitate defectionem referunt, longe maiori ratione per quandam analogiam in iis, quae subsunt, invenientur. In iis autem, quae mediant, descensus pariter datur et ascensus, utpote quibus inferiorum perfectiones omnes, superiorumque a prima causa defectus tuto affirmare iuxta propriae essentiae [525] definitionis limitationem debeamus. Gradus huius scalae sunt esse, vivere, sentire, imaginari, ratiocinari, intelligere, mentare. Quae omnia per gradus in inferioribus quo magis explicantur, eo magis in nihilum tendunt, quatenus perfectionem significant; quatenus vero oppositum significant, opposito hinc et inde sese habere modo necessum est.

Memoria vero per scalam suo typo designatam triplici progressus differentia per certam dispositionem perficitur; sed huius rei doctrina facile percipitur ex iis quae notavimus nono capite secundae sectionis libri De architectura artis Lullianae.

[a5r]

Inserentis, qui septimus est sigillus, explicatio.

Ex applicatione intentionis unius sigilli ad alium, unius inventionis ad aliam, <unitis> iudicii ad aliud, unius rememorandi rationis ad alia, insitionem fieri intelligimus. Modica nimirum, tenuia, imbecillia paucaque esse rerum semina videntur; multiplici tamen combinatione, compositione, habitudine, relatione, cohaerentia et universaliter, applicatione et adaptatione innumerabilia innumerabiliumque profluunt propriae rationes. Ex elementis quatuor diversimode ordinatis, innumerabiliumque proportionum gradibus coëuntibus, innumerabilium elementatorum multitudo diducitur. Numero quatuor et viginti elementorum, omnium quae fuerunt, sunt et esse possunt infiniterum idiomatum vocabula articulataeque voces infinitae conflari possunt. Videatur ergo quomodo tentando, experiendo, conferendo, dividendo, componendo, concernendo, abstrahendo ad innumerabiles accingi valeamus inventiones. Quid enim? Nonne multoties nobis certum scopum praefigentibus aliud quaesito nobilius occurrit? Ipsum sane frequentissime alchimicis accidere experimentis non est quem lateat, quibus multoties auro perquisito longe meliora vel ex aequo desiderabilia adinvenisso accidit. Mitto quod et mala [526] atque deterrima pro bonis optimisque sese obtrudunt; nihil enim in natura [a5v] purum, bonoque nihil at affinius a malo. Ut enim physica materia non unquam aliqua forma denudatur, ita naturalis forma numquam a materia seiuncta reperitur, ut aiunt.

Agricolae, qui octavus est sigillus, explicatio.

Aliquem perpetuo Campo praesentem instituimus, quam modo adiectivum subiectum, mode animam loci, nunc vero Agricolam appellamus. Da hoc diximus in secunda theoriae Artis reminiscandi parta, cum ultimam subiectorum conditionam adducaramus in medium; differt autem quod hic nomine agricolae adducimus, ab eo quod ibi nomine loci adiectivi, tum quia, qued hîc apponi praecipimus, est animatum et



tale animatum, quod vel inexistenter vel inhaerenter vel adsistenter vel circumstanter omnium potest esse susceptivum et consequenter praesentativum, unde sicut mundum Dei imaginam dixere, ita et hominam mundi imaginem non temere Trimegistus appellavit; tum etiam quia agricola per sui mutationem, per susceptas actiones, passiones et alias sensibiles alterationes est id quod ea quae sunt referenda praesentat. Adiectivum vero subiectum per novae formae et pro diversis occasionibus diversae semper advenientis adiectionem tactum, alteratum, mutatum, insitum, est potius id quo haec quae sunt referrenda praesentantur. [a6r] Adiuvat sigillus iste nonum sigillum, imo ipsum perficit; citius enim firmiusque resident, clarius intensiusque loco sensibili apposita inspiciuntur, quam abstracta quadam occurrentia ratione.

Tabulae, quae nonus est sigillus, explicatio.

Hoc principium extitit, quo ad artis memorandi rationes adsequendas sum promotus. Ipsum adhuc puer ex monimentis Ravennatis expiscare potui. Hoc modica favilla fuit, quas ingi meditatione progrediens in [527] vasti aggeris irrepsit accensionem, e cuius flammiferis ignibus plurimae hinc inde emicant favillae, quarum quae bene dispositam materiam attigerint, similia maioraque flagrantia lumina poterunt excitare.

Invit istum inter nostros adnumerare sigillos, ut illi, quem mihi fata primum in arte ista tradidere institutorem, ex animo litem. Eius quippe sparsum semen, quantum et qualecunque fuerit (fuit certe magnum atque dignum), nisi animae nostrae facultas concepisset, ad tantas segetum aristas (quas in huius campi area discutimus) emetendas fortasse non essemus aliunde promoti.

Quo igitur facilius certaque serie succedentia quaedam, ut alia suo succedere possint ordine, efficiant, plura sensibilia facileque memorabilia per ordinem alphabeti vel syllabici in catalogum [a6v] redacta docuit apparanda; ad quae modo has, modo illas pro rerum exigentia referentibus actionum, passionum caeterarumque circumstantiarum habitudines, facile modo haec, modo illa concupita in memoriam revocari valeant. Hinc primam intentionem referet Amphion, secundam Bootes, tertiam Cepheus, 4. Diana, 5. Aeolus, 6. Fab. Vulcanus, 7. Ganymedes, 8. Hercules, 9. Iuppiter, 10. Kiron, 11. Liber, 12. Mercurius, 13. Neptunus, 14. Oceanus, 15. Pluto, 16. Quaesitor Minos, 17. Rhadamanthus, 18. Saturnus, 19. Titan, 20. Venus, 21. Xuthus, 22. Zethus.

Ultra alphabebum, syllabicum duplex, utpote alterum in quo consona sonantem sequitur, alterum in quo consona sonantem antecedit, ordinabatur.

Compaginatoris, qui decimus est sigillus, explicatio.

Compaginator est qui loca locis consuit, quemadmodum explicavimus in Artis reminiscendi institutionibus, ubi conditiones subiecti quoad discretam quantitatem determinabamus. Compaginatio autem non solum, sicut ibi ostendimus, continuatione vel contiguitato, vel [528] adpositione et consequentia locorum sensibilium ad alia sensibilia efficitur, sed et semimathematicorum ad alia



semimathematicalia, verbalium ad alia verbalia, [a7r] sensibilium ad semimathematica vel verbalia, verbalium ad semimatheinatica vel sensibilia.

Similis est ratio Compaginatoris ad locorum multip1icationem rationi Arboris, atque quorundam de sigillis aliis, ad eam quae adiectorum est. Ratio quoque Compaginatoris est similis deductionibus, quas Lullius et nos in inventivis artibus instituimus, dum ad conceptuum et contemplationum multiplicationem una figura per alias omnes deducitur, unus inveniendi modus alio inveniendi modo cohaeret.

Vexilli, quod undecimus est sigillus, explicatio.

Huius sigilli rationem, ubi De memoriae verborum praxi instituebamus, tetiginius. Ibi vel ex proprio vel ex appropriato nomine plures veluimus esse Aristarchos, Bacchos, Caesares, ut eodem nomine intitulemus eiusdem familiae vel institutionis vel artis plures, ut ex iis motto unum modo alium ad opera peragenda referamus.

Adiuvat iste sigillus Tabulam, quae nonus est, et mirum in modum dilatat ipsam, atque velut ad triplicis dimensionis differentias amplificat.

Ad haec si proportionaliter inspicias, non satis occultam et implicitam habes inveniendi iudicandique rationem, dum non modo Bacchos, Caesares, Dionysios in omnium hominum generibus effingas, sed in arborum omnium speciebus omnium animalium species inquiras et invenias, in omnium [a7v] lapidum speciebus plantarum species, in unius speciei individuis omnium aliorum species individuaque similla. Innumeri enim diversique homines vultu, moribus et gestu innumeras et diversas animalium species referunt, et ad idem quasi vexillum referuntur. Hinc apertum est, quod omnes naturae et in natura duces in omnibus sibi definitos milites [529] agnoscunt, quorum alii alibi magis proprios, explicates atque plures agnoscant; unde fit ut ex superabundante domini peculiares habeantur. Id optime persensit Anaxagoras, at non attingere potuit sophisticae naturae pater Aristoteles, qui ab impossibilibus, logicis fictisque segregationibus rerum veritati non convenientibus, non est mirum si infinita valeat inconvenientia alia subinferre.

Pictoris, qui duodecimus est sigillus, explicatio.

'Pictoribus atque poëtis quaelibet audendi semper fuit aequa potestas.' Primus praecipuusque pictor est phantastica virtus, praecipuus primusque poëta est in cogitativae virtutis adpulsu, vel connatus vel inditus noviter quidam enthusiasmus, quo vel divino vel huic simili quodam afflatu ad convenienter aliquid praesentandum excogitatum concitantur. Idem ad utrumque proximum est principium; ideoque philosophi sunt quodammodo pictores atquo poëtae, poëtae pictores et philosophi, pictores philosophi et poëtae, [a8r] mutuoque veri poëtae, veri pictores et veri philosophi se diligunt et admirantur; non est enim philosophus, nisi qui fingit et pingit, unde non temere illud: 'intelligere est phantasmata speculari, et intellectus est vel phantasia vel non sine ipsa'; non est pictor nisi quodammodo fingat et meditetur; et sine



quadam meditatione atque pictura poëta non est. Phantasiam ergo pictorem, cogitativam po*euml;tam, rationem philosophum primum intelligito, qui quidem ita ordinantur et copulantur, ut actus consequentis ab actu praecedentis non absolvatur. Quomodo haec contemplatio ad inquirendum, inveniendum, disponendum et indicandum faciat, ipse considera. Et nos post completam praesentem explicationem hunc sigillum in iis, quae ad hebraicam institutionem et fortasse occultam quandam, quae in illius linguae mysterio latet, artem faciunt, practicabimus.

Iam ad memoriae naturalis relevamen et ad cuiusdam [530] artificiosae institutionem, duplicem agnoscimus picturam: alteram, qua super alienis descriptionibus retinendorum imagines vel notas efformamus, cuius exemplificatio esse potest ex iis, quae in Arte Umbris idearum adnexa docuimus; alteram, qua nos ipsi pro negotii exigentia talia aedificia, hypostases monstraque confingimus sensibilia et phantasiabilia, qualia rerum non sensibilium memorandas valeant referre et praesentare species; sicut enim nihil intelligimus sine phantasmate, ita [a8v] non est quod sine phantasmate recordemur. Quae igitur apprime memorata volumus, solerti conditione phantasiata statuamus.

Phidiae, qui tertiusdecimus est sigillus, explicatio.

Habet peculiarem modum, quo sculptor ad inventionem dispositionemque faciat, habet quo ad rerum intentionumque memoriam adsequendam conferat; expresse vero ad dictionum reminiscentiam tot individuas sedes instituit, quot quispiam cupit verborum habere memoriam.

Sedibus illis iuxta Agricolae conditiones perpetuos propriosque cultores destinat, qui diversae situum adsumentes differentias, praecedentem adsequentemve consonantis sonantem referant, et certis differentiis alias adsumere combinationes vel elementa valeant, quemadmodum per aenigma in fine Artis reminiscendi appositum denotavimus.

Est etiam Phidias formator, ut quae pictor velut ex aliis exemplariter educit, et ubi velut super alienis delineamentis elaborans invenitur, ita ibique statuarius Phidias vel quasi formatione quadam e cera effingat, vel quasi additione pluriumque lapillorum ordinatione construat, vel quasi subtractione incultum informemque lapidem figurandum sculpat.

Phantasia, quam Zeuxim Pictoremque appellavimus, [b1r] eandem non iniuria Phidiae nomine in proposito intitulabimus.

[531] Haec est statuarius ille, qui famosam Nabuchodonosoris [531] statuam erexit, haec ordinatam fortunae regni successionem descripsit, haec tropologiarum fabricat discursus, haec formae conditiones in aliquo sensibili, circa quod et in quo pleraque metaphorice delineat, certo quodam ordine eademque qua meminisse volumus serie describit. Huius suffragio in Centum statuarum volumine conditiones virtutum atque vitiorum universas ita quandoque descripsimus, ut earum lectio delectabilior, contemplatio incundior, distributio ordinatior, series distinctior, similitudinum comparationumque consequonter concatenabilium inventio promptior et memoria tenacior haberetur. Huius ope ad



similitudinem nos facile concitavimus inventionem; quemadmodum cum in humano supposito avaritiae conditiones atque proprietates figurare voluti, ad sexum, aetatem, capillos, frontem, oculos, tempora, aures, nares, os, linguam, oculos, nasum, mentum, colorem, pectus, viscera, tibias, pedes, capitis indumentum, colli ornamentum, torquem, pallam, utraque manu apprehensum, domum, domus partes, cubile, lectum, victus rationem, effectus, patrem, matrem, sorores, filias, socios, ministos, amicos, aegritudines, mortem, sepulcrum, epitaphium, famamque respexi. Eademque omnia, omniumque circumstantiae atque casus, per supposita Vexilli [b1v] atque Peregrini multiplicata, inventionem causant, iudicium exacuunt et ad rerum bene dispositarum memoriam conferunt.

Ibi A tributum exigit a mortuo, B aequum laudat et nimium quaerit, C a statuis exigit, D fabas

arrodit, E in pera franciscana, F Tartesiae felis simulacrum, G a veru et a sartagine rapit, H bonus

pastor pecus tondet, I vorat hamum, K veluti polypus attractivus. Caeterique similiter per ordinem

Tabulae vel Catenae vel Elementarii vel Combinatorii vel sensibilium, semimathematicorum verbaliumque locorum succedentes, ordinate tibi perquisitae rei membra referent.

[532] Hic locus est adducendi principii artis figurativae, in qua illud praeaccipiendum est, quod omnia per omnia possunt figurari; cogitatio enim naturalis virtus est, quae matris naturae vestigia facile consequitur, si diligentiae auribus vocem eius intimius adclamantis exhauriat; tunc enim phantasia omnia in omnibus fingere et imaginatio omnia ex omnibus concipere valebit: concipere inquam aut per identitatis modum, si eadem genere, specie vel numero sint; adsimilabile et suum correlativum aut similitudine, si similia; aut proportione, si proportionabilia; aut ironia, si absona, ut cum `poenarum divitias' `thesauros' que `irae' dixere, quae excogitatio non sine venustate occurrit, licet rerum desiderabilium divitiae thesaurique dici consueverint. Possumus similiter per alias oppositionis species adsimilabile ad suum [b2r] referre correlativum; opponuntur enim homo et mundus, ut continens et contentum, magnum et parvum; aliisque plurimis oppositionis speciebus; dicetur igitur homo mundi incola, discurrens, parvus, speculator, mortalis, et ita deinceps. Item et qui institiam lucernae comparat, ita modificat, ut ad eius modum rationemque insinuandam ex differentiae consideratione ducatur ad talem eamque appellando lucernam, quae qualisque nulla vetustate absumitur. Qui temperantiam foeminae adsimilabit, dicat eius frontem, quem nulla senectutis ruga sulcavit, cuius pellem tempus ullum non contrahat. Exaggeratione quoque et adsimilatione quadam multa suis comparatilibus adcommodantur. Hinc cum per librum vellet Iob fatum describere, videretque illum per sese non sufficere ad significandum, talem appellavit librum, qui in plumbi lamina, stilo ferreo, in celte et silice, vel in inciso adamante futura referat. E contra vero cum quid plus quam ad rem propositam notandam par sit referat, ad comparandam similitudinem subtractione contractioneque quadam utimur. In omnibus, tandem eo insistendum, quo affabre et melius, vel traductione, [533] vel transmutatione, vel transpositione, vel conversione, vel antiphrasi, allusione, illusione, delusionoeoe quadam proposito adcommodentur; ut ubi infernus impiorum describitur anima, `cuius ignei flagrantis conscientiae parietes, maleolentis opprobrii sulphures, horrendarum terriculamenta specierum, suspectiones [b2r] temere caecum animum concutientes depictorum tapetiorum loco, ipsis propriorum facinorum technis aedificatam nefastam domum incolunt, illam nulla temporis acies aequabit, non ulli vetustatis arietes deturbabunt, eius limitibus non alii, sed ipsi tantummodo coaretabuntur.' A pari aliis similitudinibus,



proportionibus, comparationibtis ornamenta, habitus, indumenta, circumstantias caeteraque omnia, quae ad commodum et incommodum faciunt, negando affirmandoque poteris pro dignitate rei subiectae congruenter adaptare.

Daedali, qut decimusquartus est sigillus, explicatio.

Quemadmodum omnis artifex, qui plurimos diversosque intendit effectus, vel pluribus instrumentis vel unico diversimode multiformiterque exagitato organo ad proprias proficiscitur functiones, haud aliter hic Daedalus, cuius subiectum multiplex et multigenum esse potest, imo qui suo ordine circa omnia operari se valere confidit, diversis pro rerum varietate mediis, ad praetensum opus persequendum accingitur, dum alibi per sensibilem Campum, alibi per Catenam, alibi per Arborem, alibi per Numeratorem, alibi per Centurionom, quadratum vel circulare Eucyclium, alibi per Inserentem, commodiorem videat aditum patere; quibus quidem artium actionumque per universum [b3r] utensilia, per centenaria, vel certos alios numeros referentibus, ex ipsis talia confingit efformator, qualia et inquirentem importunius ad inventionem elaboratam concitent et reminiscentem ab operis molestia relevent.

In inventione quidem unum subiectum ad propriam [534] definitionem universa contrahens, limitans, eademque per ipsam modificans, infinitas ab infinitis differentes appropriabiles suscipit rationes. Eadem enim forma per infinita supposita innumerabiliter individulibus multiplicatur variaturque differentus et proprietatibus, eadem materia ad infinitas alias relata formas, infinitas aliasque suscipit rationes.

Huc respiciunt scalae praedicatorum absolutorum, respectivorum, quaestionum et aliarum formarum.

Ad fixionem autem collocationis faciendam artium, exercitiorum variorumque actuum, cum suis mediis catalogi referuntur; iis enim successive susceptis certo ordine quaesita invenientur et collocata praesentabuntur.

Personae, quae decimusquintus est sigillus, explicatio.

Sigilli istius explicatio sufficienter ex iis, quae sub aenigmate, quod est in fine Artis reminiscendi, sunt adnotata, desumitur et non minus ex dictis in [b3v] secunda particula capitis, quod praxim memoriae verborum insinuat. Nec sigillus iste certa peculiarique inventionis formula caret.

Arithmetrici, qui decimussextus est sigillus, explicatio.

Adeo sigillus iste ex iis, quae hic et secunda parte theoriae Artis reminiscendi (ubi de locis semimathematicalibus discurrimus) habebtur, aperitur, ut alia explicatione non egeat. Illud tantummodo in memoriam revocari velim, quod tripus, arca, sedes caeteraque eius generis, ita sumi debeant, ut non



unam rei speciem, ad quam significandam haec nomina sunt imposita, denotent, sed ex instituto plurima, quae per transpositionem, similitudinem proportionem et appropriationem, vel per se vel per aliud consequens, affine vel adiunctum denominare possunt, eadem significent.

Sicut igitur in sigillo, qui Vexillum dicitur, ad unum nomen plurimos nominandos reducere docuimus, ita hic [535] sub uno rei significato plurima significanda intelligere, eadem ratione docuisse putemur. Quod ad formam igitur attinet, per tripodem intelligimus non solum quod tres habet unius diversorumque generum pedes, sed et omne quod sua forma, figura, aliaque de triginta formandi rationibus, triplex et ternarium valet concipi vel nominari. Quod autem ad materiam spectat, non solum [b4r] lineum dicitur tale, quod vere et per se est eiusmodi, sea et quod vel secundum partem vel per aliquod quod re ipsa vel imaginatione applicatum lineum concipi dicique potest. Hinc et per clavum realiter vel imaginarie adfixum, uti ferream possum concipere columnam.

Centurionis, qui decimusseptimus est sigillus, explicatio.

Pro substernendis apparandisque primis mediatis proximis immediatisque partibus intentionum generalium, vel subiectorum communium, vel formarum applicabilium, quae ad inventionem vel ad retentionem ordinabantur, difficile est melius vel simile artificium adinvenisse.

Hac arte statim de multis (quos non facile nec breviter naturali vel alius modi artificiosa facultate retinere valemus) quid, quantus, quotus, quantum, ubi et quomodo quisque referat, firmiter habebimus. Hac ratione ditatur Arithmetricus seu Numerator, qui est sigillus proxime dictus ex ordinatis enim patriis habes ordinata centenaria, ex patriarum subordinatis variis hominum conditionibus ipsas, quae simili pacto digitos subsmunt numeros, subordinatas decades habebis, quarum tandem individuis ad opera vel inveniendorum vel retinendorum persequenda, numeris pluribus absolutis, uti valeas.

Horum primus est per quadratum in plano, quod est cubus in solido, secundus est per circulum in plano, qui est sphaera in solido; dupliciter etenim in istis proportionabilia mathematicis figuris encyclia sumi possunt, utpote vel ad unam vel ad triplicem dimensionis differentiam.

Quadratum igitur encyclium efficitur, cum quatuor super uno subiecto formantur intentiones, et supra quatuor intentionum singulas, quae modo subiecti vicem subeunt, quatuor efformantur aliae, quarum quaeque subsequentibus quatuor iterum subiacent intentionibus; et ita deinceps progrediendo, quoadusque et disponentis intentio et rei disponendae negotium patiatur.

Circularis Encyclii, qui undevicesimus est sigillus explicitio.

Eadem quasi serie atque proportione in circulari, qua in quadrato encyclio, rerum rebus appositio prosequenda proponitur. Porro sicut ad diversa, saltem proxima, principia, circulus atque [b5r] sphaera,



quadratus atque cubus referuntur, nec non horum illorumque, haeque illaeque mensurae differant; ita diversa eorundem ponimus encyclia, quorum alterum usuvenit ad inventionem distinctionum et divisionum eiusdem, alterum vero ad inventionem multiplicium, quae sunt atque sunt circa idem. Circularis encyclii appositio in facile figurabili circuli quadrante fiat manifesta.

[b4v]

Quadrati Encyclii, qui duodevicesumus est sigillus, explicatio.

Duplicem habemus, primum generalemque modum, per quem circa disposita ordinate inquiritur et invenitur, [536] quique dispositis repraesentandis atque retinendis apprime est adcommodatus.

Compositi et Elementi, quod vicesimus est sigillus, explicatio.

Hic sigillus est, quem nomine verbalium locorum intelligebamus, estque non solum ad retentionem faciendam, sed et ad inventionem non modicum adcommodatus. Ad memorandum quidem usuvenit, veluti quando in compositis, utpote in dictionibus ipsis, alicuius orationis partes sententiasque ordinate confingimus, [537] ut primam referat odiens vel exosus aliquis, quem nos talem perceperimus vel fuerimus imaginati; secundam aliquis profanatus, profanans vel profanus; tertiam vulgaris, vel e vulgo disgregatus, vel divulgans quispiam, vel vulgatus; quartam arcens, quive arcetur, reportet; reliquas per ordinem, per reliquas ordinate subsequentos dictiones praesentabimus. Ad inveniendum etiam confert, quoniam ex vocibus omnibus omnes revocare possumus intentiones, exque intentionibus omnibus et quibuscumque [b5r] omnes et quaecumque aliae intentiones exuscitantur et exurgunt. Et si de magnanimitate sermo sit habendus, `odere' inquam `magnanimitate praediti ignobiles actus, vindictam de hostibus sumere, pauperes humilesque opprimere etc.; profanis ab actibus, quibus infamiae notam subire valeant, avertuntur [a] magnanimitatis habitu (haec enim nihil praeter egregias meditatur operationes); a vulgaribus trivialibusque sermonibus, curis et studiis magnanimus proripit sese abstrahiturque totus, illud in mentem revocans, quod nullus vulgi comes quicquam sapienter vel egregie sentire perficereve potest (non enim spectabile laudabileque esse valet, quod frequens est atque vulgare); arcet abigitque magnanimus ab animo ignobilium appetentiam voluptatum, arcet pellitque omnem vanam formidinem non persequutionum mortisque timor illum a via iustitae aequitatisque coërcet.'

Ad omnes inventionis species non utilis est iste modus, sed ad eas tantum, quae persuasionem faciunt. Ut autem ad inventionem universaliter dictam conferre valeat, hoc pacto providendum, ut termini isti non sumantus pro formis, sed pro formarum subiectis adsumantur, cum in osore aliquid quod significet essentiam, in profano quod potentiam, in vulgato quod operationem, in arcente quod circumstantias referat; ut subinde pro inventionis opere primum inquiramus, quid dictum, dicendum et dici possit circa rei propositae essentiam et [538] esse, secundo quid [b6r] circa eiusdem habitus, dispositiones, facultates, passiva activaque principia, tertio quid circa effectus et operationes, quibus ipsa est et quae ab ipsa profluunt, quarto quomodo, quibus concurrentibus et concausantibus; et ita de caeteris per reliqua.



Proinde sicut oratio resolvitur in dictiones tanquam in partes proximas, nec non syllabas et elementa, velut in remotiores primasque partes, ita et inventionum signa generalia in particularia et individua resolvuntur. Habent etenim elementa quae figurent, et habent quibus figurentur, A enim plures figurat Aristoteles et Aristarchos, et plures Aristarchi Aristotelesque plures per A figurantur. Itaque et per individuorum ab elementis significatorum et per eorum elementorum combinationibus praesentatorum eorumque quae integris denotantur dictionibtis ordinem, possum ad opus faciendae retentionis et intentandae inventionis accingi. Non solum per diversos ad eandem nomenclaturam relatos, sed per eundem diversimode ee habentem, operantem et collocatum, subiectorum retentionis et inventionis copiam comparare docemus, ubi dicimus quo mode quandoque formarum multiplicationem adtentabimus.

[b6v]

Rotae, quae vicesimusprimus est sigillus, explicatio.

Rotas subiectum atrium, figulo figurator, luto subjecta intentio formabilis proportionantur. Sint igitur in rota seu atrio A duodecim, viginti quatuor vel triginta officinae, ut prima sit aucupis, secunda medici, tertia militis, quarta pincernae, quinta musici, sexta scriptoris, septima agricolae, octava sutoris, nona sacerdotis, decima fullonis, undecima tonsoris, duodecima lectoris. Per quos si unus agens, vel cooperans, vel patiens feratur suis casibus, saltem duodecim; si duo, saltem viginti quatuor, si tres, triginta sex saltem dabunt intentiones. Per quam quidem praxim si velis in mathematicis exerceri, ut si velis stellarum aspectus quoad earum significationem [539] et significationes dispositionum planetarum in signis retinere, poteris duedecim suis circumstantiis domos efformatas ita apparare, ut suis partibus atque membris talia contineant, quae ad singulas considerationes, de ipsis et in ipsis faciendas, sint adcommodatiora. Poteris insuper septem circum rotantia supposita destinare, quorum passionibus et affectibus aliis, quae in locis recipiunt, ea quae in planetis significari debent ordinate habeas. Quae quidem omnia si septem implere nequeunt, alios substituimus singulorum omniumque successores.

Ubicumque etiam erunt quatuor, quinque, septem, quae rationes et formas multiplici in invicem compositione coordinationeque multiplicant, in [b7r] ipsis, sicut in Propagatore, in energumenis locis, et aliis de multiplici Elementario vel Combinatoria facere docuimus, est providendum; ad instar (inquam) illorum, iuxta combinandorum et in compositionem venientium numerum, elementaria statuas, quibus tandem figuranda flgurare et ipsa figurata, ad novas integri illius figurationes inducendas, per rotam deducendo, valeas. Et nos id magna ex parte in Artis memoriae, Umbras idearum consequentis, prima secundaque de adiectis particula docuimus.

Fontis et speculi, qui vicesimussecundus est sigillus, explicatio.

Per haec docemus suppositum persanamque unam unam integramque posse indicare facultatem. Hinc ad inventionem faciendam, oculo uniformiter ad omnia visibilia se habenti atque successive conversa, unus



fons, unum speculum praesentabit universa, unus habitus in una quadam formali serie complebitur, dum quodlibet subiectum per illam examinabitur. Hic praedicata sunt quae omnibus applicatbilia pro sua ratione iudicantur, hic formae quibus cuncta modificantur, hicque circumstantiae quibus colorantur universa, ut in iisdem omnia generalia particulariaque considerabilia subiecta, [540] distinctis propriisque rationibus inspicienda se tribuunt. Hinc ab aliis et a nobis instituta, inventa [b7v] atque completa multiplex inveniendi ratio dependet. Sigilli istius applicatio ad reminiscentiam comparandam nullam admittit difficultatem per ea, quae hic alibique frequentius diximus.

De Empirico, qui vicesimustertius est sigillus.

Sigillus iste magis apertus est, quam ut ulla explicatione indigeat. Facile enim possumus pro hortis plura instituisse atria vel cubilia, in quorum membris perpetuo figurata maneant, et veluti adiectiva loca consistant diversa simplicium genera. Per hos hortos atriaque aegrotantes plurimi suis ordinibus succedere possunt, qui diversi diversas poterunt memorabiles formare intentiones et perquisita complere remedia, dum ipsi aut ii, qui pro ipsis designandis adsumuntur, vel a rebus, vel ad res sibi necessarias et usuvenientes aliqua ratione sunt affecti.

De Alea, quae vicesimusquartus est sigillus.

Per omnes quae praecessorunt quaeque sequentur figurandi praesentandique rationes, aleae memoriae, similique retinendorum ordine, minime possumus providisse; eam ob rem istam particularem propriamque excogitavimus viam, quae plus est explicata, quam ut pluribus verbis indigeat.

[b8r]

Gorgiae, qui vicosimusquintus est sigillus, explicatio.

Pro varii generis argumentis ad varias theses et disputationum subiecta, quae eorum quae defenduntur, et eorum qui oppugnant turba confusionem perplexamque chaos effigiem redderent, ad certa definitaque loca ea quam hic insinuavimus serie disposita referantur.

Diversa igitur pro axiomatum, positionum et problematum diversitate praeordinata communia loca, numero [541] particularium locorum particulares suscipiant reddantque obiectiones: Gorgias iste (sic enim Disputatorem, cui maxime sigillus iste inservit, dici voluimus) non solum in verbalibus positivis, sed et in aliis omnibus locorum speciebus ad proprias se conferre functiones poterit. Commode enim diversimode disposita cubilia, varie efflucti numeri, diversae suppositae concatenationes, numero varietatique verificationum disputandarum inservient.

In ipsis cum sit nota conclusio, et duo consequenter de tribus argumentationis terininis, medii



tantummodo figuram collocasse sufficiet.

[b8v]

Circaeorum camporum, hortorum et antrorum, vicesimisexti videlicet sigilli, explicatio.

Diversas novimus esse diversorum simplicium qualitales, varios etiam plane constat qualitatum variarum, sub variis congruentibus possibilibusque combinationibus, esse gradus. Ea igitur arte, qua dictiones quascumque effigiare docuimus, ipsa rerum nomina figurata ad illum referantur hortum, campum vel antrum, in quo illarum qualitates suis numeris, ponderibus atque mensuris definitae habeantur.

Erit ergo campus primus calidi humidi, secundus calidi sicci, tertius frigidi humidi, quartus frigidi sicci.

Erunt subinde in campa, membrorum quinque vel septem, plures paucioresve, pro rei exigentia, ordines; quorum primus referat calidi primum gradum cum septem humiditatis gradibus in septem ordinis domibus, secundus calidi gradum secundum cum septem humiditatis gradibus in propriis septem istius ordinis domibus, tertius tertium calidi gradum cum septem humiditatis gradibus in unius istius ordinis domibus septem. Et ita deinceps in aliis providere poteris, ut tandem in specie ad locum generalem, particularem et individitalem [542] relata, qualitatem, qualitatis gradum et graduum compossibilitates intuearis.

[c1r]

Ibi Circaeus dicitur campus pro arboribus maiorumque plantarum fructibus, hortus pro herbis, floribus atque medicis radicibus, antrum pro mineralibus usque omnibus, quae in telluris gremio generantur, eiusdemque effossae concavitatibus desumuntur.

Sigillum istum hoc in aenigmate quandoque implicavimus.

Lamine de claro ne mens peregrina vagetur, Nec sensus currens pone petita cadat,Utque profunda virum fallat te in tartara missum Ardentem fugiens unda petita sitim;Coge potens Circe succos tibi in atria septem, Quaeque sit et species in genus acta suum,Transfer in annosi campum haec scelerata parentis, Haec habeant dominum cum Ganymede Iovem.Luminibusque minax perstans ardentibu' Mavors



Hortum hunc prospectet, Mulciberumque trucem.Obtineas vasti lampas celeberrima mundi, Prolem ubi multigenam contueare tuam.Suave Venus spirans queis cuncta viventia vincis, Inque sequestrato diva capesse loco.Secretusque tibi credatur nuncie divum. Foemina foemineo credite, masque mari.Sepibus abiunctas, temerentur ne tua dona, Delia consortes iunge operosa tuas.

Peregrini, qui vicesimusseptimus sigillus, explicatio.

Ditat sigillas iste Rotam figuli; non solum enim per eumdem campum multiplicat unius rei deducendae considerationes atque loca, sed campum secundum primo subordinans, efficit ut ad locorum [c1v] secundi campi numerum singula primi campi membra submultiplicemus. Tertium pariter campum secundo subnectens, id praestat, [543] ut ad locorum tertii campi numerum secundi campi membra multiplicari possint. Similiter si id propositum urgeat negotium, quartum tertio, quintum quarto eousqne continuabimus, quoad materiae subiectae capacitas impleatur; formarumque extenditur multiplicandus numerus et amplitudo.

Differt igitur Peregrinus a Rota, quia hîc Figulus circa unum idemque centrum suas complet revolutiones, ibi vero Peregrinus singulis veluti rotae radus alias rotas in tertium, quartum et plures (si necesse libitumque fuerit) subalternatim succedentes ordines auspicatur, exequitur et veluti peregre proficiscens evagatur. Sigillum istum praesenti in aenigmate complicavimus.

Uranie vatein sublimes duxit in aedeis, Quo faceret mentis nubila pulsa suae.Ordine praegnantem, quo sunt disposta per orbem, Indicat extenta singula quaeque manu.Leucadius regno sedet hîc, tristisque senecta. Praetulit hic degens talia regna patri.Cuspide Mareque potens rapit hinc ea, raptaque servat; Aureus hinc Titan haec diuturna facit.Blanda Venus grato numerosa ea reddit amore; Pacis et armorem hinc arbiter hic superis.Hinc vultu inconstans Lucina et lumine clamat, Occubitum visent orta et adaucta suum.Ordine sunt postquam concepta palatia coeli, Bis senas iuvat hos iam peragrare domos.



Egrediare senex varios subiture locorum Anfractus, varias insinuando notas.Huic divum succede parens, succede Gradive, [c2r] Smintheum numen, Gnidia nata mari.Atlantis succede nepos, Gyllenia proles, Delia nec cesses coelo Ereboque potens.

Claustri cabalistici et Templi, quod vicesimusoctavus est sigillus, explicatio.

Hic duobus et viginti elementis vigintiduo claustra vel templa destinantur, quorum singula in duo et viginti [544] personarum sub una communi arte, vel operationis genere uno, se exagitantium; receptacula distribuuntur ea, quae proprias peculiaresque operationes et actus vel sub templorum claustrorumque singulis depromunt, vel sub eodem vexillo certum in memoriae vel inventionis exercitatione opus exequuntur, ut in ipsis quatuor definita valeas elementa comtemplari, quorum primum est ex nomine atrii, secundum ex nomine sedis in atrio, tertium ex nomine artis, quartum ex nomine actus.

Ideo autem intelliguntur istorum alii degradari, alii exaltari, alii mutari, ut faciliorem viam retinendi prompteque examinandi, quid tali de singulis semel formata conceptione seu imaginatione referatur atque significetur.

Sigillus iste ad inventionem maxime usuvenire potest; per ipsum enim materiam, de qua considerandum, argumentandum et disputandum est, deducere possumus. Hoc enim ordine formis (quas [c2v] considerationis sunt obiecta, et quibus omnia metiuntur, discutiuntur et examinantur) generalibus 22bus, pluribus vel paucioribus, totidem speciales, sub illarum singulis cum propriis potentiarum operationumque modis reducibiles, subordinare valebimus. Claustra igitur atque templa similia, vel claustris templisque proportionalia, ad inventionis exercitationes indiciique actus instituas, ni iis ipsis Zeuxim vel Daedalum super pingere vel super aedificare mavis.

Combinantis, qui undetricesimus est sigillus, explicatio.

Infinitarum syllabarum differentium multitudinem perpaucis quam commode imaginibus figurare Combinatoria: iste perdocet, ubi tria proponit statuenda combinatoria: primum in quo consona sonantem praecedit, secundum in quo sonans consonantem praeit, tertium in quo inter duas tresve consonas media sonans quintuplici situs differentia designatur. Nos eo aenigmate, in quo [545] implicatur ars ad innumeras industrias viam aperiens, insinuavimus, ubi posita bestia in medio circuli vel quatranguli, vice multiplicis consonantis, ad quinque differentias multiplicem sibi sonantem adsciscit.



Irrugit haec aliud rutilum si spectat ad ortum, Primum ostentanda est frons ubi solis equis.[c3r] Non pariter clamans, obtutum dant ubi sero Ultima, Phoebe, tui tergora quadrapedes.Non simile est resonans, vigilem spectando Bootem Nolano adstantem nocte dieque solo.Haud pariter versa haec ubi tellus corpora denso Obsistens lumen occulit Ursa tibi.Diversum dictis quintum tunc intonat, in se Non oblita sui cum fera tota sidet.At si eius vocem saxosum prenderit antrum, Flectitur unde aër restituendo sonum,Aut tibi echo resonat, vel si contenderit usus, Eversam reddent versa elementa notam.

Proinde sigillum istum ad quandam inventionis speciem maxime facere est manifestum, dum in duobus, tribus, quatuor vel pluribus circulis subordinatis certumque elementorum numerum comprehendentibus per eorundem multiformes volutationes atque dispositiones, innumerabiles possumus serie quadam certa combinationum differentias accipere. Nos perfecte, quantum fieri potest, artem combinatoriam ex duobus tribusque elementis in libro De architectura Lulliana explicavimus. Tu ad eius similitudinem atque analogiam numeris aliis complendis combinationibus poteris adaptare.

Interpretis, qui tricesimus est sigillus, explicatio.

Sigilli universi, qui ad dictiones referuntur, ut vocabulorum formativae rationes omnes, istius supervenientis sigilli possunt esse subiectum. Ni quippe [c3v] interpretationi subiecta dictio praeextiterit, quî fieri potest ut aliqua ratione interpretem instituamus? Homini affecto ex patria, [546] loco proprio, arte, artis operatione et organo, per quae eius formationis est praesentativus, ibi quod significandum est accidere intelligatur, ubi et agens commode operetur et operatio proprius exequatur. Caetera, quae tricesimus sigillus habet, explicatione non indigent; illud tantummodo praestemus, ut tres pro paradiginate tabulas subinferamus ad hebraicum dictionarium maxima facilitate figurandum atque retinendum.

I A.O.I.E.V. rex magus fons [à]

II B princeps pyromantus porticus [á]

III G dux geomantus pyramis [â]



IV D Dh comes arithmantus lucus [ã]

V H praesidens hydromantus patibulum [ä]

VI V cons. iudex aëromantus laurus [å]

VII Z consiliarius aruspex antrum [æ]

VIII H CH senior augur sedes [ç]

IX T actor hypnomantus solium [è]

X I cons. secretarius sortilega columna [é]

XI C CH satelles veneficus altare [ë]

XII L pontifex stertomantus fluvius [ì]

XIII M sacerdos chiromantus navis [î]

XIV N propheta obtalmantus falx [ð]

XV S doctor metoscopus puteus [ñ]

XVI H lector energumenus lavacrum [ò]

XVII P PH cantor tinnomantus mensa [ô]

XVIII TS sacrista astrologus fornax [c4r] [ö]

XIX Q K corbonarius logomantus terminus [÷]

XX R lampadarius odomantus saxum [ø]

XXI SCH S ostarius exorcista pytho. specula [ù]

XXII T TH custos necromantus sepulchrum. [ú]

Ibi ad elementorum triplicationem regem in atrii fontis primo cubili intueberis, ut tribuat Aaa, princeps in atrii portici secundo cubili dabit Bbb, dux in atrii pyramidis tertio cubili reddet Ggg. Similis de caeteris est ratio. Ad tres autem radicales varias designandas, facies, ut cum per regem in atrii patibuli tertio



cubili habes AHG, per praesidem in atrii lucis duodecimo cubili Hdl. Eadem de caeteris est ratio. [547] Atriorum singula duas et viginti ad summum habebunt partes, quorum unumquodque eodem ordine distributas habebit sedes, dummodo prima sedes habeatur, a qua atrii denominatio desumitur, ut in atrio fluvii (quod signat L) prima sedes est fluvius, secunda fons, tertia porticus, quarta pyramis; in atrio fornacis, prima sedes est fornax, secunda fons, tertia porticus, quarta pyramis. Ita in aliis.

Ibi magus, pyromantus, geomantus et qui sequuntur, vel homines vel atria vel atriorum cubilia denominare possunt.

Tabulae isti adcommodata est figura quadrata, duobus et viginti constans ordinibus, quorum singuli totidem habent cubilia. Tu ad instar illius duas et viginti tabulas tibi substernas, in quarum [c4v] capite notam unius elementi, quod praesidem significat, apponas; in cubilibus ordinum singulorum successive per diametrum ab angulo dextro superiori ad sinistrum inferiorem alterius elementi notam inscribas, quod ad ordinem denominandum instituitur; in singulis vero ordinum cubilibus illud tertio habes elemetum, quod recta sursum vel deorsum, vel in ipsa sede inspicitur, ut ibi vel a praeside per singula duorum et viginti atriorum ad viginti duas domos, vel a singulis atriorum per viginti duas cuiusque domos in campum vel ad praesidem commode fiat accessio.

Secundae tabulae construendae typus.

I aurifex asinus hebes

II textor bos tardus

III impressor vulpes astutus

IV ferrarius lupus rapax

V stabularius porcus immundus

VI miles ursus ferus

VII consiliarus cervus fugax

VIII bibliopola pica loquax

IX musicus talpa caecus

X barbitonsor hircus salax [548]

XI crepidarius canis blanditor

XII caupona leo fortis

XIII pincerna mulus sterilis

XIV lanio noctua maleficus [c5r]

XV pastor serpens maledicus

XVI agricola gallus excubitor

XVII olitor felis insidiosus



XVIII aleator equus furens

XIX magus corvus divinator

XX lictor simia histrio

XXI pictor aries ferax

XXII voluptuarius taurus iracundus.

Huic tabulae adcommodata est figura quadrata, in qua vel ab angulo superiori (in quo spacium est pro singulari elemento) per media numerata et designata ad angulum inferiorem descenditur, dum unam bestiarum per omnes qualitatum species deducentes, ita in claustris artificum affici concipimus, ut significanda significet; vel ab angulo inferiori singulariter capto per eadem media ad angulum superiorem fit ascensus, dum unicus artifex per singulas duarum et viginti affectionum, in plures vel omnes bestiarum species in suis atriis ita commigrabit, ut haec quae sunt adsignificanda, praesentet. Tu ad illius similitudinem duas et viginti figuras ordinabis, in quarum angulis superioribus vel inferioribus singula per ordinem inscribas elementa, opposito angulo existente vacuo pro iis designandis elementis pluribus, quae in tertium a primo per media accipiuntur.

[c5r]

Tertiae tabulae construendae typus.

I doctrina venator laqueus, canis et XX alia

II domus olitor cribum, asellus et XX alia

III plenitudo pistor frumentum, farina et XX alia

IV tabulatum pastor bos, ovis, sus et XIX alia

V vanitas coniux puella, lectus et alia XX

VI concordia medicus confossus aeger, oleum et alia XX

VII oblatio faber lignarius serra, securis, malleus et reliqua

VIII vita miles equus, lancea, scutum et XIX alia

IX bonum caupona olla, cacabus, veru et XIX alia

X principium pincerna cyathus, amphora et XX <alia>

XI manus virtus gerulus saccus, dolium et XX alia

XII disciplina musicus tympanum, tuba, lyra et XIX alia

XIII ex quo materia scriptor liber, folia et XX alia

XIV sempiternitas fur aurum, vestis et XX alia

XV adiutorium agricola falx, iugum et XX alia

XVI fons oculus sigillator frons, arca et alia XX



XVII os faber vulc. incus, folles et alia XX

XVIII iustitia sutor acus, forceps, linea et XIX <alia>

XIX vocatio lanio bos, machaera, aries et al.

XX caput tonsor scyphus, sedes, speculum etc.

XXI deus piscator hamus, tridens, retia et XX alia

XXII signum sacerdos thuribulum, vitta, mitra

Praesenti tabulae figura quadrata adcommodatur, in qua duplex a medio singulari (pro quo est spacium designatum, ut in paratis viginti duabus figuris viginti duo valeas elementa inscribere) fit progressio, vel per notas absolutas ad ipsas numeratas, dum artifex ministerve medius vel per singula viginti duorum atriorum ad multiplex cubile proficiscitur, vel per notas numeratas ab absolutas per multiplex cubile numeratum in atrium regreditur.

Hic sunt per nomina hebraicorum elementorum [c6r] designata atria, quorum singula totidem artes complectuntur et exercitia, ad quorum singula viginti duo referuntur [550] organa vel actiones, ut trium radicalium hebraicorum terminorum signa adipiscare. Facili enim additionis atque subtractionis opere facile caeteris (quae non sunt plurima) radicibus et non radicibus adsignificandis providebis.

De explicatione deductionis multiplicis formarum non sensibilium de sensibilibus.

Quot, quibus qualibusque modis formae non semsibiles per eas quae sensibus patent figurandae, notandae atque retinenda sint, non modo hic, sed et aliis in locis amplius expressimus, copiosissimo autem in uno de Clavis magnae voluminibus, quod Sigillorum sigillus intitulatur; ubi non solum docemur non sensibiles de sensibilibus, sed quascunque de quibuscumque, ad omnes animi operationes, ex naturalibus, ex artificialibus et fortasse divinis quodammodo principiis, formas elicere. Ipsum plurimus gravibusque causis praesenti per tractationi continuamus.

Explicationis minoris triginta sigillorum

FINIS.

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Giordano Bruno: De Magia

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Giordano Bruno's De Magia, written ca. 1590, deals explicitly with magic. It remained unpublished until Tocco's 1891 edition.

For a translation, see Cause, Principle and Unity, ed. Blackwell et al.

DE MAGIA

Iordani Bruni Nolani

Antequam De magia, sicut antequam de quocunque subiecto disseratur, nomen in sua significata est dividendum; totidem autem sunt significata magiae, quot et magi. Magus primo sumitur pro sapiente, cuiusmodi erant Trimegisti apud Aegyptios, Druidae apud Gallos, Gymnosophistae apud Indos, Cabalistae apud Hebraeos, Magi apud Persas (qui a Zoroastre), Sophi apud Graecos, Sapientes apud Latinos. Secundo sumitur magus pro faciente mirabilia sola applicatione activorum et passivorum, ut est medicina et chymia secundum genus; et haec est naturalis magia communiter dicta. Tertio magia est cum huiusmodi adduntur circumstantiae, quibus apparent opera naturae vel intelligentiae superioris ad concitandam admirationem per apparentia; et est ea species quae praestigiatoria appellatur. Quarto cum ex antipathiae et sympathiae rerum virtute, ut per ea quae pellunt, transmutant et attrahunt, ut sunt species magnetis et similium, quorum opera non ad qualitates activas et passivas reducuntur, sed omnia ad spiritum seu animam in rebus existentem referuntur; et haec proprie vocatur magia naturalis. Quinto cum his adduntur verba, cantus, rationes numerorum et temporum, imagines, figurae, sigilla, characteres seu litterae; et haec etiam est magia media inter naturalem et extranaturalem vel supra, quae proprie magia mathemathica inscriberetur, et nomine occultae philosophiae magis congrue inscriberetur. Sexto si isti accessat cultus seu invocatio intelligentiarum et efficientum exteriorum seu superiorum, cum orationibus, consecrationibus, fumigiis, sacrificiis, certis habitibus et ceremoniis ad Deos, daemones et heroas, tunc vel fit ad finem contrahendi spiritus in se ipso, cuius ipse fiat vas et instrumentum, ut appareat sapiens rerum, quam tamen sapientiam facile pharmaco unâ cum spiritu possit evacuare; et haec est magia desperatorum, qui fiunt vasa malorum daemonum, quae per Artem notoriam exaucupatur: aut

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est ad finem imperandi et praecipiendi daemonibus inferioribus cum authoritate superiorum daemonum principum, hos quidem colendo et alliciendo, illos vero coniurando et adiurando, constringendo; et haec magia est transnaturalis seu metaphysica, et proprio nomine appellatur θεουργια. Septimo aut est adiuratio seu invocatio, non ad daemonas et heroas, sed per istos ad hominum defunctorum animas acciendas, per eorum cadavera vel cadaverum partes ad oraculum aliquod suscipiendum, divinandum, cognoscendum de rebus absentibus et futuris; et haec species a materia et fine appellatur necromantia. Quod si materia non accedat, sed ab ενεργουµεν∗ excantante facta spiritus in eius visceribus incubantis invocatione oraculum perquiratur, tunc est magus, qui proprie Pythonicus appellatur; ita enim ab Apolline Pythio in templo illius solebant 'inspiritari', ut ita dicam. Octavo aut incantationi utcunque acceptae accedant rerum partes, indumenta, excrementa, superfluitates, vestigia et omnia quae tactu communicationem aliquam concepisse creduntur: et tunc aut haec fiunt ad solvendum, ligandum et infirmandum, tunc constituunt magum qui appellatur maleficus, si ad malum tendant, si ad bonum, ad numerum medicorum referantur, iuxta certam speciem atque viam medicinae; aut ad ultimam perniciem et exitium aspirant, tunc magos veneficos appellant. Nono magi dicuntur omnes qui ad divinandum quacunque ratione de rebus absentibus et futuris accinguntur, et isti generaliter divini a fine appellantur, quorum species primae aut sunt quatuor e principiis materialibus: igne, aëre, aqua et terra, unde dicuntur pyromantia, hydromantia, geomantia; aut a tribus obiectis cognitionis: naturali, mathematico et divino, et tunc sunt variae aliae species divinandi. A principiis enim naturalibus seu physicorum inspectione divinant augures, aruspices et caeteri huiusmodi; a mathematicorum inspectione secundum genus sunt geomantae, qui per numeros seu litteras seu lineas et figuras certas, item aspectus, irradiationes et situs planetarum et similium, divinant; a divinorum usu, ut sacrorum nominum, occursibus locorum, brevibus quibusdam rationibus et servatis circumstantiis, et hos ultimos nomine magorum nostrates non inscribunt, apud quos pro indigna usurpatione magus male sonat, sed dicitur non magia, sed prophetia. Ultimo sumitur magus et magia iuxta significationem indignam, ut inter istas non annumeretur neque adnumerata habeatur, ut magus sit maleficus utcunque stultus, qui ex commercio cum cacodaemone et pacto quodam pro facultate ad laedendum vel iuvandum est informatus; et iuxta hanc rationem sonat non apud sapientes vel ipsos quidem grammaticos, sed a quibusdam usurpatur nomen magi bardocucullis, qualis fuit ille qui fecit librum De malleo maleficarum, et ita hodie usurpatur ab omnibus huius generis scriptoribus, ut legere licet apud postillas, catechismos ignorantum et somniantium presbyterorum.

Nomen ergo magi quando usurpatur, aut cum distinctione est capiendum antequam definiatur, aut si absolute sumitur, tunc iuxta praeceptum logicorum et specialiter Aristotelis in V. Topicorum pro potissimo et nobilissimo significatu est capiendum. A philosophis ut sumitur inter philosophos, tunc magus significat hominem sapientem cum virtute agendi. Stat tamen quod simpliciter prolatum sumitur pro eo quod communi voce significatur, et tunc alia communis vox est apud unum et aliud presbyterorum genus, qui multum philosophantur de quodam cacodaemone qui appellatur Diabolus, aliter iuxta communes mores diversarum gentium et credulitatis.

Hac praehabita distinctione generaliter magiam triplicem accipimus: divinam, physicam et mathematicam. Primi et secundi generis magia est necessario de genere bonorum et optimorum, tertii vero generis et bona est et mala, prout magi eadem bene et male utuntur. Quamvis in multis operationibus atque praecipuis haec tria genera concurrant, malitia tamen, idololatria, scelus et idolatriae crimen in tertio genere reperitur, ubi contingit errare et decipi, et per quod secundum genus per se bonum



ad malum usum convertitur. Hic mathematicum genus non denominatur a speciebus mathematices communiter dictae, ut Geometriae, Arithmetices, Astronomiae, Optices, Musices etc., sed ab horum similitudine et cognatione; habet enim similitudinem cum Geometria propter figuras et characterismum, cum Musica propter incantationem, cum Arithmetica propter numeros, vices, cum Astronomia propter tempora et motus, cum Optica propter fascinia, et universaliter cum universo Mathematices genere, propter hoc quod vel mediat inter operationem divinam vel naturalem, vel participat de utraque, vel deficit ab utraque, sicut quaedam media sunt propter utriusque extremi participationem, quaedam vero propter utriusque exclusionem, secundum quem modum non tantum media dici potest, quantum tertium quoddam genus, non tantum inter utrumque, quantum extra utrumque. Ex dictis autem speciebus manifestum est quomodo divina, quomodo physica, quomodo alia ab his species est.

Ut autem ad particularia modo deveniamus, habent magi pro axiomate, in omni opere ante oculos habendum, influere Deum in Deos, Deos in (corpora caelestia seu) astra, quae sunt corporea numina, astra in daemonas, qui sunt cultores et incolae astrorum, quorum unum est tellus, daemones in elementa, elementa in mixta, mixta in sensus, sensus in animum, animum in totum animal, et hic est descensus scalae; mox ascendit animal per animum ad sensus, per sensus in mixta, per mixta in elementa, per haec in daemones, per hos [in elementa, per haec] in astra, per ipsa in Deos incorporeos seu aethereae substantiae seu corporeitatis, per hos in animam mundi seu spiritum universi, per hunc in contemplationem unius simplicissimi optimi maximi incorporei, absoluti, sibi sufficientis. Sic a Deo est descensus per mundum ad animal, animalis vero est ascensus per mundum ad Deum; ille est in cacumine scalae, purus actus et activa potentia, lux purissima, in scalae vero radice est materia, tenebrae, pura potentia passiva, sic potens omnia fieri ex imis, sicut ille potens omnia facere ex supernis. Inter infimum et supremum gradum sunt species mediae, quarum superiores magis participant lucem et actum et virtutem activam, inferiores vero magis tenebras, potentiam et virtutem passivam.

Unde omnis lux, quae est in inferioribus, cum ad ea per superiora perveniat, eminentius est in superioribus; omnes quoque tenebrae, quae sunt in superioribus, fortius sunt in inferioribus. Non aequa tamen ratio est atque efficacia tenebrarum et lucis; lux enim diffunditur et penetrat usque ad ima et profunda tenebrarum, tenebrae vero non ita purissimum lucis orbem attingunt: itaque lux comprehendit tenebras, vincit et superat per infinitum, tenebrae vero nedum non comprehendunt neque exuperant neque exaequant lucem, sed mire deficiunt ab illius proportione.

Iuxta tres praedictos magiae gradus tres mundi intelliguntur: archetypus, physicus et rationalis. In archetypo est amicitia et lis, in physico ignis et aqua, in mathematico lux et tenebrae. Lux et tenebrae descendunt ab igne et aqua, ignis et aqua a concordia et discordia; itaque primus mundus producit tertium per secundum, et tertius per secundum reflectitur ad primum. Praetermissis istis, quae ad eam, quae superstitiosa habetur, magiam principia spectant, quae, qualiacunque sint, indigna sunt vulgo, ad eorum tantum contemplationem convertemur, quae ad sapientiae supplementum conducunt, et melioribus ingeniis sufficere possunt; tametsi nullum magiae genus noticia et cognitione sit indignum, quandoquidem omnis scientia est de genere bonorum, sicut dicit Aristoteles in prooemio De anima, cui Thomas cum aliis magis contemplativis theologis astipulatur, omnis tamen a profano et scelesto vulgo et multitudine procul fieri oportet, quandoquidem nihil ita bonum est, quod per impium et sacrilegum et per se scelerosum hominum genus in perniciem potius quam in utilitatem consortis generis convertatur.



In genere duplex est efficiens: natura et voluntas. Voluntas mox triplex est: homo, humana, daemonis et divina. Natura in proposito est duplex: intrinseca et extrinseca. Intrinseca adhuc est duplex: materia seu subiectum, et forma cum virtute naturali. Extrinseca quoque duplex: quae potius naturae effigies dicitur, vestigium et umbra seu lux, et illa quae manet in re et in superficie subiecti, sicut lux et calor in sole et in aliis calidis, et illa quae emanat et effluit e subiecto, sicut lux quae funditur a sole et reperitur in rebus illuminatis, et calor qui cum luce in sole et reperitur in rebus calefactis. Ex istarum causarum numeri contemplatione possumus descendere ad diffundendam virtutem seu producendos effectus a prima causa per medias usque ad proximas et infimas, limitando causam universalem, quae non respicit plus hoc subiectum quam illud, ad effectum particularem disponendo plus hoc subiectum quam sit dispositum, quandoquidem stante eadem causa et virtute causae immutabili, pro diversa subiectione et administratione materiae contrarii (non solum diversi) producuntur effectus, unde ex parte principii efficientis sufficit unum et simplex illud, sicut unus sol, unus calor et una lux, conversione et aversione, appropinquatione et elongatione, mediate et immediate facit hiemem, aestatem, diversas et contrarias tempestatum et ordinum dispositiones. Ex eodem etiam materia, si credere volumus his qui vulgariter nominata elementa invicem transmutabilia suspicantur, quorum princeps fuit Plato, qui aliquando una materia et uno efficiente est contentus ad omnium productionem. Sed quicquid sit de operatione respectu primi operatoris et universalis, sive unum sive plura assumat materialia principia, quicunque est in genere secundarum causarum, sive homo sit sive daemon, est quod iuxta multitudinem et varietatem specierum operabilium recognoscat materias plures, habentes actum seu formam, per quem possit subiectum fundere aliquid extra se.

Virtutum seu formarum seu accidentium, quae de subiecto in subiectum deferuntur, aliae sunt manifestae, ut quae sunt in genere activarum et passivarum qualitatum, et earum quae immediate consequuntur eas, ut sunt calefacere frigefacere, humectare siccare, mollificare indurare, congregare disgregare; aliae sunt occultiores iuxta occultos etiam effectus, ut exhilarare contristari, appetitum vel taedium immittere, timorem et audaciam, ut sunt motiva ab extrinsecis speciebus per opus cogitativae in homine et aestimativae in brutis appellant, quibus puer seu infans viso serpente et ovis viso lupo absque alia experientia concipit imaginem inimicitiae seu timorem mortis seu destructionis suae, quorum ratio refertur ad sensum internum, qui sane ex speciebus externis commovetur, mediate tamen. Natura enim ut dedit esse speciebus, item et appetitum unicuique rei conservandi se in praesenti statu, ita etiam impressit internum quendam spiritum, seu sensum dici mavis, rebus omnibus, quo maxime inimica ex quadam superscriptione cognoscant et fugiant, quod non solum in exemplificatis speciebus esse videmus, sed etiam in omnibus quae, emortua et manca esse videntur, in quibus nihilominus inest spiritus praesentem speciem conservare concupiscens pro viribus omnibus; ipsum in guttis cadentibus, quae, ne decidant, conglobantur, et in his quae ceciderunt, quae, ne diffluant et dispergantur, ad centrum adnituntur et ad globum se suis partibus fulcire nituntur; item in paleis seu festucis in ignem iniectis et pelliculis seu membranis, quae subsultant et quodammodo corruptionem suam refugiunt. Hic sensus quidam est in rebus omnibus quidem insitus et vita, quem pro more vulgi non dicimus animalem, ad animam particularem referendo, siquidem neque animalia istae partes possunt appellari, in ordine tamen universi, quem spiritus unus undique diffusus, atque sensus ubique et undique pro captu rei sentit tales effectus et passiones, in rebus omnibus licet contemplari. Sicut enim anima nostra ex toto corpore totum opus vitae producit primo et universaliter, mox tamen quamvis tota est in toto et tota in qualibet parte, non tamen



ideo totum facit ex toto et totum ex qualibet parte, sed facit videre in oculo, audire in aure, gustare in ore (quod si ubique esset oculus, undique videret, si ubique organa essent omnium sensuum, undique omnino sentirent), ita et anima mundi in toto mundo, ubicunque talem est adepta materiam, ibi tale producit subiectum et inde tales edit operationes. Quamvis ergo aequaliter sit ubique, non aequaliter ubique agit, quia non aequaliter disposita ubique illi materia administratur. Sic ergo sicut anima tota est in toto corpore, et in ossibus et in venis et in corde, non magis praesens uni quam alteri parti, nec minus praesens uni quam omnibus et omnibus quam uni, tamen hic facit nervum esse nervum, ibi venam esse venam, ibi sanguinem esse sanguinem, ibi cor esse cor. Et ut istis accidit immutari vel per efficientem extrinsecum vel per intrinsecum principium passivum, ita et actum animae alium atque alium fieri necesse est. Hoc est praecipuum principium et radix omnium principiorum, ad reddendam causam omnium mirabilium quae sunt in natura, nempe quod ex parte principii activi, et spiritus seu animae universalis, nihil est tam inchoatum, mancum et imperfectum, tandemque ad oculos opinionis neglectissimum, quod non possit esse principium magnarum operationum; quin immo ut plurimum resolutionem ad huiusmodi fieri oportet, ut novus quasi mundus generetur ex ipsis. Utut enim auro similius sit aes quam cinis aeris, et illius perfectioni similius quam cinis ex aere, tamen in transmutatione hic cinis aeris propinquior est formae auri quam aes, ut etiam videmus semina omnia, quae proxima sunt producendae speciei, propius accedere ad hoc ut sint species ipsae, quam aliae species quantumlibet adsimiles et proximae et cognatae. Qui aliter credit in aequo est atque aliquis existimans facilius simiam formari posse in hominem, quam semen iniectum in matricem, quod proxime erat nutrimentum seu panis. Nihilominus tamen similitudinem et eiusdem speciei formam in omni productione necessarium est adesse, ut in artificialibus ab exemplari, quod est in mente artificis, fit domus et vestis, in productione naturali ab exemplari, quod est proximius materiae formandae, producuntur et definiuntur rerum species; ut videmus eandem nutrimenti speciem, idem caelum et aquam et domicilium converti in substantiam, canis in cane, hominis in homine, felis in fele, et per idem canis generat canem, homo hominem; ubi apertum est, quod tota discriminis causa est propter ideam, quae praesentatur ubique naturae generaliter et postea limitatur ad hanc et illam speciem, ut haec est proximior vel illa. Ita et magus quicunque vult perficere opera similia naturae, est quod praecipue cognoscat ideale principium, specificum quidem a specie, moxque numerale ad numerum, seu individuale ad individuum. Hinc illa imaginum fabrica, et materiae ita formatae portio, et non sine evidenti causa et virtute magi et philosophia confirmante effectum, multi maleficia et medicinam exercent per destinatas quasdam figuras cum certis partibus, vel his quae aliquam communicationem, participationem habent cum re maleficianda vel medenda, et ita opus contrahitur et limitatur ad certum individuum.

Et ex harum rerum experientia, aliis pratermissis rationibus, manifestum est omnem animam et spiritum habere quandam continuitatem cum spiritu universi, ut non solum ibi intelligatur esse et includi, ubi sentit, ubi vivificat, sed etiam in immensum per suam essentiam et substantiam sit diffusus, ut multi Platonicorum et Pythagoricorum senserunt. Hinc est quod species distantissimas visu apprehendit subito absque motu, absque hoc videlicet quod progrediatur oculus vel aliquid oculi repente ad stellas, vel repente a stellis ad oculum. Porro animus ipse cum sua virtute praesens est quodammodo universo, utpote talis substantia, quae non est inclusa corpori per ipsam viventi, quamvis eidem obligata, adstricta. Itaque certis remotis impedimentis, statim subitoque praesentes habet species remotissimas, quae non per motum illi coniunguntur, ut nemo inficiabitur; ergo et per praesentiam quandam. Ipsum et experientia docet in ipsis, qui abscisso naso novum sibi ex aliena carne succrescere fecerunt membrum; siquidem



obeunte diem illo cuius erat caro, iuxta modum quo putrescit corpus illius, etiam mutuatus nasus ille putrescit. Hinc manifestum est animam plus se diffundere extra corpus, per totum horizontem suae naturae. Hinc accidit ut non solum sua membra cognoscat, sed etiam omnia cum quibus aliquem usum et participationem et communionem contraxit. Neque est argumentum quod stupidi adducunt, carentes vero philosophiae principio, quod alio tacto aliud non sentit; quod sane uno modo est verum, distinguendo speciem a specie, individuum ab individuo, falsum autem est distinguendo partem a parte. Sicut enim si quis perstrinxerit digitum vel acu pupugerit unam corporis partem, totum subinde corpus turbabitur secundum omnia membra, non secundum illam solum partem, licet ab illa parte solum; (XIV thes.) ita cum animus cuiusque unius continuationem habeat cum anima universi, non sequitur ea impossibilitas, quae fertur in corporibus, quae non se mutuo penetrent; siquidem in substantiis spiritalibus huiusmodi alia est ratio, veluti si innumerae lampades sint accensae, quae concurrunt in virtutem unius luminis, non accidit ut alia alius lumen impediat vel retundat vel excludat. Simile de multis vocibus simul per eundem aërem diffusis, item de multis radiis visualibus, ut more vulgi loquamur, quia ad idem visibile totum concipiendum explicantur, ubi omnes per idem medium penetrant, et alii oblique et recte, et non propterea alii alios obtundunt: ita innumerabiles spiritus et animae per idem spacium diffusae non se impediunt, ita ut diffusio unius diffusionem infinitarum aliarum impediat.

Talis virtus cum sit non solum animae, sed et accidentium quorundam, sicut vocis, lucis, visus, ea ratione qua anima est tota in toto et qualibet parte corporis, et tota circa se extra corpus suum totas species longe sepositas atque diversas apprehendit, signum est quod secundum actum primum et substantiam non est inclusa corpori, non est videlicet circumscriptive in corpore, sed definitive tantum ad actus secundos in ipso et secundum ipsum explicandos. Ecce principium quo innumerabilium effectuum, qui admirationem faciunt, causa adducitur, ratio et virtus inquiritur; neque deterioris conditionis debet esse anima et substantia haec divina, quam accidentia quae procedunt ab ipsa tanquam eius effectus, vestigia et umbrae. Si inquam vox operatur extra proprium corpus, in quo enascitur, et est tota in innumerabilibus auribus circumcirca, cur non tota debet esse in diversis locis et partibus ea substantia quae vocem producit, et alligata certis membris?

Ad haec illud est quoque observandum, quod intelligentiae occultae non ad omnia idiomata aures advertunt aut intelligentiam; voces enim, quae sunt ex institutione hominum, non ita attenduntur sicut voces naturales. Propterea cantus, praecipue autem horum tragici (sicut notat Plotinus), in dubiis animae maximam habent efficaciam. Similiter et omnes scripturae non sunt eius momenti, cuius sunt characteres illi, qui certo ductu et figuratione res ipsas indicant, unde quaedam signa in invicem inclinata, se invicem respicientia, amplectentia, constringentia ad amorem; adverse vero declinantes, disiectae ad odium et divortium; concisae, mancae, disruptae ad perniciem; nodi ad vincula, explicati characteres ad dissolutionem. Et haec non sunt in quadam certa et definita forma, sed quilibet, pro dictamine sui furoris seu impetu sui spiritus, in ipsius operis patrationem, ut aliquid desiderat aut execratur, ita utcunque rem quodam impetu nodis ipsis sibi designans et veluti praesenti numini experitur certas vires, quas nullo eloquio et elaborata oratione vel scriptura experiretur. Tales erant litterae commodius definitae apud Aegyptios, quae hieroglyphicae appellantur seu sacri characteres, penes quos pro singulis rebus designandis certae erant imagines desumptae e rebus naturae vel earum partibus; tales scripturae et tales voces usu veniebant, quibus Deorum colloquia ad mirabilium exequutionem captabant Aegyptii; postquam per Teutum vel alium inventae sunt litterae secundum hoc genus quibus nos hodie utimur cum



alio industriae genere, maxima tum memoriae tum divinae scientiae et magiae iactura facta est. Itaque ad illorum similitudinem quibusdam hodie fabrefactis imaginibus, descriptis characteribus et ceremoniis, qui consistunt in quodam gestu et quodam cultu, quasi per certos nutus vota sua explicant Magi quae intelligantur, et haec est illa Deorum lingua, quae aliis omnibus et quotidie millies immutatis semper manet eadem, sicut species naturae manet eadem. Eadem ratione numina nos alloquuntur per visiones, per insomnia, quae licet nobis aenigmata appellentur [tamen] propter desuetudinem et ignorantiam et hebetudinem nostrae capacitatis, tamen sunt ipsissimae voces et ipsissimi termini rerum repraesentabilium; sicut autem se habent istae voces ad nostrum captum, ita etiam se habent [se] nostrae voces latinae, graecae, italicae, ut audiantur et intelligantur a numinibus aliquando superioribus et aeviternis, qui differunt a nobis in specie, ita ut non facile nobis possit esse commercium cum illis, magis quam aquilis cum hominibus. Et sicut homines unius generis cum hominibus alius generis sine idiomatum communione non est conversatio neque contractio, nisi per nutus, ita et nobis cum certo numinum genere, non nisi per definita quaedam signa, sigilla, figuras, characteres, gestus et alias ceremonias, nulla potest esse participatio. Qui magiae ergo praesertim ea specie, quae theurgica est, sine huiusmodi vocibus et scripturis vix quippiam poterit magus promovere.

De respectu ad communionem seu consortium rerum.

Inde credere et considerare licet causam, qua non solum actio est ad propinqua, sed etiam ad remota secundum sensum; secundum rem enim, ut supra dictum est, per communionem spiritus universalis, qui est totus in toto et qualibet mundi parte. Unde evenit, ut sicut diversa lumina simul in eodem spacio concurrunt, ita et diversae secundum potentiam vel actum, secundum finitum sive secundum infinitum numerum animae in universo consociantur, corpora non ita, quorum esse circumscriptive a propria superficie seu peripheria definitur, quaeque secundum diversas partes etiam et innumerabiles in diversis et innumerabilibus locis consistunt (ubi locum intelligimus spacium). Sic ergo corpus nullo pacto agere potest in corpus, neque materia in materiam, neque eiusdem materiae partes et corporis in alias corporis partes agere possunt, sed omnis actio est a qualitate, a forma et tandem ab anima. Haec primum immutat dispositiones, ut deinde dispositiones mutent corpora. Sic corpus agit in corpus distans et in propinquum et in propriis partibus per consensum quendam, copulam et unionem, quae est a forma; et quia propterea omne corpus ab anima regitur seu spiritu quodam partes partibus connectente, ut accidit unam animam agere in alteram ubique et undique sibi propinquam, ita etiam necessario evenit, ut agat in corpus, ubicunque sit illud quod illi animae subministrat atque subest. Qui noverit ergo hanc animae continuationem indissolubilem et eam corpori quadam necessitate astrictam, habebit non mediocre principium, tum ad operandum, tum ad contemplandum verius circa rerum naturam. Et hinc prompta erit ratio qua non datur vacuum, nempe spacium sine corpore; neque etenim corpus unum ab uno loco recedit, nisi succedente altero. Anima enim corpus proprium in vita destituit, universum vero corpus ne quidem destituere potest, vel si mavis dicere ab universo corpore destitui; relinquens enim unum simplex seu compositum, in alterum seu compositum seu simplex deferetur, vel ab uno relicta corpore ab alio praevenitur vel subvenitur. Itaque indissolubilem habet nexum ad universalem materiam; quapropter cum ipsius natura sit ubique tota et continua, ubique materiam corpoream consistentem agnoscit. Hinc sequitur conclusio vacuum non esse utpote quod sit spacium sine corpore, sed vacuum esse utpote spacium in quo diversa corpora sibi succedant et moveantur. Hinc etiam continuus motus est partium corporis unius versus partes corporis alterius, nempe per continuum spacium et non interruptum quasi



vacuo inter plenum et plenum mediante, nisi vacuum velimus appellare spacium in quo nullum corpus est sensibile.

(XVIII thes.) Corpus vere continuum est corpus insensibile, spiritus nempe aëreus seu aethereus, et illud est activissimum et efficacissimum, utpote animae coniunctissimum propter similitudinem, qua magis recedit a crassitie hebetioris substantiae sensibilis compositorum. Esse corpora insensibilia et spiritualia praedictae efficaciae; et a quibus vere in corporibus sensibilibus ipsis omnis est virtus, indicat aëreus ipse spiritus, qui mare universum concutit et discutit, et invictissimus ventorum impetus, qui serenissimo existente aëre purissimoque concutit terram, frangit arbores, diruit aedificia. Ut optime notat Lucretius, hoc corpus spiritale est quod omnia operatur in ipsis sensibilibus, unde ipsum ab anima differre non arbitrabantur plurimi philosophorum; unde illud poetae 'quantum ignes animaeque valent', hoc est aër. Ignis quoque, qui non in crassa materia consistit, ut carbones, et unde dicuntur ignita corpora, ab aëre non differre intelligitur nisi accidente quodam. Immo verus ignis est verus spiritus, qui in ignito est consistens, torpens; extra ignita est existens, vegetans; in flamma est in media quadam dispositione, veluti motu quodam. Per hunc spiritum diversimode formantur corpora diversa et animalia. Si non omnia corpora composita sunt animalia, omnia tamen animata intelligere oportet, nempe in omnibus unius generis animam, licet non unius et eiusdem actus, propter alias et alias materiae dispositiones et idearum obiectus. Hinc accidit ut, cum diversae sint formae et contrariae, nec non ratione et differentia, quibus alia cum aliis concurrant, ita etiam contraria sint loca appulsus et impetus, et alia fugiant ab aliis et alia persequantur alia, quod totum a compositionis conditione proficiscitur.

Utque omnia in proprio esse conservari desiderant, ita et invita a loco propriae conservationis et consistentiae divelluntur et non sine forti resistentia repugnant, quae adeo fortis est, ut non prius sol vel ignis aquam ad se trahat per aëreum spacium, quam illam aëri assimilaverit, nempe in vaporis consistentiam converterit; quod ubi factum fuerit, tunc illa substantia quae erat aqua non invita trahitur, sed eodem appulsu quo allicitur, per se ipsum etiam veluti consentiendo contendit, itaque paulatim magis atque magis ad ignis similitudinem accedens, fit tandem ipse ignis. E contra corpus, quod in forma ignis subtilissimum a spiritu continetur, ordine contrario concrescens seu crassescens in aquae remigrabit speciem. Sic ergo ab aqua ad vaporem, a vapore in aërem, ab aëre in tenuissimum et penetrativissimum aethereum corpus eiusdem substantiae et materiae fit immutatio, quam Aegyptii, Moises, Diogenes Apolloniates appellant spiritum, sed differunt, quia Moises spiritum ab anima non distinguit (ex editis verbis; de sensu enim illius non iudicamus), illi vero distinxerunt. Alia substantia est arida seu atomi, quae sunt corpora indissolubilia, solidissima, per se nullam continuitatem habentia neque divisibilitatem, et propterea convertibilia non sunt in aliud corpus; substantia enim aquae seu spiritus seu aëris, quae eadem est, nunquam in substantiam atomorum seu aridae commigrabit, neque e converso.

Summa et divina et vera, utpote maxime naturae consona, philosophia est, quae rerum principia posuit aquam, seu abyssum seu stygem, item aridam seu atomos seu terram (non inquam tellurem), item spiritum seu aërem seu animam, et quartum lucem; haec enim ita sunt ab invicem distincta, ut unum non possit unquam in alterius naturam transformari, sed bene concurrunt haec et associantur, ubi magis, ubi minus, ubi omnia, ubi quaedam.



De motu rerum duplici et attractione.

Duplex est rerum motus: naturalis et praeternaturalis; naturalis qui est a principio intrinseco, praeternaturalis qui a principio extrinseco; item naturalis qui est conveniens naturae, consistentiae vel generationi, praeternaturalis qui non. Et hic est duplex: violentus, qui est contra naturam; et ordinatus seu coordinabilis, qui non repugnat naturae. Motus naturalis communiter loquendo secundum omnia genera seu omnes categorias habetur, non discernentibus inter motum et mutationem. In praesentiarum omnibus aliis motibus et eorum speciebus omissis, de motu secundum locum naturali considerantes dicimus ipsum esse duplicem: alterum rerum naturaliter constitutarum et in proprio loco degentium, et hic motus aut est circularis, aut circularem motum imitatur; alius est rerum naturalium non naturaliter constitutarum, et hic motus est rectus. Recta enim aër movetur ad vacuum complendum; rectâ lapis per aërem, et corpora graviora per aquam penetrando deferuntur, ut locum, in quo vel naturaliter quiescant vel moveantur, habeant; rectâ, quantum possibile est, contrarium fugit a contrario, ut fumus, vapor, aqua ab igne (per eam enim lineam citius ad distantiora perducitur); rectâ etiam simile tendit ad simile et conveniens sibi, ut palea ad ambram, ferrum ad magnetem, ut melius et satius conquiescant vel commoveantur. Est tertia species motus, qui est partium omnium et fluxus et influxus ab omnibus corporibus naturalibus, quae circum undique aliquid secundum multiplicem rationem a se ipsis eiaculantur; et hic motus in praesentiarum appelletur sphaericus. Non enim est secundum unam lineam rectam vel ut a medio, vel ut ad medium, vel circa medium, sed secundum infinitas lineas velut ab eodem centro, quandoquidem a toto convexo perimetro seu superficie ab interno aliquid corpora omnia excutiunt et emittunt, rursum etiam in se ipsa recipiunt et immittunt; adolescunt autem atque vigorantur, quando convenientiorum influxus superat effluxum, e contra vero senescunt, decrescunt, torpent, quando extraneorum influxus et naturalium effluxus fit maior, tandemque ex ista causa corruptio inest rebus et mutatio, quae mutatio omnis seu alteratio et dissolutio * * *. De duobus primi generis motibus nulla est controversia secundum sensum, ut eorum consideratio et enumeratio est vulgata; penitius vero consideranti tertius non modo verus atque conveniens, sed etiam necessarius invenietur. Ille sensibilis est maxime in illis, quae maxime sensibiles habent qualitates, ut in igne, qui non ad unum latus seu unam partem calefacit, sed circum undique, ubi repente exuscitatur, circum undique inflammat, illuminat; ita et vox, sonus, medio circum undique aequaliter disposito, circum undique aequaliter penetrat. Item secundum sensum olfactus est manifestum a rebus odoriferis continuo partes aliquas effluere; neque enim accidens illud sine certis partibus vel certa substantia diffluente compositum circumprogreditur. Similiter cum specie, simulacro et huiusmodi sensibilibus accidentibus innumerabilia alia accidentia cum certis quibusdam partibus effunduntur, quae sane partes mirum in modum remotae a minimis illis sensibilibus, ut est manifestum etiam in quibusdam quae per multos annos redolent, quantumlibet modicae quantitatis. Ultra huiuscemodi sensibiles qualitates seu virtutes, quae circum sphaeraliter a corporibus transmittuntur, sunt et aliae, spiritaliores et hebetiores, quae agunt non solum in corpus et in sensum, sed etiam in penitiorem spiritum, et profundiores animae facultates attingunt incutiendo certos affectus et passiones, ut vulgatum est de virtute multorum lapidum, radicum, mineralium. Patet item in fascinationibus et in his, quae per oculi iactus perficiuntur active atque passive, ut regulus vel a longinquo homine prospecto visus acie perimit.

Quomodo magnes trahat ferrum, corallium sanguinem etc.



(XXII.) Ex istis sequitur ratio, qua magnes secundum genus attrahit. Porro attractio est duplex: quaedam ex consensu, ut quando partes moventur ad suum totum, locata ad suum locum, similia rapiuntur a similibus, et convenientia a convenientibus; alia est sine consensu, ut quando contrarium trahitur a contrario propter victoriam illius, quod non potest effugere, ut quando ab igne raptatur humor, ut patet in pelvi ignita superposita super pelvi aquam continente, quae virtute caloris sorbetur, ut raptim sursum ascendat. Idem est manifestum in vorticibus et turbinibus qui in mari accidunt, ut interdum ipsae naves cum undis in sublime ad multam distantiam rapiantur. Sic vero rapi contingit tripliciter. Uno pacto per rationes sensibiles, ut in istis modo numeratis, et etiam ut ubi cum aëris attractione et absorptione ea quae in aëre sunt etiam attrahuntur; et est manifestum etiam in fistulis, per quas aqua sorbetur, ad omnis loci differentias ascendendo, progrediendo per dictam rationem; quia, aëre in fistula contento attracto, cum alius aër loco illius succedere non possit, succedat aqua vel terra vel aliud quod locum impleat. Quod si nihil succedere possit, aër ipsa spatii vi revocatur et retinetur, ut patet interdum exugentibus vel ebibentibus orificio obstructo, quorum lingua vel labra virtute mediantis aëris atque compressi tenacissime orificio agglutinantur et vice versa exuguntur, ut ex eorum poris eliciatur spiritus ad instaurandum seu refovendum quod fuerat abstractum a loco seu spacio.

Est et alia attractionis species insensibilis, qua magnes trahit ferrum, cuius rationem non possumus referre ad vacuum vel huiusmodi, sed tantum ad effluxionem partium ab universis corporibus seu atomorum. Evenit enim ut ubi atomi unius generis ad atomos similis vel affinis congenei, vel genitabilis speciei, pervenerint mutuoque occurrerint, tunc accendatur appetitus et appulsus unius corporis ad alterum, ut subinde totum quod fuerit devictum ad potentius totum moveatur; ad quod enim omnes partes appulsum habent, et totum appellere necesse est. Hoc sensibiliter elucescit in lampadibus accensis, quarum si proxima inferior extinguatur, per ipsius fumum seu spiritus illos effluentes (qui in proxima sunt dispositione, ut sint flammei vel pabulum ignis) flamma descendet tanquam rapta deorsum ad accendendam inferiorem facem. Ita etiam videtur in facis flammulis, quae ne perimantur absumpto humore in proprio subiecto, manifeste adnituntur ad materiam proxime dispositam, nempe ad locum maioris flammae, rectâ vel per transversum transcendendo vel progrediendo, proficiscuntur. Ita accidit devictis partibus ferri, quae ad magnetem quaquaversum discurrunt, per aliud genus virtutis seu qualitatis attractae (neque etenim omnis operatio in rebus naturalibus et huiusmodi mixtis ad qualitates duntaxat activas et passivas est referenda), licet interdum concurrant etiam necessario, non tamen principaliter. Quod vero per effluxum partium, qui fit ab huiusmodi subiectis, haec attractio proveniat, illud indicat, quod magnes perfrictus et ambra paleam trahendo et ferrum tanto amplius roborantur; calor enim ille maiorem partium effluxum inducit, in cuius virtute est poros aperire et corpus rarefacere.

Manifestum hinc est quoque simile iudicium quo modo suo rhabarbarum trahit choleram ab extremitatibus seu a partibus circumferentialibus animalis ad intestina, quando sufficientis fuerit virtutis, non inquam tantae ut quamprimum a natura expellatur antequam operetur, nec tam remisse, ut moveat tantum humorem et non attrahat. Quod etiam in magnete et similibus virtus et efficacia attractiva non sit a qualitate passiva vel activa, secundum vulgatum genus actionis vel passionis, veluti reperitur in quatuor elementorum formis, signum est quod et ipsum ferrum, quod fuerit a magnete contactum, imbuit vim eandem trahendi aliud ferrum. Quod si esset a qualitate elementari, non accideret hoc; calor enim et frigus accidentaliter advenientia subiectis cum ipsius calefacientis absentia evanescunt. Oportet igitur ad



effluxum partium hoc referre, quae a magnete effluentes in ferrum influxere, spiritalis substantia. Aliam rationem horum effectuum vel verisimilem difficile est effingere, et hac perspecta, quae undique sibi constat, varias chymaeras et somnia, quibus alii huius attractionis causas sunt commenti, facile est examinare.

Ad idem iudicium refertur atque causam, quod adamas dicitur impedire hanc attractionem, similiter et varia varias alias, quae propria effluente virtute quadam nata sunt, hebetare alienam virtutem, sicut et alia quaedam intendere et acuere, ut fertur adamanta magnanimitatem animo deferentis inprimere.

(XXIII.) De attractione vero magnetis a polo, non facile est causam adducere, si non verum est illud quod aiunt, ad illam regionem montes similis speciei reperiri quamplurimos et magnos, quod tamen est difficilis persuasionis. Esto enim illud: quaeritur, quare ad omnem distantiam talis attractio fiat. Neque enim hic loquimur de attractione magnetis non activa sed passiva; num vero magnes magnetem trahat, hoc nondum sum expertus. Tales quoque montes si sunt et ad tantam distantiam virtutem habent, certe si a zona torrida trahunt acum vel tropicis, a nostris regionibus deberent trahere homines armatos; sed hoc omnino ludicrum videtur. Mitte quod magnes trahit ferrum, quando nihil intermediat praeter aërem, atque per lineam rectam, modo a regionibus nostris ad illas partes, ubi sunt montes et scopuli magnetis, ultra mare septentrionale, magnus terrae tumor intercedit. Traheret ergo magnes ferrum vel (si ratione similitudinis traheret) magnetem, si magnete nostra existente in A, montes essent in D; modo in B vel in C necessario reperiuntur, ita ut manifeste intercedat tum magna distantia

recta AB vel AC notata, tum etiam tumor terrae ingens per arcum AB et AC notatum. Apparet ergo



multis modis absoluta vulgata illa atque famosa ratio. Atque dictis rationibus hanc quoque annectimus quod montes isti magnetis non habent virtutem attrahendae magnetis ratione similitudinis; id enim si esset, multam magnetem videremus attrahere magnetis portiunculam. Huius ergo effectus non rationem damus attractionem aliquam, quia, ut dictum est, rationabilius ferrum inde attraheretur, sed potius fugam ex antipathia; contrarii quippe natura est istius mineralis atque ferri, quae sunt foetus terrae atque terrestres frigidae consistentiae. Unde contra evenit illis atque floribus fere universis, qui convertuntur ad solem et per viam solis ipsum respiciendo insequuntur, ut non modo videre licet in hac ratione dicta de heliotropio, sed in narcissi flore, croco et innumerabilibus aliis. Haec ergo, tanquam inimica soli atque calori, tuto dicemus ad partes adversas illis atque maxime oppositas converti seque proripere.

Epilogus motorum quibus aliqua moventur.

Localiter ergo moveri pluribus invenimus rationibus accidere: primo ad vitae consistentiam et conservationem, quae est per motum (virtute enim animae et spiritus nativi res in suo loco circulariter moventur, ut supra dictum est); secundo per fugam contrarii; tertio per adsectationem convenientis seu boni; quarto per expulsionem seu extrusionem a pellente contrario; quinto per violentam attractionem etiam contrarii indigentis seu appetentis ipsam materiam convertibilem in se ipsum; sexto per animalem electionem concurrentem cum consensu naturalis potentiae; ultimo per violentiam, quae arte vel quoque studio naturae vires impedit et retorquet alio, vel etiam ipsius naturae, quae dum fortis est in una parte ad aliquid movendum, naturam alterius mobilis minoris virtutis impedit et retundit, ut fere ubique accidit; a naturali enim fluxu aquae unius occurrente fluxus alterius impeditur, ut accidit in fluminibus ad Oceanum mare defluentibus, quae a maris fluxu patiuntur ut per multa milliaria versus fontes suos et ipsa refluant.

De vinculis spirituum.

Supra dictum est spiritus alios crassiorem, alios subtiliorem incolere materiam, alios in compositis, alios in simplicioribus corporibus consistere, alios sensibilia, alios insensibilia; unde operationes animae aliis sunt promptiores, aliis difficiliores, aliis hebetatae, aliis aptatae, aliis ablatae. Alii item secundum genus unum, alii secundum aliud genus potentius operantur; unde hominibus datae sunt quaedam operationes et actus et voluptates quibus privantur daemones, et e contra. Illis autem promptior est penetratio circa corpora et immissio cogitationum, quandoquidem usque adeo sensibus internis impressiones quasdam obtrudunt, ut ea quae ipsi suggerunt, per nosmet ipsos excogitare videamur interdum. Proportionaliter enim videtur se habere eorum informatio, atque analogia quaedam est, ad hoc quod quispiam velit sensum aliquem exuscitare et loco distantiore, opus est clamore, ut per auditum ad sensum internum conceptiones alicuius perducantur, propinquo ergo clamore non est opus sed submissiore voce, proximo sufficit auribus insusurrare; daemoni vero ne auribus ipsis quidem opus est, neque voce, neque susurru, sed sensum ipsum internum ita penetrat, ut dictum est. Sic immittunt somnia non solum et faciunt voces exaudiri et quaecunque videri, sed etiam vigilantibus certas cogitationes, quas ab alio vix esse cognoscantur, interdum per aenigmata, interdum expressioribus sensibus veritatem inculcantes, interdum fortasse decipientes; atqui non omnibus omnia licent, quandoquidem certa serie atque ordine peraguntur universa.



Neque spiritibus seu daemonibus omnibus aeque omnia constant atque licent et sunt perspecta; longe enim plures species eorum esse comperimus, quam possint esse rerum sensibilium. Unde et ex ipsis bruta quaedam sunt animalia et sine ratione nocentia, ut multum degant infra humanam sapientiam, hominibus tamen nocere possunt aeque atque perniciosa animalia atque venena. Tale genus illud quod appellat Marcus surdum et mutum, hoc est sine ratione, quod nullum cognoscit imperium, nullas minas, nullas preces exaudit et percipit; et ideo impotentes protestabantur se ad eos eiiciendos, sed aiebant illud genus per ieiunium seu abstinentiam, et orationem seu mentis elevationem, et sensus energiam superari posse atque vinci. Et hoc est physicum, quandoquidem crassi illius generis, veluti pabulum et illecebrae, sunt humores crassioris et terrestrioris melancholiae, quae per inediam extenuanda vel per accommodata pharmaca prudenter depellenda medico committuntur.

Est et aliud genus timidum, suspiciosum, credulum, quod voces exaudit et intelligit, inter possibile vero et impossibile, conveniens et inconveniens non distinguit, more hominum somniantum et eorum quorum perturbata est phantasia; et hoc genus minis ipsis mortis, carceris, ignis et similium solet a corporibus fugari.

Sunt et alii prudentiores, quorum magis aërea est substantia illa simplex, qui nullo cultu, nulla religione, nullis orationibus moventur, sed haec omnia pro arbitrio fingunt, et hominibus illudentes timorem, iram, religionem et similia simulant, callent linguas et scientias, sed nihil constanter asseverant, utpote genus invidiosum, quod confusionem et dubia mentibus et sensibus hominum immittant.

Aethereum vero, purum lucidumque genus, omnes conveniunt in eo quod sit omnino bonum et hominibus probis amicum, nullis vero inimicum, sicut ex aëreis alii aliis sunt amici, aliis vero inimici et infensi.

Aquei vero et terrestres aut inimici sunt aut non amici, utpote minus rationales et propterea timidiores, et iuxta illud 'quem metuunt, oderunt' et libenter laedunt.

Ignei vero, qui proprius Dii appellantur et heroes, dicuntur Dei ministri, quos Cabalistae appellant Fissim, Seraphim, Cherubim, de quibus dixit Psaltes propheta 'qui facit angelos eius spiritus, et ministros eius flammam ignis'; unde recte colligunt Basilius et Origenes angelos non esse omnino incorporeos, sed spiritales substantias, hoc est subtilissimi corporis animalia, quos per ignes et flammas ignis significat divina revelatio.

In omni ordine spirituum sunt praesides et principes, pastores, duces, rectores, gradus, penes quos sapientiores et potentiores imbecillioribus et rudioribus dominantur et praecipiunt; et haec imperia non sunt aeterna, neque ita brevis consistentiae sicut humana, quandoquidem vitae illorum sunt multis rationibus vitae nostrae incomparabiles, utpote facilius est animam conciliare sibi corpus simplex, quam ex contrariis compositum, quale nostrum; illorum corpora facillime passibilia esse facile defendunt, quemadmodum passibile est aër, aqua magis quam composita quaedam corpora. Porro eadem facilitate reficiuntur, sicut aër discissus facillime reintegratur, et partes aquae coëunt postquam fuerint penetratae; et non est ludicrum et poeticum figmentum quod Virgilius Aeneam stricto gladio permeantem loca



umbrarum eas perterruisse asserit.

Alii spiritus humana, alii aliorum animalium incolunt corpora, alii plantas, alii lapides et mineralia, et omnino nihil est spiritu destitutum et intellectu, et nusquam spiritus aeternam sedem sibi destinatam comparavit, sed fluctuat materia de uno in alium spiritum et naturam seu compositionem, fluctuat spiritus de una in aliam materiam; et hoc est alteratio, mutatio, passio et tandem corruptio, nempe partium certarum et a certis partibus segregatio et cum certis compositio; nam mors aliud non est praeterquam dissolutio. Atqui neque spiritus ullus neque corpus ullum interit, sed complexionum tantum et actuum mutatio est continua.

Iuxta autem varios actus, qui a compositione varia proficiscuntur, varii sunt amores et odia, quandoquidem universa, sicut dictum est, in praesenti esse consistere cupiunt, quandoquidem alius status et novi esse aut nihil intelligunt aut ambigunt; ideo generale quoddam vinculum est amoris reciproce animae ad proprium corpus et (modo suo) proprii corporis ad animam. Hinc pendet ex diversitate naturarum et appulsuum vinculorum, quibus tum spiritus tum corpora obligantur, diversitas, de quibus mox erit disserendum, postquam de analogia spirituum et compositorum definierimus.

De analogia spirituum.

Porphyrius, Plotinus et alii Platonici ita spiritibus corpora distribuunt, ut purissimi et optimi, qui etiam Deorum nomine inscribantur, sint igneae substantiae quoad corpus, eamque simplicissimam esse et purissimam; hi vero, qui aliis constant elementis crassioribus, non sine subtilioris elementi participatione consistunt, ut aërei habeant aërem cum igne commixtum, aquei cum igne aërem, terrestres cum igne aërem et aquam. Invisibiles vero substantiae sunt propter corporis eorum tenuitatem. Porro terrestres et aquei ad libitum concreto et inspissato vapore interdum visibiles redduntur, et in regionibus purioribus aëre sereniore et tranquilliore etiam apparent. Et mihi contigit eos vidisse ad montes Liberi et Lauri, nec mihi soli, sed frequenter apparent incolis loci illius, quibus interdum sunt (mediocriter tamen) infensi, bestias abducentes et occultantes, quas iterum post aliquot dies reducant ad propria stabula. In aurifodinis et aliis subterraneis locis, ut in montibus Gebennae, satis est vulgatum et compertum frequentissime occurrere fossoribus, quibus interdum sint tum molesti, tum adiutores, tum significatores casuum. Ad hoc genus referuntur hi, quos circa Nolam ad templum Porti in loco solitario, et etiam sub quadam rupe ad radices montis Cicadum, quod fuit olim coemeterium pestiferatorum, et ipse et multi expertus sum et experiuntur nocturnis illae temporibus praetereundo multis lapidibus impetitus, qui minimo intervallo plurimi a capite et aliis corporis partibus magno cum impetu dissilientes importune insectando ad non mediocre intervallum, nunquam tamen laesionem ullam corporis intulerunt tum mihi tum aliis omnibus qui idem testificantur. De his Psellus in libro De daemonibus meminit, appellans eos lucifugos, iactores lapidum, quorum tamen iactus sint inanes.

Esse daemones subterraneos non solum sensus, experientia et ratio, sed etiam et divina quaedam authoritas confirmat apud sapientissimum et multae philosophiae ac profundissimae librum Iobi. Ille maledicens diei in qua natus est, his verbis utitur, ubi ait 'pereat dies in qua natus sum' etc., ubi post paucas sententias infert 'quare misero data est lux, et vita his qui in amaritudine animae sunt?' 'cur



egressus ex utero non statim perii?', 'aut sicut abortivum absconditur, non substiti?', 'nunc enim dormiens silerem, et in somno irrequiescerem cum regibus et principibus terrae, qui aedificant sibi solitudines et replent domos suas argento'; quibus vero ex ore ipsius Iobi prolatis verbis nihil expressius ad propositum.

Sic etiam, ut supra dictum est, alii spiritus aliis corporibus sunt inclusi, certo quodam ordine et iustitia gradus istos distribuente, et Origenes, Pythagoras et Platonici homines inter daemones annumerant, hosque non bonos, sed qui boni fieri possint atque peiores, unde ad meliorem vitam disponantur atque deteriorem. Quapropter vitam istam tum theologi christiani tum et meliores philosophorum sectae viam quandam atque transitum, peregrinationem atque militiam appellant. Simile iudicium de aliis generibus consistentiae. Porro in optima harum ad quam cum devenerit anima seu spiritus, in ea intelligitur diutissime perseverare; et hoc est quod a principio dicebamus, omnem substantiam spiritalem reduci ad unum, omnem materialem ad tria, animam esse unum, suum Deum, et primam mentem esse unam supra omnia, animam universi esse unam.

Ad haec valde verisimile est morbos omnes esse malos daemones, unde et cantu et prece et contemplatione et animae extasi depelluntur, et contrariis provocantur. Neque est negandum hominibus certis esse quosdam spiritus dominatores, quorum virtute certae morborum species dissipentur, ut aiunt de Cyro et aliis Persarum regibus, qui tactu pollicis lienosos curabant. Vulgatum atque satis compertum est idem in Galliarum regibus, qui pollicis tactu scrophulas curant; idem saliva dicitur efficere posse septimus ex eodem parente natus absque femina mediante.

Daemones proinde esse corporeos et iuxta varia atque diversa corporum genera varios atque diversos, illud argumento est, quod affectus habent, libidines, iras, zelum, similia affectibus humanis et compositorum animalium crassioris sensibilisque materiae; ab his enim inventa sunt sacrificia et caedes animalium, quorum apparatu et fumo summopere delectari protestati sunt; et istos oportet esse complexionis valde affinis nostrae, e quibus [sunt] alii ad alias gentes et nationes sunt affecti, caeteras omnes detestantes et abominantes. Horum alii sunt nominati, famosi et potentiores, alii vero magis plebeii, quos Romani patellares Deos appellabant, nempe quibus non essent definita sacrificia et oblationes. Talia vero fercula non est credibile illis tam necessaria esse quam iocunda (possunt enim sibi ipsi per se quae sunt necessaria comparare), tamen haec ad eorum luxum sunt superinventa, quae sine hominum administratione sibi minime adcompararent; etsi enim multa melius quam nos novere, non tamen aeque ac nos multa movere et alterare possunt per se spiritualioris et nobilioris et mitioris complexionis. Sunt qui magis fumigiis delectantur, quibus thure, croco, musco, ambra et odoriferis floribus olim adsistere sufficiebant.

Nobilioris et eminentioris conditionis illi perhibentur, quibus hymni, cantus atque musicalia instrumenta arrident.

Super horum conditionem est Deorum conditio, quorum natura 'non est indiga nostri, nec bene pro meritis capitur neque tangitur ira'; male enim affici a nobis atque bene eorum est, quae aliquo pacto a nobis requirere et accipere possunt ut melius et iucundius habeant; id vero in felicissimo statu constitutis minime convenire videtur.



In fine illud est firmiter asserendum et mente tenendum, quod spiritu, anima, numine, Deo seu divinitate omnia sunt plena, et intellectus et anima ubique totus et tota est, sed non ubique facit omnia. Hoc insinuavit poeta ex dogmate Pythagorico:

Principio caelum et terras camposque liquentesLucentemque globum Lunae Titaniaque astraSpiritus intus alit, totamque infusa per artusMens agitat molem, et totus se corpore miscet.Hinc hominum pecudumque genus vitaeque volantumEt quae marmoreo fert monstra sub aequore pontus.

Idem dicit sensus sacrorum arcanorum ab omni vulgo receptus, ut in Psalmo et in libro Sapientiae 'spiritus domini replevit orbem terrarum et hoc quod continet omnia', et alibi 'caelum et terram ego impleo'.

Differt autem corporea substantia ab huiusmodi substantia mentis, animae atque sublimis spiritus, quod universum corpus est totum in toto et universo, ipsa vero est tota in qualibet parte, ubique videlicet totum quoddam constituens et totius imaginem referens, ubi clarius, ubi obscurius, ubi singularius, ubi multipliciter, ut eiusdem ideae species atque lucis ab omnibus materiae particulis tota refertur, sicut etiam tota a tota materia, quod sane in magno speculo licet contemplari, quod unam unius rei refert imaginem, idemque rursum in mille frusta contritum ex omnibus partibus integrum nihilominus refert imaginem. Sic etiam diversae aquae partes et hypostases, avulsae a toto Amphitrite seu universali Oceano, diversa recipiunt nomina et proprietates, quae omnes, in unum subinde confluentes Oceanum, unum habent nomen et proprietatem; ita si omnes spiritus et aëris partes in unum Oceanum confluerent, unam animam efficerent, quae alioqui multae sunt et innumerae. Hinc secundum primaevam consistentiam unam philosophi dicunt materiam, unum spiritum, unam lucem, unam animam, unum intellectum.

Iam ad multiplex spirituum vinculum referendum convertamur, ubi omnis magiae doctrina continebitur.

(iuxta III §) Primum vinculum, quo spiritus alligantur, est generale, quo metaphorice Triviae triceps Cerberus, ostiarius inferni, alligatus fingitur; est triplex facultas, quae requiritur in vinciente seu mago: physica, mathematica et metaphysica. In prima est fundamentum, in secunda gradus, in tertia cacumen scalae: prima habet rationem principiorum activorum et passivorum secundum genus; secunda temporum, locorum et numerorum; tertia universalium principiorum et causarum. Hic est funiculus triplex, qui difficile rumpitur.

(§ V) Secundum vinculum triplex est, quod requiritur tum in operante, tum in operato, tum in eo circa quem est operatio, et est fide seu credulitate constans, item invocatione, item amore et ardenti affectu cum activorum ad passiva applicatione; animae enim est effective immutare corpora seu compositum, corporis vero materialiter est immutare animam. Haec nisi accesserint seu adsint praesertim, curando, movendo et agitando nihil fiet; unde fortunatissimus magus est cui multi credunt, multae est persuasionis.



(§ XI) III. vinculum, quod habetur efficiens, est numerus principum, qui iuxta cardines universi quatuor distribuuntur ad ea opera, quae a caelo perquiruntur et a natura. Praeter hos pro effectibus voluntariis et extranaturalibus sunt principes determinatum locum non habentes.

(§ XII) IV. vinculum est anima mundi seu spiritus universi, qui omnia copulat unitque omnibus; unde ab omnibus datur aditus ad omnia, sicut dictum est in superioribus.

(§ XIII) V. vinculum sunt animae astrorum et principes locorum, ventorum, elementorum.

(§ XIII) VI. Animae seu daemones praesidentes temporibus, diebus, tempestatibus et ipsis elementis.

(§ XIV et XXV) VII. Animae hominum tyrannorum, principum et eorum qui aliqua celebritate insignes extiterunt, unde in numina evasere.

(§ XV) VII. Divina nomina et divinorum ordinum nomina.

(§ XVI) IX. Characteres et sigilla.

(§ XVII) X. Obtestationes, coniurationes, quae fiunt virtute superiorum in inferiora, ut qui per bonos daemones malos eiiciunt, alii per superiores, malos inferiores. Item alliciuntur per sacrificia, holocausta, terrentur per minas, provocantur per virtutes radiorum et influxuum.

(§ XVIII) XI. Per triplicis mundi virtutem: elementaris, caelestis et intellectualis.

(§ XIX) XII. Dispositio petentis bona a bonis, castitas, honestas, purgatio, abstinentia.

(§ XX) XIII. Item adiectio cultuum et rerum naturalium, in quibus latent spiritus hi qui analogiam habent ad eos quorum opera perquiruntur.

(iuxta XXI §) XIV. Rationes cultuum secundum eorum differentias.

(§ XXII) XV. Consecrationum vis ex parte conservantis, ex parte orationis et ex parte ritus.

(§ XXIII) XVI. Feriarum, infastorum et fastorum dierum et horarum cognitio.

(§ XXIV et XXVII) XVII. Religiosarum observationum, quae consistant in puritate locorum, lotionibus, contactibus, suspensionibus, indumentis, fumigiis, sacrificiis, iuxta rerum et mediorum differentias.

(§ XXVII) XVIII. Applicatio activorum et passivorum, ut elementorum primorum vel proximorum, subinde lapidum, metallorum, plantarum et animalium iuxta conditiones quatuordecim.



(§ XXVIII) XIX. Annuli.

(§ XXIX) XX. Artificia fascinationum.

Praeter haec generalia vincula sunt quae in septemdecim articulis ex Alberti doctrina colliguntur, quorum quaedam sunt relata, quaedam referenda supersunt.

De vinculis spirituum,

et primum de eo quod est ex triplici ratione agentis, materiae et applicationis.

(§ XXIV) Ad hoc, ut actiones in rebus perficiantur, tria requiruntur: potentia activa in agente, potentia passiva in subiecto seu patiente seu dispositio, quae est aptitudo quaedam vel non repugnantia seu impotentia resistendi (quae omnia ad unum terminum reducuntur, nempe potentiam materiae), et debita applicatio, quae est per circumstantias temporis, loci et reliquorum concurrentium; omnia ut uno verbo dicam, ad agentem, materiam et applicationem. Ex defectu horum trium perpetuo impeditur omnis actio, simpliciter loquendo, quandoquidem etiamsi perfectus sit tibicen, per tibiae imperfectionem impeditur, et applicatio unius ad alterum est inanis. Itaque impotentia materiae ponit impotentiam in efficiente et inconvenientiam in applicatione. Hoc est quod dicimus ex defectu trium perpetuo impediri actionem, absolute loquendo; proprie vero inspiciendo, potest defectus provenire rursum a duobus tantum vel ab uno duntaxat, non autem ab uno definite, sed sigillatim intelligendo de omnibus, ut cum tibicen est perfectus et applicatio, tibia vero deficit, aut cum tibicen et tibia, applicatio vero impeditur. Ubi vero tota ratio efficientiae consistit in applicatione, tunc prima ratio concurrit cum tertia; efficiens enim nihil aliud est interdum quam applicator, et efficere nihil aliud est quam applicare.

(XXV. XXVI) Non omne natum est pati ab omni, neque agere in omne, sed, sicut dictum est in Physicis, passio omnis est a contrario et actio omnis in contrario, neque semper, sed dispositum, unde vulgatum illud 'actiones activorum in patiente bene disposito'. Hinc patet ratio qua aqua aquae admiscetur et aqua per aquam contemperatur propter similitudinem seu cognitionem seu symbolum, unde postquam facta fuerit unio, nullo artificio altera ab altera separatur, vinum vero purum seu merum facile recipitur ab aqua et recipit aquam, ut fiat commixtio, sed quia partes vini habent in se aliquid caloris et aëris et spiritus, non omnimodum habent symbolum, et ideo secundum minima non admiscentur, sed secundum adeo notabilem molem distincte servantur in heterogeneo composito, ut certa arte iterum possint segregari, sicut etiam accidit in aqua maritima, quae certo modo sublimata dulcem aquam exprimit, item per vasa cerea colata, quod, si mixtio esset perfecta, non accideret. Oleum vero cum aqua nunquam admiscetur, quia partes olei quasi amatae invicem cohaerent et agglutinantur, unde neque penetrant neque penetrantur a partibus aquae. Multum est ergo attendendum in conditione partium attentanti admixtionem corporum cum corporibus; neque etenim omnia omnibus sunt miscibilia.

(XXVII) Attendendum igitur est ad partium situm, compositionem et differentiam, quandoquidem totum



toti per unum latus penetrabile est, per alterum vero non; ita enim est in omnibus, sicut patet in lapidibus et lignis et in ipsa carne, quae sunt penetrabilia vel penetrabiliora per unam partem seu latus quam per alteram, ut patet in effluxu humorum pulsorum per longum fibrarum, quia facilius ligna scinduntur per longum; ab humore vero penetrantur facilius per latum quam per longum, quandoquidem pori inter fibras iniecti eo ordine fistulas seu meatus admittunt.

(XXVIII) Non ergo tantum inspicienda est partium qualitas atque situs, sed etiam conditio formae totius; sunt enim quaedam passiones aptae natae recipi ab uno subiecto quae non recipiantur ab alio, sicut stupor a torpedine causatur in manu piscatoris, non in reticulis, et, ut ludere solebat comicus quidam, ignes amoris torrent praecordia, urunt cor, pectore existente crudo atque frigido.

(XXIX) Item accidit in tonitruis, quae interdum liquefaciunt ensem seu chalybem vagina nihilo alterata; ita etiam accidit mirum Neapoli in quadam nobili puella et pulcherrimae speciei, cuius tantummodo pilos cira vulvam combussit; ita referunt, combusto ligno dolii, vinum relinquere consistens seu congelatum forinsecus. Et pleraque huiusmodi eveniunt propter occultam rationem ultimam quae est in atomis illiusmodi ignis, qui ita est activus in uno ne sit activus in alio. Referunt etiam laurum ideo imperatorum et poetarum insignia esse et aquilam, quia haec fulgure nunquam attinguntur, tanquam ita Apollini et Iovi amica atque principes atque poetae.

Quod attinet vero ad homines, quibus omnibus non item accidit quod illi puellae, stat ratio in eo quod non omnes sunt eiusdem complexionis et temperamenti, et eandem spiritus qualitatem admittunt; ut etiam in quibusdam talis animus etiam existit, ut et pluvias impediant, imperent ventis et aliis tempestatibus. Ita etiam ad complexionem quandam referenda sunt mira quae accidunt in corporibus, ubi quaedam sunt ex privilegio totius speciei, quaedam vero ex certa particularium praerogativa, propter differentias innumerabiles quae sunt in illis.

In talibus ergo tum speciebus tum individuis contemplantur magi ut virtutum effectus emendicent, et providi imperatores non nobiles, amicos, commendatos praeponunt exercitibus et militiae ministros asciscunt, sed fortunatiores, eosque qui talia pericula consueverunt fortunatius evadere. Pariter a quibusdam plantis et mineralibus per suspensionem et gestationem et aliusmodi applicationem existimant certas praerogativas virtutum sibi conciliare quasi quodam mediante contactu, ut imperatores laurea corona muniti a fulgure non formidant.

(XXX) Huc spectat quod quaedam certis animalibus sunt venena, sicut generaliter homini cicuta, quae generaliter capere est iocundissimum alimentum, ut facile omnia ex ea pinguefiant. Similiter in differentiis nutrimentorum, venenorum et antidotorum pro variis speciebus est speculandum. Unde non modicum principium est magiae et medicinae ad distinguendum de differentiis complexionum et rationibus morborum et sanitatis et principiis mutandorum habituum seu dispositionum, vel eorundem servandorum, per applicationem extrinsecorum. Novit etiam chymicus ut aqua fortis agat in res duras, ut in ferrum, argentum, aes; in aurum vero et plumbum minime; rursum quomodo vivum argentum ocissime sorbeat oleum, quod ab auro omnino repudiatur et abiicitur. Proinde verbenae semini vel succo praesentanea potentia est ad frangendum lapidem in vesica, quae tamen carni et ossi et membranae et



aliis corporis partibus minime videtur esse violenta.

(XXXII) Sunt qui horum rationes referant ad laxitatem vel angustiam foraminum, quod quidem in quibusdam facile concesserim, sed in praecipuis et pluribus minime verum est, sicut in enumeratis omnibus. Neque enim ratio est, qua aqua fortis potius penetret unum quam alterum propter maiorem laxitudinem foraminum; similiter et verbenae spiritus ille, qui adversatur calculo, non autem ossibus et carni, quamvis magis laxatorum sint pororum. Et quid dicet de adamante, quod quidem a subtilissimo corporum et penetrativissimo ignis spiritu non discinditur, quod tamen ab hircino sanguine penetratur?

Manendum igitur est in ea generali ratione, quod non omnia patiuntur ab omnibus, neque omnes affectus secundum easdem differentias omnibus conveniunt; et horum ratio ab ipsis effectibus et casibus est desumenda, cum propria requiritur. Differentiis vero istis occultis seu formis nomina non sunt imposita, neque sensibiles sunt ut ad oculum vel tactum veniant, neque ratiocinabiles quae ab oculorum et tactuum differentiis atque origine definite eliciantur, ut de istis possimus dicere aliud quam quod sint; propter quid vero ne ipsis quidem daemonibus facile esse disserere iudicamus, si nobiscum nostris verbis et sensibus quae per nostra verba significantur velint definire.

Secundum vinculum ex voce et cantu.

(XXXIII) Secunda vinculi ratio est a conformitate numerorum ad numeros, mensurae ad mensuram, momenti ad momentum; unde illi rhythmi atque cantus qui maximam habere efficaciam perhibentur. Proinde quidam magis afficiuntur tragica quadam, quidam vero comica harmonia, aliqui generaliter ad omnem sunt affecti, nonnulli sicut de quodam barbaro imperatore recitant, qui musicis auditis artificiosissime tractatis instrumentis malle inquit se equi hinnitum audire; qui plane humana effigie indignus et iniuria praeditus hoc ipso convincitur.

De cantu vero non tantum harmonico, sed sub generaliore quadam significatione intelligimus, siquidem potentissimae, quod quidam experti sunt, cantiones seu carmina plus videntur habere dissonantiae quam consonantiae, et fere talis erat anima illius semiferi hominis, qualem numeri hinnitus equini facilius flectere potuissent; sicut etiam ad oculorum sensibilem harmoniam quod spectat, aliis numeris vincitur ad amorem equinus, aliis humanus, aliis caninus animus, ut pro singularum specierum conditione variae sunt pulchritudinis differentiae. Sicut ergo in proverbio est de asino ad lyram, non omnes cantus omnibus sunt accommodi, et ut varias animas harmonici varii, ita etiam varii magici varios spiritus devinciunt.

(XXXIV) Haec autem vincula non solum hoc ipso sunt tenacia, quod per auditum percipiuntur seu aditum nanciscuntur in anima, sicut Marsi et Psylli vox potentissima vox est in serpente; verum etiam et occulto susurro etiam ad rem vinciendam non perveniente, per analogiam spiritus ad spiritum, vincientis ad vinciendum, effectus vinculorum perficitur; neque etenim semper incantati incantantium voces excipiunt, vel exceptis sensibiliter afficiuntur et statim.

(XXXV) Huc spectat quod numeri unius vocis vel aspectus alterius vocis numeros confundunt et obtundunt; unde lupo, quem cervarium vulgo appellant, quidam viso vocem amittunt devincti eo spiritu,



neque facile verba formare possunt. Et referunt instrumentum ex agnina pelle cum typano ex pelle lupina prorsus amittere sonum, quamlibet alioqui sonorum et fortius ictibus impetitum, quandoquidem spiritus, qui aliqualis est in emortui pelle, potens est vincere et compescere spiritum per eam participationem antipathiae et praedominii, quae erat in viventibus. Hoc quod referunt an ita sit non sum expertus, tamen verisimilitudinem habet et rationem, quae tamen non omnino est a ratione vitae ad vitam et speciei ad speciem, quandoquidem et asinus lupum timet nihilo fortasse minus quam ovis, pariter et illius insidiis obnoxius, tympanum tamen ex eius pelle confectum, aequis fortassis pulsibus tympanum lupi nisi compescat, pro maiori tamen spissitudine superabit.

(XXXVI) Huc etiam spectat de fidibus ex nervis ovium et nervis lupinis nunquam consonantibus. Vulgatum quoque est apud multos, quemadmodum duae citharae vel lyrae aequaliter temperatae si fuerint, quarum altera propior alteri pulsetur, harmonia unius in alterius chordas non solum consonantes, sed et aequaliter motas commigrabit; et hoc valde rationabile est. Unde etiam accidit et voce quadam et gestu vel simili quadam specie animum unius affici praesentia alterius, ut indissolubiles oriantur amicitiae. Sunt quos visos temere odimus, sicut etiam sine causa amamus; et hoc odium et amor interdum sunt reciproca, interdum vero non, quod accidit a praedominio quodam unius in alterum secundum unam affectus speciem, quae impeditur ab alia affectus specie quae est in altero, sicut et specie unius catelli et aviculae amoris quodam affectu pertrahimur in illas, quae tamen timore percussae nos fugiunt et oderunt.

(XL) Ad hoc genus pertinent preces et orationes, quibus pares aut principes quidam sollicitant, (ubi) nullum habeant effectum neque rationes vel honestatis et iustitiae praetextus allegati; quibus interdum plus possunt unius morionis et scurrae proposita, ut interdum prudentiores per eiusmodi voces tanquam magis accommoda vincula principum animos soleant irretire, ut in Iulio III. Pontifice compertum, qui orantes, deprecantes, lacrimantes abolebat, abiiciebat; si quis vero uno scommate vel alio lepide post pedum oscula accessisset, is quaecunque exoptabat impetrare ab illo poterat.

Ad incantationis ergo artem spectat et eam vinculi spiritus speciem, quae est per cantus seu carmina, quicquid tractant oratores faciens ad persuadendum et dissuadendum seu ad movendos affectus; cuius quidem artis alteram partem praetermiserunt et in sinu magorum seu philosophorum seu versutiorum politicorum latentem esse sinunt, quam tamen Aristoteles in Rhetorica ad Alexandrum magna ex parte complexus est, quaeque ad duo capita considerationis reducitur, alterum quod consideret incantator quid deceat se et quid sibi conveniat, alterum quid incantando seu vinciendo placeat, arrideat, eius scilicet moribus consideratis, statu, complexione, usu, quae omnia in praesentiarum retexere et adducere non est locus.

Tertium vinculorum genus ex visu.

(XLI) Per visum etiam vincitur spiritus, ut passim quoque superius est attactum, dum formae aliter atque aliter ante oculos obversantur. Hinc fascinationes activae et passivae ab oculis proficiscuntur et per oculos ingrediuntur; unde illud 'Nescio quis oculis teneros mihi fascinat agnos'.

Pulchri quoque species affectum amoris excutit; contrarii abominationis et odii. Et per affectiones animae



ac spiritus aliquid insuper in corpus ipsum, quod sub animae gubernaculo et spiritus contemperamento consistit, transfunditur. Sunt quoque aliae affectuum species, quae etiam per oculos accipiuntur atque statim corpus ipsum aliqua ratione afficiunt; tristibus enim quibusdam vultibus ad tristitiam et compassionem vel moerorem concitamur, tanquam ex causis manifestis.

Sunt alii qui etiam peiores animo atque corpori ingerunt impressiones per oculos, sed non evidenter per ea quae nos possimus iudicare, efficacissime tamen movent per aliqua quae sunt in nobis, nempe per multiplicem spiritum et animam; quandoquidem tametsi una anima in toto corpore vigeat, et uni praecipue omnia membra subministrent, tamen quia spiritu quodam toto totum et anima tota et universi partes vivificantur, ratio multarum affectionum spiritualium referenda est ad aliquid aliud quod cognoscit in nobis et vivit, quod iis rebus afficitur et perturbatur, quibus minime nos perturbamur et afficimur. Et interdum nocentius tangimur et laedimur ab his quorum ictus non sentimus, quam quorum sentimus; ita et multa visa et per oculum ingestae species perturbationis sensum non faciunt in apertis et extrinsecis potentiis sensitivis, quae tamen profundius immersae letaliter etiam afficiunt, quorum sensus immediatus ad internum spiritum, quasi alium sensum et animal, referuntur. Unde non tam leviter refragabimur quibusdam Platonicis et omnibus Pythagoricis, qui unum hominem multa statuunt animalia veluti per se viventia, quorum interdum uno perempto, seu primario, diu alia supervivunt.

(XLII) Iudicare ergo eorum tantum nos laedi vel affici speciebus visibilibus, quae solum manifestam sensus et animi perturbationem inducunt, manifesta est stupiditas, non aliter ac si quispiam iis tantum ictibus vel magis laedi existimat qui sentiuntur vel magis sentiuntur, cum tamen experti simus plures molestiae et tormenti inferre puncturam acus vel spinae circa pellem vellicantis, quam ensis adacti ex uno latere in aliud, cuius gravior effectus tandem sentitur, sine sensu tamen laesionis eo quo corporis partes penetrat momento. Ita nimirum multa furtim per oculum ad animae exitium usque spiritus captivant et inculcant, licet eam perturbationem non inducant quam leviora obiecta; sicut videntes certos gestus vel affectus vel motus compellimur ad lacrimas, alienum quoque sanguinem perfundi aspicientes quidam vel cadaveris incisionem usque ad animae deliquium compelluntur; cuius rei nulla alia causa est praeterquam affectio per oculos devinciens.

Quartum vinculum est ex phantasia.

(XLVII, XLVIII) Cuius quidem munus est recipere species a sensibus delatas et continere, et componere eas et dividere, quod quidem accidit dupliciter: uno pacto ex arbitrio vel electione imaginantis, quale est poëtarum et pictorum munus, et eorum qui apologos componunt, et universaliter omnis cum ratione species componentis; alio pacto extra arbitrium et electionem. Et ita dupliciter: vel per causam etiam eligentem et voluntariam, vel ab extrinsecus moventem. Et hac duplici: vel mediata, ut homine qui per voces vel per spectra, per visum vel per auditum perturbationes inducit; vel immediata, ut spirituali, rationali, seu daemone qui agit in phantasiam per somnia vel etiam per vigilias, ita internas species commovens, ut aliquid sensus externi apprehendi videatur. Unde energumeni quidam videre sibi videntur quaedam spectacula et audire quasdam voces et sententias, quas putant vere ab externis subiectis insinuari, unde importunissime et constantissime asseverant se vera vidisse et vera audisse, ubi nimirum non sensus eorum decipitur, sed ratio; quae enim audiunt, audiunt, quae vident, vident, tamen quod



interno sensu per speciem phantasiabilem illis obiicitur, idem per sonum externum, per aures et formam externam per visum ingestam se videre arbitrantur, et intentiones sensuum internorum res ipsas esse autumant. Ita accidit ut ne quidem a circumstantibus nolint ad saniorem sensum revocari, quos potius ad propriam imaginationem malint promovere, quos vere existiment surdos et mutos; et medici haec ipsa referunt ad maniam et melancholiam, quae ab iisdem somnia vigilantum appellantur.

(XLIX) Porro in hoc vinculo neque purum est materiale illud principium, quod crassissima et importunissima pertinacia quorumdam vulgarium medicorum opinatur, neque purum illud efficiens daemoniaci seu diabolici generis, quod pro sua parte tuentur quidam Theologi; sed utrumque concurrit, materialiter quidem humor melancholicus, quem saturnalium daemoniorum popinam seu balneum appellamus, sed etiam pro causa movente et efficiente spiritus ipse daemoniacus, qui cum non sit omnino substantia incorporea, quandoquidem multis affectibus animalibus iisque gravissimis praediti videntur daemones, quamvis substantia spiritualis, cui subtilius et minus sensibus pervium corpus est a natura tributum, in quo genere animalium dictum est non pauciores reperiri species, quam sint viventium, compositorum et sensibilium. Sicut ergo ad definitum semen in definito loco congrue expositum definita veluti accurrit anima, aut ex ipso velut emergens certam animalis formam vel viventis producit et emergere facit, ut ex hoc semine nascatur oliva, ex illo canis, ex illo homo, item in hoc corpore ita vel ita complexionato commodius nascuntur haec, commodius vero illa, unde poeta 'Hic segetes, illic veniunt felicius uvae'; ita ex certa cordis vel cerebri vel spiritus animalis temperie et complexione, intemperie vel perturbatione, quasi in proprio campo et ex proprio semine, boni vel mali spiritus et principia intentionum enascuntur. Unde mutua quaedam consequentia est, ut talia corpora tales animas, tales animae talia corpora in consistentiam producant, iuxta substantialem, quam appellant, et specificam differentiam atque subsistentiam; ita et advenientes et accedentes alii spiritus propter accidentales quasdam complexiones vel subiecta corpori adiecta sequitur praedominium illud furiosi spiritus, quod sane e medio tolli potest, tum incantatione, nempe rhetorica illa, et amica et medica quadam persuasione spiritum obsessum reficiendo, tum evacuatione seu expulsione noxiae materiae per purgativa pharmaca, tum per commoda Iovialia, Solaria et alia vitae humanae congruentia nutrimenta, quae materiam meliorem spiritui subiiciant, vel deteriorem illam, quae in complexionem interdum transit, mitigent et contemperent. Sic neque spiritus opera haec vitalia et animalia persequitur, neque sine spiritu corpus assumit; ad haec igitur sive bene sive male sive pro ratione speciei sive extra speciei rationem constituenda principium materiale requiritur, et secundum genus formale seu efficiens. Interim satis rationabile est, ut ad curationem perturbatae phantasiae et ad solutionem interni sensus hoc pacto devincti simplex humorum purgatio simplexque victus ratio sufficiat; non propterea tamen concluditur, ut concludit quidam pinguissimae Minervae medicus, qui sub titulo De occultis naturae miraculis plures protulit ineptias quam potuit litteras et syllabas exarare, qui ex eo quod per secessum et humorum vacuationem tales spiritus cum eiusmodi miris intentionibus liberis et ordinatis expelluntur et extruduntur, concludit eos nihil aliud esse quam humores; unde aeque possemus dicere suam excellentiam, quae plurium animas per secessum e corpore abire coëgerit, ut et animam ipsam etiam humorem seu excrementum existimet, aut si penuria cibi atque potus cogatur ipse suam domum et patriam deserere propter medicinae ignorantiam et apertorum naturae colorum atque vocum, existimemus eum nihil aliud esse quam de genere eorum quae illum expellunt.

Omnibus hisce modis cum contingat vinciri et obligari sensum, medico seu mago maxime insistendum



est circa opus phantasiae; hoc enim est porta et praecipuus aditus ad actiones et passiones affectusque universos, qui sunt in animali; et ex hac alligatione sequitur alligatio profundioris potentiae, quae est cogitativa.

De vinculo quinto, quod est ex cogitativa.

(L, LI) Vinculum phantasiae leve per se est, si vinculum cogitativae vires non con duplicet. Ea enim spectra, quae idiotae, stulti, creduli et superstiosuli ingenii animum devinciunt et obligant, deridentur, contemnuntur et veluti inanes umbrae a sobrio et bene nato et disciplinato ingenio. Unde omnes operatores sive magi sive medici sive prophetae sine fide praevia nihil efficiunt, et iuxta fidei praeviae numeros operantur. -- Hic nos accipimus fidem iuxta magis universalem rationem, quam a singulis istorum capiatur et ab omnibus. --

(LII) Haec in quibusdam commovetur tanquam praeviis potentiis bene dispositis et ordinatis, a quibusdam vero tanquam perturbatis; multum vero faciunt ligamenta quae sunt ex ore diserti, ex specie unde certa dispositio oriatur et foveatur in imaginatione, quae est sola porta omnium affectuum internorum et est vinculum vinculorum. Hinc Hippocratis vulgata est sententia, 'efficacissimum medicorum esse illum cui plurimi credunt', et hoc est quia plurimos vincit aut eloquio aut praesentia aut fama; et non solum de medico, sed quocunque magiae genere vel alius sub alio titulo potestatis, si in operante vinciendi iniciendae imaginationis vix quippiam aliis mediis poterit promoveri.

(LIII) Et credunt theologi et concedunt et concionantur de eo qui per se potest omnia facere, quod non poterat curare eos qui illi non credebant, cuius impotentiae tota ratio refertur ad imaginationem, quam non potuit vincire; compatrueles enim, qui noverant humile illius genus et educationem, spernebant et irridebant medicum et divinum; unde illud vulgatum 'nemo propheta acceptus in patria'. Facilius ergo quibusdam vincire est eos, apud quos minus est notus, ut ex opinione et apparatu fidei, cuius quidem potentia animae quodammodo se disponit, aperit, explicat, ac si fenestras aperiat ad solem concipiendum, quas alioqui occlusas teneret, datur aditus ad eas impressiones quas ligatoris ars exquirit, incutiendo subsequentia vincula, quae sunt spes, compassio, timor, amor, odium, indignatio, ira, gaudium, patientia, contemptus vitae, mortis, fortunae, et omnia quorum vires ex animo in corpus alterandum transmigrant.

Quomodo vero reliquae istae enumeratae vinculorum species, quae fidem et opinionem subsequuntur, alterent considerare non est valde profundae speculationis. Iam quod attinet ad magis spiritales potentias animae quae sequuntur, nempe ad memoriam, rationem, experientiam, intellectum et mentem, non est operae praesentis speculationis persequi, siquidem actus illarum potentiarum non redundant in corpus neque alterant, sed tota immutatio originaliter est in potentiis ante cogitativam, effective autem et principaliter a cogitativa. Inde omnis vis magica activa et passiva, et vinculis magicis species eousque subiiciuntur, et, ut etiam asserit Plotinus, tum sapientes tum insipientes per principia naturalia consistentia in ea possunt vinciri, nisi extet aliquod principium in subiecto quod valeat repercutere seu excutere magicas eiaculationes; quandoquidem, ut dictum est supra, non omnia penetrant in omnia neque admiscentur omnia cum omnibus, sicut oleum cum aqua non admiscetur. Sic testatur Plotinus de se ipso et confirmat Porphyrius in Vita Plotini, quod maleficia cuiusdam Aegyptii, quibus nitebatur vincire et



maleficiare Plotinum, in ipsum authorem sunt conversa. Et haec De vinculis in genere dicta sint.

FINIS

Author: Bruno, Giordano, 1548-1600.Title: De Magia / by Giordano Bruno.Edition: F. Tocco et al., eds., Jordani Bruni Nolani opera latine conscriptapta publicis sumptibus edita...Published: Neapoli : D. Morano, 1879-91.Description: 3 v : ill. ; 23 cm.

1. Christianity -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.2. Hermetism -- Early works to 1800.3. Magic -- Early works to 1850.I. Title.193B83 IFV. 3.

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Giordano Bruno: Theses De Magia

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GIORDANO BRUNO

(THESES DE MAGIA)This digital edition Copyright © 1998 by Joseph H. Peterson. All rights reserved.

I.

Magia sumitur multipliciter: communissime, communiter, proprie et propriissime. Primo modo pro omni genere scientiae et sapientiae; secundo pro scientia naturali, seu rerum naturalium in genere; tertio pro sapientia, quae complectitur triplex genus scientiarum realium cum triplici moralium et triplici rationalium; quarto pro aggregato habitu ex omnibus his vel pluribus, cum facultate mirabiliter cognoscendi vel operandi; et hoc dupliciter: vel per se, vel per aliud; et hoc tripliciter: vel per superiora, vel per aequalia, vel per inferiora; et hoc iuxta diversas circumstantias notatas et inclusas in significationibus decem quibus dicitur magus. Nos in praesentiarum intelligimus de Magia iuxta significationem qua proprius dicitur.

II.

Magia est triplex: divina, physica et mathematica. Et ita dupliciter consideratur: vel ex parte subiecti, scientiae seu cognitionis, et ita absolute et simpliciter est bona; vel quatenus venit in usum scientis, et ita interdum bona est, interdum est mala, malam autem esse non intelligimus sub ratione scientiae proprie dictae (scientia enim quatenus scientia semper est bona et de omni et per se), sed sub ratione scientiae communiter dictae seu particularis noticiae, quatenus ad definitam materiam seu singularem contrahitur, quo etiam pacto in natura accidunt monstra non sub ratione naturae absolute et universaliter, sed sub ratione istius vel illius, in hoc vel in illo.

Omnis superstitio et improbitas, quae vel per se vel per accidens reducitur ad magiam et concomitatur illam, pertinet ad tertiam speciem, quae est mathematica.... [parole illeggibile M; om. C] Omnis enim error et peccatum versatur circa ea potissimum, quae a divino et naturali sunt aliena. Hic distinguendum est de mathematica secundum rationem communiter dictam, et hic mathematicum distinguitur per Arithmeticam Astronomiam, Opticam, Musicam etc.; alio pacto secundum rationem hic propriam, quae est secundum analogiam ad illam communem.

III.

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Magia mathematica media est inter divinam et physicam magiam, sicut mathematica simpliciter media est inter naturalem et metaphysicam.

Distingue de medio.

IV.

Principium magiae est considerare ordinem influxus seu scalam entium, qua Deum in Deos, Deos in astra, astra in daemonas, daemones in elementa, elementa in mixta aliquid immittere comperimus etc.

Distingue de influxu. Influxus est duplex: essentialis et accidentalis; et hic intrinsecus et extrinsecus: primus influxus largitur esse, secundus vero modum essendi seu essendi perfectionem. Et hic notandum quod in hoc ordine alligata sunt superiora inferioribus, ut propitiantia, protegentia, moventia; alligata inferiora superioribus, ut obsequentia, obedientia. Item distinguendum est de ascensu et descensu istius scalae. Est vero duplex: contemplativus quo res cognoscuntur, et activus quo res fiunt. Et hoc fieri est duplex: principale quo videlicet etiam sunt, et accidentale quo fiunt accommodata nobis seu applicata.

Distingue item circa progressum lucis et tenebrarum, quae sunt in scala. Lux enim et tenebrae sumuntur dupliciter: uno pacto significant substantialiter, tunc lux significat actum, formam, tenebrae significant potentiam et materiam; vel accidentaliter, et tunc lux significat potentiam activam et perfectivam specierum, tenebrae vero potentiam passivam et perfectibilem subiectorum.

V.

Iuxta tres praedictos magiae gradus tres mundi intelliguntur etc.

Hic distinguendum est de mundo secundum significationem communem, propriam et propriissimam. Primo modo mundus idem est quod universum, et hoc pacto est unus tantum, ut universitas est una absolute, secundum quam significationem dixit Parmenides et Xenophanes ens unum. Secundo modo mundus distinguitur, ut modo dictum, iuxta tria entis genera, quae ad unum genus reduci non possunt; intelligibile (enim), naturale et rationale differunt plus quam genere, hoc est non genere differunt, sed differentia sunt genera. Tertio modo mundus sumitur sicut apud Democritum, qui innumerabiles et infinitos intellexit, mundum unum accipiendo terram, alium lunam, alium singula astrorum, quorum non est definitus numerus.

Sumitur etiam mundus improprie et proportionaliter seu similitudinarie, ut homo dicitur mundus, quia partibus eius partes universi repraesentat, sicut et modo suo singula animalium et plantarum.

Hanc mundi distinctionem iuxta tria praedicta significata comprobant naturae veritas, ratio et divina revelatio: primum quia nihil est in mundo sensibili, quod ab archetypo non dependeat; secundum quia nihil est in intentione, quod non sit in rebus fundamentaliter;

Distingue fundamentaliter et realiter; fundamentaliter secundae intentiones, realiter ut primae. Secundae intentiones fundatae sunt in primis, logica est de secundis intentionibus adiunctis primis. Avicenna in L. De sufficientia.



tertium quia veritas veritati non contradicit et multoties haec distinctio in divinis libris reperitur.

VI.

In genere duplex est efficiens.

Ibi distingue de efficiente seu agente iuxta capita distinctionum. Item distingue de causa iuxta idem.

VII.

Elementum rerum omnium vere atque proprie est unum, proxime duo, proxime quatuor: una materia, duo contraria, quatuor prima et simplicia corpora quae posuit Empedocles.

Ratio. Quia principium materiale est unum tantum, utpote quod subest duobus contrariis, quatuor item primis corporibus, quae cum in invicem sunt transmutabilia, necesse est ut in communi quadam materia conveniant; quae enim invicem transmutantur, subiecto conveniant oportet. Est ergo primo unum subiectum, secundo distinctum in duo contraria veluti subiecta, ut ignem et aquam, vel solem et tellurem, tertio in quatuor, quorum duo sunt activa, duo vero passiva.

Quando ponimus duo elementa, non est dicendum calidum et frigidum accidentia, sed substantias et completas substantias. Sic solem et tellurem dicimus principia omnium particularium substantiarum seu specierum, ut facit Hesiodus, Virgilius et Parmenides.

VIII.

Stultum est omnes operationes et effectus rerum naturalium referre duntaxat ad qualitates activas et passivas; sunt enim effectus animae et spiritus, qui nullam harum qualitatum recognoscunt.

Distinctio est in § VIII. Virtutum enim, quae de subiecto in subiectum deferuntur, aliae sunt sensibiles seu per qualitates activas et passivas, quae sensibus externis perviae sunt; aliae occultiores, quae sub actu cogitationis et imaginationis comprehenduntur, ut ea quae concupiscibilem et irascibilem facultatem attingunt. Primi generis qualitates per contactum quendam per se exuscitantur, secundi vero neque per se neque semper. Utrumque genus a compositis corporibus proficiscitur et in eadem illabitur, propter communionem spiritus et animae, non tamen propter corporeas qualitates utrumque, nempe eas quae principaliter sunt ab elementis, sed a qualitatibus, quae sunt in substantia animae et spiritus (quae si corpora sunt, alius generis esse ab illis oportet), proficiscuntur; quandoquidem tales qualitates non requirunt perpetuo approximationem subiecti ad subiectum, sed etiam sola imaginatione exuscitantur in subiecto. Unde tum anima interna, tum externa, cum in meditationem aliquam assurrexerit seu cogitationem, corpus suum alterat; quod tamen nemo dicit eam facere per contactum, quandoquidem substantia eius individua est, et eius potentiae non sunt corpora, neque corporum more insunt in toto et in partibus.

IX.

Quicquid immaterialiter est alicubi, est totum, non solum substantia immaterialis, sicut anima, quae tota



in toto, et tota in qualibet parte, sed etiam et immateriales qualitates, sicut vox, et species rerum sensibilium delatae in oculos, et imagines in speculis et partibus speculorum. Itaque spiritus et spiritalia loco et subiecto non sunt alligata.

Disting. Anima est in toto tota, hoc est secundum essentiam et potentiam, non autem est in toto totaliter, hoc est secundum operationem et actum, quia non undique videt, undique audit, quia non ubique sunt organa videndi et audiendi; itaque non est totaliter, hoc est per omnia. Item distinguendum est de potentia, in potentiam primam et proximam. Potentia prima est ubi est animae essentia, potentia vero proxima est ubi sunt organa et media. Prima potentia est tota in toto et in qualibet parte, secunda vero in certis est et definitis partibus.

X.

Nulla productio, nulla generatio est sine idea et sine cognitione, nempe efficiente, qui ad propositae ideae normam aliquid producit. Idea autem, qua homo generat hominem et leo leonem, non est separata, sed coniuncta ipsi leoni et ipsi homini; efficiens vero partim separatum est, partim coniunctum; materia neque separata neque coniuncta.

Cognitione] Disting. Quae est sensibilium sensitiva, intelligibilium intellectiva.

Item de efficiente, qui coniunctus est, anima et natura propria; separatum est, sol, astrum, aër.

Materia] Quae erat unum postea fit aliud, non autem quae erat in uno postea est in alio, et ipsa quia est cui formae coniunguntur, non quae formis coniungitur, non est ipsa quae accedit et recedit, sed cui aliquid accedit et a qua aliquid recedit accidentaliter vel substantialiter, mediate vel immediate, ipsa est substantia individua ante quantitatem, ante rationem partis et totius; unde in composito iuxta hanc rationem materiae, quae prima est et subiectum formae substantialis, non est accipere hanc et illam partem, quam in ipso composito est accipere, hanc et illam manum, hanc et illam capitis partem, et hoc brachium huic humero coniunctum.

Disting. de Idea. Idea tripliciter sumitur: ante rem, in re et post rem; primo modo propriissime, secundo modo proprie, tertio modo communitur loquendo. Idea ante rem est quae est causa rei producendae et principium existens ante ipsam, sicut forma canis est principium proximum quo hic panis convertatur in semen caninum, et forma hominis est causa qua idem panis ibi convertatur in semen humanum et producat hominem; et haec forma ante rem est duplex: universalis, quae est in virtute naturae universalis producentis, qua simpliciter homo generat hominem, et generaliter animal generat animal; et particularis, quae est in virtute huius et illius singularis subiecti naturalis, qua hic homo hunc hominem generat, hic canis hunc canem. Idea in re est quae reperitur in ipsis rebus productis, et habetur pars compositi. Idea post rem est quae reperitur in sensu vel intentione vel ratione vel intellectu abstrahentibus species a rebus.

XI.

Regulariter loquendo, ideae sunt entia metaphysica, vestigia idearum sunt entia physica, umbrae idearum entia rationis; prima proportionantur sigillis imprimentibus, secunda formis impressis, tertia apprehensis oculo vel sensu.

Idea universaliter secundum rationem universalem, in qua non est locus, motus et tempus (est enim forma extra subiectum); ut autem huius formae est exemplificatum est coniunctum materiae, facit seu producit formam physicam; ut



autem est species abstracta et separata materiae secundum actum cognitionis sensitivae vel rationalis, sic perficitur tertium ideae genus quod est causatum a rebus naturalibus, quae dependet ab illis sicut secundum genus a primo.

Ex rerum experientia manifestum est omnem animam et spiritum habere continuitatem cum spiritu universi et anima, et non comprehendi a corpore, sed potius ab ipsa corpus comprehendi, sicut universaliter non materia formam, sed forma materiam complectitur.

Forma materiam terminat et continet, quia eiusdem est definire illam, quandoquidem illi dat et describit tum figuram tum magnitudinem; unde sicut alia est figura formicae quam canis, ita et alia est magnitudo.

Ratio. Anima non est alicubi tanquam in loco, sed tanquam in subiecto, et non ut pars integralis (quantitativa) sicut pars corporis est in corpore, sed ut pars essentialis (substantialis) sicut anima et corpus animati esse constituunt. Item non est alicubi (ut in ipso corpore quod vivificat) terminabiliter, sed terminative, hoc est quia terminat, non terminatur; 3. item non est circumscriptive, sed definitive; 4. item non inhaerenter, sed adsistenter.

Integrales partes sunt proprie loquendo quae faciunt maius, et proprie ea quae sunt partes quantitativae (integrare enim in proposito sumitur secundum conditiones praedicamenti quantitatis), partes vero essentiales sunt quae complent esset non magnitudinem tantum.

XII.

Anima per se et immediate non est obligata corpori, sed mediante spiritu, hoc est subtilissima quadam substantia corporea, quae quodammodo media inter substantiam animalem est et elementarem; ratio vero istius nexus est, quia ipsa non est omnino substantia immaterialis.

Disting. Materiale uno modo sumitur communiter pro omni eo quod est sensibile, ut vulgo appellant materialia quae sensibus ipsis exponuntur. Secundo communius tum pro ipsis elementis, tum pro natura in ipsis elementis, tum in his quae ex elementis sunt conflata. Proprie tertio materiale dicitur omne quod habet materiam tanquam partem sui. Quarto reductive (quia tribus praedictis modis principaliter dicitur) materiale dicitur quicquid habet commercium cum materia, nae accidentia omnia corporea, quae sunt circa corpora, materiale quiddam sunt et corporale, non quia sunt corpora et materia, sed quia circa corpus et materiam. Hoc modo etiam omnes formae substantiales physicae sunt materiales, et anima necessario est corporea et materialis forma, ut non negabunt etiam Peripatetici. Quod vero ad materiam, quae ad intrinsecam eius substantiam attinet, in praesentiarum non disputamus.

Omnia quae formam habent et materiam in se ipsis, sunt materialia; omnia physica simplicia sive composita sint, sunt materialia.

XIII.

Non solum substantia haec quae est anima, sed et pleraque accidentia, ubi sunt, tota sunt, et per se loco ulli non astringuntur, siquidem postea de ratione corporis tantum est totum circumscriptive in uno spacio seu loco, et secundum innumeras partes (in) innumeris spaciis atque locis reperiri.

Ratio. Istae enim sunt conditiones quantitatis continuae constantis, ex partibus positionem habentis, et terminorum



ipsarum, nempe linea, superficies, corpus et punctus. Omnis terminus lineae est alicubi, punctus est alicubi.

XIV.

Immateriales substantiae, ut ubi sunt, totae sunt, ita etiam in uno et eodem spacio, eo modo quo esse possunt, totae in toto et totae in qualibet parte illius; sicut etiam accidentia, quae non sunt terminus corporum inhaerenter, in eodem spatio possunt esse innumerabilia tota absque mutua penetratione, qua necessarium sit unum alteri cedere. Porro omnia totum tota, et totius omnes partes tota incolunt.

Vide rationem in * * *. -- Sicut in eodem spacio alicuius vox tota auditur, si innumerae voces audiuntur etiam innumerae.

XV.

Propterea omnis anima est in toto horizonte, et a toto horizonte influxum accipit, et in totum inprimit horizontem; unde locus est magicis operationibus, quae nihilominus physicae sunt, quibus subiectum valde distans virtute quadam spirituali in subiectum remotum affectus et passiones quasdam potens est inprimere.

Contra quod esse videtur quod omnis actio est per contactum. Ubi distinguendum est de contactu, sicut habetur in capite De tactu in libro De generatione; et distinguitur tactas in realem seu naturalem seu physicum communiter dictum, et virtualem seu potentialem, quo etiam verba quaedam, veluti convitia, quae nihil sunt nisi soni attingentes aurem, per virtutem quandam significativam et repraesentativam attingunt potentias animae, nempe cognoscitivam et appetitivam, unde consequuntur ira, despectus et alii affectus. Similiter et species pulchritudinis quaedam defertur ab oculo usque ad intimas animae potentias, unde exurgit amor, voluptas, laeticia, et per contactum quem vulgus physicum appellat non proficiscuntur, sine contactu tamen non sunt.

XVI.

Hinc non est inopinabile contra rationem, sed valde rei naturae consonum, quod Medicus vulnera longius absentis possit curare, non solum certis adhibitis partibus, quae cum illius corporis materia communionem aliquam adeptae sunt, et instrumentis, verum etiam, si profundioris erit virtutis et efficaciae, immediate per spiritum universi omnia poterit perficere.

Ratio istius ex praecedenti distinctione.

XVII.

Corpora maxime activa sunt insensibilia, quae Lucretius 'corpora caeca' appellat; et corpus quanto sensibilius est, tanto minus est activum et magis passivam. Huiusmodi est spiritus, quem eundem dicimus aërem et eundem dixerunt animam plerique philosophorum, a quo ignis, prout definitur ab Aristotele, non nisi accidente quodam differre videtur. Unde melius tria elementa nominari videntur, loco ignis adiiciendo lucem, sicut fecit Moises, Chaldaei, Mercurius Trimegista et Orpheus.



Ultra ea quae sunt in articulo XVIIIº, notandum est quod Aristoteles ignem nihil aliud dixit esse, quam aërem attritum, et ex aëris attritione genitum esse dixit, quae attritio est ex rapiditate motus caelestis, et propterea ignis ab aëre in via illius non differt plus quam vapor ab aqua, nempe hoc solo quod est magis rarefactum. Porro sicut vapor respectu aquae novam elementi speciem * * *, ita neque ille ignis respectu aëris producere debebit.

Proinde ignis causa videtur esse lux, quae repente absque motus continua successione ab immenso spacio calorem exuscitat et ignem quem dicimus ingignit, et lux videtur esse elementum et principium ignis, non e contra ab igne procedens accidens quoddam. Atque hoc est manifestum in speculis excipientibus radios solis, quos in profundum et tenebrosum adversum alveum immittentes, mediante illuminatione virtutem calidam imprimendo, corpora calefaciunt et adurunt. Ubi non est verisimilis impressio lucis per calorem, sed caloris per lucem, neque caloris cum luce, sed caloris a luce; ratio enim elementaris caloris non est ut repente se ingerat in corpore, sed cum tempore et successione. Ergo ipse lucem habet praeviam, non autem ipse est luci praevius; ut etiam per se est manifestum, quia corpora prius illuminantur quam calefiant, et prior ignis est participatio lucis quam caloris.

XVIII.

Duplex est motus naturalis: rectus et circularis. Primus est rerum naturalium non naturaliter constitutarum, secundus vero rerum naturalium naturaliter constitutarum; primus etiam est rerum naturalium melius habere cupientium, secundus bene habentium; primus fugientium et persequentium partium, secundus vero totius duntaxat et partium in suo toto.

Ratio. Quia omnia naturalia in suo loco aut quiescunt aut circulariter moventur, et integrum corpus, ut tellus, luna, motu recto non movetur, sed partes istorum corporum tantum, quando fuerint extra propriam sedem, vel quoties ad locum conservationis meliorem appellunt. Quod partes circulariter moveantur in ipso toto, manifestum est in fluminibus et successione seu transmutatione locorum, quando montes migrant in planities et valles, et istae in montes, item mare in continens et continens in mare.

Omnes casus partium sunt arcuales, et aqua arcualiter ascendit et descendit a visceribus et ad viscera.

XIX.

Circulus quoque ille, quo ab uno puncto ad eundem punctum fit conversio, a cuius videlicet centro ad peripheriam omnes radii sunt aequales, non est naturalis neque in naturali ullo subiecto reperitur, sive magnitudinem seu molem corporum spectes, sive motum et mutationem; nullus enim unquam sensus seu experientia circulum eiusce generis comprobavit neque potest comprobare. Circulum ergo rerum seriem cum certa vicissitudine, qua ad similia fiat reditio, non autem ad eadem, intelligatur.

Distinguendum est de circuitu, qui est duplex: physicus et geometricus, seu naturalis et rationalis atque artificialis. Primus est in rebus naturalibus, secundus est tantum opus contemplationis; sol enim neque motu diurno neque annuo, sicut etiam nullum astrorum quae moveri videntur, ad eundem punctum remeavit unquam neque remeabit.

XX.



Praeter has duas vulgatas a Peripateticis motus species, est tertia quae neque centri est neque circa centrum, sed a centro, nempe qua ab omnibus corporibus naturalibus effluit, et ad centrum, nempe qua in corpora omnia naturalia influit aliquid. Et hic effluxus non solum est corporum, sed etiam certorum accidentium, quae in corporibus, a corporibus et ad corpora; quem motum neque rectum neque circularem secundum dictas species appellamus, quia non est secundum lineam rectam unam sed circum undique continuus, sed sphaeralem appellamus; sicut sensibiliter sonus et lux a medio corpore circum undique diffunditur, similiter et odores, colores et alia accidentia, quae non sine corporis partibus tanquam proprio subiecto progrediuntur, ut est manifestum in magnete secundum genus.

XXI.

Et in istis manifestum non modo corporalem virtutem a corporibus diffundi, sed etiam talem quam ad materiam ullam sensibilem vel materiae sensibilis accidens vix quispiam referre posset, quandoquidem potius in genere accidentium animae comprehensa convincimus.

Ad quod demonstrandum et defendendum nihil opus esse videtur, praeterquam exemplo ipso, quod eam virtutis diffusionem protestatur, cuius subiectum non videtur esse corpus, sed vel anima vel compositum animatum propter animam, ut laeticia, timor, amor et similia accidentia quaedam sunt.

XXII.

Ratio, qua magnes secundum genus attrahit, est consensus quidam formalis et effluxus quidam partium materialis, qui est ab omnibus corporibus ad omnia.

Ratio huius consistit in exemplis quae sunt in articulo 22º.

XXIII.

De attractione vero magnetis a polo variae sunt sententiae. Nos tamen, omnibus hisce praetermissis, eam eius rei rationem probamus, quae non est ab attractione similis speciei, nempe quod illic sint montes magnetis (hac enim causa effectus iste non sequitur), sed universam rationem ac firmam ex contrarii fuga esse asserimus et antipathiam quandam quam habet ad loca opposita.

Rationes sunt in 23º articulo.

XXIV.

In omni actione seu magica seu physica seu cuiuscunque generis illa sit, tria requiruntur: potentia activa, passiva et debita applicatio alterius ad alteram. Et ex defectu omnium istorum accidit impedimentum secundum totum vel secundum partem, simpliciter vel secundum quid, in omnibus productionibus.



Distinguendum est hic de potentia et de actione, quae alia est immanens, alia transiens etc. Item est distinguendum de defectu omnium considerando vel simpliciter vel secundum quid; simpliciter enim uni ex parte illorum trium impedimento in his, quae tria illa requirunt, sequitur impedimentum omnium; secundum quid vero, hoc est ex parte proprii principii, impedimentum potest esse non ex parte unius vel duorum.

XXV.

Omnis actio et omnis mutatio est de contrario in contrarium; similis enim in simile non est mutatio, neque eiusdem in idem.

Animadvertendum quod transmutatio est eorum quae communicant in materia, seu quorum commune est subiectum; unde vulgata illa propositio 'contraria apta nata sunt fieri circa idem'. Hoc enim est contrariorum munus, ut mutuo se expellant ab eodem loco seu subiecto, et invicem in eodem subiecto seu loco succedant; hinc calidum et frigidum sunt circa idem compositum, sicut dulce et amarum circa gustum, lux et tenebrae circa visum etc. Huc spectat illa doctrina quae est in I Physicorum, quae est de generatione ex contrariis.

XXVI.

Non obstat quasdam affectiones, seu passiones mavis dicere, esse similium a similibus, seu similium cum similibus et dissimilium cum dissimilibus, immo etiam contrariorum cum contrariis, ut admixtiones, compositiones et apprehensiones.

De his enim aliud est iudicium quam de actionibus et passionibus. Et aqua aquae admiscetur melius quam cum vino, et vinum aquae melius quam oleum vel adiposum quiddam, quia magis est simile; et in luti compositione concurrunt aqua et pulvis, in oxymelle mel et acetum. Apprehensio quoque sensitiva et intellectiva est per similitudines specierum abstractarum ab obiectis cum his quae sunt in eorum superficie. Notanda etiam est distinctio similitudinis. Est enim similitudo quaedam aequiparantiae, quaedam analogiae, quaedam proportionis, quaedam proprie: prima qua homo est similis homini, secunda qua homo Deo similis est, tertia ut qua ita se habet sensus ad sensibile sicut intellectus ad intelligibile, quarta ut species Socratis in imaginatione similis est speciei quae est in ipso subiecto naturali physico.

XXVII.

Ad debitam agentis et patientis applicationem, item miscibilium, componibilium et apprehensibilium ad ea quibus admiscentur, cum quibus componuntur et a quibus apprehenduntur, maxime requirit respectum partium ad partes, nempe ut sit consideratio in operante, quibus loci differentiis corpora sint permeabilia seu penetrabilia.

Ratio huius est in exemplis quae sunt in 27º articulo.

XXVIII.

Ultra partium qualitatem atque situm illud operator debet insuper intelligere, quod facit ad captum eorum affectuum seu accidentium quibus res debent immutari, ut sint apta nata recipi a talibus subiectis; hoc



enim potissimum est omnis operationis ex praescripto propositi finis, ut videatur quae a quibus patiantur, et secundum quas transmutationis species afficiantur.

Ratio istorum ab exemplis 28º.

XXIX.

Ad hoc refertur ratio miraculorum, quae accidunt ab igne fulminum; differentiae vero illorum activorum accidentium, quibus certae dispositiones in activis respondeant, nullo iudicio et arte possunt definiri.

Hoc satis probatur, quia adversario nullus potest occurrere locus seu ratio, qua possit earum rerum causam aperire; talis enim etiam oportet esse is qui huiusmodi effectus valeat ea ratione producere. Probatur insuper authoritate tum Aristotelis tum communiter philosophantium, qui dicunt ultimas rerum differentias esse occultas et innominabiles, quarum videlicet neque nomen neque definitionem referre possimus. Defenditur item enumerando effectus, qui sunt in articulo 29º, quorum nulla ratio adduci potest.

XXX.

Manifestum fit quod dicitur etiam in nutrimentis, venenis et antidotis, quae aliis alia conveniunt, et quaedam quibusdam sunt venena, quae aliis sunt nutrimentum; quorum rationem nemo aliam potest adducere praeterquam temperamenti et complexionis contrarietatem vel diversitatem, in quonam vero illa contrarietas consistat atque diversitas, non facile poterit pronunciari.

Illud si praestabit argumentator, nos libenter docebimur ab ipso.

XXXI.

Hac vero differentiae procul dubio non proveniunt ab intrinsecis specificisque rerum differentiis, sed ab accidentibus quibusdam transcendentibus.

Privilegium enim naturae, quo quaedam plantae ab ignibus caelestibus sunt immunes, etiam in individuis quarundam specierum animalium, ut in certis hominibus et bestiis, comperiuntur. Proinde serpentum morsus, qui mire festinanter homines generaliter interimunt, quidam populi integri * * * ut de Psyllis recitat Lucanus, quorum infantes cum aspidibus ludebant, a quibus plurimi Romanorum exercitus repente perempti fuerunt, quod sane est a complexione illius gentis; et inter nostros etiam Europae comperiuntur familiae, quae absque alia arte vel industria eodem sunt donatae privilegio, et alios propria saliva curare possunt. Adde quod et hic habitus potest innovari seu noviter ingenitari, quandoquidem et Romani assuescebant uti veneno et maxime cicuta, quo minus illius propinatione laederentur. Et referunt Averrhoëm ita nutrivisse puellam et adolevisse, ut vel osculo potuisset hominem ad interitum adigere, quam cum ad Avicennam inimicum donum misisset, ipse ea vel eminus visa negotium; percepit, quam cum iussisset ad ignem accedere, repente crepuit. Et in proëmio libri Physicorum dicit Averrhoës consuetudinem esse maximam causam, ut quae sunt venena non tantum vertantur in antidota, sed etiam in nutrimentum.

XXXII.



Non mediocriter errant qui rationem maioris et minoris penetrabilitatis referunt ad angustiam meatuum ac pororum, quandoquidem a potentissimis et his, quae penetrativissima videntur, interdum actiones proveniunt et actus penetrationum in ea quae sunt duriora et spissiora facilius quam rariora.

Ipsum patet per ea quae dicuntur in 32º articulo, nempe exemplo ignis et hircini sanguinis ad adamantem, item quia oleum aquam non ita penetrat sicut lignum etiam densissimum; unde patet laxiores poros in aqua et strictiores in ligno non esse causam qua minus penetrentur. De oleo quodque est manifestum, quemadmodum habeat partes magis invicem obligatas, quasi amato nexu invicem complicatas, quae tamen non minus penetrant lignum quam aquam. Proinde nullus est qui opinari possit propter maiorem penetrativitatem, quae est a subtilioribus partibus, sanguinem hircinum eo penetrare quo non penetrat ignis.

XXXIII.

Multiplex est vinculorum genus, quo spiritus atque corpora physice alligantur, quorum primum genus non ex natura rei, sed ex positione constituimus, ex voce et cantu. Cantum vero non solum harmonicum anteferimus seu mathematicum, sed etiam occultum quendam, qui nihil ad tibiam vel ad lyram, qui non ex consensu quodam animae operatur, sed interdum ex occulta quadam violentia.

Patet ex his quae habentur in 33º articulo.

XXXIV.

Vox et cantus non solum audita vincire comperiuntur, sed etiam longe a vinciendis et a remotis non absque aliqua ratione, ab aliis tamen audita vel a concitato incantantis spiritu virtutem accipiunt.

Ex 34º articulo.

XXXV.

Numerus unius vocis alterius vocis numerum subprimit, confundit vel etiam tollit.

Per ea quae in 35º articulo.

XXXVI.

Item unius vocis numeri ex uno subiecto migrant ad excitandos actualiter numeros in alio subiecto comproportionaliter se habente vel in eadem temperie constituto, si sufficiens unius ad alterum fiat approximatio.

Patet ex 36º articulo.



XXVII.

Non solum ut similis speciei vocem educant seu exuscitent, verum etiam in dissimilem speciem.

Patet exemplo canum quorundam, qui ex tubis, et equorum, qui interdum ad tubarum bellicarum sonitum saltant, quod in certis accidit pro certa complexione. Et hoc nemo negare potest esse genus quoddam vinculi ex voce.

XXXVIII.

Certa etiam vox et harmonia comperitur etiam venenorum potentiam tollere, quod certis experimentis et sufficienti ratione comprobatur.

Experimentum ex phalangio. Ratio sumitur ex attactu sensus et spiritus, qui ita per illud venenum est in intemperiem adactus, ut ad eandem per talem harmoniam possit ad contemperamentum revocari. Ex cura vero spiritus sequitur corporis cura non solum in hoc, verum etiam in aliis evidentissimis; multi enim morbi contrahuntur ex opinione seu phantasia, et per contrariam opinionem et phantasiam, seu illius opinionis abactionem, curantur.

XXXIX.

Furor etiam <et> mania, quae sunt in fanaticis et energumenis, et ratione et experimento comprobatur cantu et harmonia curari.

Experimentum est in Saule, quem cum arriperet spiritus malus, Davide citharam pulsante convalescebat.

Ratio est quia musica exhilarat et is vel is inducit impressionem seu spiritum exuscitat, qui sunt contrarii spiritibus,

qui ex melancholia seu atra bile proficiscuntur vel in eodem humore consistunt et incubant, qui referuntur ad .

Notandum non quamlibet harmoniam cuilibet esse aptam, sed certos cuique numeros esse definitos; potest enim esse quaedam quae omnes vinciat, quaedam quae plures, quaedam quae pauciores, neque semper sub specie ..... sed sub aliqua alia ....... incantato primo, manifesta vero alicui quod est in ipso; unde quidam per verba auribus insusurrata et non intellecta ab incantato spiritus eiiciunt et immittunt.

XL.

Non solum genera incantationis physicae et mathematicae, sed etiam logicae, potentiam habent ad vinciendum corpus, non solum spiritum.

Patet in incantatione, quae est per artem rhetoricam, quae vincit animos per se primo et immediate, vincit etiam corpora mediate et consequenter, sicut ex ira, indignatione, timore et aliis huiusmodi affectibus, qui sicut proprii viventibus propter animam ad perniciem usque corporis invalescunt. Vincula vero corporis intelligimus omne genus, quo ipsum certa affectuum passione ita obligatur, ut aliqua eius actio laedatur seu impediatur, hoc autem est devinctum esse; unde aegritudinem inducere est ligare, curationem vero, solvere; unde et in vulgus modus loquendi inolevit, ut dicantur curati



soluti, liberati ab infirmitate, quod significat esse extra vincula quibus detinebantur.

XLI.

Visum etiam vincire seu per visum spiritum obligari, inculcari, alterari et consequenter corporis et compositi totius immutationes notabiles ingenerari non dubitamus, neque sapiens quispiam dubitare debet.

Probatur per exempla articulo 41º allata, et satis compertum est ut quaedam species visibiles horrorem, abominationem, odium, amorem, laetitiam, maestitiam et indignationem cum universi videntis alteratione commoveant. Alteratio igitur in corpus secundum qualitates activas et passivas a qualitatibus huiuscemodi seu speciebus, quae neque in ordine activorum neque passivorum habentur a vulgo, exuscitatur; timor autem infrigidat, ira calefacit, tristitia exiccat. Neque obest dicere eiuscemodi alterationes esse per quandam non principalem, sed mediatam quandam actionem et per aliud quiddam [actionem] proficiscentem; quomodocunque enim fiat, ad genus activarum qualitatum non minus principale referendum est hoc quam illud. Ignis etiam et aqua etiam interdum per accidens et mediate frigefaciunt et calefaciunt, tamen sufficit ad praesens notare illud, quod huiusmodi qualitates habent vim ligandi, alterandi, infirmandi, immutandi usque ad corruptionem subiecti, quandoquidem ex specie visa plurimi repente mortui sunt.

XLII.

Non magis ea laedunt, quae magis sentiuntur vel sensum afficiunt; multa enim per sensus vel etiam iocunde et incaute ingeruntur in spiritum letalia et obligant spiritum seu universum animal, quoram alia secundum sensum affectio non praecedit; siquidem veluti per gustum multa sunt amara, acria, aspera, quae non laedunt, ea tamen vel sunt medicinae interdum et nutrimenta, pleraque etiam nullo sensu, ut aër pestifer et quaedam quae per os ingeruntur sunt venena sine sensu, usque ad hoc ut etiam sint dulcia et iocunda quae sunt venena, ita et multo magis per oculum.

Manifestum est ex articulo 42º.

XLIII.

Quae potentiam cognoscitivam afficiunt, omnia oportet per ostium phantasiae animo se insinuare; nihil enim est in ratione quod aliquo pacto non fuerit in sensu, et nihil a sensu pertransit in rationem quod per phantasiam non deferatur; unde illa sententia 'nihil est in intellectu quod prius non fuerit in sensu'.

Intelligitur originaliter, occasionaliter, fundamentaliter; omnino enim secundum rem seu realiter et specifice aliae sunt species in sensu, aliae in intellectu; sensibiles enim species, ut colores, sapores etc. et soni, neque per se neque per accidens sunt in intellectu seu ratione, et ideo per istas principaliter non vincitur ratio seu opinio. Unde bene dixit Epicurus et Heraclitus sensum non fallere neque falli; omnis enim falsitas est sub acta affirmationis et negationis, sensus vero non affirmat neque negat, sed solum species praesentatas excipit. Videre aurichalcum oculi est realiter, hoc est secundum speciem externam, item phantasiae secundum speciem internam (ut phantasia significat potentiam apprehensivam et retentivam specierum; alioqui enim proprie non ipsius est definire, sed imaginationis); iudicare vero aurichalcum esse aurum vel esse aurichalcum ipsum secundum actum affirmationis, hoc est opus intimioris potentiae. Satis autem naturaliter sensus est verus et phantasia est vera, si vere sentiat, si vere apprehendat et teneat speciem obiectam.



XLIV.

Neque sensus externus, neque sensus communis internus, neque phantasia fallitur aut fallit.

Sed ex horum perturbatione falli sequitur et fallere; per se enim immediate et proprie cogitativa fallitur, et secundum ipsam opinio vera dicitur et falsa.

XLV.

Nullus sensus particularis cognoscit se sentire, neque differentiam inter se et alium, neque alio pacto actum reflexum habet circa propriam actionem.

Visus enim ipsius est videre, non autem ipsius est cognoscere se vere videre vel false, sed hoc ad internam potentiam spectat, nempe sensum communem. A cogitatione igitur seu cogitativa potentia incipit actus reflexus cognoscitivae potentiae, et eius est vinciri primo et proprie in erroribus opinionis. Vincula et nodi sunt ex parte specierum sensibilium et perturbatorum actuum, sensuum vel externorum vel etiam internorum; vinciri tamen phantasiam et sensum suo modo dictum est, ita ut facile pateat quae sit differentia inter illius generis vincula et istius.

Sub nomine phantasiae accipimus generaliter omnem potentiam sensitivam internam quae est ante cogitativam, nempe ut includit etiam sensum communem.

XLVI.

Analogia quaedam est a corpore ad spiritum, a spiritu ad sensum, a sensu externo ad internum, a sensu generaliter ad rationem, a ratione ad intellectum, ab intellectu ad mentem; unde ex obligatione et impedimento praeviarum facultatum sequuntur impedimenta et ligamenta consequentium.

Ratio quia ubi corpus fuerit crassum, hebetatum, tardum, spiritus etiam erit suppressus et hebes, sensus non poterit esse exquisitus, cum nae bene Aristoteles 'deficiente aliquo sensu necesse est aliquam scientiam deficere. Hinc ratio, quae speciebus sensibilibus informatur, propter nuntiorum ipsorum imbecillitatem, inconstantiam et lubricitatem consequenter fluctuat, et loco experientiae perturbatus quidam habitus secundum notabilem a pluribus conditionem consequitur (unde quidam stulti et amentes habentur), vel non usque adeo notabilem nisi a paucis; et ita interdum tales etiam sapientes existimantur.

XLVII.

Duplex a theologis genus stultitiae non irrationabiliter (ut quod etiam philosophi debent agnoscere) adducitur, si stultum definiamus eum qui non sapit ut communiter seu ut vulgus. Hoc autem contingit dupliciter: uno pacto infra vulgi opinionem et deterius sentiendo, nempe sensu et cogitatione magis tenebris immersa; et supra vulgi sensum, utpote opinione altius emergente et ingenio animique obtutu.

Ex primo genere sunt stulti simpliciter et respective, ex secundo respective tantum. Primum ex turbatione, mixtione et



confusione; secundum ex digestione et distinctione et ordine principiorum cognitionis. Primum genus solet esse ex praedominio alicuius spiritus furiosi, irrationalis, praecipitis, inhaerentis materiae, unde spiritus proprius universi ipsius particulari seu microcosmo torpescit, seu ut ita dicam stupescit, peregrino quodam et adventitio grassante ubi magis ubi minus. Sicut ergo ex nimio vini potu accidit furor et multiplex inordinata incitatio, sicut ex contemperamento atque potu animus etiam subtiliatur atque reficitur, et ex inedia in maerorem, tristitiam, indignationem, iram, rerum negligentiam et similes alios Saturnios quos vocant affectus animal compellitur, ita et ex definitis quibusdam nutrimentis et medicaminibus varii affectus ex affectuum variis principiis, qui sunt varii spiritus, quorum tam multa sunt genera quam multae possunt esse complexionum species, tam multi modi quam multi in singulis speciebus possunt esse gradus. Unde illa principia alia sunt rationalia, alia irrationalia secundum actum, alia secundum naturam quae refertur ad unum, alia secundum naturam quae refertur ad alium planetarum, et ad haec definienda multum facit complexio subiecta, unde idem vinum alios omnino in stuporem adigit et mente captos efficit, alios subtilioris vegetiorisque ingenii et Ioviae cuiusdam affectionis, alios tristes, alios salaces, alios strenuos et mavortios, alios pios, sanctos, in caelum suspirantes et seculi huius statum deplorantes, quod totum fit externo quodam accedente spiritu. Itaque videmus materialibus quibusdam forinsecus affectum et ingenium immutari a spiritu inexistente, qui materiae videlicet iniectae adhaeret, cum qua digesta digeritur, egesta egeritur, cum qua haerente haeret, vinciente vincit et obligat. Iusta hoc genus vinculorum, quod videlicet est ex parte spirituum inhaerentium et inexistentium, sequitur mania, stultitia et alii affectus, quos temere omnes ad atram bilem referunt plurimi loquentes plus quam ratiocinantes medici. Omnes huiusmodi infra vulgi opinionem sapiunt et vere sunt stulti.

Est aliud genus eorum quorum spiritus seu animus, licet tangatur corporeis quibusdam affectionibus, non tamen penetratur, vincitur, sed per vegetam mentis virtutem altius sapit, ut non solum sit immunis a turbationibus stultorum, sed etiam a vulgi trepidatione, non credens quae illud credit, non timens quae illud formidat, contemnens ea in quae illud inhiat. Vulgus ergo in medio consistens et suo modo sapientiae limites et ordines constituens, omnes aeque extra suas metas et lineas constitutos extra sensum et intellectum et mentem et aeque stultum appellat. Talis habitus est Zoroaster, Socrates, Democritus et alii permulti, qui tandem Deorum ipsorum et naturae vocum testimonio sapientes sunt comprobati. Horum habitus et conditio a conditione cogitativae consequitur, quae non a turbulento spiritu insistente, sed a divino aliquo irradiante, illuminante et assistente regebatur.

XLVIII.

Hoc secundo modo dispositi etiamsi habeant ordine naturae cogitationis opus consequens post opus phantasiae, siquidem species cogitabiles a speciebus phantasiatis sunt abstractae (sicut timoris species et amoris ex speciebus phantasticis, inordinatis, monstruosis et alienis a sympathia cum hac potentia; sicut species serpentis et leonis non bene afficit, sive sensu externo concepta sive phantasiae opere fabricata, praesentem sensum, quae cogitativa appellatur in homine et aestimativa in brutis), tamen plus agunt in species phantasiabiles, quam a speciebus phantasiabilibus patiantur. Anima enim vegetior et minus in corpore consopita habet potentem iudicii et operationis reflexionem super illas, distinguens vera ab apparentibus et sensum ancipitem a definito et certo, ut ipso etiam sensu iudice et teste concludat contra multitudinis opinionem non omnia moveri quae videntur, neque bona, neque iusta, neque vera. [XLVIII.] Item non solum distinguit quae ex ordinata phantasia ab his quae ab inordinata proficiscuntur, sed etiam illam ordinat, corrigit, disponit, et eius species ad libitum componit.

Patet ex 48º articulo. Unde denominantur poetae, et sunt item pictores, apologi etc.

XLIX.



Quod attinet ad energumenos seu daemoniacos, qui supra proprium ingenium variis loquuntur linguis et habitum variarum scientiarum demonstrant, errant medici crassa quadam pertinacia negantes esse daemones et peregrinos intellectus; errant etiam sacristae quidam negantes ex humorum qualitatibus hoc provenire; totum vero ad daemonis opus referentes. Ratio vero omnis undique comprobat hunc effectum ex novo quodam animali ingenito et concepto proveniri, cuius quidem corpus sit ex materia medicorum et anima ex spiritu sacristarum, quamvis alia conditio sit illius animalis et istius, cuius proprium sit corpus.

Patet ex his quae dicuntur 49º, quibus adde nos non appellare animal ingenitum et speciem ingenitam animalis [nisi] secundum veram speciem et consuetam significationem animalis, (sed) secundum quandam proportionalem seu analogicam, sicut etiam animalia appellantur astra et sphaerae et mundus ipse aliquando per animam adsistentem, aliquando per animam moventem tantum, non autem per animam inexistentem et actuantem et animantem, sicut in plantis et his quae vulgo animalia appellantur.

L.

A cogitativa, nempe sensu consequente phantasiam, est principium omnium affectuum, cognitionis et voluntatis, speculative vel moraliter, virtuosorum vel reproborum.

Sicut enim ex regula praecedentium sensuum sequitur regulatio cogitativae, ita et ex regula cogitativae sequitur dispositio intellectus et voluntatis.

LI.

Duplex est fides, sicut et duplex est cognitio et affectus, sensitiva videlicet et rationalis: prima est fundata in praeviis facultatibus ante cogitativam, et quiescit in illa; secunda in subsequentibus potentiis et virtutibus, et exordium sumit ab ipsa; et istae duae fides mutuo regulantur et regulant.

Ratio est, quia sensitiva est ex parte materiae potius melior ac deterior, rationalis vero ex parte formae potius atque magis; et perfectionis sensuum principium per se est corpus seu organum bene dispositum, perfectionis vero rationis principium est spiritus bene harmonicus et contemperatus, et anima bene libera et repurgata. Sicut ergo affectiones, quae sunt in corpore, consequuntur eas, quae sunt in anima (haec enim hilaris et libera et sibi consonans corpus bene dispositum conservat, ut dixit Zoroaster 'si anima consueveris divinis incumbere obiectis, et corpus ipsum a corruptione liberabis'), ita etiam e contra corpore bene firmo, contemperato sequitur sensus regulatior, animus pacacior, tranquillior et vegetior.

LII.

Eorum quae alterant cogitativam seu movent, alia sunt principia pure physica, alia vero sunt positiva; et secunda non sunt minoris efficaciae, quam prima.

Species enim innovantur in anima seu noviter accedunt, quaedam ab extrinsecus obiectis regulariter, quaedam ex perturbatione phantasiae sine arte; et harum praecipua ............. semina cogitationum seu affectuum formaliter, materialiter vero certa nutrimentorum genera. Unde facile est concludere rationem universalem seu artem certorum insomniorum



concitandorum et quodammodo artificialiter ad libitum disponendae cogitativae, et tandem animae medicandae vel maleficiandae (animam inquam ipsum totum propter animam seu propter animae facultates). Practicant hanc rationem contemplatores et apocalyptici quidam et artis notoriae et propheticae professores et theurgi, qui certa victus ratione et certis meditationibus praeviis animum ad certum pietatis genus disponunt, promovent et habituant, ut tandem stultissimi putant se quorundam tragicorum numinum perfrui colloquio, et mira quaedam vident et referunt, talia tamen qualia ad stultitiam et pessimum maniae genus sint referenda. Et novimus iugi experientia definitis cibis et cogitationibus et affectibus definita insomniorum genera conciliari, haec quidem ad Venerem, haec ad tragicos et lugubres, haec ad pulchrorum spectaculorum intuitum, nempe camporum, hortorum, viridariorum, haec ad maria, flumina, haec ad ignes, stellas, soles, haec ad ventos, tempestates, haec ad iurgia, rixas, iras, haec ad pavores, carceres, captivitates, horrores et phantasmata terribilia, quibus multum confert quod quidam addere consueverunt, certis succis inungendo venas iugulares. Item quidam lapides per effluxum atomorum, ut onyx, sub cervicali appensi dorso designata somniorum genera conciliant; sicut de onyce scribit Albertus, et ego sum expertus et alios experiri feci, non eo quem mentiuntur gemmarii, sed illo qui est omnino lapis niger cum venis albis, cuius maxima copia ad litora maris Tyrrheni et Ligustici. Ex quibus est manifestum quomodo ratio victus et materialia huiusmodi principia, vel per se vel mediante cogitatione praevia, certas dispositiones et habitus in animum intrudere valeant. Assuescit ergo animus aegrotare, bene valere, hoc est sapere vel desipere, iuxta cogitationum species quibus educatur, ad quod conferunt materialiter nutrimenta, balnea, unctiones, efficienter ea quae per sensus externos capiuntur. Si quis audire consuescat voces pecorum, rusticorum proposita, ignobilium, ignorantum et semiferorum, item videre tales vultus, tales species miserabiles, tragicos, deploratos, infortunatos, item iracundos, superbos, furiosos, ita anima omnino inficitur. Ita providendum maxime atque cavendum est ubi et cum quibus quispiam educetur, erudiatur, sub qua paedagogia, qua religione, quo cultu, quibus libris seu authoribus assuescat; quae omnia non per accidens, sed vere per se, si mala pessime aut deterius, si bona optime aut melius ingenium ingenerabunt, et cum hoc genium atque fortunam.

LIII.

Generalis cogitativae effectus et actus, in quo omnes mores et omne cognitionis genus est fundatum, est fides, quae requiritur active in operante, et passive in operato seu subiecto operationis; sed praesertim passiva ista requiritur in omni subiecto, sine qua neque naturalis neque rationalis neque divinus operator aliquid producit aut per ordinarium producere potest.

Ratio est in 53º. Ideo fides est vinculum magnum et vinculum vinculorum, quam sequuntur, veluti filiae, spes, amor, religio, pietas, timor, patientia, gaudium, .... indignatio, odium, ira, contemptus, et tandem omnis iustitia et iniustitia, omnis scientia et ignorantia pravae dispositionis.

LIV.

Vincula non attingunt rationem, intellectum et mentem, nisi quae iocunda sunt, bona et vera, nempe perfectiva.

Omnis enim falsitas, ignorantia, improbitas et iniustitia sunt extra rationem, intellectum et mentem, non in ratione, intellectu et mente.

LV.

Omnis ergo alteratio et immutatio compositi secundum animam principaliter vel secundum corpus,



nempe prout dispositiones vel a corpore fluant in animam vel ab anima in corpus, si fuerint depravatae, habent causam ante cogitativam et consistentiam in cogitativa, quae contaminat corpus seu immutat alterando principia materialia, vicissimque principiis materialibus alteratis contaminatur et immutatur a corpore, sicut et, quemadmodum dictum est, corpore bene habente et sensibus canonice ordinatis et dispositis et obiectis non praevaricantibus ipsa non aegrotabit.

LVI.

Omnes affectus et vincula voluntatis reducuntur ad duo et referunt ipsa, nempe ad irascibilem et concupiscibilem, seu odium et amorem; odium tandem ad amorem reducitur; itaque vinculum unum voluntatis est amor.

Probatur, quia omnes alios affectus, quos quispiam possit adducere et effingere, nihil aliud sunt formaliter, fundamentaliter et originaliter praeterquam amor; invidia enim amor quidam sui est, quo meliorem vel parem non patitur; similiter aemulatio. Indignatio est amor virtutis, quo aegre fert quispiam indignos bene habere, dignos vero minime; verecundia, timor nihil aliud sunt praeterquam amor honestatis et eius propter quod timetur. Similiter de aliis omnibus affectibus. Odium tandem unius nihil aliud est praeterquam amor contrarii vel oppositi. Ira igitur etiam tandem amor quidam est. Satis ergo fecerit qui eam nactus fuerit philosophiam seu magiam, quae vinculum summum, praecipuum et generalissimum amoris sciat contrectare, unde fortasse amor a Platonicis daemon magnus est appellatus.

FINIS.

Twilit Grotto -- Esoteric Archives Contents Prev Theses de magia Next timeline

Author: Bruno, Giordano, 1548-1600.Title: Theses de Magia / by Giordano Bruno.Edition: F. Tocco et al., eds., Jordani Bruni Nolani opera latine conscriptapta publicis sumptibus edita...Published: Neapoli : D. Morano, 1879-91.Description: 3 v : ill. ; 23 cm.

1. Christianity -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.2. Hermetism -- Early works to 1800.3. Magic -- Early works to 1850.I. Title.






193B83 IFV. 3.


Giordano Bruno: De Magia Mathematica

Twilit Grotto -- Esoteric Archives Contents Prev Magia Mathematica Next timeline

De Magia Mathematica, by Giordano Bruno


I fogli 70-86v del codice de Mosca (= M) contengono un altro trattato magico anepigrafo, che per la massima parte resulta di excerpta dal Tritemio, da Agrippa e dal Pseudo-Alberto Magno. Noi ben volentieri avremmo del tutto trascurata questa parte cosi compilata, limitandoci a riprodurre solo i primi paragrafi e quanto altro avesse carattere personale del Bruno (e che sia proprio lui il compilatore, lo dimostra anche la citazione del 'De umbris idearum' a p. 502, 23 sq. e il riscontro di p. 495, 17 sqq. con 'De Magia' p. 453, 14 sqq.); ma abbiamo dovuto dare ampia notizia anche del resto, per mettere il lettore in grado di giudicare delle relazioni che ha l' intero trattato con quel capitolo del 'De Mafia' che vi si riferisce (cf. sopra a p. 435, 23. 438, 6 sq.; e Lutoslawski l. c. p. 537 e 550). Ne diamo perciò una specie di collazione con le opere dalle quali il Bruno attinge; ma siccome egli non riproduce letteralmente, ed estrae solo quanto gli sembra di fondamentale importanza (v. 506, 17 sqq.), la nostra collazione vale solo a dare una idea generale del modo come la materia è trattata e distribuita. In genere possiamo dire che sono tralasciate le considerazioni più o meno ampie, che occorrono nelle fonti, e ne sono estratti semplicemente nomi, qualità e attribuzioni degli spiriti e sim. -- Della Steganographia del Tritemio adoperiamo l' editione del 1606 (Francofurti, Ex offina typographica Mathiae Beckeri, Sumptibus Ioannis Berneri); della Occulta Philosophia di Agrippa quella del 1567 (Parisiis ex offina Iacobi Dupuys), dove sono anche gli Elementa magica di Pietro di Abano; dello Pseudo-Alberto Magno finalmente non abiamo potuto vedere se non il volume Albertus Magnus De Secretis Mulierum Item de Virtutibus Herbarum Lapidam et Animalium. Amstelodami. Apud Ioannem Ianssonium. Ao 1662, volume che contiene anche il De Secretis Naturae M. Scoti e due altri trattatelli, l'uno anepigrafo ed anonimo sulle ore (p. 165-170), ed un altro intitolato Eiusdem Alberti Magni De Mirabilibus mundi (p. 170-218), che sono entrambi adoperati dal Bruno e noi citiamo con la semplice indicazione della pagina.

(DE MAGIA MATHEMATICA)


I. Influit Deus in angelos, angeli in corpora caelestia, caelestia in elementa, elementa in mixta, mixta in sensus, sensus in animum, animus in animal. Ascendit animal per animum ad sensus, per sensus in mixta, per mixta in elementa, per elementa in caelos, per hos in daemones seu angelos, per istos in Deum seu in divinas operationes.

II. Sic Dei vel a Deo est descensus per mundum ad animal, animalis vero est ascensus per mundum ad Deum; Deus est in cacumine scalae, cabalisticus Iacob in radice et fundamento illius; gradus mediarum creaturarum iuxta suos numeros altitudinem scalae constituunt, per quos virtutes operatrices superiores

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descendunt ad inferiora et infernae conscendunt ad superna; quia ascensus et descensus per exitum et ingressum duarum portarum Cancri et Capricorni (quarum altera Deorum dicitur, altera hominum) designati sunt ab antiquis profundae philosophiae authoribus.

III. Sapientia triceps, a qua triplici capite triplicem latratum emittens Cerberus, ad Hecates tricipitis custodiam designatus, repellit obscuros et ignorantiae caecitatis affectos, et tantummodo admittit in Elysios campos, qui per metaphysicam a cacumine scalae descendentes per mathematicorum gradus ad physicum fundamentum * * * .

IV. Physicum fundamentum sunt duo activa elementa, terra et ignis, quae altrinsecus posita gradus scalae naturae ad naturalium constitutionem formant et complexione sua stabiliunt; quorum quidem virtutes, potentiae, operationes et actus per elementa physica suo sunt nobis explicata loco.

V. In praesentiarum ergo proponuntur in hac disciplina pro primae partis complemento, quae supranaturali innititur potentiae, contemplatio, fides, cultus, ritus et puritas ad pura; pro secundae partis complemento tempus et tempora, ordo, assequutio concordiae ad concordiam, litis ad litem, impedimentorum evasio, tempestiva exequutio; pro tertiae partis complemento applicatio activorum passivis, affabre apparatorum affabre apparatis: quorum omnium rationem in subsequentibus per trium tractatuum discursus elucidabimus. Quorum primus est de cultu vel ad cultum; secundus est de observantia et temporum dispensatione, item figurarum, numerorum, sigillorum, characterum et annulorum ratione; tertius de rerum qualitate, ratione, applicatione; proprietate et ordine.

VI. Triplici ergo existente huius facultatis nervo, qui cum sit completus et perfectus, potentissimus est ad omnia ligamenta et ad omnem solutionem confirmandam efficacissimus, pro quo dixisse intelligitur sapientissimus inter Hebraeos Cabalista 'funiculus triplex difficile rumpitur'. Primum ergo funiculum invocationem appellamus et animi ad supernas virtutes directionem; ex nobis enim impotentes, sicut artifices, non nisi mutuata materia a rebus naturalibus, et impetrata efficacia et virtute a rebus supernaturalibus, quippiam efficere poterimus unquam. Primum ergo fundamentum universae unionis, qua virtutibus superioribus aut copulamur aut ipsas nobis copulamus, est fides ac credulitas, quam non modo in nobis operantibus vigere oportet, sed etiam in recipientibus; adeoque eiusmodi conditio est necessaria, ut sine ipsa nihil unquam valeat effectuari a quacunque virtute, nisi ea per violentiam sit efficax aut per impeditam naturam.

VII. Signum eius quod dicitur est, quod animi dominantur corporibus, iique sunt fenestrae quibus in animalia se ingerunt plurima accidentia. Patet enim mutatis animis corpora alterari in effectu irae, indignationis, invidiae, melancholiae et similium; unde idem Cabalista 'spiritus' inquit 'tristis exiccat ossa' etc. Idem iudicium est in aliis corporibus affectibus ex animo, qui si ....... existat, obicem ponit et ianuam occludit, ne vel proficuae vel noxiae irrepant, tum in ipsum tum in ipsius corpus, impressiones. Signum quoque est in efficacissimo Dei filio, de quo dicitur quod 'propter incredulitatem' eorum in patria nulla poterat efficere miracula, nec non saepissime videmus secundum fidem eorum in aliquos operando sanitati restituisse. Neque enim credibile est nec credendum proponitur, quod omnes praeter credentes etiam sanitati restituerit.



VIII. Fides igitur et credulitas in operante vigeat oportet cum spe consequendae rei negotiique patrandi, eandemque curare debet ut excitet in eo, in quem bona conferre statuit; timorem, vel v.... vel terrorem vel arte procuret in eum, in quem mala et adversa intorquere decreverit. Tales enim affectus animum afficiendo quasi dispositam materiam ......... forma quam introducere percupit, exponunt.

De triplici fide.

IX. Est autem triplex, ad superna videlicet, a quibus sperandus est influxus et favor, et in quorum nomine et authoritate fiant universa; ad media, utpote ad ministeriales potestates, quae in omnibus, si rite inspiciantur et tractentur, supernis obtemperant virtutibus; ad inferna, utpote ad operabilia, de quibus non est desperandum.

X. Modus atque forma tractandi cum omnibus potestatibus non est arduus, sed licet apud plurimos huius artis indagatores intueri, ut, apud Albertum qui generales hac de re canones instituit atque breves. Verum tamen quod arduum dicimus esse, est nominum advocandorum noticiam habere pro diversis negotiis atque diversis effectibus diversorum; quae quidem nomina multae industriae viro et in hac arte felicissimo, Trithemio abbati, fuere revelata, et nos redegimus in hoc compendium ea quae in sua Steganographia dispersa proposuit ille.

XI. Iuxta igitur igitur quatuor mundi cardines quatuor ille cognovit principes, quorum ad Septentrionem dominatur Armadiel etc. (Steganograph., p. 46). Sequitur ad Austrum habitans magnus princeps Caspiel etc. (p. 55). Sequitur ad Orientem Carnaziel etc. (p. 52). -- Ad Occidentem est Anchiadiel, qui etc. (p. 58). De aliis principibus locorum. Est et ad Septentrionem magnus princeps Demoriel etc. (p. 60 sq.) De ducibus determinatum locum non habentibus. Praeter hos principes et duces, qui certis locis orbis visibiliter deputantur, sunt quidam instabiles, quos Magi dicunt sicut muscas in aëre volare, sine ordine, habitatione et restrictione, et ideo ubicunque advocari possunt, quorum primus est Garadiel etc. Secundus post Garadielem est Buriel etc. (p. 63-68) -- Tertius princeps vocatur Hydriel etc. Quartus est princeps qui vocatur Syrrhichiel etc. Quintus princeps est Evomiel seu Evoviel etc. Sextus princeps Icosiel etc. (p. 69-77) -- De verbo naturae, de ceremoniis seu tempore agentis, characteribus et notis divinis. Decernit hic homo triginta spiritus, quorum singuli sunt in officio praesidentes (p. 89; segue la lista dei nomi degli spiriti coi rispettivi segni, diversi questi nella stampa) etc.

XII. De anima mundi et mundanorum iuxta priscorum magiam. Caelum et mundum esse animatum, insuper et caelestia quae videntur corpora, nobilissimis poëtis et sapientissimis philosophis est concessum, et quod unicus spiritus universalis est universae machinae insitus, una mens infusa per ipsius artus universam molem exagitat, ut dicit Pythagoras. Si quippe haec inferiora mixta et partialia animam habent atque vitam, cur non ipsum universum, a quo ista tanquam f.... quoddam producuntur, corpus nobilius et magis principale, quam sit planta, arbor? Cur enim terram et aquam negemus vivere, quae ex se innumerabiles plantas et animantes generant, vivificant, nutriunt et augent? Quomodo a non viventibus vita? Quomodo producet animam viventem non vivens? Et dicit Theophrastus non censendum esse philosophum, qui dubitet caelestia corpora vivere et animata esse, animata inquam anima rationali, ut ad perpetuum ordinem inter se conspirent certisque rationibus opera sua producant. Sit ergo in terra ratio




terrenorum, in luna lunarium, in sole solarium, et hanc animam non abiecti corporis animae similem, sed intelligentem esse et cum corpore suo unum ex Diis efficere, quae multo meliores habeat actuum suorum rationes, quam nos nostrorum corporum; et convenit ut perfectius corpus perfectiori anima informetur. Hinc motus ille perfectissimus, regulatissimus, ordinatissimus, non vagus ac vicissim pervagans, electissimam tenens viam ad optimum finem, ubi mens perfecta non variat consilium et cum corporibus aliis vel<ut> unum monochordum constituit et universalem harmoniam per Apollinis lyram decantatam.

Nomina vero quae fingunt caelestium animarum, quarum aliae sunt cognoscentes, aliae vivificantes, sunt huiusmodi iuxta Orphicam et priscorum theologiam; unde in nona sphaera virtus cognoscitiva est Bacchus Cribronius, vivificationis Musa Calliopes, in coelo stellato sunt Picionius et Urania, in caelo Saturni Amphietes etc. (p. 297).

XIII. De nominibus animarum signorum. Signa duodecim per ordinem habent haec animarum nomina, ut apud Manilium constat; est enim in corde Arietis Pallas particularis etc. (p. 297 sq.) Proinde sunt nomina septem mundi gubernatorum satis vulgata a Saturno usque ad Lunam. Sunt proinde alia istorum nomina a Magis et Cabalistis assignata, ut primo planetae presidens dicatur Zapkiel etc. Iuxta alios Saturno praest Oriphiel, Iovi Zachariel, Marti Zamael, Soli Michiel, Veneri Anael etc., quorum vicissitudines notavit Trithemius abbas in suo tractatu et considerando tempus dominii ipsorum et planetarum et spirituum. In temporibus aliis quibus dominabantur conditiones temporum futurorum aliquis quasi certa habere poterit (p. 377). Nomina praesidentium signis 12. Praesides signorum 12 per ordinem sunt: Malchidael etc. (in marg. di mano rec. è citato Cornel. Agr., L. III, c. xxiv, cioè p. 378 sq.). Nomina praesidentium 28 mansionibus lunae per ordinem. Geniel, Enediel etc. Nomina quatuor praesidentium quatuor ventis et quatuor mundi partibus. Sunt Michael super ventum orientalem etc. Nomina praesidentium quatuor elementis bonorum. Assignantur aëri Cherub etc. Nomina praesidum malorum principum. Principes vero potentissimi malorum spirituum in quatuor mundi partibus sunt: Uricus rex Orientis etc.

XIV. Nomina sex principum maleficorum. Vetusti Graecorum Theologi nominant Acteum etc. (p. 379) -- Nomina angelorum dierum et primo die Solis. Angeli diei Solis primi sunt tres, Michael, Dardiel, Huratapel (Petri De Abano, Elementa magica, p. 569). Nomina angelorum diei Lunae. Tres angeli primi Gabriel, Michael, Samael etc. (p. 571). Nomina angelorum die Martis. Tres sunt primi Samael etc. (p. 573). Nomina angelorum ad diem Mercurii. Tres primi sunt Raphael etc. (p. 575) -- Nomina angelorum diei Iovis. Primi tres sunt Sachiel etc. (p. 578). Nomina angelorum diei Veneris. Primi tres sunt Anael etc. (ib. 579). Nomina angelorum diei Saturni. Primi tres sunt Cassiel etc. (p. 581). Nomina angelorum malorum principum dierum. Angelus malus princeps diei Solis est Machen (p. 569), diei Lunae Shamain etc. (p. 571). Nomina angelorum veris. Sunt Caracassa, Core etc. Nomina angelorum aestatis. Sunt Gargatel etc. Nomina angelorum autumni. Sunt Tarquam, Gualbarel etc. Nomina angelorum hiemis. Sunt Amabael etc. (p. 588 sq.). Nomina angelorum horarum diei. Incipiendo a die dominico angelus primae horae est Michael (p. 583 sq.). -- Nomina elementorum, quae etiam angeli seu Dii appellantur. Elementa diversis anni temporibus diversa sortiuntur nomina. Hinc terra in vere appellatur Amadai, in aestate Festatui etc. (p. 558 sq.). Nomina angelorum qui dicuntur horae dierum respondentes suis horarum angelis. Prima hora dicitur Yayn (p. 557 sq.). De positivis quibusdam nominibus. Praeter data nomina sunt quaedam, quae ex rebus omnibus desumuntur, quibus proprium angelum ipsis praefectum nominamus; unde stellarum animas non temere appellabimus Sabatiel, Veneriel etc. (Agrippa, p. 386).




XIV. De aliis nominibus daemonum, quae ad malos homines videntur pertinere. Ita Aremnia est daemon cultus Damascenis (Remnia simulacrum idoli Damasceni dice Agrippa, p. 387; alla qual pagina rimanda il codice stesso in una nota marginale di altra mano) etc. Scimus etiam Membroth, Chodorlaomor, Balah, Amalech fuisse reges, qui modo suo cacodaemones appellantur.

XV. De divinis nominibus. Sunt nomina divina eminentissimae virtutis, quae in proposito oportet non ignorare; horum quaedam pertinent ad hierarchias ternas, quarum singulae tribus distribuuntur ordinibus, qui Curetes appellantur etc. (p. 330-31). Primum horum nominum est Eheie etc. Secundum nomen est Iod etc. Primo nomini respondet numeratio Ceter; secundo numeratio Hochma idest sapientia etc. -- Primum influit in Seraphim quos Hebraei vocant Haiod Hecatosch etc.

XVI. De characteribus et sigillis. Angelorum nominibus characteres et sigillos addere solent, quae sunt litterae quaedam et scripturae ignoratae, sacrae Diis, quas hieroglyphicas appellant etc. (p. 388). Quod quidem characterum genus pendebat ab arbitrio et illius instituentis authoritate, qui talium acceperat consecrandorum potestatem (p. 389).

XVII. De modo alliciendi tam bonos quam malos angelos. Boni daemones diversimode alliciuntur, nullis tamen vinculis, sed sacris obtestationibus, ut apud Apuleium, per caelestia sidera etc. (p. 396) --

XVIII. De vinculis. Vincula quibus alligantur spiritus et obtestantur vel exterminantur sunt triplicia etc. (p. 399) --.

XIX. De dispositione oracula suscipere volentium. Qui ad oracula petenda proficiscitur etc. (p. 463).

XX. Huc accedunt virtutes abstinentiae, castitatis etc. (p. 467).

XXI. De differentiis cultuum et orationum. In sacrificiis qui volebant se ipsos expiare, ut dictum est, ut pro exigentia se ipsos puros offerrent etc. (p. 482) --

XXII. De consecrationibus. Accedunt consecrationes quaedam, quae ex duobus principiis efficaciam sortiuntur, virtute videlicet personae consecrantis etc. (p. 484).

XXIII. Quaedam de Tempore. Pro quibusdam non vulgaribus actionibus temporum non est praetermittenda ratio; est enim religio etc. (p. 491).

XXIV. De reliquis religiosis observationibus. Requir.... in omnibus .... ad Deum etc. (p. 492) -- Ad haec conferunt aptatio locis, temporis etc. (p. 494).

SECVNDVS TRACTATVS



XXV. Praeter ea quae dicta sunt, animadvertendum est omnia numero quodam atque mensura temporum, locorum et rerum tractandarum esse examinanda. Tempus enim praeest temporalibus rebus et continet eas, quemadmodum a superioribus corporibus inferiora continentur; qua de re tempus esse in primo caelo existimaverunt antiqui. Ideo animadvertendum generaliter, quod effectus ioviales sub Iove, saturnales sub Saturno, martiales sub Marte, iisque bene dispositis et in caelo faeliciter situatis sunt intentandi, sine quorum observantia nulli alii apparatus, nullae voces, nulli cultus quippiam valere possunt; perinde enim fiet ac si qui tempore non suo segetem spargant, non animadvertentes diversis seminibus diversa tempora deberi, quod sicut est in uno, ita est in omnibus. Quid enim? Nonne etiam religiones quasdam videmus cultus .....es atque diversos certis atque diversis temporibus destinare? Temporum enim multiplex est diversitas. Quisque enim planetarum habet secula sua, annos suos, aetates suas, lunationes et dies et horas; ita ut pro rebus perpetuis et multum duraturis dominia magnarum revolutionum, pro non tam diuturnis dominia minorum, pro minus illustribus dominia revolutionum dierum, pro vulgaribus autem et ad particulares personas attinentibus horarum dominia sunt advertenda, quae ter in die naturali contingere possunt. De his vero nobis in praesentiarum est habenda ratio, quoniam effectus, qui ad mutationes legum, principatuum et eorum quae a generalibus causis eveniunt, temere et incassum a nobis intentarentur.

De dominio horarum.

Animadvertendum est igitur quamlibet diem quantumcunque prolixam vel brevem, sicut et quamlibet noctem quantumcunque prolixam et brevem, in 12 aequales dividi partes, quae dicuntur 12 horae, quae ideo inaequales horae appellantur, quia secundum augumentum et decrementum dierum atque noctium maiores redduntur atque minores, et non sunt veluti horologiorum horae aequales, quae semel in anno vixque semel sunt 12. Sed omissis aequalibus horis, inaequales sunt nobis animadvertendae, quarum singulae continent 15 gradus signorum, ita ut sex signa, quae in quavis die contingunt percurrere horizontem, 12 planetales horas contineant, quarum prima sumitur ab oriente sole usque ad peractam duodecimam illius diei partem, quae ad eum planetam pertinet, qui talem diem denominat, cui succedit alter planeta secundum ordinem orbium; Veneri enim succedit Mercurius, Mercurio Luna, Lunae Saturnus, Saturno Iovis, Iovi Mars, Marti Sol, Soli Venus etc.

Caelestium observantia.

Etiamsi quandoque virtus naturalis proportione physica composita agat, opportuna tamen caelestium observatione multo magis et maiora praestat, tanquam etc. (Agrippa p. 250) --. In quibus 28 mansionibus latent multa secreta sapientiae antiquorum ad operanda mirabilia sub orbe lunae, quorum singulis sua attribuebant simulacra et imagines et signacula et praesidentes * * *; quorum unus modus est apud Teucrum Babylonicum, et nos attulimus eos fidelissime ad memoriae praxim applicando ex libro De umbris idearum.

De virtutibus et operabilibusin dictis 28 mansionibus.



Prima mansio eligitur ad itinera et discordiam etc. (v. le pagine 256-260 di Agrippa, capitolo che il Bruno ha sdoppiato staccando dalle descrizioni astronomiche delle mansioni gli effetti loro sulle umane vicende) --

TERTIVS TRACTATVS

XXVI. In applicatione activorum et passivorum considerandae sunt primo elementorum proprietates et naturae, considerando inquam ut pura et ut composita, ut corruptibilia magis atque minus, ut quae in omnibus omnia faciunt, ut quae per artem purificantur et ad simplicitatem reducuntur, ut quae in diversas species conficiendas componuntur, ut quae pura optime possunt impura utcunque composita per innumeros gradus, innumerabilia praestant, certis quippe ordinibus certae producuntur species, per ipsa omnes ligationes, solutiones, transmutationes, praedictiones, conciliationes bonorum et exterminia malorum. Eorum cognitio et sagacitas circa eadem [est] fundamentum est universae magiae.

De ignis potentia,nec non terrae, aquae et aëris.

Ignis activissimus omnium omnia penetrat etc. (Agrippa, p. 7). II Compositorum genera consideranda sunt quomodo in quatuor sint distributa supposita etc. (p. 16) -- III Considerandum ordine quodam elementa ista ad caelos referri, sicut etc. (p. 18). IV Considerandae sunt virtutes, quae ab elementis proximis dependent etc. (p. 19). V Considerandae sunt pro viribus virtutes illae, quae ad aliquod elementorum vix referri possunt, ut pellere venenum, attrahere ferrum, evacuare choleram etc.; et virtutes illas quae cum minima materia plurimum possunt, quae ideo se protestantur etc. (p. 21). Nec est propositi nostri considerare unde et quomodo illae virtutes occultae infundantur; neque enim probamus quae fabulantur multi de stellarum radiis, de ideis et de rationibus animae mundi obloquuntur; sufficit scire quomodo diversae species et diversa eiusdem speciei individua diversis apparatibus et dispositionibus diversos recipiant influxus. VI Considerandum est quemadmodum rerum virtutes investigari et experiri solent atque possunt etc. VII Considerandum est de lite et amicitia rerum etc. (p. 33) -- Item quaedam insunt toti substantiae, quaedam certis subiectisque particulis et membris etc. (p. 39) VIII Considerandum est in rebus inferioribus, quibus superioribus subsint et exponantur; diversae enim diversis subsunt, ut diversa corporum membra diversa exercitia, diversi mores stellas atque signa respiciant diversa. Et inductione a peritis astronomis est suscipiendum, qui usus, quae artes, quae particulae, qui spiritus, qui sapores, qui lapides, quae plantae, quae animalia quibus planetis atque signis pertineant. Similiter de generationibus atque provinciis, regnis atque populis. IX Consideranda signacula et characteres rerum naturalium; fertur etc. (p. 59). X Considerandum de rebus naturalibus, quibus caelestium corporum et omnino superiorum omnium virtutes et influxus valentius allicere atque attrahere etc. (p. 62) -- Non enim sufficit res in facultate atque potentia habere virtutes aliquas, sed requiritur ut illae delitescant per aliquod corpus et accidens, sicut contusione in grano sinapis excitatur acuitas latens etc. XI Consideranda utilitas et opportunitas, quae est in commixtionibus rerum naturalium etc. (p. 63). XII Considerandum est omnia sublunaria caelesti quodam modo esse supra lunam etc. (p. 66-69) -- XIII Respiciendum est ad ea, quae facere dicuntur ad ligandum in amorem, odium etc. (p. 70) -- De veneficiis multa videmus prodire atque



miranda, similiter de suffitibus seu suffumigationibus etc. (p. 76). XIV Advertendum est etiam pro generali suffituum consideratione quod quaedam referuntur ad Solem et Solaria etc. (p. 79) --

XXVII. Aliud genus suffituum. Referuntur praeterea ad Saturnum radices omnes odoriferae, ut costi et herbae thuris etc. De fumigiis 12 signorum. Habent 12 signa suos suffitus proprios, ut Aries myrrham etc. Septem electi suffitus atque potentissimi pro septem planetis. Recipit Hermes suffitum potentissimum etc. (p. 80) XV Collyriorum et unctionum et philtrorum (p. 80 sq.) -- De alligationibus et suspensionibus. XVI Magis non contemnuntur alligationes et collo suspensiones etc. (p. 83). XVII Ad colores, in quibus etiam est sua observantia atque virtus etc. (p. 85). XVIII Universaliter respiciendum est ad lumen et tenebras etc. (p. 87) --

XVIII. De Annulis. XIX Annulorum quasdam leges non contemnit magica superstitio etc. (p. 84).

XXIX. XX Observandum fascinationis artificium etc. (p. 90).

Alberti generalis doctrina.

Omissis ipsis quae faciunt ad praxis aenigmata, colligenda sunt ex principe Alberto quae praecipue ac magis in hac scientia probantur, cuiusmodi sunt plura; quorum primum quod haec scientia est bona, authoritate philosophi volentis omnem scientiam esse de genere bonorum; quod si quae propter eam sunt iustae querelae, ipsae non a scientia proficiscuntur etc. (cf. Albert. p. 127 sq.) II Circa modum operandi, ut ipse dicit, bonus effectus bonum respiciat, malus vero malum planetam, hoc est horas atque dies eorum (p. 136). III De septem electis herbis septem planetarum influentiam habentibus etc. Quarum prima est Saturni, qui Asphodelus dicitur (p. 136). IV De lapidum virtutibus. Quorum primus est magnes etc. (p. 141) -- V De animalium virtutibus, quarum quasdam quasi per augmentum adducit etc. (p. 164) VI De temporibus et planetarum et astrorum dominio, de quibus supra. VII De effectibus ad quosque planetarum pertinentibus. Dicit enim esse sub Saturno vitam etc. (p. 167). VIII Quod ea quae videntur in characteribus, incantationibus, veneficiis et sermonibus et multa valde vilia, quae penitus videntur impossibilia nec sufficientem habent causam, non propterea contemnentur (p. 170). IX Quod in animis hominum est virtus immutandi res etc. (p. 171) -- Ex quibus est manifestum, quod non omnes qui huius artis theoriam callent atque rationem habent, usum commode habere possint, qualis esse apud idiotas et stultos consuevit, qui suae virtutis et efficaciae minorem aut nullam habent rationem. X Quod observandae sunt horae etc. (p. 13 sq.) XI Quod artificium characterum est habens efficaciam a mente quae grandi desiderio affectat etc. (p. 174). XII Quod sciendum est de rebus, quod per earum species atque formas omnes inclinent ad se ipsas etc. (p. 176). XIII Quod dictum est de appulsu et inclinatione omnis similis ad simile etc. (p. 178). XIV Quod omnis res est plena mirabilitate etc. (p. 180). XV Quod non est credendum puro astrologo totam mirabilitatem ad caelum referenti etc. (p. 181). XVI Quod mirabilitas secundum diversos modos exire potest a rebus, et per virtutes caelestes etc. (p. 183). XVII Quod notandum est de rebus cuiusnam sint qualitatis et dispositionis et proprietatis etc. (p. 184).

Haec sunt quae universam magiae rationem continent, quae homini prudenti atque sensato sola sufficiunt, nec placuit attulisse exempla et caetera particularia, in quibus alii occupantur, quandoquidem



illa non habenti harum rerum rationem nihil deservire possunt et frustra tentantur. Porro haec ipsa intelligenti et in eorum consideratione profundanti, non solum talia et eadem, sed et similia et maiora et maxima sunt pervia. Si quis ergo existimet nos completam artem non attulisse, et omnia quae ex aliorum studiis ad complementum scientiae, solum supervacaneis praetermissis, non aggregasse, sciat illud esse defectum sui iudicii et mentis imbecillitatem, quia ad haec et alia percipienda minus a caelo factus est idoneus. Quod si qui libros maiores inscripsisse videntur, ipsum est quia extranea et ad rem minus facientia plurimum miscuere, fortasse ut artem minus perviam facerent, quod nos fecisse potuimus.

FINIS

Author: Bruno, Giordano Bruno, 1548-1600.Title: De Magia Mathematica / by Giordano Bruno.1. Christianity -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.2. Hermetism -- Early works to 1800.3. Magic -- Early works to 1850.I. Title.B783193 B83.IFV. 3.

Edition: F. Tocco et al., eds. Iordani Brvni Nolani, Opera Latine Conscripta; Florentiae, Typis Svcessorvm Le Monnier MDCCCXCI.

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Giordano Bruno: De Vinculis in Genere ("A general account of bonding")

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Giordano Bruno: De Vinculis in Genere

This HTML edition by Joseph H. Peterson, Copyright © 1997. All rights reserved.

This is Bruno's other great book on magic, dealing with "bonding in general." Couliano characterizes it as "one of those little-known works whose importance in the history of ideas far outstrips that of more famous ones." (E&M p. 89) It explains how the masses can be manipulated with psychological and magical bonds, and how one can escape these snares.

Bruno wrote this book around 1588, during a two-year stay in Helmstedt. There are actually two versions of the text included in the Noroff codex in Moscow. A shorter, earlier version precedes the longer version. For a translation of the longer version, see Cause, Principle and Unity, and Essays on Magic edited by Richard Blackwell and Robert de Lucca (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 143-176.)

DE VINCVLIS IN GENERE


De vinculo spiritus

● naturali ● animali ● divino.

His absque medicus non est, divinator non est, operator non est, amator non est, philosophus non est etc. Per haec sunt omnes omnia.

Nihil absolute pulchrum quod vinciat, sed ad aliquid pulchrum; alioqui asini amarent pulchras mulieres, simiae abolerent filios. Similiter nihil absolute bonum quod alliciat, sed cum omnia seu universum et ens est ex contrariis, ita et bonum est ex contrariis; sunt enim alia quae consistunt igne, alia quae aqua etc.

Se si potesse `a te chiuder l'entrata,tant' il regno d'amor saria pi`u vago.

http://www.esotericarchives.com/bruno/vinculis.htm (1 of 38) [7/27/03 9:27:58 PM]



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Honestum et iustum civile lege videtur esse, et non natura; sed opinio multum valet ad habitum, ut quasi naturale sit quod appetatur et vinciat appetitum, et e contra.

Evenit ut idem diversimode dispositum vinciatur et non vinciatur: ut in Venere intumescentibus vasis et inanitis, in turbato et tranquillo animo; in cibis etiam idem eidem est amarum et dulce, cum diversimode afficiantur. Et praegnantes vidi appetere cineres.

Vincire novit qui universi rationem habet et naturam particularis et particularis dispositiones, habitus et inclinationem.

Quant' il mondo senz' odio et senza morte.

Id quod absolute pulchrum et bonum et absolute vincit est universum, et hoc ideo nil perdit omnia continens. Et omnia esse desiderant, et non est quod fastidiat esse in universali et simpliciter, sed hoc vel illud esse.

Cum nullum particulare sit simpliciter pulchrum, nil simpliciter vincire potest. Est tamen appetitus simpliciter pulchri in omnibus, omnia enim appetunt esse absolute et ex omni parte pulchra, non simpliciter, quod hoc est impossibile particularibus; alia enim est pulchritudo unius speciei, alia alterius, alia unius generis, alia alius. Non tamen specie, quia tota pulchritudo est in tota specie. Unde licet omnis puella desideret esse ex omni parte pulchra, nulla tamen est. Unde bene dixit Charidemus mutilatum imperfectumque esse pulchrum quod corporea natura cernitur; et testatur Zeusis Helena de pluribus Crotoniatis virginibus < -- >

Item cum pulchritudo in quadam simmetria consistat, haec autem sit multiplex et innumerabilis numero ad multa supposita, non autem simplex, vinculum pulchritudinis non erit simpliciter, sed ad aliquid. Immo sicut diversae species, ita et diversa individua a diversis vinciuntur; alia enim simmetria est ad vinciendum Socratem, alia ad Platonem, alia ad multitudinem, alia ad paucos; alii masculos, alii faeminam, alii viraginem, alii mollem adamant.

Ideo stultus amor qui uni alligatur, quia conditiones boni et amabilis sunt dispersae; ideo plures possumus bene amare: sicut bonum cocum, bonum militem, bonum philosophum; ita mulierem bene incedentem, aliam bene loquentem, aliam bene ............., aliam ..... .......... una ...... omnia .... amabili.

Ita nulla est absoluta iustitia nec sapientia quae animum vinciat, sicut nulla est mensura cibi vel potus quae omnibus sit adcommodata.

Quidquid dicimus de pulchro, idem de purpi per contrarium dici potest.

Quidlibet vincitur pulchro ad se et non pulchro ad aliud aliter et bono; et fallacia iudiciorum hinc dependet maxime. Videat ergo index.



Sunt quae vinciunt non sui sed alterius ratione, et aurum; nusquam enim per se.

Est vinculum cathena, ordo, daemon magnus, quo omnia vinciuntur.

Apprehensio utilis, quia bonum est similitudine vel spe vel specie vincit ratione corporea et incorporea.

Idem dicitur bonum alliciens, pulchrum, animi Vinculum. Hinc deus dicitur circulorum pulchritudinis seu vinculi centrum, a quo quattuor vinciuntur, ut ab ipso nequeant recedere ni velint adnihilari. Haec cum moveantur, moventur ideo circa ipsum in circulum: et ipsum non minus nequeunt destituere, quam suum quaeque circumferentia centrum. Sunt ergo 4r circuli: mens, anima, natura, materia. Mens per se stabilis, anima per se mobilis, natura mobilis in alio non ab alio, materia mobilis in et ab alio. Deus est vinculum et pulchrum sibi et aliis. Ab hoc centro 4 illa procedentia in idem redire nituntur, et ideo circuli rationem subeunt.

Vinculum pulchritudinis dicitur actus seu radius boni, primo diffusus in mentem, secundo in animam, tertio in naturam, quarto in materiam. Hoc mentem rationum ordine decorat, animam rationum serie complet, naturam seminibus fulcit, materiam formis exornat. Ideo vinculum hoc est splendor divini nullus. Qui radius obscure est rerum corruptibilium subiecto, minus obscure in natura, clare in anima, clarissime in mente.

Vincula sunt morum concinnitas, corporis forma, vocum consonantia, et caetera quae profluunt et ab aedificiis, a statuis, carminibus, orationibus. Haec Platoni pulchrum, Socrati excellens animi venustas, Timaeo animi tyrannis, Platoni naturae privilegium, Theophrasto tacita deceptio, Salomoni ignis absconditus, aquae furtivae. Theocrito eburneum detrimentum, Carneadi regnum sollicitum, et aliis aliter.

Vinculum hoc non est corpus, licet in corpore versetur; idem enim hodie formosum, cras casu aliquo foedum. Unde aliud formosum, aliud corpus, aliud vinculum.

Id autem est vinculum tum ad partes corporis concinnandas, ratione quadam incorporea, tum etiam ad aliquid ea ratione trahendum ad corpus.

Vinculum hoc non est moles nec in mole consistens, licet circa molem etiam versetur; quandoquidem non grandia modo, sed et brevia, formosa videantur, et saepe grandia deformia, parva formosa, et e contra; et saepe stante eadem quantitate casu quodam pulchritudo tollitur, eademque mutata pulchritudo perseverat.

Vinculum hoc est quaedam rei species, quae a re ad animam proficiscitur, non tamen recedit a re subiecta, sicut ignis qui suam speciem emittens et comunicans non attenuatur, sicut imago quae in subiecto primo, in speculo, in intermedio, in oculis.



Vinculum, quod a corpore proficiscitur, nullam habet corporis partem definitam; licet enim rapiunt dicendi suavitas, oculi, incessus, maxilla et caetera, haec tamen eodem numero si diversis trib<uan>tur subiectis, non identidem similiterque vinciunt. Alia quoque ratione nullam habet definitam corporis partem, quia ex omni parte gratia procedit: unde Plato incorpoream et spiritalem animae pulchritudinem, licet post raptum universum corpus gratiosum reddit amantis.

Falsum esse videtur quod vinculum a certa membrorum omnium proportione proficiscatur cum colorum suavitate; quod si esset verum, aiunt Platonici, solae res compositae vincirent, nunc autem puri colores, vox una, fulgor auri, argenti candor ...... Ni citius labitur et senescit quam pulchritudo, nil tardius quam figura; non ergo idem pulchritudo et vinculum quod figura, immo et manente eadem pulchritudine et figura praeterit amor, ut accidit quibusdam post fruitionem rei amatae. Vinculum ergo est in quadam convenientia non tantum membrorum ad invicem, sed et in quadam rapientis et rapti condispositione, ut ita dicam. Quandoque enim etsi nil habeamus in una puella quod ratione arguamus, in alia vero plura, displicet tamen illa et ista placet. Color item per se non vincit; clarior enim in seniore despicitur, remissior in iuniore vincit.

Non color purus, ut omnino albus, omnino niger, sed mixtus; non vox simplex, ut acuta vel gravis, sed media; non una currente nota vel tono, sed pluribus.

Nodum istum difficile est invenire; ideo non facile est solvere.

Vinculum ligat spiritum maxime per visum, auditum, per imaginationem.

Vinculum quoddam gratum vincto, quoddam ingratum, sicut quo bubo trahit mustellam, lupus detinet etc.; incubus spiritum rationalem, daemon energumenum occupat etc., gallus leonem, mugil navim.

Vinculum non rapit animam nisi liget vinciatque; illam non vincit, nisi perveniat ad ipsam; non pervenit, nisi per aliqua rapiatur. Pervenit per cognitionem in genere, ligat per affectum in genere, trahit per delectationem in genere. Cognitio in genere ' dicimus, quia aliquando nescimus quo sensu rapiamur. Item expertus sum amare quod audivi, et absens et de non nota specie nescio quomodo deperibam. 'In genere' inquam, quia per omnes, per plures et per singulos sensus vincimur, et aliquando sensu indeterminato et non satis noto.

Plato ponit tria vehicula vinculi: visum, auditum et mentem. Vincit enim gratia per vocem, forma per visum, mores per mentem.

Plura vinciuntur affectu per haec tria, quae vinci consequenter cupiunt actu, per tactum in genere; unde visibile non vincit oculum, sed per oculum vincit, per aurem vincit audibile, per mentem ratio.

Quatuor motus sunt vinciendo, prime iniectio seu invectio, secundo ligatio seu vinculum, tertio attractio, quarto copulatio quae fruitia dicitur. Et haec ni fiat per omnes sensus, per quos vinculum vectum est, non erit perfecta. Ideo amans totus vellet migrare in amatum, lingua, ore, oculis etc.



[2v] Triplex amor triplexque raptus Platonicis. Rapit enim ad vitam aut contemplativam aut activam seu moralem et voluptariam. Prima est a formae corporalis aspectu ad considerationem spiritalis et divinae erecta, secunda in sola videndi et conversandi oblectatione perseverat, tertia a visu ad tactus concupiscentiam descendit. Per primam ingeniosi, per ultimam hebetes, per mediam medii. Primum vinculum dicitur amor divinus, secundum humanus, tertium ferinus. Tripliciter illectant: intellectualiter, animaliter, corporee: primum est boni splendor <-->

Vinculum non in omni vinciente aequale, neque in omni vincto idem.

Vinculum hoc quia ad summum bonum visum, auditum atque mentem convertit, hinc veluti circulus quidam divinae lucis est a bono manans, in bono residens, per bonum se diffundens et ad bonum sempiterne refluens, estque velut unum rerum omnium principium vel principiorum potius unitivum.

Hinc primo mens decoratur idearum ordine, secundo animus rationum serie numerosisque discursibus, tertio naturas seminibus, quarto materiam formis. Omnia vivificans, leniens, mulciens, excitans. Omnia ordinat, procreat, regit, complet. Omnia aperit, purgat, illuminat, gratificat. Omnia movet, incendit, allicit.

Nil vincitur nisi aptissime praeparatum, quia fulgor ille non eodem modo rebus omnibus comunicatur.

Corporum praeparatio ad vinciendum tribus constat: ordine, modo, specie; 1. ordo partium intervalla, 2. modus quantitatem, 3. species figuram, lineamenta et colores significat. Sicut in vocis vinculo 1. ordo consistit in ascensu a gravi ad acutum et descensu, 2. modus in debitis tertiis, quartis, quintis, sextis, tonis et semitonis progressione, 3. species in canoro, claro, suavi. In omnibus proportionalia iis tribus ad vinciendum disponunt, sive compositis, sive simplicibus; iis enim color placet etc. Sic animus disciplinis adcommodatur, ut per eas in eo divini vultus luceat imago.

Deus, augelus, animus nos non ligant ut corporea, quia non afficiunt, quia non pulsant per sese sensus, vel alio genere vinculi, quod manu methaphorica affectus intellectuque .......tur. Duplex ergo ad vinciendum praeparatio, et reddit aequivoce significans vinculum.

Sic per omnes sensus cupimus, per omnes sensus vincimur.

Non simplicibus et absolutis, sed compositis et appositis vincimur. Vinculum enim est ex plurium concinnitate cooriens gratia, cui contrarium est ingratum seu turpe. Deus non habet in se pulchritudinem, quia non habet ordinatam compositionem; non hanc, quia non habet partes. Est autem pulchritudinis et vinculi fons, author et actor. Dii similiter non sunt pulchri. Universum non est pulchrum, ut videri potest; ita enim est simplici quadam ratione constans suis similiter se habentibus sphaeris, stellis, astris, magnis animalibus; nisi quadam similitudine et analogica ratione; vel saltem in iis non est pulchritudo quae nos vinciat.



Vinculum sequitur rei sensum, sicut umbra corpus. Omnia ergo quae vinciunt, quoquo pacto sensum aliquam ingerunt, et quae vinciuntur, quoquo pacto sentiunt. Ferram magnetem sentit.

Sunt cantus quidam et harmoniae quae vinciunt homines, non autem feras; aliae aves, non autem homines. Quibusdam figuris et linearam coloribus rapiuntur homines, quibus non alia animantia; quibusdam fumigiis rapiuntur spiritus, quibus non homines. Aliud ergo nobis, aliud aliis est pulchrum; ideo diversa vinculoram genera.

Plura vinciunt hominas quam bruta, quia plures habet potentias, partes, circumstantias, fines, et consequenter plures appetitus.

Pulchrum non vincit sensum, sed per ipsum vincula connectenda iniicit; sensus enim sunt veluti ostia seu portae seu fenestrae.

Caeli astra, viridia prata, cantus etc. movent, alliciunt, inclinant, non rapiunt; at in iis proprie amor non dicitur, cum non sit cum appetitu Veneris, quae eius amor est. Atqui sunt horti Veneris, quibus patet ad Venerem accessus. Qui vincitur ad cibum famelicus, qui ad potum sitiens, qui ad Venerem amans, et hic secundum speciem sensibilem, et hic amor fertur cum feris, vel ad intelligibilem, et divinus dicitur. Primus amor est physicus seu naturalis, secundus est abstractus seu mathematicus, et est amor heremitae masturbantis.

Vinculum non aequaliter ab omnibus, nec aequaliter in omnia, nec semper, sed dispositum disposita. Hinc vinculum non est quod vincit, sed quod vincire valet non prohibitum, non impeditum.

Vincitur maxime aliquid per hoc quod aliquid sui est in vinciente, vel per hoc quod per aliquid sui vinciens imperat illi. Hinc ungues et capilli vivorum sufficiunt ut in universum corpus habeat imperium, item et in spiritus; necromanti avocant manes per ossa mortuorum, similiter et per cognata iis. Hinc non temere antiquorum quidam maxime curabant sepulturas, alii rogos, et inter supplicia insepultum relinguere.

Tot genera vinculorum quot pulchri, quot boni; et haec sunt pro specierum numero. Ideo falluntur qui amant hominem solum pulchrum.

Non me vincit musica in puella, qui musicae cum pudicitia non convenit: vincit autem a puella. Nec versutia nec fortitudo corporis.

Vincit Venus decora voce, anhelitu odoreque suavi, carnis lenitate, osculi etc., quia laquei per omnes sensus iniecti arctius ligant. Sed sint sine superbia.

Iactu seminis vincula relaxantur, retentione vero intenduntur; taliter debet affectus qui vincire vult, qualiter qui vinciri debet. Propterea in conviviis et post convivia inspirare introducitur in ossibus ignem Cupido. Vide. Continentia est principium vinculi, abstinentia praecurrit famem, haec melius cibum



attrahit. Indignatio è santo sdegno.

Ab habitu interno, qui convictu delitescit, et externo, qui in corporis culta consistit, provenit vinculum. Movent haec, si transfuga quadam artis dissimulatione fiant; neque si qui satis belle loquitur et satis nimisque superstitiosula sapit, placet, neque vestes cirotecas que qui nimis methodice ornat capillos, oculos, motus, gestas etc. con i guanti piegati placere potest magis quam displicere. Sicut de Mario ambitu.

Puella, cuius gratia praeparationem habet in animi concinnitate tantum, animum movet ad animalem fruitionem duntaxat; cuius vero gratia praeparationem habet in corporis forma, animum movet ad corporalem fruitionem; cuius gratia praeparationem habet in utroque, ad utramque fruitionem movet. Atqui sunt qui ita vinciuntur ab animo, ut et corpus ipsum, quod illius animi vas est, concipiscant; sunt qui corpus sine animo despiciant: talis perhibetur Socrates, cum dixit 'loquere, puer.'

Potens est corporalis pulchritudo, ut et mentem vinciat et adtollat; amor enim plures reddit poetas et heroas, sed illud non fit per vinculum nisi per accidens; causat enim illud concitationem quamdam.

Ars est artificis pulchritudo, et hac artifex vincit. Stupide enim videbit quis artificialium et naturalium pulchritudinem, qui una ingenium, quo sunt effecta, non contemplatur: iis caeli non enarrant gloriam Dei`; ideo non magis Deum quam Dei effectus exosculantur.

Vinculum intellectuale per mentem anima rapit, naturale per sensum.

Helluones iactant continentiam quod ............................................................................................................................

Gratia .... Veneris .................... perfectos, non mutilates, non aegrotos, non senes non bon........................., non iuvenes senibus ...............

Vinculum si aptum ad generationem vel illi simile consequatur, non sine actione vel passione Veneris affectu completur.

Ii quibus utitur natura et eam omnino dominam habent, ut bruta, ad masculam non vinciuntur Venerem: sed qui natura utuntur et.... ipsa suae voluptatis finis, forsè .......... aliquando.

Alio vinculo exosculamur filios, alio patrem, alio sororem, alio uxorem, alio amicam, alio cinaedum, alio amicum.

A contrariis dispositionibus evenit ut hic vinciatur, amore, alius omnino solvatur et fastidiat illud idem. Unde patet non idem esse pulchrum et in eadem specie; simpatiam enim habet hic qua caret ille; ideo



pulchrum est huic quod illi deforme; ideo qui vincire cupit videat quos possit et quomodo possit. Non ignoret autem causam huius esse satis occultam, item effectus esse inconstantes, quia hodie consonat quod cras dissonabit, imo et eadem hora.

Omnes a cubili et cibo vinciuntur et trahuntur, sed non ab eodem cubili atque cibo, neque eodem cibo vesci cupimus mane atque vesperi, aestate et hieme; fluit enim complexio, fluunt omnia; ideo cum quis vincire potest, quanto primo potest vinciat et stringat; amor enim sicut et occasio praeceps; ita vinciat primo, ut semper tentat.

Non eodem vincimur vinculo, quoniam nostra natura non est simplex nec semper easem. Est igitur sicut Thetis ad Peleum et Proteus etc. Cum ergo natura multifariam varia sit, alia atque alia idio...... individualique complexione afficietur; ideo Proteus

fluvius ab Hercule

serpens seu coluber aliter vincitur quam cum leo. Deus simplex a variatione a......s est, ideo vincire semper gaudet. Caetera variatione gaudent, ideo varie aliter atque aliter vinciunt; aliter Acheloum virum, aliter anguem, secus taurum vinxit Hercules.

Quia est omnia gaudet omnibus ille omnia ............................. ...... amor omnia vel nihil.

Qui ....... vincitur a vinculis minus vincitur, qui a pluribus magis. Haec igitur est maxima ad solutionem viri a pluribus occupati. Amor perfectus non est plurium. Amor intensus superlationi comparatur; supereminens autem semper est unum.

......dus est qui a pluribus vincitur. Quia diversi sunt pulchritudinis gradus atque disiuncti. Hinc una ratione me urit hic, alia alius ratione. Quod si utraque ratio aggregaretur in uno, placeret unus ex duobus; si omnes gradus atque rationes aggregarentur in uno, unus ex omnibus placeret.

Placet invatque vincire, quia amari et honorari iuvat atque placet. Hinc assentatores adulatoreque vinciunt. Sed si sint cauti, ne ita agant ut assentationem detegant: magnificent modicas virtutes, attenuent vitia, excusent accusabilia, convertant in virtutes facinora. Avarum faciat providum et parsimo...

Quae vincit generosum et laudatum virum, vincto gaudet, et hoc gaudium est via qua ex eius vinculis ipsa vinciatur. Ultra modum enim vilis est quae laudatum et egregium virum amantem non redamet; alia ratione si ignobilia amet aliquis <-->

Multa sunt quae cum pulchra exstant, tanquam bona nos vinciunt, ut equus, navis, domus, statua, canis, avis, et ex iis turpia sunt mala. At homo pulcher non vincit ut bonus habeatur, bonus non ut pulcher exstimetur, sed hoc est per accidens, id est per malam educationem. Et quia pulchrae magis sollicitantur et per paupertatem etiam sunt minus pudicae. Contraria ratione aliae quandoque bonae ......................... oculi naturalis complexio melior temperantior est et virtutibus in mediocritate consistentibus aptior.



Vincimur maxime per visum; est enim sensuum activissimus, spiritualissimus, optimus. Atqui [4r] saepe multi rem non visam depereunt.

Is vere uni vincitur, qui in rebus negociisque aliis torpescit et in ipso sollicitatur; iocundior enim operatio alteram excludit, animus auribus intentus remittit oculos. Hinc vehementius gaudentes, tristes, aestuantes, non valde aliud agimus, imo statim cessamus ab opere; hoc est teneri, vinciri, abstrahi, trahi.

Voluptas hominum minus est determinata ad unum, unde rationalis dicitur, quam voluptas brutorum, quae naturalis appellatur; hinc equa pariter omnes equos vincire potest, mulier una viros omnes non ita: ut aiunt.

Pudor et fides propugnator vinculorum optimus; est autem pudor ignominiae metus. Quae bene vinculis obstat et vere afficitur pudore, rubet; quae vero timore vecordiaque se proripit a vinculis, pallet: hanc qui vincire cupit, additis animis superabit, non illam. Primam proprie dicimus verecundam, secundam vero proprie pudere dixerim; verecundia enim recti honestique rationem habet, pudor autem infamiae timorem prae se fert; pallent enim et qui timent verbera et mortem.

N Si fecit hoc, factus est hinc verecundus. Si fecit illud, postea erubuit. Si fecit aliud, pudorem concepit. Ergo bonus est, quia est verecundus iuxta illud 'Verecundiam serva.'

Homini probo verecundia non competit propter sua delicta qui .....|..... veritus improbus fiat. Seniorem hominem nemo laudabit quia est verecundus; nil enim agere debeat pro quo verecundia emergere solet. Frustra ergo N semper est verecundus. Verecundiam enim servent pueri atque puellae.

Amor ut in amante est, passive dicitur et est vinculum, alio modo dicitur active, id est quod amare facit; et est quaedam divina vis in rebus, et hic est ille qui vincit. Et Orpheo atque Mercurio est Daemon magnus, antiquus ante mundum, quo chaos ornamentum appetebat eratque in sino illius. Quia autem in generatione operatur et nova facit et principiis dominatur, senectutem fugere et odisse dicitur, iuvenibus se miscere, duros habitus aufugit, mites mollesque inhabitat, iuvenis et tenellus .......... habetur etc. Vide Polyantheam.

Hunc vincientem vel vinculum hoc nec pulchrum neque bonum appellat Socrates, quia pulchrum appetit atque bonum; eo igitur caret: ideoque noluit esse deorum aliquem. Item inquit ille amorem medium inter bonum et malum, turpe et pulchrum, mortale et immortale. Sed hic rhetorice et aequivoce sentit de appetitu et medio. Sumimus amorem vinculum secundum rationem comunem activo (et) passivo, qua omnia volunt perfici, uniri, copulari, ordinari, et natura agit perfectionem, unionem, copulam et ordinem.

Et sic nihil est sine amore divinum ne<que> perfectum. Imo amor ubique dicit perfectionem, et si in



materia et chaos supponat (ut aiunt) inperfectionem, nunquam tamen significat imperfectionem, sed semper perfectionem et participationem luminis divinitatis. Si quodlibet imperfectum amat perfici, non per imperfectionem amat perfici, sed per perfectionis participationem, tanto magis vivaciter, quanto vehementius appetit; altius enim summi boni amore flagrat quod perfectius est quam quod minus perfectum.

Hoc vinculo superiora dicuntur providere inferioribus, inferiora converti ad superiora, et aequalia invicwm adsociari. Ideo est numen et divinitas in omnibus supiective, ut universi perfectio.

Hic amor unus est et vinculum unum, qui facit omnia unum. Habetque in diversis diversas facies; [4v] aliter enim atque aliter alia vinciuntur atque alia. Hinc illae Cupidinis distinctiones et amoris. Vide amor. Poly. et Natal.

Hoc vinculo rapitur amans, ut in amatum transferri velit, vel totum concipere amatum et imbibere.

Est vinculum quo volumus habere quae absunt, et est vinculum quo nolumus amittere quae habemus primum est desiderium et appetitus, secundum est amoris species complacentia dicitur nobis.

Est pulchri amor quo pulchri fieri volumus, est et pulchri amor quo pulchro potiri concupiscimus: primo modo amamus id quo caremus, secundo et id quod habemus.

Duplex amoris vinculum dixit Eriximachus, ulterum quo contraria in ipsius .......... male concordant, velut in aegrotis corporibus humores, et hic malus amor dicitur; alterum quo bene, ut in ......... magistratibus, orationibus, harmonia.

Contemplativi a formae corporalis aspectu divinis vinciuntur, voluptuosi a visu ad tangendi concupiscentiam descendunt, morales in conversandi oblectationem trahuntur primi ......, secundi hebetes, tertii medii: primi digni ethere, secundi vita, tertii sensu: primi .. pavent et fugiunt, secundi haerent, tertii appropiant.

Sanctimonia, zelus et religio ligant unde quidam sanctus doctor 'A..................... ideo cavendae; quo enim sanctiores fuerint, eo magis alliciunt; et sub praetextu blandi piique sermonis ...miscet se viscus impiissimae libidinis, credo mihi.' Haec ille.

Vincit non solum bonum, sed opinio boni; vinculum tamen semper est cum quadam adcommodatione proportioneque.

Amoris, amicitiae, benevolentiae, placentiae, voluptatis, charitatis, compassionis, cupiditatis, cupidinis, avaritiae, libidinis, desiderii vinculum, nisi mutuum fuerit, facile evanescit. Unde illud proverbium 'sine amore perit amor.'

Catullus Lesbiae nuptae magis vinctus, quod maiore fruendi desiderio afficiebatur. 'Nitimur in vetitum'



aliquid est ............... pro univs complexs

Vinculum fit ex prolifico semine quod ad actum suum rapitur, nititur atque rapit; ideo hoc emisso secundum partem; perit secundum partem vinculi vis.

Multiplex semen, multiplex Venus, multiplex amor, multiplex vinculum. Unde et scientiarum et morum concinnitatem in aliis ingenerare concupiscimus. Semen quo cum quis plenus est, desiderat emittere in alterius viri animam.

Alligator faemina faeminae, puer puero, mas mari, mas faeminae, homo supernis, aequalibus, infernis, naturalibus, artificialibus. Res rebus, sicut per incantationem cicada aurea etc.

Amabile et bonum pulchro fusius; ideo plura sunt vinculorum genera quam a pulchro; imo sunt et a malo et violente plura, quae principium sunt corruptionis. Pater vincitur filio etiam monstro.

Plures vincit phantasia et opinio, quam ratio, imo et intensius. Multi amant, et cur amant nesciunt, quia sine ratione amant: non tamen sine causa impellente, febricitantem vincit amor aquae.

Unde devinciuntur et invincibilia animalium. Arist. De animalibus, Agripp. Quae est propter cognationem quandam vel cognati vestigium.

Omnia sunt bona, non tamen ab omnibus vincimur. Non ergo omne bonum vincit, quod aliis aliud est bonum et .....| ........... et spec.............. differentia sunt bona: super hoc .... dulce non est dulce ......

Vincimur apprehensione voluptifici.

Si philautiam extinguamus, invincibiles reddimus reddimurque; philantia excitata vincimus concitamusque.

Voluptas vinculorem vinculum; quaerenti enim 'cur voluptate caperis?' respondemus 'quia voluptate capior', 'quia placet.'

Non idem omnium bonum, non idem summum, non idem maximum, si contraria et diversa sunt genera, erit autem idem identitate entis, maxime aequivocum.

Vincimus confortando, si timidum prohibemus militare, impium deos colere, inhumanum nolumus suis servire commodis. Pro naturae inclinatione quemque rapimus. Qui cylindrum vult ducere, non ad capita et angulos, sed in rotundum inclinat.

Plus vincit cantus adulator quam verus amicus.



[5r]

Chi mette il piè su l'amorosa pania etc.

Crates Thebanus dixit 'remedium amoris fames; si haec non sufficit, tempus; si hoc non sufficit, laqueus.'

Dove l'amor Venereo spinge più gaglardamente .............. .... pero.............. | ............. l'armi et amori: et questo vale più che la cupidità del ore ne gl'animi generosi ... servir questo fece Menelao ...... o Agamon. S il M...o che dona.

Ne distanza di loco ne di tempe altra affettione

Ne ............ alcuna che la morte Ne passion di corpo ne diggiuno Ne esser voto o pieno ne per forte altrove affaticarmi

Vincula

● Palladis Cup. ● Martis phantas. ● Veneris auri Cupid. ● Cupidinis ....... ● Saturni Malefici necromantis.

[87r]


DE VINCVLIS IN GENERA.

Ut eum qui vincire debet necessarium est rerum quodammodo universalem rationem habere, ut hominem (qui epilogus quidam omnium est) valeat, alligare, quandoquidem, ut alibi diximus, in hac potissimum



specie rerum omnium species maxime per numeros licet intueri, ut eorum alii referuntur ad pisces, alii ad aves, ad serpentes, alii ad reptilia, tum secundum genus, tum secundum eorum species. Singulis item horum accidit diversitas usus, consuetudinis, finis, inclinationis, complexionis, aetatis; atque ita ut de Proteo fingunt atque Acheloo, eandem licet subiectam materiam in varias formas atque figuras transmigrantem, ut continue ad vinciendum aliis atque aliis et nodorum utendum sit speciebus. Huc spectat quod consideratio de moribus hominum, nunc invenum, nunc senum, nunc mediorum, nobilium, divitum, potentium, fortunatorum, quibus adde mores invidorum, ambitiosorum, militum, mercatorum et id genus aliorum, quando et tales in reipub. administrationem plerisque in partibus assumuntur, vel talibus etiam opus sit mediis sit mediis instrumentis, quos propterea vincire sibi etiam oporteat. Nihil tandem esse videtur, quod a civili speculatione sub forma huiusce considerationis (quatenus vel vinciuntur vel vinciuntur vel vincula quaedam sunt vel horum circumstantiae) possit esse alienum. Quapropter adiecimus hanc considerationem, quae De vinculo in genere intitulatur.

DE VINCIENTE IN GENERE.

Artic. I. Vincientum species.

Vincientia per universum sunt Deus, Daemon, Animus, Animal, Natura, Sors et Fortuna, tandem Fatum. Hoc universaliter vinciens, quod uno non potest nomine designari, non ligat sub specie et sensu corporis; corpus enim per se sensum non pulsat, sed per vim quandam in corpore existentem et a corpore prodeuntem. Manus ergo vinciens metaphorico nomine appellatur, quae multiplici ad vinciendum praeparatione deflectitur et inclinat.

Effectus vincientis. Art. II.

Hic est quem vinciendo aiunt Platonici memtem idearum ordine decorare; animum rationum serie numerosisque discursibus implere; naturam variis foecundare seminibus; materiam innumerabilibus conditionibus informare; omnia vivificare, lenire, mulcere, excitare; omnia ordinare, procreare, regere, allicere, incendere; omnia movere, aperire, illuminare, purgare, gratificare, complere.

Vt arte vinciat. Art. III.

Vincit arte artifex, quandoquidem ars est artificis pulritudo. Nimirum ut attonitus et stupidus videbit quispiam artificialium et naturalium pulchritudinem, qui una ingenium, quo universa sunt effecta,



minime contemplatur et admiratur. Illi 'stellae non enarrant gloriam Dei'; item non magis Deum, quam Dei effectus (bruta nempe anima) exosculabitur etc.

Ut pluribus hominem vinciat. Artic. IV.

Ex his quae vinciunt plurima nimirum vinciunt homines quam bruta, plura item magis vegeti ingenii quam stupidiores, utpote qui pluribus abundant facultatibus atque potentiis, ad plures respiciunt partes, circumstantias atque fines, pluribus consequenter aguntur appetitibus.

Ut sensus est leno vincienti. Art. V.

Hominem stupidum rara et impetu naturali excitata vincit libido, paucis speciebus definitur cibus atque crassis. Hunc non eloquium mulcet, non veneres pelliciunt, non musica, non pictura, non caetera naturae lenocinia.

Quare uno non expleat vinculo. Art. VI.

Pluribus ideo vincior, plures ideo sentio vincientes, quia diversi sunt pulchritudinis gradus atque disiuncti. Hinc una me hic, alia me alii urunt et vinciunt ratione. Quod si omnis ratio in unum aggregaretur, forte pro omnibus et ex omnibus placeret unus. Id vero hactenus minime natura passa est, ut varia pulchritudinis, iocunditatis, bonitatis, contrariorum et diversorum ab his effectuum vincula spargeret, et iuxta partium materiae numeros distincte promeret atque seiunctim. Accidit vero ut quidam uno tantum obiecto teneatur interdum, vel propter sensus stupiditatem, qui ad reliquos ordines est caecus et remissus, vel propter vinculi unius vehementiam, quae sic unice affligat atque torqueat, ut inde aliorum sensus lentescat, obruatur, supprimatur. Hoc vero raro et in paucis accidit et est mirabile, ut in quibusdam, qui spe vitae aeternae et quadam vivacitate fidei vel credulitatis ita animo abrepti visi sunt et a corpore quodammodo distracti, et obiecto, cui phantasiae et opinionis virtute devincti erant vehementius astringente, horribiles cruciatus ne sentire quidem visi sunt, ut in Anaxarcho philosopho et Andrea Galilaeo, in Laurentio presbytero et aliis usque ad nostram aetatem pro religionis specie in principes et reges sicariis est manifestum; cum ratione vero in Cynico Diogene et Epicuro, quibus hac ratione animo rerum contemptu et specie opinionis secundum principia naturalia et ordines devincto, sensum voluptatum et dolorum omnium abigebant; ...que summum huius vitae pro conditione humanae speciei bonum se assequutos esse censebant, ubi animum extra dolorem, timorem, iram tristesque alios affectus positum in quadam heroica voluptate servarent, et rerum ignobilium quae sunt in hac vita, nempe temporanearum, contemptu Deorum se similem vitam in hoc etiam mortali corpore consequutos testabantur, itaque summum bonum et eximiam virtutem cum aliis ostendisse, tum ipsos putarunt se esse consequutos.

Quid genius conferat vincienti. Art. VII.



Sunt qui dicant vincientem genus superioritate alium vincire et ab alio non revinciri, comparis vero ingenii esse

reciprocum vinculum et in quodam qualitatis ordine consistere. [88r] Atqui iuxta horum sententiam genium sequeretur continue mutari et alterari, sicut formae, complexiones et species alterantur, quia quem puer vincit, iuvenis non item vincit; quem vinciebat puella, eadem matrona non vincit. Non ergo ad unum principium referendum est et simplex, quod aliquid compositum et in sua natura varium atque etiam ex contrariis consistens vinciatur.

Quem facilius vinciat. Art. VIII.

Homo potissimum vincitur, qui verius homo est, specie dignissimorum, qui longe placet amplius dignissima sperare quam possidere vilia: horum quippe possessione facile stomachamur; quaecunque non facile possidemus, ardentius deperimus.

Ut idem eodem contrariis alligat. Art. IX.

Confusa et quodammodo etiam contraria videntur esse vincientia ab eodem etiam vincientis genere, ubi contrarii vinculorum effectus et affectus inspiciuntur. Quem enim (verbi gratia) Cupidinis vincula invaserint, uno eodemque igne atque laquei sensu videbitur cogi ad exclamandum et tacendum, laetitiam tristitiam, spem et desperationem, timorem et audaciam, iram et mansuetudinem, fletum et risum; unde illud

Io che porto d'amor l'alto vessilloGelate ho speme e li desir cocenti,A un tempo agghiaccio e tremo, ardo e sfavillo,E muto colmo il ciel de strida ardenti.

Dal cuor scintille e da gli occhi acqua stilli,E vivo e muoio, e fo risa e lamenti;Ho vive l'acqui e l'incendio nò more,Che han Theti a gli occhi e ha Vulcano al cuore.

Non uno vinculo vincit vinciens diversa. Art. X.

Nihil absolute pulchrum quod vinciat tanquam iocundum, nihil absolute bonum quod alliciat tanquam utile, nihil absolute magnum si finitum est. In pulchritudine enim respice ut simius simiae, equus equae



placeat, ne Venus quidem aliac ab homine et heroum speciei. In bono respice ut ex contrariis sunt universa, ut aliis animantum bona sunt sub undis, aliis in arido; hiis in montibus, illis in campo; quibusdam in profundo, aliis in sublimi.

Qui vinciat. Art. XI.

Vincire ergo novit, qui universi rationem habet vel saltem rei particularis vinciendae naturam, dispositionem, inclinationem, habitum, usum, finem.

Non est unus qui omne vinciat particularis. Art. XII.

Id quod absolute pulchrum et bonum et magnum et verum absolute vincit affectum, intellectum et omne. Item nihil perdit, omnia continet, omnia desiderat, desideratur et persequitur a pluribus, quod diverso vinculorum genere viget; ideo pluribus artibus abundare ambimus, siquidem non est quod fastidiat esse in universali atque simpliciter, sed hoc et huiusmodi, illud et eiusmodi. Cum ergo nullum particulare atque absolute pulchrum, bonum, verum etc., non solum supra genus, sed neque in genere neque in specie aliqua nihil est quod simpliciter vincire per eosdem gradus possit, nihilominus tamen appetitus pulchri boni etc. est in omnibus; omnia enim appetunt esse absolute et ex omni parte pulchra, iuxta propriae speciei et generis conditionem saltem. Alia enim pulchritudo et bonitas est unius speciei, alia alterius; in alia quidem unum contrariorum, in alia alterum dominatur. Totam quoque pulchritudinem [88v] et bonitatem speciei unius non nisi in tota specie et per totam aeternitatem per omnia individua atque sigillatim est petendum. Hoc testatus est Zeuxis in pulchritudinw humana, qui Helenam de pluribus Crotoniatis virginibus depinxit. Quin imo si danri esset puellam ex omni parte pulchram seu ex toto, quî fieri potest, ut omnimodo et omnibus modis pulchrum afferre possit, quandoquidem innumerabiles sunt pulchritudinis corporalis in muliebri specie differentiae, e quibus non nisi unae in uno subiecto possunt reperiri? Pulchritudo enim, sive in quadam symmetria consistat sive in alio quodam quod incorporeum corporea in natura cernitur ipsum, multiplex est et innumerabilibus proveniens ordinibus; ideo quemadmodum lapidis asperitas non cum cuiuslibet lapidis asperitate quadrat, concurrit, cohaeret, sed ubi respondentes sunt magis sinus atque cavitates, ita non quaelibet species in quolibet animo sedebit. Diversa igitur individua a diversis vinciuntur obiectis; etsi quippe idem sit quod vinciat Socratem atque Platonem, aliter tamen hunc vinciet atque illum; alia multitudinem, alia paucos movent; alia mares et viriles, alia foeminas et muliebres.

Varia vincientis instrumenta. Art. XIII.

Dispersit, distinxit et quodammodo disseminavit natura pulchritudinis, bonitatis, veritatis et dignitatis obiecta; ideo plures pluribus rationibus et pro diverso fine vincire possunt. Vincit fitque amabilis bonus agricola, alia ratione coquus, alia miles, alia musicus, alia pictor, philosophus, puer, puella haec quod bene incedat, illa quod melius loquatur. Ex his nemo est qui solus habeat omnia atque omnimode; sed qui ad plurima secundum species atque modos inveniatur habilis atque felix, ille vinciet plures, pluribus



dominabitur et per plures de omnibus in sua specie triumphabit.

Vincientis commoda Art. XIV.

Ut diversa sunt tempora, diversae occasiones, et diversi subeunt affectus, neque una eademque mensura; ita neque est aliquid unum atque simplex et eiusdem quantitatis et qualitatis, quod omnibus placere aeque possit, aeque omnes explere, quinimo vel singulos, vel diversis temporibus unum, sicut nec idem cibus nec eadem cibi mensura atque qualitas. Idem iudicium est de omnibus, quibus vincitur appetitus.

Vincientum differentiae. Art. XV.

Et sunt quae vinciunt secundum se, et sunt quae vinciunt per aliquid sui quod est vel pars vel quantitas, et sunt quae vinciunt alterius ratione cui adsint, subministrent, vel ad quod disponant, sicut et formosum aedificium ex informibus partibus consurgit.

Vincientis varia facultas. Art. XVI.

Multa sunt quae, cum pulchra existant, tanquam bona tamen nos vinciunt, ut equus, navis, domus, statua, canis et avis. Homo vero pulcher non vincit ut bonus habeatur, bonus etiam non vincit ut pulcher existimetur; accidente enim quodam fit, ut cum pulchritudine sit facinus et error. Da quippe pulchram et pauperem: magis sollicitatur, facilius donis allicitur. Divarsa diversorum, contraria contrariorum et similium similis est ratio.

Vincientis sedes. Art. XVII.

Putant nonnulli parum distinguentes, ut Platonici, illud quod vincit esse rei speciem, quae a re [89r] ad animam proficiscitur, a re subiecta tamen non recedit, sicut ignis qui communicans suam speciem non attenuatur, sicut imago quae in subiecto primo, inde in speculo, in intermedio et in oculis. Atqui profundius considerantes invenimus, esse quidem in corpore et quodam sensibili vinculi consistentiam, sed, sicut anima, cuius conditionem animae virtus consequitur, nullam habet definitam in corpore partem. Etsi quippe vulnus amoris sit ab oculis vel ab ore vel a colore, non tamen in illis simpliciter vel ab illis inveniri vel provenire videbitur, quando oculi per se seorsimque conspecti non habent eandem vim, quam a collatione cum reliquis partibus faciei. Simile indicium est de ore, de naso, simile de colore, qualis etiam in pyxide pictoris non placebit. Indefinita ergo et incircumscriptibilis omnino est ratio pulchritudinis, et a simili ratio iocundi atque boni. Proinde non tota vinculi ratio in re subiecta perspicienda est, sed etiam, secundum alteram non minus praecipuam partem, in eo quod vincitur; nihilo enim mutata cibi qualitate atque substantia, nunc post refectionem reiicitur, qui paulo ante avide sumebatur. Cupidinis vincula, quae ante coitum intensa erant, modico seminis iactu sunt remissa et ignes temperati, obiecto pulchro nihilominus eodem permanente. Non tota igitur vinculi ratio ad illud est



referenda.

Praeparationes vincientis. Artic. XVIII.

Vinciens tribus dicitur praeparari ad ligandum: ordine, modo et specie. Ordo partium dat intervalla, modus definit quantitatem, species figuris, lineamentis et coloribus significatur. Sicut in vocis vinculo ordo consistit in ascensu et descensu per grave, acutum et media; modus in debitis tertiis, quartis, quintis, sextis etc., tonis et semitonis progressione; species in canoritate, suavitate, claritate. Proportionalia sunt tribus hisce in omnibus sive compositis sive simplicibus, ubi praeparatio esti ad vinciendum.

Diversitas praeparationum. Artic. XIX.

Pro vinculis alia est praeparatio ex signis et vestigiis animi concinnitatem indicantibus tantum, et per ipsam movetur animus ad animalem tantummodo fruitionem persequendam, ut illi adhaereat et uniatur, gratia vero praeparationem habens in corporis et huiuscemodi nempe membrorum dispositione, vel quae est ex habilibus, qui circa corpus sunt, animum corporali appiscendae fruitioni alligat; ubi vero praeparatio fuerit in utroque, ad utramque vehementius fruitionem impellet, seu ab utroque attrahet principio. Porro sunt qui ita ab animo vinciuntur, ut corpus ipsum, quod illius vas est, etiam concupiscant. Pauci item animo magis incumbunt, ut quamlibet etiam corporalem speciem absque animi praeparatione etiam despiciant, ut fama est de Socrate, qui venustum puellum effari primo praecipiebat, antequam de suo erga illum amore definiret.

Vincientis conditio. Art. XX.

Magnificant assentatores modicas virtutes, attenuant vitia, excusant mendas, referunt in virtutes facinora, et caute ita agunt ne propriam detegant assentationis artem. Itaque non admodum astutos sibi devinciunt, per hoc quod cuicumque amari et honorari maxime placet atque iuvat, nec non vincire quenquam posse praedominantis cuiusdam est virtutis.

Ut vinciens vincitur. Art. XXI.

Gaudium et gloria quaedam est vincientis, eaque maxima atque tanto vehementior, quanto generosius, laudabilius et praestantius est quod vincitur; eo in gaudio eaque in gloria est sita vinculi vis, qua et vinciens ipse a vincto revinciatur. Victores laudando suos victos victoriam suam efferunt, et interdum seque etiam nedum alios decipiunt, et in cupidine et aliis civilibus vinculorum effectibus. Ultra modum vile oportet esse ingenium, quod laudatum et egregium amantem, seu alia ratione sibi ex animo devinctum, ingrato non vicissim persequatur animo.



Vincientis distinctio. Art. XXII.

Est vincientis species qua digni, pulchri et boni fieri volumus, et est species qua bono, pulchro et digno potiri concupiscimus. Primum vincientis genus est ab obiecto quo caremus, secundum ab eo quod habemus magis. Ex his vincit non solum bonum, sed et opinio boni; ubique tamen vinculum cum quadam proportione et accommodatione semper est. Plures quoque vincit phantasia et opinio, quam ratio; quin immo intensius illa quam ista. Multi quippe, quia sine ratione amant, quamvis non sine causa ament impellente, vinciuntur quidem, sed unde vincantur ignorant.

Vincientis caecitas. Art. XXIII.

Occulta etiam maxima ex parte etiam sapientibus vinculorum est ratio; quid enim magni est referre rationem analogiae, similitudinis, congeneitatis et id genus vocum sine sensu, quando hominem videmus nihil odisse magis quam alterum hominem, eumque consortem atque simillimum, interdum quoque nihil amare magis, idque ex ignota causa? Quae enim generalis affertur ratio, nulla est omnino, ut solutio quaedam est et apathia inter ea quae eiusdem generis et speciei, ut foeminam et foeminam, marem et foeminam; quibus addo conditiones viri, senis, pueri. Quid dices de amore earum, quorum solummodo est auditus, qui devotionis nomine vulgo describitur? An non homo supernis et immaterialibus, imo imaginariis et non repertis summopere devincitur? Mitto speciem virtutis vinculorum referre per species, potissimum vero eam, quae est per incantationem. Nec est quod dicit quisquam vinculi vim esse a bono magis, quam vincire possit boni opinio; quin etiam ab evidenti magis, quam ab occulta causa. Et diximus supra ut diversae sunt bonorum differentiae atque species.

Vincientis industria. Art. XXIV.

Quemadmodum ignorantes plus a cauto vincimur adulatore, quam ab amico vero, ita artificiose formantur et confortantur vincula et vincientis efficacia, si timidum ille prohibeat militare, vesane impium deos colere, inhumanum propriis inservire commoditatibus, et illuc quo res inclinant magis afflare, quemadmodum qui cylindrum sibi vult arripere, non per capita et angulos, sed per suam rotundam superficiem obvertit.

Arma vincientis. Art. XXV.

Vincientis arma triplicia sunt. Prima in ipso, et haec sunt duplicia: essentialia seu naturalia, nempe quae sunt ex natura speciei; et accidentalia seu adiuncta, nempe quae naturam speciei consequuntur, cuiusmodi sunt sagacitas, sapientia et ars. Quaedam [90r] sunt circa ipsum, ut sors, fortuna, casus, occursum et incursionem facientia; quaedam super ipsum, ut fatum, natura et favor divûm.

Vincientis vices. Art. XXVI.



Proportionale est in omni vinciendi actu, quod in cibo et coitu continue experimur. Trahimur enim et vincimur horum desiderio et amore, sed non eorundem semper, eodem modo, eademque mensura, iisdemque temporis vicissitudinibus; cum tempore enim fluit et praecipitatur complexio, et omnia quae complexionem consequantur. Ideo provide et praematurato consilio vinciendi tempus praecognoscendum est, velocissime praesens praesenti utendum, ut vincire potens quamprimum vinciat et stringat.

Vincientis oculi. Art. XXVII.

Ut subtilia sunt vincula, ut pene insensibile est quod vincitur atque profundum, quod leviter tanquam a superficie liceat examinare, quod item per momenta transformabile, non aliter ad vincientem se habens, quam Thetis ad Pelei concubitus evitantdos, respicere debet mutationis ordinem et potentiam subsequentis formae sub praecedente. Quamvis enim materia ad innumerabiles indefinita sit formas, a praesenti tamen forma non aequaliter distat ab omnibus, sed ex his una tantummodo est potissime succedens, alia vero plurium mediorum interiectione, alia pauciorum, quaedam vero omnium elongata consistit. Itaque sicut formam chyli immediate consequitur forma sanguinis, ita indignationis vinculo succedunt irae, irae vero vinculis succurrunt vincula tristiae, ut facile bilis flava transit in atram. Dispositione igitur perspecta et praesenti qualitate subiectum afficiente, Thetidi isti, antequam in certam migraverit formam, Peleo praeconcepta et praeparata sunt vincula, non ignoranti aliter colubrum, aliter leonem, aliter aprum esse vinciendum.

Vincientis lenocinia. Art. XXVIII.

Non ligat vincibile vinciens, sicut neque munitissimam arcem expugnat dux facile, nisi domestico aliquo proditore vel alio quocunque pacto consentiente vel succumbente vel utcunque tractabili ministro fiat aditus; sicut in specie non vincit Venus neque arcem expugnat facile, ubi inania sunt vasa, turbatus spiritus, urens anxia, sed produnt arcem intumescentia vasa, tranquillus animus. mens quieta, corpus otiosum, quorum custodum et vigilum vicibus observatis repente audendum, vi ruedum, viribus omnibus agendum, non cessandum. Haud aliter in aliis vinciendi actibus observandum.

Vincientis scala. Art. XXIX.

Vinciens non unit sibi animam, nisi raptam; non rapit, nisi vinctam; non vincit, nisi illi se copulaverit; non copulatur, nisi ad eam pervenerit; non pervenit, nisi per motum; non movetur, nisi per appulsum; non appellit, nisi postquam inclinaverit vel declinaverit ad illam; non inclinat, nisi desideraverit et appetierit; non appetit, nisi cognoverit; non cognovit, nisi oculis et auribus vel interni sensus obtutibus obiectum specie vel simulachro praesens adfuerit. Pervenire igitur facit vincula per cognitionem in genere, nectit vincula per affectum in genere: cognitionem dico in genere, quia nescitur interdum quo sensu rapiatur; affectum dice in genere, quia nec iste facile interdum definitur.



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Portae per quas vinciens adoritur. Art. XXX.

Tres sunt portae per quas audet animarum venator ligare: visus, auditus et mens seu imaginatio. Quod si contingat per omnes illum intrare portas, potentissime vincit arctissimeque obligat. Per portam auditus ingreditur armatus voce et sermone filio vocis; per portam visus ingreditur armatus forma, gestu et motu figuraque convenienti; per portam imaginationis, mentis, rationis ingreditur per mores et artes. Inde facta primum invectione, secundo copulatione, tertio ligatione, quarto fiet attractio. Per omnes sensus occurrit vinctum vincienti, adeo usque perfecta obligatione facta, ut hoc in totum illud immigret vel immigrare concupiscat, ubi de concupiscentiae vinculo agitur; sunt quippe etiam ingrata vincula proportionalia his, de quibus in his quae de vinculo naturali proferemus, qualibus bufo trahit mustelam spiritus quadam vi occulta, gallus voce rumpit leonem, mugil tactu sistit navim, energumenus phantasia ebibit daemonem, humor melancholicus et ventosus ut magnes se habet ad incubum.

Habet ergo campus iste vinvientis intentiones triginta, nempe a

Specie 1

Effectu 2

Arte 3

Numero 4

Scala 5

Multitudine 6

Genio 7

Facultate 8

Coincidentia contrariorum 9

Diversitate 10

Medio 11

Favore seu concursu 12

Instrumento 13

Commodo 14

Differentia 15

Virtutum varietate 16

Sede 17

Praeparatione 18

Praeparationum diversitate 19



Conditione 20

Reactione 21

Distinctione 22

Caecitate seu ignorantia 23

Industria 24

Armis 25

Vicibus 26

Oculis 27

Lenociniis 28

Scala 29

Porta 30

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DE VINCIBILIBVS IN GENERE.

Species vincibilis. Articulus I.

Circa Deum seu naturam universalem seu bonum universum seu puchrum absolute, quod est centrum magni mundi, quatuor sunt convertibilia, ita ut ab ipso, ni velint adnihilari, negueant recedere, nec magis ipsum nequeant destituere, quam proprium quaeque circumferentia centrum; quatuor (inquam) in circulum mobilia circa proprium vincientem, ita ut in eodem ordine perpetuo consistant. Platonicis sunt mens, anima, natura, materia; mens per se stabilis, anima per se mobilis, natura partim stabilis partim mobilis, materia ex toto mobilis et ex toto stabilis.

Vincibilis conditio. Artic. II.

Nihil vincitur nisi aptissime praeparatum, quia fulgor ille non eodem rebus omnibus communicatur modo.

Vincibilis forma. Artic. III.

Omnia quae vinciuntur aliquo pacto sentiunt, in cuius sensus substantia inspicere est certam cognitionis



et certam appetitus speciem; non aliter magnes secundum genus attrahit et impedit. Vincire ergo volens debet aliquo modo sensum ingerere in illud quod est vincibile; ita quippe vinculum sequitur rei sensum, sicut umbra corpus.

Vincibilium comparatio. Art. IV.

Considera ut homines plus vinciuntur quam bestiae, et homines bestiales atque stupidi ad heroica vincula minime sunt apti, quam hi qui clariorem animam sunt adepti. Quod vero ad naturalia vincula attinet, his magis subiicitur vulgus quam philosophus, unde et sapientes astris dominari est in proverbio. Quod vero attinat ad vincula medii generis, habet generatio helluonum ut continentiam iactet, generatio vero libidinosorum sobrietatem.

Vincibilium distinctio. Art. V.

Ex eo quod proxime dictum est, considerare licat ut intensio unius vinculi reddat alia vinculi specie minus vincibile seu remissius. Idcirco Germanus minus sollicitatur ad Venerem, Italus minus ad crapulam; Hispanus magis pronus est ad amorem, Gallus ad iram.

Vincibilis semen seu fomes. Art. VI.

Vincitur maxime aliquid, quando aliquid sui est in vinciente, vel ideo quia per aliquid sui vinciens imperat illi. Hinc necromantici (ut uno in genere demonstrem) per ungues et capillos vivorum, quin imo et per vestium partes et vestigia, in universum corpus exercere confidunt imperium; per ossa item et quascunque mortuorum partes manes evocant. Unde non temere sepulturas maxime curabant, rogos praeposuerunt et insepultum relinquere inter fera suplicia computabant. Rhetores arte benevolentiam captant, ideo ut aliquid sui auditores et iudex habeat in ipso.

Vincibilis tempus. Art. VII.

Pro aetatis atque temporis varietate varie unum idemque fit vincibile, et varia sunt ad unum idemque vinculum non uno modo disposita, neque ex eodem pariter composita redduntur. Hinc adverte ut qui iunior extitarit et facilis, vir est constantior et prudentior, senex suspiciosior magis et morosus, decrepitus contemnit et fastidit.

Vincibilium differentia. Art. VIII.

Unde vincire volenti animadvertendum est, ut vincibilium quaedam magis natura, quaedam [91v] magis indico seu prudentia, quaedam magis usu et consuetudine agantur; ut solers primos per vincula ex



naturalibus comparata, secundos ex rationibus et demonstrationibus, signis et argumentis, tertios ex propinquis et necessariis obligat et astringat.

Vincibilis aversio Artic. IX.

Quoniam magis uni obiecto vincitur animus, quo magis ab aliis abstrahitur et relaxatur, ideo vincibile ad unum definire volenti operae precium est, ut eum in negotiis aliisque rebus torpentem, vel magis ab earum sollicitudine abductum reddat; iocundior quippe operatio iocundam alteram excludit, animus auribus intentus remittit oculos, attentius respiciens obsurdesclt, vehementius gaudentes ob unam causam vel tristes non valde aliud agimus, desidiosi vel cessamus vel retardamur ab opere; hoc est abstrahi, trahi, tenari, vinciri. Hinc rhetor per risum, per invidiam et alios affectus solvit ab amore, vincit odio vel contemptui vel indignationi.

Vincibilium numerus. Art. X.

Contemplativi a sensibilium specierum specierum aspectu divinis vinciuntur, voluptuosi per visum ad tangendi copiam descendunt, ethici in conversandi oblectationem trahuntur; primi heroici habentur, secundi naturales, tertii rationales; primi altiores, secundi inferiores, tertii medii; primi dicuntur aethere digni, secundi vita, tertii sensu; primi ascendunt ad Deum, secundi haerent corporibus, tertii ab altero extremorum recedunt, alteri appropinquant.

Vincibilis. motus. Art. XI.

In rebus compositis et variabilibus, et omnino in omnibus quae novitatem naturae et dispositionis subeant, cuiusmodi est anima et spiritus, qui vices varias per corpora et corporum motiones assumunt (quamvis utraque substantia in sua simplicitate constantissima sit et aeterna, ex privatione habet appetitum, ex appetitu appulsum, ex appulsu motum, ex motu solutionem). Inde nullum vinculum est aeternum, sed vicissitudines sunt carceris et libertatis, vinculi et solutionis a vinculo, vel potius demigratio ab una ad aliam vinculi speciem. Idque ut naturale est et aeternam rerum conditionem antecedit, concomitatur atque consequitur, ita natura varietate et motu vincit, et ars naturae aemulatrix vincula multiplicat, variat, diversificat, ordinat et successiva quadam serie componit. Status quoque usque adeo a rebus abhorret, ut interdum etiam in vetitum nitamur magis et eius desiderio amplius afficiamur. A vinculis enim solvi ita naturale est appetere, sicut et paulo ante ipsis alligari ultronea et spontanea quadam inclinatione potuimus.

Vincibilis indefinitio. Art. XII.

Quanto ex pluribus constat vincibile, tanto minus ad certa definitum est vincula. Unde voluptas hominum minus determinata est ad unum tum tempus tum individuum tum sexum, quam brutorum; equam pariter



forte omnes equi vincire possunt, mulierem vero frequenter omnes viri non ita. Hic gradus et haec indefinitio, sicut est ab homine ab brutum, ita est a vero homine ad brutalem, a magis sensato, qui etiam magis afficitur, ad magis quod dicitur in uno vinculi genere, ad omnia vinculorum genera atque species referendum.

[92r]

Vincibilitatis fundamentum. Art. XIII.

Ratio prima qua unumquoque vincibile est, partim est ex eo quod in eo esse quod est sibi praesens appetit servari, partim quod secundum ipsum et in ipso maxime perfici. Hoc est philautia in genere. Ergo si quis philautiam posset in subiecto extinguere, maximopere potens ad quomodolibet vinciendum et exolvendum redderetur. Philautia item accensa, facilius naturalium sibi vinculorum generibus astringuntur omnia.

Vincibilum relatio. Art. XIV.

Contemplari animalium amicitiam et inimicitiam, sympathiam et antipathiam, cogitationem et diversitatem, et circumstantias horum; et subeat in humana specie particularia et individua sigillatim, singulas et per universum omnes aliorum animalium primo, deinde omnium rerum aliarum species ordine quodam et analogia referre, ut quam tibi vinculorum diversitate opus sit atque commodo coniicias.

Vincibilium materiae diversitas. Art. XV.

Etsi vincibile omne compositum sit quodammodo, aliud tamen simplex dicitur, aliud multiplex seu compactum, aliud simplicius, aliud permixtum magis. Hinc est quod alia pure vinciuntur alia impure, et vincula alia pura sunt alia impura, ut voluptates et dolores alii puri sunt alii impuri alii commixti, ut Epicuro voluptas Veneris impura indicatur, quia dolorem et inexplebile desiderium (quo corpus totum in totum immigrare contendit in frustra) concomitatur, et tristis eam consequitur lassitudo. Si quae vero essent, in quibus principia nunquam deficiunt, cuiusmodi fortasse sunt astra et magna mundi animalia seu numina, quibus defatigatio {non) accidit, et in quibus effluxio et influxio substantiae aequalis est et eadem, felicissime ipsa sibi in se ipsis sunt devincta.

Qui ergo civiter vincire concupiat, diversitatem compositionum seu complexionum rimetur oportet, et aliter de heroicis, aliter de ordinariis, aliter de magis brutis ingeniis consulat, definiat atque statuat.

Vincibilium gradus. Art. XVI.



Quemadmodum ad naturales affectus, minus vinciuntur pueri, ratione qua natura in illis incumbit in augmentum, et maiore alteratione exagitatur, et nutrimentum totum ad augmentum et constitutionem individui convertitur. Item ad XIV annum incipiunt bene vinciri; quamvis enim aetas adhuc ad incrementum tendat, auctio tamen non est aeque velox atque tanta quanta in pueris. Viri autem in consistente aetate, ut maiorem habent seminis genitalis vim, inde magis vinciri posse videntur. Porro iuvenes et adolescentes ea de causa salaciores esse videntur, et quia novitate delectationis longe magis ardent, et quia meatus per quos transit semen sunt angustiores et humiditas cum suaviori resistentia scaturit, unde fit ut venereo pruritu, qui ex tali conflictu enascitur, delectentur et resolvantur magis. In senioribus vero, in quibus vires sunt semimortuae et organa et meatus effoeti et semen non ita exuperat, vincula sunt difficiliora. Proportionaliter se habet omnino in aliis affectibus, qui cum Venere analogiam, oppositionem et consequentiam quandam agnoscunt.

Vincibilium temperamenta. Art. XVII.

Ad indignationem, tristitiam, voluptatem et amorem ex merito temperaturae melancholici vinciuntur magis; ex hoc enim quod magis sunt apprehensivi, et fortius voluptatem imaginantur. [92v] Unde contemplationi et speculationi etiam sunt aptiores, affectuum in universitate magis et vehementius fluctuant et agitantur. Hinc quod ad Venerem attinet, magis propriam voluptatem finem constituunt, quam speciei propagationem. Istis affines sunt cholerici, quibus minus pruriunt sanguinei. Prae reliquis minus libidinosi sunt phlegmatici, sed magis helluones. Stat tamen quod ad obsequium naturae singuli suas habent partes; vinciuntur enim melancholici maiori imaginationis vi, sanguinei maiori spermatizandi facilitate et caliditatis temperie, phleginatici maiori humoris abundantia, cholerici fortiore et acutiore calidi spiritus prurigine et stimulo.

Vincibilium signa. Art. XVIII.

Habet in hac consideratione suas etiam physiognomia partes. Tibias enim habentes graciles et nervosas, et hircini, qui ad Satyros referuntur, nasum habentes concavum et obrotundum, suspiriosi et remissi vultus intentius amant, et licentiam per venereas species magis affectant. Idem sunt placabiles facile, nec ullos affectus habent diuturnos.

Vincibilium duratio. Art. XIX.

Senes ad vincula sunt tum duriores, tum ineptiores; iuvenes instabiliores et aptiores; medii vero apte, stabiliter et arte vinciuntur.

Vincibilium reactio. Art. XX.

Mutua gratia parit mutua vincula ; vincula sunt in scommatibus, in histrionia, in facetia; per haec



interdum alioqui turpis et deformis arte vincit eos qui erga huiusmodi sunt affecti. Adde quod experti sumus in opinione membrositatis et salacitatis; parta enim imaginatione, puero vel puellae fascinationem iniecit; unde illud.

Me pulchra fateor carere forma;Porro me mavult, quam Deus priores,Si qua non fatui est puella fundi.

Proportionaliter vincula sunt, quibus turpes vinciunt ex opinione animositatis, strenuitatis, item eloquentiae, solertiae et aliorum huiusmodi, ut ex uno genere virtutis etiam per aliud genus affectus vincire possint. Non est rara experientia, qua ex optinione virtutis vel actu facundiae turpiores ad Venerem vinciunt viragines.

Vincibilium heterogeneitas. Art. XXI.

Adde quod habeat species, quod a diversa specie vinciatur, per amorem, odium, admirationem, pietatem, compatentiam, et id genus alia, ut pro passere Lesbia, Corinna pro catella, Cyparissus pro cerva, delphin pro Arione vincti celebrantur. In summa, in omni specie semina sunt illecebris ad reliquas. Sileo de sympathia inter hominem et leonem, praetereo quod novi de consuetudine inter draconem et puerum mira.

Vincibilium mutatio. Art. XXII.

Vincibile ab una vinculi specie ad contrariam etiam non difficile est mutare, quemadmodum et mutabile est vinciens; sive secundum rem sive secundum opinionem, nihil interest. Cui enim opinione doctrinae olim vinciebar, mox maiori luce ablata ea opinione vincula contemptus et indignationis successerunt. Vincta specie urentis aetatis et pulchritudinis, quam etiam morum et ingenii vincula non confortant, tempore relaxantur et delentur.

Vincibilium causa et oblectum. Art. XXIII.

Latens est quod ad amorem et odium seu despectum citra rationis actum obvincit, et futile [93r] est Adrastiae commentum, [qui] rationem amoris, qui ab aspectu pulchri suppositi exoritur, esse animae quandam recordationem divinae pulchritudinis, quam perceperat priusquam corporis contubernio reciperetur. Quod si verum esset, quid est quod repente ad indignationem obiecto nihilo secundum eam speciem mutato animum convertit? Cur diversi animi diversis magis rapiuntur obiectis? Cur quod uni est summe pulchrum, non minus vegeto ingenio fit etiam turpe? Vincibilium ergo conditio non leviter neque modica fiet observatione pervia.



Vincibilium definitio. Art. XXIV.

Ad casum, fortunam et indefinitum quiddam retulit Theocritus amorem et alios affectus, quibus particularia vinciantur; sed castigatius sensisset existimando et dicendo 'occultum et determinatum' illud, quod 'indefinitum' appellavit quia non apertum; a determinata nempe complexionis ratione, quam vel natura largita est, vel usus et consuetudo invexit.

Vincibilium sensus. Art. XXV.

Achaei non ad rationem seu cognitionis speciem, sed ad fortunam referebant, quod aliqiud amore vel odio vel aliis affectibus vinciretur; unde in eadem ara Amorem atque Fortunam colebant. Cui iudicio adstipulanur Platonici quidam, ideo dicentes animalia muta non semper amore vinciri, quia ratione carent et prudentia. Sed isti nimis crasse sentiunt de natura cognitionis et intellectus, qui cum spiritu universi implet omnia et ex omnibus pro suppositi ratione enitescit. Nobis vero tum amor tum omnis affectus valde practica est cognitio; quin etiam discursus, ratiocinatio et argumentatio, qua potidsimum homines vinciuntur, nequaquam inter primarias cognitionis species numeratur. Credat ergo vincire volens rationem neque plures neque praecipuas ad ligandum partes obtinere, bene autem cognitio secundum genus.

Vincibilis fuga. Art. XXVI.

Alii alius se generis vinculis alligat interdum ......, ut ab uno vinculi genere diffugiat. Hinc hoc est quod vincire volens observare debeat, ut per media eorum, quibus vincitur vincibile, operatur, vinculis nempe quibus ille tenetur obsecundando. Hinc Nympha venatorem amore, sollicitudine et occupatione circa feras abductum, donis sui generis ad Venerem pellexit, cornu nempe cuius voce ferae fugientes sistebantur. Miles etiam armorum virtute et incantatione aliis abduceretur affectibus. Devinciunt ergo a Venere venatio, ieiunium, ebrietas, gymnicae exercitates, et per universum variae sollicitudines et otia, abstinentiae item variae atque luxus etc. Sicut in hoc vinculorum genere, ita in reliquis suo modo iudicandum.

Vincibilis substantia. Art. XXVII.

Duae Vincibilitatis sunt causae, et eadem sunt de essentia vincibilis, quatenus vincibile est: cognitio secundum genus, et appetitus secundum genus. Da quod nullo modo appetat, dabis quod nullo modo spiritualiter vinciatur. Adde quod sine cognitione et affectu, neque est quod aliquis vinciat civiliter neque magice. De reliquis non loquor vinculorum modis, quia parum videntibus, qui sunt plures, inconvenientiora dicere viderer.

[93v]



Vincibilis perfectio. Art. XXVIII.

Perfecte vincitur quod per omnes facultatas atque partes obligatur. Ipsarum ergo numerus vincienti debet esse exploratus, ut ad perfectionem usque obligare volens per plura irretiat vincibile vel per omnia. Illi non debent esse dubia neque impervia animi et spiritus diversa iuxta diversas potentias alimenta atque illecebrae.

Vincibilium obligatio. Art. XXIX.

Non est possibile vincire quenquam sibi, cui vinciens ipsum non siet etiam obligatum; haerent enim et inseruntur vincula vincto, vinciens vincibile alteri non obligatur quidem nisi per accidens, vinciens vero vincibile sibi non potest esse nisi et obligatum. Hanc vero felicitatem habet vinciens supra vincto, qua vinculis dominus est et qua interdum non pari patiatur et afficiatur ratione. Huic doctrinae proportionale est, quod leno vincit et non vincitur, amico vero amica non vincitur in actu nisi etiam amicus amicae actu vinciatur. Ex spiritu vero occulta est vinculi ratio interdum, qua res amata amanti vincitur, quem non cognoscit interdum, nedum non amat. Pro eadem vero specie et in eodem ordine Eros sine Antero conqueritur et infortunatur. Civiliter vero nemo vincit nisi in eodem vel propinque vinculi genere si non ei, saltem cum eo, quem vincire concupiscit, vinciatur; non enim (ut clarius loquar) rhetor affectus movet sine affectu.

Vincibilis veritas. Art. XXX.

Vincibila, ut vera vinciatur, non tantum vera requirit vincula, nempe quae ex fundamanto huiusmodi sunt, quantum apparentia, id est quae ex opinione; potest enim imaginatio sine veritate vera vincire, et per imaginationem vincibile vere obligare. Etsi enim nullus sit infernus, opinio et imaginatio inferni sine veritatis fundamento vere et verum facit infernum; habet enim sua species phantastica veritatem, unde sequitur quod et vere agat, et vere atque potentissime per eam vincibile obstringatur, et cum aeternitate opinionis et fidei aeternus sit inferni cruciatus, usque adeo ut et animus exutus corpore easdem tamen retinet species, iisdem nihilominus, quinimo etiam potentius interdum propter indisciplinem vel obiectationem vel imbibitam speciem per secula infelix perseveret. Quod vulgo philosophantes hoc non capiant at ignorantissima illa doctrina illsulsissime reprobent, non magni facimus, utpote qui pueri non minus eorum rationibus abundavimus et inexperti, quam iisdem ipsi abundare possint periti atque senes; non minus tamen ideo ipsis in hoc sensu adultis condonamus, quam nobis iudicemus condonandum fuisse pueris.



[94r]

DE VINCVLO CVPIDINIS

ET QVODAMMODO IN GENERE.Diximus in his quae De naturali magia quemadmodum vincula omnia tum ad amoris vinculum referantur, tum ab amoris vinculo pedeant, tum in amoris vinculo consistant. Per triginta quippe nodi species inducenti facile manifestum erit, ut amor omnium affectuum extet fundamentum. Qui enim nihil amat, non est cur timeat, speret, glorietur, superbiat, audeat, contemnat, accuset, excuset, humilietur, aemuletur, irascatur et aliis eiusce generis modis afficiatur. Late igitur patet materia et late funditur consideratio seu speculatio, cui ansam tribuimus sub titulo vinculi Cupidinis; at contemplatio haec a civili instituto non idcirco longius recedere existimanda, quia amplior est mirifice quam ad civile institutum.

Vinculi definitio. Articulus Primus.

Vinculum pulchritudinis apud Pythagoricos at Platonicos dicitur fulgor, radius at actus quidam vel umbra et simulacrum illius saltem atque vestigium: primo diffusum in mentem quam rerum ordine decoret, secundo in animam quam rerum serie compleat, tertio (in) naturam quam seminibus distinguat at suffulciat, quarto in materiam quam formis exornet. Hic radius clarissime est in menta, clare in anima, obscure in natura, obscurissime in rerum naturalium subiecto, aiunt. Ipsum non est in mole neque moles consistens, [neque moles] licet etiam circa molem versetur et per universum magnitudinem, quandoquidem non grandia modo sed et brevia formosa videntur, in eadam item specie grandia deformia sunt et parva formosa et econtra, et saepe eadem quantitate stante casu quodam pulchritudo tollitur, eademque mutata pulchritudo perseverat. Placet venustissimus infans et puellus, sed non vincit nisi a certa aetate adolescens. Habet ergo aliquid moles; hoc enim verum est etiam nihilo forma, figura et complexione rei variata. Inde inducito ad civiles vinciendi species, per media quantitatis in quibus consistit forma et efficacia vinculi: referas, inquam, ad gestum, verba, vestes, consuetudines, risus et affectuum alia signa.

Vinculi origo. Art. II.



Platonicorum quidam vinculum a certa membrorum proportione proficisci definiunt cum colorum quadam suavitate concurrente. Ad plura vero respicientibus, saltem ad hoc quod non solum res compositae et membrorum varietate consistentes vinciunt, sed interdum purus color, pura vox; nihil item citius labitur et senescit quam pulchritudo, nihil vere tardius alteratur quam figura et forma quae ex membrorum compositione exterius enitescit; vinculum igitur pulchritudinis in alio respiciendum esse videtur, quem in figura et membrorum proportione, quinimo eadam pulchritudine permanente etiam atque figura, interdum post rei amatae fruitionem praeterit amor. Quocirca praesertim in quadam rapientis et rapti condispositione vinculi ratio consistit. Interdum quippe [94v] rationaliter in puellae pulchritudine, civiliter in hominis conversatione, oratione, habitu et actione per universum, cum nihil habeamus quod ratione argui possit, non placent tamen; in uno vero plura vel singula cum displiceant, placebit tamen nihilominus ille. Stupidius vero est quod coloris de vinculo referunt, non distinguentes inter colorem et inter id quod circa colorem est; quî enim color per se vincit, quando clarior in seniore displicet et despicitur, remissior vero in iuniore ligat atque rapit? Sic civiliter consularis et gravis oratio ab adolescente profecta, quantavis eniteat arte, arrogantiae specie maturiora iudicia ad indignationem concitat; venusta vero, blanda atque florida ex ore senioris contemptum parit, atque risum interdum exuscitat et irrisionis materiam subministrat; ita ut in cultu corporis, verborum et operis aliud est quod matronam, aliud quod virginem, aliud quod puellam, aliud quod puerum, quod virum, quod seniorem decet, aliud item quod militem, aliud quod togatum.

Vinculi indefinito. Art. III.

Non tam difficile est (credo) vincire et solvere, quam vinculum invenire, in his (inquam) propositis, in quibus magis ad casum, quam ad naturam et artem vincula referantur. Vinculum nempe, quod a corpore proficiscitur, nullam habet corporis definitam partem; sunt enim oculi, genae et es, quibus se vinciri sentit amans, quae tamen vel eodem numero diversis tributa subiectis tantum abest interdum ut similiter vinciant, ut etiam Cupidinis vincula dissolvant vel arceant. Quid quod quem corporea specie interdum deperimus, novimus ex more vel sermone vincula Cupidinis cessasse? Ita suo modo in civilibus vinculis considerabis.

Vinculi compositio. Artic. IV.

Cupidinis inferioris vinculum est quod compositis et appositis vincimur, simplicibus vero et absolutis nihilo capimur. Et sunt qui haec usque adeo contemnant etiam; iisdem Deus pulchritudinem in se habere non existimabitur, quia cum simplex quaedam natura sit, in compositionis ordinatione minime praefulgeat. Stat tamen ex fide ipsum pulcritudinis omnis atque vinculi authorem esse atque perfectorem. Non distinguunt vero propter ingenii imbecillitatem inter simpliciter pulchrum et ad nos pulchrum, sicut et civiliter non sapit, qui inter pulchrum ad homines omnes et rationem, et homines istos et consuetudinem, usus et occasionem non distinguit, perperam vincire concupiscens.

Vinculorum numerus. Art. V.



Vincula sunt confuse seu consistenter corporis forma, corporis habitus, corporis motus, vocum et sermonis consonantia, morum concinnitas et fortuna et sympathiae occursus, quibus non solum homines hominibus et ferae feris, sed etiam hominibus ferae vinciuntur. Huc spectat quod ex naturali charactere puer viso serpente, agnus viso lupo, nulla [95r] experientia vel noticia praevia, mortaliter exhorrescit, viso autem bove vel ove colludit et congaudet. Sunt fumigia, quibus homines et spiritus rapiuntur varii, varia. Novi homines qui odorem moschi mire exhorrebant et omnes qui per universum sunt suaves, ut etiam caderent prae spiritus turbatione; inter alios unum, qui digitis perfrictos cimices naribus supponendo mirifice delectabatur. Sic varus varia, quin etiam contrariis non solum contraria, sed etiam diversa, vinciuntur. Et civiliter non eadem orationis species atque cultus corporis ornatus et morum concinnitas vel facilitas Germano probatur atque Italo, uni et alteri Germano, ut ab universitate Italus recedens Germanum habeat ingenium, Germanus Italicum. Hinc difficultas est et maior prudentia requiritur in vinciendo civiliter, praesertim ubi non ad multitudinem, sed ad individuum vincula iaciuntur; facilius quippe est vincire multos quam unum, et uno iaculo in multitudinem avium proiecto etiam casu plures potent aucupis iactus traiicere, quam aptiore collineatione e pluribus unam.

Vinculorum portae. Art. VI.

Ostia per quae vincula iaciuntur sunt sensus, maxime vero omnium visus atque dignissime; reliqui vero pro obiectorum et potentiarum varietate proprius, sicut ex carnis lenitate vincitur tactus, vocis symphonia auditus, suavi anhelitu olfactus, morum concinnitate animus, demonstrationum claritate intellectus. Per diversas fenestras diversa ingrediuntur vincula, quorum quaedam plus in uno, quaedam plus in alio praepollent; unde alii uno, alii altero magis studio delectantur; quippe etiam vinculum non aequaliter ab omnibus nec aequaliter in omnia perducitur.

Vinculorum, genera. Art. VII.

Vinculorum totidem intelligimus esse genera atque differentias, quot pulchri sunt genera atque differentiae; istae vero differentiae non pauciores esse videntur, quam rerum sint praecipuarum, nempe secundum speciem. Adde quod in singulis speciebus diversa particularia diversimode atque diversis vinciuntur. Vincitur ad cibum famelicus, ad potum sitiens, ad Venerem semine plenus, ad speciem sensibilem hic, ad intelligibilem ille, ad naturalem unus, ad artificialem alius, vincitur abstractis mathematicus, concretis practicus, absente specie masturbans eremita, praesente familiaris, diversis tamen secundum omne genus diversa, quin etiam non undique eadem vincula procedentia eandem secum virtutem referunt. Vincit enim musica pueri et adolescentis, puellae vero non ita neque viri; robur in viro magnifaciendo vincit, in foemina vero minime; puella simplicitate et honestate vincit. Solvit vero a vinculis si ita afficiatur adultus, et amplius atque amplius displicet.

Vinculorum modus. Art. VIII.



Vinciunt magis civiliter rhetores et aulici et utlibet consuetudinem habentes, ubi transfuga quadam artis dissimulatione operantur; neque enim qui satis belle loquitur nimisque superstitiosule sapit, ille placebit; displicent nimis methodice et geometrice vestes appositae, capilli intorti, oculi et gestus et motus ad normam omnem exacti; multum enim abest ut eiusmodi etiam non [95v] displiceat. Ita civiliter in oratione, quam vulgo nimis affectatam et elaboratam indicarent. Hoc enim ad inertiam potius referendum est et ingenii mentisque inopiam; non exigua quippe artis pars est artem dissimulando arte uti. Non ergo belle sapit qui ubique et per omnia belle sapit, sicut neque annulatus est belle qui omnes digitos annulis. confertos habet atque gemmis, nec belle torquatus qui onustus monilium varietate et multitudine progreditur. Huc spectat maxime considerare quod lucis fulgor lucis fulgorem extinguit, et lux non nisi in tenebris lucet, fulget, enitescit, placet. Ornamentum etiam nullum est, ubi cum er quod est ornandum et informe non cohaeret. Itaque ars a natura non absolvitur, cultus a simplicitate non recedit.

Vinculi descriptio. Art. IX.

Vinculum Platoni est secundum genus pulchritudo seu conformitas, Socrati excellens animi venustas, Timaeo animae tyrannis, Plotino naturae privilegium, Teophrasto tacita deceptio, Salomoni ignis absconditus et aquae furtivae, Theocrito eburneum detrimentum, Carneadi regnum sollicitum, mihi tristitia hilaris, hilaritas tristis. Analogiam habent descriptiones aliae affectuum et vinculorum species ad praesentem affectum atque vinculum, per ea quae in praefatione partis huius adduximus.

Vinculorum distributio. Art. X.

Ad actum perfectum perfecta vinciuntur, nobilem nobilia vel nobilitata; ad imperfectum vero et defectum vinciuntur ea in quibus aliqua est imperfectio atque defectus. Ideo dictum est in superioribus aliquid vinciendi debere esse in vinciente. Puella omnino casta, in qua fomitis semina nulla consistant, ad libidinem nulla arte et nullo astro vincitur, si non tangatur, si non attingatur, sine (inquam) participatione eius ad manus vincientis, et sine aliqua profusione a manu vincientis ad ipsam. De immatura nihil loquar; in omnibus enim actibus semine quodam opus est, semina vero omnia non ubique prolificant. Aegrotum, senem, frigidum, mutilum, quis non frustra irretire conabitur, econtra vero se habentem quis non implicare? In civilibus vinculis proportionale omnino facile est iudicium.

Vinculorum gradus. Art. XI.

Res in universo ita sunt ordinatae, ut in una quadam coordinatione consistant, ita ut continuo quodam quasi fluxu ab omnibus progressio fieri possit ad omnia. Horum vero alia aliis immediate cohaerent, sicut ad naturalem propagationem eiusdem speciei individua, et in his familiaria sunt vincula cognata et facillima. Alia vero mediis quibusdam subordinantur, et in his media omnia pertransire oportet et penetrare quodammodo, ut a vinciente in vincibile vincula protendantur. Itaque numina, per rerum elargitionem et mediorum quorundam impertibilium favorem, inferiora et infima tandem sibi devinciunt influendo. Vicissim vero obsecundatione quadam [96r] naturali vel rationali, quodam cultu inferiora



tollantur, ut superiora et eminus posita sibi pro congruo arbitrio revinciant. Utqae variae sunt rerum species eorum atque differentiae, ita eorum varia sunt tempora loca, media, via, organa et officium. Hoc in omni genere vinculorum et vincibilium perspicere facillimum est et inducere.

Vinculi magnitudo. Art. XII.

Divina vis quaedam est in rebus omnibus, amor ipse pater, fons et Amphitrites est vinculorum. Ideo non perperam Orpheus et Mercurius ipsum magnum Daemona appellant, quippe et tota rerum substantia, constitutio et (ut ita dicam) hypostasis vinculum quoddam est. Maximam ergo et principem vinculi doctrinam assequemur, ubi ad ordinem universi oculos convertemus. Hoc vinculo superiora provident inferioribus, inferiora convertuntur ad superiora, paria invicem associantur, universi tandem perfectio est secundum formae rationem.

Vinculi principalis effectus. Ar. XIII.

Amor unus, vinculum unum, facit omnia unum, diversas habet in diversis facies, ut idem aliter alia atque alia vinciat. Hinc Cupido idem dicitur superior et inferior, novissimus et antiquissimus, caecus et perspicacissimus, qui facit omnia pro viribus vel in se ipsis consistere ne a se recedant, ad speciei perennitatem. Ad particularium vero vicissitudinem facit, ut singula quodammodo a se ipsis recedant, ubi in amatum transferri concupiscit amans omne; per se ipsa quoque dissolvantur, aperiantur, dehiscant, ubi totum amans concipere concupit amatum et imbibere. Itaque est vinculum, quo res volunt esse ubi sunt et non amittere quae habent, interea quoque volunt esse ubique et habere quae absunt; unde ex complacentia quadam circa possessa, desiderio et appetitu circa distantia et possessibilia, et amore circa omnia, quia particulari et finito bono atque vero non expletur particularis appetitus et intellectus, qui ad universum bonum et universum verum respiciunt obiecta. Hinc est ut ab eodem vinculo finita potentia in quadam definita materia simul et stringi et dispergi, detrahi atque dissipari se experiatur. Hanc conditionem vinculi secundum genus in vinculis secundum specierum singulas observato.

Vinculi qualitas. Art XIV.

Vinculum neque pulchrum est neque bonum; est enim quo pulchrum atque bonum persequuntur omnia atque singula, et connectit iliud quod accipit cum eo quod accipitur, illud quod dat cum eo cui datur, vincibile cum vinciente, appetibile cum appetente. Hoc vero quod appetit pulchrum atque bonum, quatenus appetit, caret; ideo pulchrum neque bonum eatentis est. Inde male concludit in proposito materiae Peripateticorum aliquis, materiam turpem esse atque malam, quia appetendo bonum et pulchrum eodem carere se contestatur. Circumspectius dixit Aristoteles 'sicut turpe', 'sicut malum', non autem simpliciter huiusmodi. In rei autem veritate neque turpe, neque pulchrum, neque malum est neque bonum, quod ad bonitatem, malitiam, turpitudinem et pulchritudinem tendit et aeque fertur ut materia. Si materia esset malum, contra eius naturam esset appetere bonum; itidem natura turpe. Item si esset secundum similitudinem, [96v] similiter se haberet atque contrarium, quod alterum contrarium non



appetit, sed excludit et abhorret. Profundius vero philosophantes intelligunt, quod nos alibi declaravimus, ut materia ipsa inchoationem habeat omnium formarum in sinu suo, ita ut ex eo omnia promat et emittat, non puram illam exclusionem, ita ut quasi omnia peregrina concipiat ab externo; extra quipp materiae gremium nulla forma est, sed in eo tum omnes latent, et ex eo tum omnes educuntur. Civiliter ergo et secundum omnes rationes de vinculo consideranti perspicuum esse debet, ut in omni materia seu materiae parte, in omni individuo seu particulari, tum omnia sublateant et subcontineantur semina, tum consequenter omnium vinculoram applicationes solerti quodam artificio compleri posse; et docuimus in uno de triginta sigillis, ut generalis ista transformatio fiat et applicatio.

Vinculi generalitas seu universitas. Art. XV.

Ex hoc quod proxime dictum est sequitur amorem quo amamus, appetitum quo appetunt omnia, tum medium esse inter bonum et malum, turpe et pulchrum, tum (non ideo non turpe, non pulchrum) secundum certam communicationem et participationem bonum et pulchrum. Exsumitur enim amoris vinculum secundum rationem communem activo et passivo, qua omnia, sive agant sive patiantur sive utrumque faciant, ordinari, copulari, uniri et perfici cupiunt, quatenus natura quaedam ordinem, copulam, unionem et perfectioriem operatur, atque sine hoc vinculo nihil est, sicut sine natura nihil est. Non propterea igitur amor imperfectionem significat, ubi in materia et Chaos ante rerum perfectionem contemplatur; totum quippe quod in Chaos et bruta ilia quam excogitaverunt materia dicitur esse amor, totum dicitur simul esse perfectio; quantum vero dicitur non esse, imperfectio et inordinatio, intelligitur non esse amor. Stat ergo, ut amor ubique perfectum, et vinculum hoc ubique perfectionem contestetur. Ubi quippe imperfectum amat perfici, hoc quod amat perfici habet quidem per imperfectionem, sed non ab imperfectione, sed certe a perfectionis participatione quadam et lumine divinitatis et eminentioris cuiusdam naturae obiecto, tanto magis vivaciter quanto vehementius appetit. Altius quippe summi amore boni flagrat quod perfectius est, quam quod imperfectum. Perfectissimum ergo est illud principium, quod fieri vult omnia et quod non ad particularem formam fertur et particularem perfectionem, sed ad universam formam et ad universam perfectionem. Eiusmodi est materia per universum, extra quam nulla est forma, in cuius potentia, appetita et dispositione omnes sunt formae, et quae in partibus suis vicissitudine quadam omnes recipit formas, quarum simul vel duas recipere non posset. Et divinum ergo quoddam est materia, sicut et divinum quoddam existimatur esse forma, quae aut nihil est aut materiae quiddam est. Extra et sine materia nihil, sicut posse facere et posse fieri tandem unum et idem sunt, et individuo uno consistunt fundamento, quia simul datur et tollitur potens facere omnia cum potente fieri omnia; atque una potentia absoluta atque simpliciter (quicquid [97r] sit potentia in particulari et compositorum et accidentaria, quae sensus et mentem Peripateticorum fascinavit, cum asseclis quibusdam cucullatis), quemadmodum pluribus in his quae De infinite et universo diximus et in dialogis De principio et uno exactius, non stultam concludentes Davidis de Dinantho et Avicebronis in libro Fontis vitae sententiam ab Arabibus citatam, qui ausi sunt materiam etiam 'Deum' appellare.

Vinculorum comparatio. Art. XVI.

Vinculum omnium potissimum est Veneris et secundum genus amoris, ad cuius aequalitatem et unitatem



odii vinculum primo atque potissimum refertur. Quantum quippe unum oppositorum et contrariorum secundum genus amamus, tantum alterum censequenter odimus atque spernimus. Duo hi affectus, et tandem unus ille affectus, qui est amor, omnibus dominatur (in cuius substantia includitur odium), super omnes dominatur et eos erigit, dirigit, regulat et moderatur. Hoc vinculo caetera solvuntur vincula, ut animalia vinculo Veneris constricta foeminina alias foeminas, masculina alios mares rivales non compatiantur; cibos, potus et interdum vitam ipsam negligunt, ne victa quidem absistunt, sed a fortioribus contrita eo magis insectantur, non imbres, non frigora pertimescunt. Quo argumento Aristippus corpoream voluptatem potissimumque Veneream summum bonum statuit, sed illi ante oculos homo plus animalis pro virtute propriae complexionis obiiciebatur. Hoc tamen verum est quod solertior et sagacior irretitor ex his, quae ligandus vel vinciendus amat et odit, ad aliorum affectuum vincula sibi viam sternit; vinculum quippe vinculorum amor est.

Vinculorum tempus et locus. Art. XVII.

Sicut non ubique neque semper, quamvis optima iaciantur semina, rerum propagatio consequitur, ita neque irretientia vincula perpetuo et ubique, sed apto tempore et subiectorum congrua dispositione virtutem concipiunt effectus.

Vinculi distinctio. Art. XVIII.

Vinculum pure naturale et pure voluntarium (iuxta rationem qua vulgus distinguit inter naturam et voluntatem) non datur. Voluntas enim cum intellectus participatione et intelligentia non voluntatis termino ubique viget, praeterquam ubi nihil est, ut in aliis ostentdimus locis; unde sequitur multos multa frustra disputare. In nobis secundum rationem tres sunt differentiae vinculorum (licet in una naturae radice fundentur omnia): naturale, rationale et voluntarium. Unde ex parte unam vinculi differentiam per aliam vinculi differentiam moderari nequimus. Hinc prudentum leges non prohibent amare, sed praeter rationem amare; stultorum vero sycophantiae sine ratione (rationi) rationis terminos praescribunt, naturae legem damnant; quin et corruptissimi corruptam eam vocant, quo non supra naturam tollantur heroës, sed contra naturam et infra omnem dignitatem deprimantur bestiae.

Vinculi progressio et scala. Art. XVIII.

Vinculi Cupidinisque complexio ita Platonicis completur. Primo pulchri seu boni et id genus species in sensus externos fertur, secundo in eorum centrum, qui sensus est communis, retrahitur tertio in imaginationem, quarto in memoriam. Inde anima ingenio quodam [97v] appetit, ut primo moveatur convertatur, rapiatur, secundo conversa et rapta pulchri vel boni vel veri radio illustratur, tertio illustrata et illuminata appetitu sensitivo accenditur, quarto accensa amato adhaerere concupiscit, quinto adhaerens ipsi etiam immiscetur et incorporatur, sexto incorporata iuxta pristinam formam deperditur et se ipsam quodammodo destituit et aliena qualitate afficitur, septimo in ipsum qualitatis subiectum in quod transiit et ita affecta fuit transformatur. Conversionem ad motum Cupidinis praeparationem appellant,



conversionem Cupidinis ortum, illustrationem Cupidinis pabulum, accensionem Cupidinis accrementum, adhaerentiam Cupidinis impetum, incorporationem Cupidinis dominium, transformationem Cupidinis triumphum seu perfectionem.

Fulcra scalae vinculorum. Art. XIX.

Habes quo haec scala per singulos gradus innitatur. Ortus Cupidinis fit primo ex corporeis alimento, delitiis, luxibus, secundo ex anima seu spiritus illecebris et lascivis vel meliori nomine dignis meditationibus, quibus pulchrum gratia coniunctum occurrat; Cupidinis pabulum, quod ortum non facit interire, pulchri cognitio est; Cupidinis accrementum est super pulchro cognito meditatio, mora; Cupidinis impetus in eo versatur quod animus ab una amati parte ad omnes prolabitur et diffundatur, ut ex toto accendi possit; dominium Cupidinis in eo nititur quod amantis animus relicto suo corpore it et operatur in alieno; Cupidinis transformatio est tibi sibi mortuus aliena vivit vita, unde non tanquam in alieno, sed tanquam in proprio deinceps ibi consistat domicilio. Hoc est quod aiunt Iovem in taurum, Apollinem in pastorem, Saturnum in equum, et Deos alios in alias migrasse formas, quod animus ex una forma et vinculi specie in aliam affectuum motione seu turbatione transforatur.

Vinculorum conditio. Art. XX.

Sunt quaedam exteriora quac vinciunt, sicut dona, obsequia, honores, officia; sed vere vinciunt, quando non eam ferunt speciem, qua quasi pro emenda redamatione offerantur; mercaturae enim species, utilitatis et ignobilitatis species est et in vilipendium cedit.

Vinculorum proprietas. Art. XXI.

Propria haec sunt vincula et potentissima, quae sunt per approximationem contrarii, iuxta eam speciem quae nunc magis exemplo quam definitione seu nomine (quod ignotum est) explicari potest. Superbum animum vincit humilis et honorificus; eos enim amat superbus, a quo magnifieri se videt, tantoque magis quanto a maiore; maius quippe est a magnis quam a parvis magnifieri, imo et ab istis aestimari contemnere etiam solemus interdum. Vinciens circumspecte speciem qua superbus superbit tuetur. Alii enim, id est milites, in robore et strenuitate corporis primas habere volunt; ideo si primas iisdem in rerum potentia et sagacitate non tribuant, facile ferunt. Qui vero de rerum cognitione gloriantur philosophi, facillime ferunt si pectoris pro strenuitate non magnifiant. Idem iudicium est pro aliorum iniectione vinculorum.

[98r]

Vinculorum gratia. Art. XXII.



Gratitudinis speciem concupiscere faciunt vincula. Oritur quippe (ut in uno vinculorum genere inducam) inter amantes querela, ubi mutuo alterum alteri debere praesumunt; iudicat amans debitum amatae, ut animam illi ablatam restituat, ubi in proprio corpore mortuus in alieno vivit; si amans amatae minus blanditur, queritur haec quasi eam ille curet minus; queritur amans versus amatam, si * * * [abbiamo aggiunto i segni di lacuna]

Bruno, Giordano Bruno, 1548-1600. De Vinculis in Genere/ by Giordano Bruno.1. Christianity -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.2. Hermetism -- Early works to 1800.3. Magic -- Early works to 1800.I. Title.B783193 B83.IF

Edited from Vol. 3 of: Jordani Bruni Nolani opera latine conscriptapta publicis sumptibus edita...Authors: Bruno, Giordano, 1548-1600.Published: Neapoli : D. Morano, 1879-91.Description: 3 v : ill. ; 23 cm.Contributors: Fiorentino, Francisco, 1834-1884. Tocco, Felice, 1845-1911. Vitelli, H., Imbriani, Vittorio, 1840-1886, Tallarigo, Carlo Maria,Notes: Vol. 1 is in 4 parts; v. 2 in 3 parts; v. 3 in 1 part; Each part has separate tp and paging (v. 1, pt. 3-4, v. 2, pt. 2-3, and v. 3 have imprint: Florentiae, Typis svccessorvm Le Monnier) Vol. 1, pt. 1-2, "Recensebat F. Fiorentino", pt. 3-4, "Cvrantibvs F. Tocco et H. Vitelli"; v. 2, pt. 1 "Recensebant V. Imbriani et C. M. Tallarigo", pt. 2-3 and v. 3, "Cvrantibvs F. Tocco et H. Vitelli".Call No: 193B83 IF

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GIORDANO BRUNO

On the Infinite Universe and Worlds(DE L'INFINITO UNIVERSO ET MONDI)

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CONTENTS

● Table of Contents for On the Infinite Universe and Worlds● Table of Contents for Bruno: His Life and Thought

Introductory Epistle 229 Argument of the First Dialogue 230 Argument of the Second Dialogue 236 Argument of the Third Dialogue 237 Argument of the Fourth Dialogue 240 Argument of the Fifth Dialogue 242 Three Sonnets 248 FIRST DIALOGUE 250 SECOND DIALOGUE 270 THIRD DIALOGUE 302 FOURTH DIALOGUE 328 FIFTH DIALOGUE 348

GIORDANO BRUNO

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THE NOLAN

On the Infinite Universeand Worlds

To the Most IllustriousMonsieur de Mauvissière

Printed in Venicein the year 1584

[INTRODUCTORY EPISTLE]


INTRODUCTORY EPISTLE addressed to the most illustrious Monsieur Michel de Castelnau, Seigneur de Mauvissière, de Concressault and de Joinville, Chevalier of the Order of the most Christian King, Privy Councillor, Captain of 50 men at arms, and Ambassador to Her most Serene Majesty the Queen of England.

IF, O most illustrious Knight, I had driven a plough, pastured a herd, tended a garden, tailored a garment: none would regard me, few observe me, seldom a one reprove me; and I could easily satisfy all men. But since I would survey the field of Nature, care for the nourishment of the soul, foster the cultivation of talent, become expert as Daedalus concerning the ways of the intellect; lo, one doth threaten upon beholding me, another doth assail me at sight, another doth bite upon reaching me, yet another who hath caught me would devour me; not one, nor few, they are many, indeed almost all. If you would know why, it is because I hate the mob, I loathe the vulgar herd and in the multitude I find no joy. It is Unity that doth enchant me. By her power I am free though thrall, happy in sorrow, rich in poverty, and quick even in death. Through her virtue I envy not those who are bond though free, who grieve in the midst of pleasures, who endure poverty in their wealth, and a living death. They carry their chains within them; their spirit containeth her own hell that bringeth them low; within their soul is the disease that wasteth, and within their mind the lethargy that bringeth death. They are without the generosity

that would enfranchise, the long suffering that exalteth, the splendour that doth illumine, knowledge that bestoweth life. Therefore I do not in weariness shun the arduous path, nor idly refrain my arm from the present task, nor retreat in despair from the enemy that confronteth me, nor do I turn my dazzled eyes from the divine end. Yet I am aware that I am mostly held to be a sophist, seeking rather to appear subtle than to reveal the truth; an ambitious fellow diligent rather to support a new and false sect than to establish the ancient and true; a snarer of birds who pursueth the splendour of fame, by spreading ahead the darkness of error; an unquiet spirit that would undermine the edifice of good discipline to establish the frame of perversity.

Wherefore, my lord, may the heavenly powers scatter before me all those who unjustly hate me; may my God be ever gracious unto me; may all the rulers of our world be favourable to me; may the stars yield me seed for the field and soil for the seed, that the harvest of my labour may appear to the world useful and glorious, that souls may be awakened and the understanding of those in darkness be illumined. For assuredly I do not feign; and if I err, I do so unwittingly; nor do I in speech or writing contend merely for victory, for I hold worldly repute and hollow success without truth to be hateful to God, most vile and dishonourable. But I thus exhaust, vex and torment myself for love of true wisdom and zeal for true contemplation. This I shall make manifest by conclusive arguments, dependent on lively reasonings derived from regulated sensation, instructed by true phenomena; for these as trustworthy ambassadors emerge from objects of Nature, rendering themselves present to those who seek them, obvious to those who gaze attentively on them, clear to those who apprehend, certain and sure to those who understand. Thus I present to you my contemplation concerning the infinite universe and innumerable worlds. [1]

ARGUMENT OF THE FIRST DIALOGUE


YOU learn from the first Dialogue Firstly, that the inconstancy of sense-perception doth demonstrate that sense is no source of certainty, but can attain thereto only through comparison and reference from one sensible percept to another, from one sense to another, so that truth may be inferred from diverse sources.

Secondly, the demonstration is begun of the infinity of the universe; [2] and the first argument is derived from the failure to limit the world by those whose fantasy would erect around it boundary walls.

Thirdly, it will be shown that it is unfitting to name the world finite, and contained within itself, since this condition belongeth only to immensity, as shown by the second argument. Moreover, the third argument is based on the inconvenience and indeed impossibility of imagining the world to occupy no position. For inevitably it would follow that it was without being, since everything whether corporeal or incorporeal doth occupy corporeally or incorporeally some position.

The Fourth argument is based on a demonstration or urgent question put by the Epicureans:

Moreover, suppose now that all space were created finite; if one were to run on to the end, to its furthest coasts, and throw a flying dart, would you have it that the dart, hurled with might and main, goeth on whither it is sped, flying afar, or think you that something can check and bar its way? ... For whether there be something to check it and bring about that it arriveth not whither it was sped, and planteth not itself in the goal, or whether it fareth forward, yet it set not forth from the end. [3]

Fifthly, Aristotle's definition of position [4] is unsuited to primal, vast, universal space [4] and it befitteth not to take the surface nearest and adjoining the content or other such foolishness which would regard space [4] as mathematical and not physical, not to mention that between the containing surface and the content which moveth therein, there is always and inevitably an intermediate space [5] which should rather be named position; [4] and if we wish only to take the surface of space, [5] we need to go seeking a finite position [4] in the infinite.

Sixthly, if we posit a finite world, it is impossible to escape acceptance of the void, if void is that which containeth naught.

Seventhly, this space in which is our world would without it be indeed a void, since where the world is not, there we must infer a void. Beyond our world then, one space is as another; therefore the quality of one is also that of the other; wherefore too this quality cometh to action, for no quality is eternally without action, and indeed it is eternally linked to action or rather is itself action, for in eternity there is no distinction between being and potential being [nor therefore between action and potential action].

Eighthly, none of our sense-perceptions is opposed to the acceptance of infinity, since we cannot deny infinity merely because we do not sensibly perceive it; but since sense in itself is included in infinity, and since reason doth confirm infinity, therefore needs must that we posit infinity. Moreover, if we consider well, sense doth present to us an infinite universe. For we perceive an endless series of objects, each one contained by another, nor do we ever perceive either with our external or our internal sense, an object which is not contained by another or similar object.

Lastly before our eyes one thing is seen to bound another; air is as a well between the hills, and mountains between tracts of air, land bounds the sea and again sea bounds all lands; yet in truth there is nothing outside to limit the universe ... so far on every side spreads out huge room for things, free from limit in all directions everywhere. [6]

From the testimony of our sight then we should rather infer the infinite, since there is no object which doth not terminate in another, nor can we experience aught which terminateth in itself.

Ninthly, only verbally is it possible to deny infinite space, as is done by pertinacious fellows. For the rest of space where the universe is not, which is called void, where indeed it is pretended that nothing doth exist, cannot be conceived as without the capacity to contain no less a magnitude than that which it doth contain.

Tenthly, since it is well that this world doth exist, no less good is the existence of each one of the infinity of other worlds.

Eleventhly, the virtue of this world is not communicable to any other world soever, just as my being cannot be communicated to the being of this or of that man.

Twelfthly, there is no reason or sense-perception which, since we accept an infinity undivided, utterly simple and all-embracing, will not permit also a corporeal and extended infinity.

Thirteenthly, our own surrounding space which appeareth to us so immense is neither part nor whole in relation to the infinite; nor can it be patient of infinite activity; compared to such activity, indeed, that which can be comprehended by our imbecile minds is merely nonbeing. And to a certain objection it may be replied that we base our argument for infinity not on the dignity of space but on the dignity of the natures [of worlds], since for the same reason that our space doth exist, so also should exist every other possible world; and their power of being is not actuated by our world's being, just as Elpino's power of being is not actuated by the existence of Fracastoro.

Fourteenthly, if infinite active power doth actuate corporeal and dimensional being, this being must necessarily be infinite; otherwise there would be derogation from the nature and dignity both of creator and of creation.

Fifteenthly, the universe as vulgarly conceived cannot contain the perfection of all things, save in the sense that I contain the perfection of all my members, and every globe containeth its entire contents. It is as though we named everyone rich who lacketh naught which he possesseth.

Sixteenthly, efficient infinity would be utterly incomplete without the [infinite] effect thereof, as we cannot conceive that such an effect [of infinity] should be the efficient infinity itself. Furthermore, if such were or could be the effect, this doth in no way detract from that which must appertain to every veritable effect, wherefore theologians name action ad extra or transitive in addition to imminent action, so that thus it is fitting that both one and the other be infinite.

Seventeenthly, to call the universe [7] boundless as we have done bringeth the mind to rest, while the contrary doth multiply innumerable difficulties and inconveniences. Furthermore, we repeat what was said under headings two and three.

Eighteenthly, if the world be spherical, it hath figure and boundary; and the boundary which is yet beyond this boundary and figure (though it may please thee to term it nullity) hath also figure, so that the concavity of the latter is joined to the convexity of the former, since the beginning of this thy nullity is a concavity completely indifferent to the convex surface of our world.

Nineteenthly, more is added to that which hath been said under the second heading.

Twentiethly, that which hath been said under heading ten is repeated.

In the Second Part of this Dialogue, that which hath already been shewn concerning the passive power of the universe is demonstrated for the active power of the efficient cause, set forth with arguments of which the first deriveth from the fact that divine power should not be otiose; particularly positing the effect thereof outside the substance thereof (if indeed aught can be outside it), and that it is no less otiose and invidious if it produce a finite effect than if it produce none.

The Second argument is practical, shewing that the contrary view would deny divine goodness and greatness. While from our view there followeth no inconvenience whatever against what laws you will, nor against the matter of theology.

The Third argument is the converse of the twelfth of Part 1. And here is shewn the distinction between the infinite whole and the completely infinite.

The Fourth argument sheweth that no less from lack of will than from lack of power, omnipotence cometh to be blamed [by the Aristotelians] for the creation of a finite world, the infinite agent acting on a finite subject.

The Fifth argument doth demonstrate that if omnipotence maketh not the world infinite, it is impotent to do so; and if it hath not power to create it infinite, then it must lack vigour to

preserve it to eternity. And if finite in one respect, it would be so in all, for every mode therein is an object, and every object and every mode are the same, the one as the other.

The Sixth argument is the converse of the tenth of Part 1, and sheweth the reason why theologians defend the contrary view, not without expedient argument, and discourseth of friendship between these learned divines and the learned philosophers.

The Seventh doth propound the reasons which distinguish active power from diverse actions, and dischargeth such argument. Further, it expoundeth infinite power intensively and extensively in more lofty fashion than hath ever been done by the whole body of theologians.

The Eighth doth demonstrate that the motion of the infinity of worlds [8] is not the result of external motive force, but of their own nature, and that despite this there existeth an infinite motor force.

The Ninth sheweth how infinite motion may be intensively verified in each of the worlds. To this we should add that since each moving body at the same time moveth itself and is moved, needs must that it may be seen in every point of the circle that it describeth around its own centre. And this objection we discharge on other occasions when it will be permissible to present the more diffuse doctrine.

ARGUMENT OF THE SECOND DIALOGUE


THE second Dialogue reacheth the same conclusion. Firstly, four arguments are brought forward. The first sheweth that all the attributes of divinity are together as each one singly. The second doth demonstrate that our imagination should not be able to aspire beyond divine action. The third doth postulate the indifference of the distinction between divine intellect and divine action, and doth demonstrate that divine intellect conceiveth the infinite no less than the finite. The fourth argument enquireth, if the corporeal quality perceptible to our senses is endowed with infinite active power, then what will be the absolute totality of active and passive power inherent in the totality of all things?

Secondly, it is demonstrated that a corporeal object cannot be terminated by an incorporeal object, but either by a Void or by a Plenum, and in either case, beyond the world is Space which is ultimately no other than Matter; this is indeed that same passive force whereby active

force, neither grudging nor otiose, is roused to activity. And the vanity is shewn of Aristotle's argument concerning the incompatibility of dimensions. [9]

Thirdly, the difference is taught between the world and the universe, because he who declareth the universe a single infinity necessarily distinguisheth between these two terms.

Fourthly, there are brought forward contrary arguments, that regard the universe as finite, wherein Elpino referreth to all the sentences of Aristotle, and Philotheo examineth them. Some are derived from the nature of simple, others from that of composite, bodies. And the vanity is shewn of six arguments taken from the definition of motions which cannot be infinite, and from other similar propositions which are without meaning, purpose or plausibility, as will be seen. For our arguments shew forth more convincingly the reason for the differences and for the termination of motion. And so far as comporteth with the occasion and place, they demonstrate the true understanding of strong and of weak impulses. For we shall shew that an infinite body is in itself neither heavy nor light, and we shall demonstrate in what manner a finite body can or again cannot receive such variations. Thus will be made clear the vanity of Aristotle's arguments against those who posit an infinite world, when he supposeth a centre and circumference, maintaining that our earth doth attain to the centre whether of a finite or of an infinite. Finally there is no proposition, great or small, adduced by this philosopher in order to destroy the infinity of the world, either in the first book of his De coelo et mundo, or in the third book of his Physica, which is not adequately discussed.

ARGUMENT OF THE THIRD DIALOGUE


IN THE third Dialogue there is first denied that base illusion of the shape of the heavens, of their spheres and diversity. For the heaven is declared to be a single general space, embracing the infinity of worlds, though we do not deny that there are other infinite 'heavens' using that word in another sense. For just as this earth hath her own heaven (which is her own region), through which she moveth and hath her course, so the same may be said of each of the innumerable other worlds. The origin is shown of the illusion of so many moving bodies subordinated to each other [10] and so shaped as to have two external surfaces and one internal cavity, [11] and of other nostrums and medicines, which bring nausea and horror even to those who concoct and dispense them, not less than to the wretches who swallow them.

Secondly, we expound how both general motion and that of the above-mentioned eccentrics, and as many as may be referred to the aforesaid firmament are all pure illusion, deriving from

the motion of the centre of the earth along the ecliptic and from the four varieties of motion which the earth taketh around her own centre. Thus it is seen that the proper motion of each star resulteth from the difference in position, which may be verified subjectively within the star as a body moving alone spontaneously through the field of space. This consideration maketh it understood that all their arguments concerning the [primum] mobile and infinite motion are vain and based on ignorance of the motion of this our own globe.

Thirdly, it will be propounded that every star hath motion even as hath our own and those others which are so near to us that we can sensibly perceive the differences in their orbits and in their motions: but those suns, bodies in which fire doth predominate, move differently to the earths in which water predominateth; thus may be understood whence is derived the light diffused by stars, of which some glow of themselves and others by reflection.

Fourthly, it is shewn how stars at vast distances from the sun can, no less than those near to it, participate in the sun's heat, and fresh proof is given of the opinion attributed to Epicurus, that one sun may suffice for an infinite universe. [12] Moreover, this explaineth the true difference between stars that do and stars that do not scintillate.

Fifthly, the opinion of the Cusan is examined concerning the material and the habitability of other worlds and concerning the cause of light.

Sixthly, it is shewn that although some bodies are luminous and hot of their own nature, yet it doth not follow that the sun illumineth the sun and the earth illumineth herself, or that water doth illumine itself. But light proceedeth always from the opposed star; just as, when looking down from lofty eminences such as mountains, we sensibly perceive the whole sea illuminated; but were we on the sea, and occupying the same plane thereof, we should see no illumination save over a small region where the light of the sun and the light of the moon were opposed to us.

Seventhly, we discourse concerning the vain notion of quintessences; and we declare that all sensible bodies are no other, and composed of no different proximate or primal principles than those of our earth, nor have they other motion, either in straight lines or circles. All this is set forth with reasons attuned to the senses, while Fracastoro doth accommodate himself to the intelligence of Burchio. And it is shewn clearly that there is no accident here which may not be expected also on those other worlds; just as if we consider well we must recognize that naught there can be seen from here which cannot also be seen here from there. Consequently, that beautiful order and ladder of nature [13] is but a charming dream, an old wives' tale.

Eighthly, though the distinction between the elements be just, yet their order as commonly accepted is by no means perceptible to the senses or intelligible. According to Aristotle, the four elements are equally parts or members of this globe -- unless we would say that water is in excess, wherefore with good cause the stars are named now water, now fire, both by true

natural philosophers, and by prophets, divines and poets, who in this respect are spinning no tales nor forging metaphors, but allow other wiseacres to spin their tales and to babble. These worlds must be understood as heterogeneous bodies, animals, great globes in which earth is no heavier than the other elements. In them all particles move, changing their position and respective arrangement, just as the blood and other humours, spirits and smallest parts which ebb and flow are absorbed and again exhaled by us and other minor animals. In this connection a comparison is adduced shewing that the earth is no heavier by virtue of the attraction of her mass toward her own centre than is any other simple body of similar composition; that moreover the earth in herself is neither heavy, nor doth she ascend or descend; and that it is water which unifieth, and maketh density, consistency and weight.

Ninthly, since the famous order of the elements is seen to be vain, the nature is deduced of these sensible compound bodies which as so many animals and worlds are in that spacious field which is the air or the heaven, or the void, in which are all those worlds which contain animals and inhabitants no less than can our own earth, since those worlds have no less virtue nor a nature different from that of our earth.

Tenthly, after it hath been seen how the obstinate and the ignorant of evil disposition are accustomed to dispute, it will further be shewn how disputes are wont to conclude; although others are so wary that without losing their composure, but with a sneer, a smile, a certain discreet malice, that which they have not succeeded in proving by argument -- nor indeed can it be understood by themselves -- nevertheless by these tricks of courteous disdain they [pretend to have proven], endeavouring not only to conceal their own patently obvious ignorance but to cast it on to the back of their adversary. For they dispute not in order to find or even to seek Truth, but for victory, and to appear the more learned and strenuous upholders of a contrary opinion. Such persons should be avoided by all who have not a good breastplate of patience.

ARGUMENT OF THE FOURTH DIALOGUE


FIRSTLY in this Dialogue is repeated that which hath been said on other occasions concerning the infinity of worlds and how each one of them moveth, and what is the configuration thereof.

Secondly, as in the second Dialogue arguments against the infinite mass or size of the universe were refuted, after the vast effect of immense vigour and power had been demonstrated with many arguments in the first Dialogue; even so, the infinite multitude of

worlds having been demonstrated in the third Dialogue, we now refute the numerous contrary arguments of Aristotle; though this word world hath indeed one meaning when used by Aristotle and quite another when used by Democritus, Epicurus and others.

Aristotle, in arguments based on natural and impressed motion and on the nature of each which he formulateth, holdeth that one Earth should move toward another. To refute these doctrines, Firstly, principles are established of no little importance for the elucidation of the true foundations of natural philosophy; Secondly, it is shewn that however closely the surface of one Earth were contiguous with that of another, it would not happen that parts of the one, that is to say, heterogeneous or dissimilar parts -- I speak not of atoms nor of simple bodies -- could move to the other Earth. Thereby the need is recognized to consider more carefully the nature of heaviness and of lightness.

Thirdly, wherefore have these great bodies been disposed by nature at so great a distance one from another, instead of being placed nearer so that it would have been possible to pass from one to another? Thence to a profounder vision it doth appear why worlds could not be placed as it were in the circumference of the ether; that is, they could not be adjoining unto a void which hath neither power, virtue nor force, for it would then be impossible from one side to derive either life or light.

Fourthly, we consider in what respect local space may or may not change the nature of a body. And why it is that if a stone be equidistant between two earths, it will either remain stably poised or if it do not so, why it will move rather toward one than toward the other.

Fifthly, we consider how mistaken was Aristotle in holding the belief that between bodies, however distant, there is a force of heaviness or lightness attracting from one toward the other, [14] whence proceedeth the universal tendency to resist change of state (however lowly), whence arise flight and persecutions.

Sixthly, it is shewn that movement in a straight line doth not appertain to the nature of our earth or of other principal bodies, but rather to the parts of these bodies which, if not at too great a distance, move toward one another from the most diverse positions.

Seventhly, it is argued from the behaviour of comets that it is not true that a heavy body, however distant, suffereth attraction or motion toward the body which containeth it. This hypothesis indeed was based not on truly physical principles, but on Aristotle's purely philosophical suppositions, formulated by him from a consideration of those parts which are vapours and exhalations of our earth. [15]

Eighthly, concerning another line of reasoning, it is shewn that simple bodies of identical nature in innumerable diverse worlds have similar motion, and that merely arithmetical diversity causeth a difference of locality, each part having his own centre and being also referred to the

common centre which cannot be sought within the universe.

Ninthly, it is demonstrated that bodies and their parts have no determined upper or lower portions, save in so far as the direction of their conservation may be toward this way or that.

Tenthly, it is shewn that motion is infinite, and that a moving body tendeth toward infinity and to the formation of innumerable compounds; but that heaviness or lightness do not therefore follow, nor infinite speed; and indeed the motion of adjacent parts, inasmuch as they preserve their own nature, cannot be infinite. Moreover the attraction of parts to their own containing body can only take place within the local space thereof.

ARGUMENT OF THE FIFTH DIALOGUE


IN THE beginning of the fifth Dialogue is presented a learned person of a happier talent who, howbeit educated in the contrary doctrine, yet by power to judge what he hath heard and seen, can distinguish between two disciplines and can easily alter and correct his views. Those too are indicated to whom Aristotle doth appear a miracle of nature, who misinterpret him and, with little talent, have an exalted opinion concerning him. Wherefore we should pity them, and flee from disputation with them, since against them it is only possible to lose.

Here Albertino, a fresh interlocutor, introduceth twelve arguments which comprise every point against a plurality or multitude of worlds. The First suggesteth that outside our own world we can appreciate neither position, time, nor space, neither simple nor composite body. The Second asserteth the unity of the single motor power. The Third is based on the positions of mobile bodies; the Fourth, on the distance of the centre from the horizons. The Fifth argueth from the contiguity of the orbs of the worlds; the Sixth from the triangular spaces which are caused by their contact. The Seventh doth maintain infinity in action (which hath indeed no existence), and supposeth a determinate number [of worlds] which is indeed no more rationally probable than the other. From the same reasoning we can infer not merely as well but much more easily that the number of worlds is not determined but is infinite. The Eighth [Aristotelian argument of Albertino] is based on the determination of natural bodies, and on the passive force of bodies which doth not yield to divine influence and active power. But here we must consider that it is highly inconvenient to suppose the Supreme and Highest to be similar merely to a performer on the zither who cannot play in the absence of the instrument; thus would a Creator be unable to create because that which he is able to create cannot be created by him.

This would lay down an obvious contradiction which cannot be overlooked save by the most ignorant. The Ninth argument is based on urbane courtesy which lieth in conversation. The Tenth doth aver that from the contiguity of one world with another must be deduced that the motion of one doth impede that of the other. The Eleventh maintaineth that if this world is complete and perfect, it is impossible that one or more others should be added to it.

These are the doubts and motives whose solution involveth only so much doctrine as will suffice to lay bare the intimate and radical errors of the current philosophy, and the weight and force of our own. Here is the reason wherefore we must not fear that any object may disappear, or any particle veritably melt away or dissolve in space or suffer dismemberment by annihilation. Here too is the reason of the constant change of all things, so that there existeth no evil beyond escape, nor good which is unattainable, since throughout infinite space and throughout endless change all substance remaineth one and the same. From these reflections, if we apply ourselves attentively, we shall see that no strange happening can be dismissed by grief or by fear, and that no good fortune can be advanced by pleasure or hope. Whereby we find the true path to true morality; we will be high minded, despising that which is esteemed by childish minds; and we shall certainly become greater than those whom the blind public doth adore, for we shall attain to true contemplation of the story of nature which is inscribed within ourselves, and we shall follow the divine laws which are engraved upon our hearts. We shall recognize that there is no distinction between flight from here to heaven and from heaven hither, nor between ascent from there hither and from here to there; nor yet is there descent between one and the other. We are not more circumferential to those others than they to us; they are not more central to us than we to them. Just as we do tread our star and are contained in our heaven, so also are they.

Behold us therefore beyond reach of jealousy, liberated from vain anxiety and from foolish concern to covet from afar that great good which we possess close by and at hand. Behold us moreover freed from panic lest others should fall upon us, rather than encouraged in the hope that we may fall upon them. Since the air which sustaineth our globe is as infinite as that which sustaineth theirs, and this animal [the earth] wandereth through her own space and reacheth her own destination as freely as do those others. When we have pondered and understood this, ah, how much further shall we be led to ponder and understand.

Thus by means of this science we shall certainly attain to that good which by other sciences is sought in vain.

For here is the philosophy which sharpeneth the senses, satisfieth the soul, enlargeth the intellect and leadeth man to that true bliss to which he may attain, which consisteth in a certain balance, for it liberateth him alike from the eager quest of pleasure and from the blind feeling of grief; it causeth him to rejoice in the present and neither to fear nor to hope for the future. For that Providence or Fate or Lot which determineth the vicissitudes of our individual life doth neither desire nor permit our knowledge of the one to exceed our ignorance of the other, so that at first sight we are dubious and perplexed. But when we consider more profoundly the being

and substance of that universe in which we are immutably set, we shall discover that neither we ourselves nor any substance doth suffer death; for nothing is in fact diminished in its substance, but all things wandering through infinite space undergo change of aspect. And since we are all subject to a perfect Power, we should not believe, suppose or hope otherwise, than that even as all issueth from good, so too all is good, through good, toward good; from good, by good means, toward a good end. For a contrary view can be held only by one who considereth merely the present moment, even as the beauty of a building is not manifest to one who seeth but one small detail, as a stone, a cement affixed to it or half a partition wall, but is revealed to him who can view the whole and hath understanding to appraise the proportions. We do not fear that by the violence of some erring spirit or by the wrath of a thundering Jove, that which is accumulated in our world could become dispersed beyond this hollow sepulchre or cupola of the heavens, be shaken or scattered as dust beyond this starry mantle. In no other way could the nature of things be brought to naught as to its substance save in appearance, as when the air which was compressed within the concavity of a bubble seemeth to one's own eyes to go forth into the void. For in the world as known to us, object succeedeth ever to object, nor is there an ultimate depth from which as from the artificer's hand things flow to an inevitable nullity. There are no ends, boundaries, limits or walls which can defraud or deprive us of the infinite multitude of things. Therefore the earth and the ocean thereof are fecund; therefore the sun's blaze is everlasting, so that eternally fuel is provided for the voracious fires, and moisture replenisheth the attenuated seas. For from infinity is born an ever fresh abundance of matter.

Thus Democritus and Epicurus, [16] who maintained that everything throughout infinity suffereth renewal and restoration, understood these matters more truly than those who would at all costs maintain belief in the immutability of the universe, alleging a constant and unchanging number of particles of identical material that perpetually undergo transformation, one into another.

Make then your forecasts, my lords Astrologers, with your slavish physicians, by means of those astrolabes with which you seek to discern the fantastic nine moving spheres; in these you finally imprison your own minds, so that you appear to me but as parrots in a cage, while I watch you dancing up and down, turning and hopping within those circles. We know that the Supreme Ruler cannot have a seat so narrow, so miserable a throne, so straight a tribunal, so scanty a court, so small and feeble a simulacrum that a phantasm can bring to birth, a dream shatter, a delusion restore, a chimera disperse, a calamity diminish, a misdeed abolish and a thought renew it again, so that indeed with a puff of air it were brimful and with a single gulp it were emptied. On the contrary we recognize a noble image, a marvellous conception, a supreme figure, an exalted shadow, an infinite representation of the represented infinity, a spectacle worthy of the excellence and supremacy of Him who transcendeth understanding, comprehension or grasp. Thus is the excellence of God magnified and the greatness of his kingdom made manifest; he is glorified not in one, but in countless suns; not in a single earth, a single world, but in a thousand thousand, I say in an infinity of worlds.

Thus not in vain is that power of the intellect which ever seeketh, yea, and achieveth the

addition of space to space, mass to mass, unity to unity, number to number, by the science which dischargeth us from the fetters of a most narrow kingdom and promoteth us to the freedom of a truly august realm, which freeth us from an imagined poverty and straitness to the possession of the myriad riches of so vast a space, of so worthy a field, of so many most cultivated worlds. This science doth not permit that the arch of the horizon that our deluded vision imagineth over the earth and that by our fantasy is feigned in the spacious ether, shall imprison our spirit under the custody of a Pluto or at the mercy of a Jove. We are spared the thought of so wealthy an owner and subsequently of so miserly, sordid and avaricious a donor. Nor need we accept nourishment from a nature so fecund and pregnant, and then so wretched, mean and niggard in her fruit.

Very different are the worthy and honourable fruits which may be plucked from these trees, the precious and desirable harvests which may be reaped from the sowing of this seed. We will not recall these to mind that we may not excite the blind envy of our adversaries, but we leave them to the understanding and judgement of all who are able to comprehend and judge. These will easily build for themselves on the foundations we have given, the whole edifice of our philosophy whose parts indeed, if it shall please Him who governeth and ruleth us and if the undertaking begun be not interrupted, we will reduce to the desired perfection. Then that which is inseminated in the Dialogues concerning Cause, Origin and Unity and hath come to birth in these Dialogues on the Infinite Universe and Worlds shall germinate in yet others, and in others shall grow and ripen, in yet other works shall enrich us with a precious harvest and shall satisfy us exceedingly. Then (having cleared out the tares, the darnels and other accumulated weeds), we shall fill the stores of studious and talented men with the best wheat that the soil we cultivate can produce.

Meanwhile (though I am sure it is unnecessary to commend him to you), [17] I shall yet not omit as part of my duty truly to commend to you one whom you maintain among your court not as a man of whom you have need, but rather as a person who hath need of you for many reasons you perceive. For in having round you many who serve you, you differ in no wise from the common folk, bankers and merchants; but in maintaining one in some sort worthy to be advanced, defended and prospered, in this you have been (as you have indeed ever shewn yourself) the peer of generous princes, of heroes and gods. These indeed have chosen such as you for the defence of their friends. And I would remind you, though such reminder is I know unnecessary, that when the end cometh, you will be esteemed by the world and rewarded by God, not because you have won the love and respect of princes of the earth, however powerful, but rather for having loved, defended and cherished one man such as I have described. For those with fortune greater than yours can do nothing for you who exceed many among them in virtue, which will outlast all your trappings and tapestries. But your achievement for others may easily come to be inscribed in the book of eternity -- either that which is seen on earth or that other which is believed to be in heaven. For that which you receive from others is a testimony to their virtue, but all that you do for others is the sign and clear indication of your own virtue. Farewell.

[THREE SONNETS]


Passing alone to those realmsThe object erst of thine exalted thought,I would rise to infinity: then I would compass the skillOf industries and arts equal to the objects. [18]There would I be reborn: there on high I would foster for theeThy fair offspring, now that at length cruelDestiny hath run her whole courseAgainst the enterprise whereby I was wont to withdraw to thee.Fly not from me, for I yearn for a nobler refugeThat I may rejoice in thee. And I shall have as guideA god called blind by the unseeing.May Heaven deliver thee, and every emanationOf the great Architect be ever gracious unto thee:But turn thou not to me unless thou art mine.

Escaped from the narrow murky prisonWhere for so many years error held me straitly,Here I leave the chain that bound meAnd the shadow of my fiercely malicious foeWho can [19] force me no longer to the gloomy dusk of night.For he who hath overcome the great Python [20]With whose blood he hath dyed the waters of the seaHath put to flight the Fury that pursued me. [21]To thee I turn, I soar, O my sustaining Voice;I render thanks to thee, my Sun, my divine Light,For thou hast summoned me from that horrible torture, [22]Thou hast led me to a goodlier tabernacle; [23]Thou hast brought healing to my bruised heart.

Thou art my delight and the warmth of my heart; [24]Thou makest me without fear of Fate or of Death;Thou breakest the chains and barsWhence few come forth free.Seasons, years, months, days and hours --The children and weapons of Time -- and that Court

Where neither steel nor treasure [25] availHave secured me from the fury [of the foe].Henceforth I spread confident wings to space;I fear no barrier of crystal or of glass;I cleave the heavens and soar to the infinite.And while I rise from my own globe to othersAnd penetrate ever further through the eternal field,That which others saw from afar, I leave far behind me. [26]


Giordano

BRUNOHis Life and Thought

With Annotated Translation of His Work


by Dorothea Waley Singer

● Index: Historical Writings (Biographies)● Index: Historical Writings (Books)● Home to Positive Atheism● Table of Contents

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GIORDANO BRUNOHIS LIFE AND THOUGHT

Dorothea Waley Singer

Giordano Bruno was a man with dangerous thoughts. As a monk in a backward monastery in southern Italy he first fell into disgrace for studying the works of Erasmus. He renounced his vows, and his life from there on was one of constant flight and persecution until he finally perished at the stake in Rome on February 20, 1600.

Giordano Bruno is remembered as one of the "martyrs of science." He was, in fact, among the early admirers of Copernicus whom he followed in maintaining that the earth moved round the sun. But he has an importance far beyond this for his conception of the universe as infinite, devoid of center and circumference. Many of his contributions to scientific and philosophic thought, here treated in simple terms by Mrs. Singer, anticipated modern physical conceptions.

This is the story of a heroic and fearless but exasperating




man. The ebullience of Bruno's thoughts, his stormy eloquence, and his strong personality brought him a large and enthusiastic following in the courts and universities of 16th century Europe. Yet with all his talents he was totally devoid of worldly wisdom and incapable of prudent silence. His daring ideas brought embarrassment wherever he went, and in the end he was always forced to seek yet another refuge passing from court to court, from university to university.

The author describes at some length Bruno's two-year sojourn in Elizabethan London -- the only truly happy period of his life. Here, with the friendship and support of such men as Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Philip Sidney, and Sir Fulke Greville, his talents came to their fullest fruition. It was in London that he wrote On the Infinite Universe and Worlds, included here in an English translation, with commentary, by Mrs. Singer. Such was the fear which the ideas expressed in this book aroused that, though produced by a London printer, it was issued surreptitiously with a false place of printing and under a false name. On the Infinite Universe and Worlds was later to be most fatal to Bruno in the judgment of the Papal Tribunal. In it he has made his greatest contribution to the thought of later generations.

The last years of Giordano Bruno's life were spent in the prisons of the Inquisition. As he received judgment he uttered the immortal phrase: "Maybe you who condemn me are in greater fear than I who am condemned."

Dorothea Waley Singer

Mrs. Singer, wife of the noted British historian of science and medicine, Dr. Charles Singer, is well known for her special studies on Giordano Bruno and for her scholarship in medieval and Renaissance science and literature. Her teaching and writing career has taken her on two occasions to this country, where she made lecture tours in 1930 and 1932. Among many other titles, she has held that of Vice President of the History of Science Society in the United States.

Mrs. Singer is the author of Ambroise Paré; Catalogue of Greek Alchemical Manuscripts in Great Britain and Ireland; Catalogue of Latin and Vernacular Alchemical Manuscripts in Great Britain and Ireland Written Before the XVIth Century; and "Comenius and Confidence in the Rational Mind" in J. Needham's The Teacher of Nations.

Frontispiece.

The environs of Nola.

Giordano

BRUNOHis Life and Thought

With Annotated Translation of His Work


by Dorothea Waley Singer

Henry Schuman New York

Copyright 1950 by Henry Schuman, Inc.Printed in the United States of America

by H. Wolff Book Manufacturing Co.

PREFACE● Index: Historical Writings (Biographies)● Index: Historical Writings (Books)● Home to Positive Atheism● Table of Contents

BRUNO died, despised and suffering, after eight years of agony. From that moment, his works have attracted interest, and he has long been recognized as an important figure in the development of modern thought. Nevertheless, few are familiar with the many and often bewildering pages of his writings. His Italian works have their place in the history of Italian literature. The Latin works in prose and verse are much more bulky and diffuse, but the few who grapple with them are rewarded by passages of great beauty and eloquence.

Though he came in time between Copernicus (1473-1543), whom he constantly cites, and Galileo (1564-1642), who had considered his views, it would nevertheless be altogether misleading to regard Bruno as developing the tradition of the one or as leading to the work of the other. Rather his place is in the line of philosophic thought which has taken its somewhat




surprising course from the mystic Pseudo-Dionysius (fifth century) to modern exponents of dialectic materialism. But though in no sense a man of science, he betrays certain remarkable premonitions of modern physical thought. Again, he has a place in the long series of writers on the plurality of worlds, following Nicolaus of Cusa (1401-1464) and leading on to Wilkins (1614-1672), Huygens (1629-1695) and Fontenelle (1657-1757).

In the sixteen years of his freedom, Bruno wandered over half of Europe. At first welcomed by groups anxious to hear his teaching, his presence always led to embarrassment, and he was passed on to fresh patrons. It is remarkable that such a wanderer should have become so well read. Paradoxically, the two writers who most influenced his cosmological views were Lucretius and Nicolaus of Cusa who occupy opposite philosophical poles, Lucretius denying the validity of theological or metaphysical thinking while Nicolaus sought in his cosmology and even in his physical experiments a reinforcement of his theology. Bruno was neither astronomer nor theologian; but contemporary astronomical writings contributed to the cosmology which was the passionate faith of his life, and he was led by his cosmology to a new ethic and a new philosophy.

In presenting an account of the life and thought of Bruno, it might seem more logical to give a narrative of the facts of his life, followed by a study of his cosmology and philosophy. But Bruno's life and especially his wanderings are inextricably involved in the development of his thought, and the main interest of the years after he left England is in the works that he produced in the places where he sojourned. It has seemed best therefore first to describe his early life and then to build up an account of his environment during the crucial and fruitful period in London. The main lines of his cosmology and philosophy were determined before he left London, so that is the point chosen for a general survey of Bruno's thought, and a somewhat detailed analysis is given of the six Italian works that were the immediate product of the London period. We then follow the wanderer after he left London. During these years the most important events were the completion and publication of his Latin works. The MSS so far discovered, not published by Bruno himself, do not add to his serious contribution. (Cf. Appendices I and III.)

We have chosen for translation the slender Italian volume, On the Infinite Universe and Worlds, because it was Bruno's ecstatic vision of a single infinite universe that was most fatal to him in the judgement of the Papal Tribunal, that sustained him "in enchantment" during the years of agony, and that has contributed most to the thought of his successors. In preparing the translation, the first question to determine was the desirability of pruning Bruno's exuberant repetitions. On the whole it has seemed best to give the work as it was published. Abbreviated editions are apt to be flat, and the reader will probably prefer to choose his own cuts. This decision having been made, it seemed that the English of Bruno's own day would fit his redundant style better than more modern language. It was the more tempting to choose this medium since it has led to the employment of the very phrases given by Florio, who used this work of Bruno in preparing the second edition of his Worlde of Wordes.

I should like to express my warm thanks to Professor Foligno who most generously went through with me the whole translation of On the Infinite Universe and Worlds. To Professor Farrington I am indebted for help with some of the more obscure of Bruno's Latin passages. It is to be hoped that he will find leisure to give an English version of some of the greater Latin writings of Bruno. In common with all who are interested in the group of brilliant foreigners who form part of the picture of Elizabethan London, I am indebted to the scholarly works of Miss Frances Yates. Professor Linetta Richardson was kind enough to read the typescript and to make helpful suggestions. From Professor P. O. Kristeller I have received valuable criticism. To all these I tender grateful thanks, and to my husband whose study of William Gilbert first suggested to us both more than ten years ago that a study of Bruno's influence on cosmological thought would be of interest. He has contributed to the final revision of the work; but he must not be held responsible for its errors.

I am indebted to Doctor Cyril Bailey and to the Clarendon Press for permission to quote from his fine translation of Lucretius (Oxford, 1910); and to the late Lord Willoughby de Broke for a photograph of his beautiful portrait of Sir Fulke Greville, with permission to reproduce it.

The first sketch of the present work was written in the Library of the University of California at Berkeley. I cannot sufficiently express my admiration and gratitude for the hospitality of this institution and for the splendid organization for the reader's convenience. The bulk of the material for the study of Bruno's thought I have found in the treasury collected at the Warburg Institute, now incorporated in the University of London. To its late Director, its Deputy Director and Staff I tender cordial thanks. I have once more to express my thanks also to the never-failing kindness received from the Staff of the British Museum.

The events of the last years have delayed the completion of this work, and it probably bears marks of the interruption in its progress. The important place given to Giordano Bruno by modern thinkers bears a message of encouragement to many in our own day whose life work has also been broken by violence and injustice. To them we say with him, "Veritas filia temporis."

D. W. S.

CONTENTS● Index: Historical Writings (Biographies)● Index: Historical Writings (Books)● Home to Positive Atheism




chapter page PREFACE v

one YOUTHa. Introduction: Early Years (1548-76) 3b. First Years of Wandering (1576-81) 13c. First Visit to Paris (1581-83) 17

two BRUNO IN ENGLAND (1583-85) a. A Haven in London 26b. The Oxford Incident 28c. Bruno's Circle in London 35d. The London Years of Illumination (1583-85) 44

three COSMOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY OF BRUNOa. The Mediaeval Cosmic Scheme 46b. An Infinite Universe and Infinitely Numerous Worlds 50c. Astronomy in the Sixteenth Century with Special Reference to England 62d. Cosmic Metabolism 71e. Inherent Necessity 74f. Coincidence of Contraries 80g. Bruno's Synthesis of Universal Relativity 86

four THE ITALIAN COSMOLOGICAL WORKSa. The Ash Wednesday Supper (La Cena de le Ceneri) 93b. On Cause, Prime Origin and the One (De la Causa, Principio et Uno) 96c. On the Infinite Universe and Worlds (De l'lnfinito Universo et Mondi) 102

five THE ITALIAN ETHICAL WORKSa. The Expulsion of the Triumphant Beast (Spaccio de la Bestia

Trionfante)116

b. Cabal of the Cheval Pegasus with Appendix on the Cillenican Ass, Described by the Nolan (Cabala del Cavallo Pegaseo con l'aggiunta dell' Asino Cillenico, Descritta dal Nolano)

120

c. On Heroic Frenzies (De gl' Heroici Furori) 125six LAST WANDERINGS: THE GREAT LATIN POEMS AND OTHER

LATIN WRITINGSa. Bruno's Second Sojourn in Paris (1585-86) 133b. Marburg and Wittenberg (1586-88) 139c. Prague and Helmstedt (1588-90) 144d. Frankfurt, Zurich and Frankfurt Again (1590-91) 149

seven MARTYRDOM (1591-1600)a. Padua and Venice (1591-92) 158b. Years of Endurance -- The End 171

eight INFLUENCE OF BRUNO a. More Links with England: Plurality of Worlds 181b. Bruno's Younger Contemporaries: The Seventeenth Century 188c. The Eighteenth Century: The Romantic Movement 192d. Later Times 200

APPENDIX I List of Bruno's Writings 203APPENDIX II Printers of Bruno 214APPENDIX III Surviving Manuscripts of Bruno's Works 219APPENDIX IV Select Bibliography of Bruno's Philosophy 223

ON THE INFINITE UNIVERSE AND WORLDS 225

(under construction)INDEX 381

ILLUSTRATIONS

facing page A sixteenth century sketch-map of the environs of Nola Frontispiece1 Nola in antiquity; a sixteenth century reconstruction 182 Michel de Castelnau, Marquis de Mauvissière 193 John Florio, aged 58 194 House in Butcher Row; once the French Embassy 505 Butcher Row 506 The Ptolemaic universe 507 The Copernican universe 508 Thomas Digges' representation of the universe 519 William Gilbert's representation of the universe 82

10 Portrait of Fulke Greville 8311 Portion of a map of London, showing position of Butcher Row 11412 Sir Philip Sydney 11513 Map of Bruno's wanderings 14614 John Wilkins' representation of the universe 147

● Table of Contents● Continued on Chapter One

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Giordano Bruno: His Life and Thought

● Index: Historical Writings (Biographies)● Index: Historical Writings (Books)● Home to Positive Atheism● Table of Contents● Footnotes for Chapter One

CHAPTER ONE

YOUTHa. Introduction: Early Years (1548-76)

● Table of Contents

THE author of the work here translated was despised and miserable during almost the whole of his tempestuous life course. Unsuccessful in human relations, devoid of social tact or worldly wisdom, unpractical to an almost insane degree, he yet played a crucial part in the reshaping of European thought that began in the sixteenth and took form in the subsequent century. It was particularly in England that his thought developed, and perhaps it was through the Englishman, William Gilbert, that news of him reached his countryman Galileo.

We will endeavour to enter the thought of this fearless and exasperating personality as he rises to heights of mystic exaltation in the apprehension of an infinite universe, a Unity informed by immanent Mind, embracing every individual soul and manifested throughout Nature, animate and inanimate. With him we shall recognize that, in the search for an interpretation of existence, the senses, fallible though they be, are indispensable instruments, and that their evidence, always subjected to the interpretation of reason, is itself a revelation. He follows unflinchingly the implications of his vision of infinity, as he bids us mark that in an infinite universe we can have but a relative grasp of time or place, insisting that all events, including human acts, are not solely the result of external force, but rather the expression of the interaction of the natures inherent in each part -- partial impressions of the Mind informing the whole. Our own limitations wilt always deflect our own view of the particular, yet will yield an apprehension of beauty, of symmetry, of Mind without end. For him, man (like all natural objects) is not merely a part of Nature but a part which, like all the other parts, is essential for the integration of the whole.




http://www.positiveatheism.org/hist/bruno01f.htm

Bruno sets forth the essential element in the faith of the new age, the attitude that will accept no preconceived idea concerning any part of the infinite universe. Thereby he opened up a new approach to the interpretation of Nature and with it a new ethic and a new philosophy. Yet to regard him as a forerunner of the scientific age would be to misconceive his contribution, both by reading into it something that is not there and by omitting something that is there. His real philosophic contribution was his realization and pursuit of universal relativity deriving from an infinite single universe.

Bruno, the fallible, foolish, blundering mortal, stumbles along his course, oblivious to much that would have been obvious to a mind less set on a vision that is afar, credulous of diverse forms of "natural magic" that we now reject, and that cooler minds even then rejected, throwing out with feverish activity devices to assist man to compass and to marshal knowledge and to retain it in memory. Capable of hero worship, he sometimes chooses heroes who would have been strangely out of touch with him, as for example that saintly and mystical, muddled and truculent Franciscan, Raymond Lull, on whose worst works he wasted many years. Bruno was compact of contradictions and we have to consider rather his achievement than his weakness.

Filippo Bruno was the son of Juano Bruno, [1] "man of arms" of Nola in the Campania (Frontispiece) and of his wife Fraulissa Savolino. "Born in 1548, so my people tell me." [2] he informed the Holy Office at Venice. Nola is a town of great antiquity (Fig. 1). Its foundation has been ascribed to the eighth pre-Christian century [3] and it is mentioned by many ancient writers. There are Greek coins from Nola and a vague traditional Nolan friendship for the Greeks. The Emperor Augustus died at Nola and it was several times unsuccessfully besieged by Hannibal. Nola was one of the earliest bishoprics, and tradition alleges that St. Peter himself preached there. There still survive in Nola some ruins from early times, and much more was extant in Bruno's childhood. The town spreads over the Campania by the river Agno, within full view of Vesuvius. It has still some 10,000 inhabitants.

Bruno gives in his greatest Latin work, the De immenso, [4] a description of an episode in childhood, which made a deep impression on him. His home was in a hamlet just outside Nola, on the lower slopes of Cicada, a foot-hill of the Appenines some twenty miles east of Naples. [5] He tells with affectionate detail of the beauty and fertility of the land around, overlooked from afar by the seemingly stern bare steeps of Vesuvius. One day a suspicion of the deceptiveness of appearances dawned on the boy. Mount Cicada, he tells us, assured him that "brother Vesuvius" was no less beautiful and fertile. So, girding his loins, he climbed the opposite mountain. "Look now," said Brother Vesuvius, "look at Brother Cicada, dark and drear against the sky." The boy assured Vesuvius that such also was his appearance viewed from Cicada. "Thus did his parents [the two mountains] first teach the lad to doubt, and revealed to him how distance changes the face of things." So in after-life he interprets the experience and continues: "In whatever region of the globe I may be, I shall realize that both time and place are similarly distant from me." The incident gives the impression of an adventurous and happy child with a vivid imagination and a mind already active. We see too the germ of creative power and of

philosophic insight as well as the element of whimsy. [6]

But Bruno's birthplace must have yielded another and yet stronger impression which helps to explain a certain strain in his character -- the passion for elaborate and unrestrained symbolism. We refer to the annual celebration at Nola to which is attached the name of Bishop Paulinus (circ. 353-431) who is alleged [7] not only to have sold all his possessions to redeem Nolans from slavery to the Vandals in North Africa, but also himself to have gone into slavery in place of the son of a Nolan widow. The story relates that at length, moved by the generosity of Paulinus, the Vandals gave their freedom both to him and to all the Nolans in captivity with him. They are said to have arrived home on 26th June, now the day sacred to Paulinus. [8] On this day, which recalls at once the midsummer season, there were held at Nola until quite recent times, in the name of Paulinus, the strangest celebrations. [9] Perhaps the festival survives today. Every year, the nine Guilds of Nola brought forth in procession the nine pagodas, five stories high, taller than the tallest houses, whose construction had occupied six months. None might peep behind the canvas-covered scaffolding that enveloped the three outer sides of the slowly rising towers, nor behind the greenery that admitted the workers on the fourth side. At length, on the morning of the Feast, each edifice of cardboard and lathes with its innumerable figures and paintings was revealed to the delighted populace. Young folk took their place on the lowest floor of each tower, and behind them the musicians. Above were the serried rows of strange figures, paladins, cherubs, genii, saints and warriors, painted in brilliant colours, while the whole was surmounted by the figure of a saint on either a gold cupola or a carved lotus blossom. [10] Those who have stood by these towers have seen in them reminiscences of Indian art. But even stranger than the towers themselves was the ceremony which was next enacted. Each tower was hoisted on the shoulders of thirty stalwart young citizens and was carried in procession to the Cathedral square, where a dance took place in which the towers approached and receded, were made to bow to one another and to carry out elaborate figures of the dance. Meanwhile, before each tower in turn, a mime was executed by three youths, and around them and the tower there danced a circle of some twenty young men of Nola. During the procession, the populace, reinforced by merry-makers from all the surrounding Campania, shouting, singing, screaming, surged down the decorated streets and purchased from the numerous booths lining them. While the dance took place in the Cathedral square, a devout congregation within the Cathedral partook of the Sacrament. After this service, there was a procession round the city of clergy, led by their bishop and followed by the shouting populace. [11]

What bizarre images must have been graved on the mind of the Nolan child who witnessed this celebration in successive June months? The answer as regards at least one child is given by the overwhelming prolixity of images that pursue one another through the pages of Bruno when he is writing in his native language. Above all in the Expulsion of the Triumphant Beast we shall be bewildered by the successive figures; and the exhausting elaboration of his similes in all the Italian works may well be not unconnected with his recollections of the annual Feast of St. Paulinus of Nola. We have found no direct reference to the Feast in Bruno's writings. Reference to early childhood acquaintances in Nola have, however, been traced in some of his Italian

works. [12]

It is not unlikely that in early youth, Bruno had contact with the poet Luigi Tansillo (1510-1568), who was sprung from a Nolan family. Tansillo appears as a character in Bruno's play, The Torch-Bearer, and in the Heroic Frenzies, and his poems are quoted by Bruno -- not always with acknowledgement. [13] Tansillo's lyrics have great beauty and it may be surmised that they exercised influence on Bruno. The favourite humanist theme of man's mastery of his destiny is echoed in the verses of Tansillo that inspired Bruno's lines attached to his Dedication of the work here translated. [14]

Perhaps Tansillo introduced the lad to the writings of an earlier and more famous poet whom Bruno quotes also in the present work, Ludovico Ariosto (1474-1533), whose Orlando Furioso had immense success both in his own lifetime and in the next generation. This epic is in the succession of broad Italian tales in which must be placed also Bruno's Torch-Bearer.

Bruno was sent for education to Naples. He was certainly an avid student and he described himself as pursuing in Naples "humanity, logic and dialectic." He attended at the Studium Generale the public lectures of Vincenze Colle of Sarno, and he studied privately with Teofilo de Vairano of the Augustinian monastery in Naples. Vairano subsequently taught in several colleges and was tutor to the son of Prince Marco Antonio Colonna. No work by him has come down to us.

In 1565 Filippo, then only seventeen years old, made the gravest mistake of a career that was uniformly unfortunate. He entered the Dominican monastery of San Domenico in Naples. [15] He was given the monastic name of Giordano [16] and after the usual year of probation he took the first vows. In the course of his training he passed through other monasteries of the Order, and at his trial, he stated to the Venetian Inquisition that he had sung his first Mass at the Convent of San Bartolomeo in the city of Campagna. [17] A revolting picture of the monastic life is given in his play The Torch-Bearer.

Bruno's studies in the monastery seem to have been fairly wide. [18] He had, naturally, the usual course of scholastic philosophy based on the works of St. Thomas whom he always held in great reverence. [19] In the convent libraries, too, Bruno no doubt laid the foundation of his intimate knowledge not only of many of the works of Aristotle (with the exception of the biological works, which he does not cite) but also of the literature of Aristotelian commentary, including those Arabic and Hebrew writers whose works had been translated into Latin. Here too he would certainly find Virgil and some other classical writers. Among classical writers cited by him are, besides pre-Socratic philosophers (of course at second hand), Cicero, Virgil, Lucan, Seneca and Ovid. In the monastic libraries Bruno may have made his first acquaintance with the works of Raymond Lull. Euclid may well have been found on the shelves, and also Ptolemy. He must have read some astronomy, as he was teaching the subject at Noli in 1576.

He often cites the Timaeus as well as Neo-Platonic writers. The general character of his knowledge suggests that while well-grounded in mediaeval Aristotelian philosophy, he regarded Platonic thought as somewhat an innovation, though it was the staple of the Italian humanists of his day. [20] Some Renaissance influence had, however, entered his monastery where a striking series of curious mythological reliefs, representing celestial bodies, may still be seen. Mythological imagery is a conspicuous element in Bruno's ethical works. This use of myth was of course a Renaissance habit, but no doubt the early impression on his mind at Nola and at Naples helped to mould the form of Bruno's later writings. Not only are whole works of Bruno permeated by classical mythology, but in true Renaissance style, mythological imagery is introduced even, for example, into his expression of gratitude to the University of Wittenberg. We know also from his statements at his trial that during his monastic period Bruno managed to read such modern authors as Erasmus who led him to examine the new religion.

In the monastery, Bruno must have been distinguished as of outstanding ability. Of his actual life there, however, we have record of only one incident of importance. In or about 1571, when he was but twenty-three, he had already made his mark to such an extent that he was summoned to Rome by the saintly Dominican Pope Pius V (d. 1572) and his Inquisitor fidei Cardinal Rebiba (1504-1577). It was his system of mnemonics that he was invited to expound to His Holiness. He mentions, however, several times that the Pope accepted the dedication to him of his (lost) work On the Ark of Noah. [21] But as with so many of his contacts, the interview at the Vatican came to nothing. [22]

The next stage in Bruno's career was inevitable. His tempestuous personality, fed to a fever with omnivorous reading, could not fail to lead him into trouble with the monastic authorities. It was indeed remarkable that the crisis was delayed for eleven years. He admitted to the Venice Inquisitors that proceedings were twice taken against him in the Naples convent "first for having cast away certain images of the Saints and retained only a Crucifix, thus coming under suspicion of despising the images of the saints. And another time for having ... recommended a novice who was reading the Istoria delle sette allegrezze [The Tale of the Seven Joys] in verse that he should throw this away and read some other work such as the Lives of the Holy Fathers." [23] His repudiation of intellectual restraint is constantly expressed and might be regarded as the theme of his life.

The final event was precipitated by a report that Bruno defended the Arian heresy. (Indeed he states in his works and repeated at his Venice trial his conviction that Arius had been "misunderstood.") We can well believe that plenty of tales of Bruno's strange views and behaviour were current among the conventual brethren. He managed somehow to get to Rome to the headquarters of his Order, but there he learned that a formidable indictment was being prepared against him in Naples, based on the discovery of an indiscreet attempt to conceal certain writings of Erasmus in the convent privy. Bruno determined to flee. [24] Most unwisely, he shed his monastic habit and thus debarred himself from hope of reconciliation with his superiors.

b. First Years of Wandering (1576-81) (See Fig. 13)


Bruno had led eleven years of monastic life when in 1576 his wandering career began its homeless course. He had but sixteen years before the prison doors would close upon him. During that time, between the ages of twenty-eight and forty-four, he produced his voluminous works. Halfway through this active course he had a brilliant period of illumination. It was the year 1584 passed in London.

Bruno's first sojourn was at the tiny port of Noli in Genoese territory. Perhaps the name, reminiscent of home, appealed to him. He spent only some four months there, occupied in teaching "the Sphere," i.e., astronomy, to "certain gentlemen" and instructing small boys in grammar. His impatience and his highly involved symbolic and allusive mode of expression must have made him a superlatively bad instructor of children, and it is no wonder that his pedagogic career was brief. Yet to groups of youth, avid for the new learning, he never failed to appeal as he passed from town to town. Always he was encouraged; always his difficult temperament led him into trouble and he was passed onward.

Bruno's wanderings next took him up the coast to Savona, but eight miles away. His stay there was brief, and he went to Turin whence he turned eastward, followed the long course of the Po and came to Venice. He was not yet regarded as excommunicate, for (according to his own testimony at the Venice trial), he received in Venice permission from the Dominican Remigio Nannini Fiorentino to publish a work -- now lost -- On the Signs of the Times. [25] We know little of his movements at Venice except that he lodged close to the square of St. Mark in the centre of the town.

From Venice he turned back to Padua where he fell in with some fellow Dominicans who persuaded him to assume again the Friar's habit. They befriended the wanderer, but none pressed him to prolong his stay. Perhaps they feared contact with the strangely attractive, yet dangerous creature. Following the northern route back through Brescia, Bruno came to Bergamo where he resumed the monastic habit. He perhaps visited Milan, and then leaving Italy he crossed the Alps by the Mont Cenis pass, and came to Chambéry. He describes his hospitable reception there by the Dominican Convent, but again he received no encouragement to remain, and he journeyed on to Lyons.

Bruno's next movements are obscure. In 1579 he reached Geneva. Here again he received kindness, not unduly pressed, this time from the Marchese de Vico of Naples. This nobleman was accustomed to render help to Italian refugees who drifted to Geneva by reason of their

adherence to the Calvinist faith. Bruno described at his Venice trial, more than twelve years later, how the Marquis had interrogated him and had received the reply, "I did not intend to adopt the religion of the city. I desired to stay there only that I might live at liberty and in security." Bruno was in his incurable mental detachment in fact completely indifferent to the quarrels between Catholic and Protestant, regarding them as irrelevant to the high philosophic problems that occupied his mind to the exclusion of all worldly wisdom and even of the commonest prudence.

Bruno admitted that the Marquis persuaded him finally to renounce his habit and that he presented him with a new outfit. [26] The question has sometimes been raised as to whether Bruno became a Protestant, but it is intrinsically most unlikely that he accepted membership in Calvin's communion. We may be sure, however, that he was eager to hear and consider for himself expositions of the faith that had commanded the sympathy of Erasmus whose writings had been the subject of his forbidden study in the Naples convent.

Bruno was no more prepared to exercise tact or reticence toward academic than toward ecclesiastical authority. It was in May 1579 that he inscribed his name in the Rector's Book of Geneva University, and in August we find him publishing a violent attack on Antoine de la Faye, a distinguished professor of philosophy at the University, a close friend of the rector, and a learned translator of the Bible. Bruno felt it incumbent on him to expose at the earliest possible moment twenty errors in a single lecture of this influential professor.

The result was as might have been expected. Both Bruno and his printer were promptly arrested. The printer pleaded that he had been "misled by the monk" and was sentenced to a small fine. Bruno apologized, but was consigned for further trial to the theological Consistory. Here he considered himself called to argue again the merits of the discussion. He protested that the ministers of the Geneva Church were mere pedagogues and that his own writings had been totally misunderstood. Such pleading, equally unwise and disingenuous, naturally counteracted any grace that he might have won by his apology. Yet at the end of the month, he was petitioning at Geneva for the reversal of a sentence of deprival of the right of participation in the Sacrament. The reversal was granted, but Geneva was no longer a secure resting-place for him.

He now turned his face toward France. He decided to try Lyons, the great book centre where he might hope to find some sort of literary employment. But he was unable to gain a livelihood there and he passed on -- probably following the Rhone valley down to Avignon and then turning west through Montpellier -- until at length he reached Toulouse. [27] Here for some eighteen months Bruno found congenial occupation. As in Noli, he was at first engaged to lecture to a group of scholars on "the Sphere" and other philosophical matters.

France was at this period in the throes of the religious wars, and Toulouse, a stronghold of Protestantism, had been the scene of grim struggles culminating in 1572 in a minor St.

Bartholomew following on the Paris massacre. But in 1580-81, the years of Bruno's visit, the university achieved a respite of comparative calm, and the usual regulation that the holder of a university post must participate in the Sacrament was not in force. Thus Bruno was under no special disability when a vacancy arose for a teacher of philosophy. The teachers at Toulouse were chosen by the students. Bruno must have speedily gained some popularity among them for, having hastily acquired his doctorate in theology, he was forthwith elected. [28]

Among his philosophical lectures at Toulouse was a course on the De anima of Aristotle, on which he wrote a book. Neither this nor a volume on mnemonics perhaps produced there has come down to us. [29] The subject of artificial memory was one of special interest at the time, and it had been stimulated by the recent publication in Paris of two works of Raymond Lull (1578); Bruno wasted a great part of his energy and of his active career on this barren topic. But the Civil Wars again advanced toward Toulouse and Bruno was forced to resume his wanderings.

c. First Visit to Paris (1581-83) [30]


This time he journeyed to Paris, and at once made a bid for notice with a course of thirty lectures, each on one of the thirty divine attributes as treated by St. Thomas. Here he had an immediate success, the greatest granted him in the academic field, and one less ephemeral than in his other sojourns. The repute of his teaching and especially of his powers of memorization reached even King Henry III.

The Sovereign (so Bruno stated in Venice) sent for him to enquire whether his marvellous memory was natural or was achieved by magical art. Henry was in fact less interested in this distinction than in becoming master of the remarkable memory that he believed to be the source of the Italian's power. This search for power and knowledge by occult means (a theme set out for example in Goethe's Faust) was a real impelling force at that time when the nature of the scientific process was only very vaguely appreciated. It represents a naïf stage in the slow passage of the human mind toward an experimental standpoint. All evidence shows that Bruno had a most tenacious memory. Was his capacity directly provided and his knowledge communicated by the Evil One? Or were his power and knowledge derived from the intervention of kindly spirits? Or were they after all attained through those scarcely understood but harmless processes which we now call scientific? Was it a case of Black Magic, White Magic or Natural Magic? These were normal questions of the time. There was among Bruno's contemporaries some scepticism as to both the safety and the legitimacy of any of these aids, and no clear knowledge as to their frontiers. There was then, as indeed there is now, every

gradation between a search for magical intervention and a frank acceptance of natural law. Some of the faith in magic was transmuted to belief in a vaguely apprehended system, a system which, it was thought, would enormously enhance human power and which partook of the nature of harmless or natural magic. [31] Sometimes the judicial examination of one charged with magical practices was in fact an attempt of the judge to gain for himself that power-bringing knowledge that the prisoner was thought to be concealing. The hope of a short cut to mastery over nature is quite in keeping with the attitude of the age.

This desire of the great to sap the source of his knowledge, this belief in a supernatural access to knowledge and power was, as we shall see, destined in the end to ruin Bruno. On this occasion, however, all went well. Bruno not only satisfied His Majesty but was permitted to dedicate to him the first of his surviving publications, On the Shadows of Ideas. [32] The first part of the work propounds the Platonic Ideas as the realities of which human beings and all material phenomena are but shadows. Bruno cites his favourite sources, the Wisdom literature and obscurer Greek writers, pre-Socratics and Neo-Platonists. He proceeds to his system of mnemonics as Shadows of Ideas.

The mnemonic methods of Bruno are in fact based on the system of Raymond Lull. The mastery of Lull's ridiculous and elaborate "systems" would appear to the modern mind as a proof rather than a cause of exceptional memory. But the royal patron was delighted with what seem to us mere childish devices. It was impossible to appoint Bruno to the Sorbonne where his appearance would have been forbidden by ecclesiastical authority, but a place was found for him by the King at the Collège de France, refounded some twenty-three years earlier by Francis II.

There followed for the wanderer a period of peace. The royal patronage no doubt facilitated publication of his works, of which three more appeared while he was in Paris. Among his Paris hearers, at least one became a faithful disciple. This was a young Czech nobleman, John â Nostitz. The mnemonic system of Bruno was as yet inextricably mingled with his philosophy that was at last taking shape. In 1615, thirty-three years after the delivery of the lectures and fifteen years after Bruno's death, the impressions of â Nostitz concerning his teacher were published in a small octavo volume printed at Brieg in Silesia, bearing a title which may be rendered: The Atrtifice According to Aristotle, Lull and Ramus Set Forth by John â Nostitz, Genuine Disciple of Jordanus Brunus, and Enlarged by Conrad Berg. The book is lost, and we know of it only from its entry in a sales catalogue [33] of books in which is printed an extract from the Preface of â Nostitz describing the impression created by Bruno and by his Lullian views and works in Paris in 1582.

Bruno's second published volume The Song of Circe, deals with "that practice of Memory which [the author] terms Judicial." [34] It again had exalted patronage, and is dedicated to Henry of Valois, Duke of Angoulême. [35] The Dedication is signed by one Jean Regnault, Councillor to the Duke, who sponsors both the work and Jordanus himself, stating that the author has entrusted him with the completion of the work. He writes that Giordano has "subsequently"

completed another work on Memory dedicated to the King himself. Moreover, Regnault introduced Bruno to his friend the Venetian Ambassador to the French King, John Moro, to whom is dedicated yet another Lullian volume, The Compendious Building and Completion of the Lullian Art. [36] In the title of both these works, Bruno prefixes to his name the title Philotheus which reappears in several of his works published in London. [37]

Further works on mnemonics and Lullian logic were followed by the play The Torch-Bearer by Bruno the Nolan, Graduate of No Academy, Called the Nuisance. This may well have been his nickname and it is not unlike him to quote it, for he did not number humour among his qualities, though he had a fund of vituperative eloquence which almost took its place. On the frontispiece appears for the first time that phrase "In tristicia hilaris in hilaritate tristis" ("Joyful in grief, in gaiety sad"), which appears at intervals in Bruno's later works. The title Candelaio (The Torch-Bearer) suggests, in the Italian idiom of the day, the outspokenness which we should regard as obscenity pervading the work. This was a commonplace of the period, but is worth notice since it is associated in the play with characters who have been identified with Bruno's convent life. The work betrays Bruno's almost frantic detestation of hypocrisy and quackery in morals as in learning, and the beginnings of his formulation of a new ethic and a new philosophy:

This is a kind of fabric in which warp and woof are one: he who can, will understand.... You must imagine yourselves in the most royal city of Naples near the Nile Square. [38] ... Contemplating the action and speech with the mind of a Heraclitus or a Democritus, you will find cause to laugh, or rather to weep? [39]

There are three principal themes woven into this comedy: the love of Bonifacio, the alchemy of Bartolomeo and the pedantry of Mamphurio.... We present the savourless and laggard lover, the niggardly miser, the foolish pedant. The laggard is not without stupidity and foolishness; the miser similarly is savourless and foolish; while the fool is no less niggardly and savourless than he is foolish. [40]

You will see, in mixed confusion, snatches of cutpurses, wiles of cheats, enterprises of rogues; also delicious repulsiveness [disgusti], bitter sweets, foolish decisions, mistaken faith and crippled hopes, niggard charities, judges noble and serious for other men's affairs with little ruth in their own; virile women, effeminate men and voices of craft and not of mercy so that he who believes most is most fooled -- and everywhere the love of gold. Hence proceed quartan fevers, spiritual cancers, light thoughts, ruling follies ... thrusting will, advancing knowledge, fruitful action, purposive industry. In fine you will see throughout naught secure, sufficiency of dealings and of vice, little beauty and nothing of good. I think I hear the persons of this play -- Heaven keep thee. [41]

Bruno's play mirrored not only his convent experiences but also his observations in the universities that he had visited. It cannot have been conducive to friendship with those academic "pedants" whom his irony flagellates. The publication of what might have been rather circulated in manuscript among his friends was the tactless act of a man devoid of the wisdom of human relationships.

None of Bruno's important philosophical works had yet appeared. Nevertheless, his Paris sojourn and especially French Platonism must have stimulated his thought. He must surely have heard discussion of the great French anti-Aristotelian Pierre de la Ramée who was a victim of the massacre of St. Bartholomew (1572). Bruno refers to him as "that arch pedant of a Frenchman who has brought his scholasticism to the liberal arts." [42] We may speculate whether Bruno's apostrophe of the Dual in Nature could nevertheless have been suggested by De la Ramée's emphasis on dichotomy in logic, or perhaps by the views of Telesio. [43]

A Platonist scholar who had occupied the Chair of Greek at the Collège de France and was surely still discussed in Paris at the time of Bruno's first sojourn there was Louis le Roy (d. 1577). He was known as a vitriolic critic as well as a prolific writer. Yet he is in the tradition of those Renaissance writers who pleaded for toleration and a sense of human brotherhood. As we shall see in considering the influence on Bruno of some other writers, this bias toward toleration of different schools of thought and even of different religion was connected with the philosophical view of the Coincidence of Contraries. [44] Le Roy published in 1570 an Exhortation en françois pour vivre en concorde et iouir du bien de la paix, dedicated to the King.

A considerable sensation was created by another work which le Roy dedicated to Henry III, the Douze livres de la vicissitude ou varieté des choses de l'univers et concurrence des armes et des lettres par les premieres et plus illustres nations du monde. [45] The first eleven books give a general philosophical survey of history. In book XII he expatiates on the necessity of preserving a record of the achievements of civilization lest all be lost in the current disasters and wars. "Faisons pour la posterité ce que l'antiquité a fait pour nous à fin que le scavoir ne se perde mais prenne de iour en iour accroissement." His thesis is that "everywhere contraries balance one another." He is thus very near to the Coincidence of Contraries. Another element in Bruno's philosophy, that which we shall call Cosmic Metabolism, is foreshadowed in this work of le Roy. Though accepting the Aristotelian Spheres, [46] he expounds that "It seemed unto Plato that the world was nourished by the consumption and decay of itself producing always new creatures from the old." He also emphasizes the relativity of our conventional description of positions, "upper," "lower," etc.

It is tempting to imagine that Bruno during his sojourn in Paris may have met Jean Bodin (1530-1596) who was also for a time befriended by Henry III, though he held the dangerous view that sovereignty is inalienable from and belongs to the people as a whole as distinguished from the governmental power which they delegate to their rulers. Already we may conceive there was

discussion in Paris literary circles leading to the remarkable work which Bodin wrote in 1599 -- when Bruno was beyond its cheering message. The title is The Colloquy of Seven Men of various religions who each contribute to the formulation of an exalted philosophy. [47]

Doubtless discussion of such matters had its part in the formation of Bruno's philosophy. But whether on account of his play The Torch-Bearer or owing to the Civil War in France, Paris became uncomfortable for him. The time had come when his Catholic Majesty, like Bruno's other patrons, was readier to recommend him to others than to retain his services. Bruno turned his eyes across the Channel. That his reputation for dangerous views on matters spiritual had preceded him in England we learn in a side light from Sir Henry Cobham, the British Ambassador in Paris. He writes to Walsingham on 28th March, 1583:

"Dr. Jordano Bruno Nolano, a professor in philosophy, intendeth to pass into England whose religion I cannot commend." [48]

● Table of Contents● Continued on Chapter Two


● Index: Historical Writings (Biographies)● Index: Historical Writings (Books)● Home to Positive Atheism● Table of Contents● Footnotes for Chapter Two

CHAPTER TWO

BRUNO IN ENGLAND (1583-85) a. A Haven in London


BRUNO landed in England with royal letters of recommendation to the French Ambassador in London, Michel de Castelnau, Marquis de Mauvissière (1520-1592) (Fig. 2). This remarkable man is one of the most attractive characters of the period. Like his compatriot Ambroise Paré, his humanity transcended the religious cleavage of the times. Bruno's period of residence in London was closely bound up with his relations to this humane, tolerant, and intelligent man and was the most fruitful of his whole career.

Mauvissière sprang from a noble family of Touraine. The manner of his first emergence into prominence throws light on the France of that day. The great Cardinal de Lorraine had expressed in his presence regret that he had not heard a certain sermon. Straightway the youth recited the sermon from memory. His fortune was made, and for the remainder of his long life he was in the service of his country, first with the armies but later more often in diplomacy. Probably he first visited England with the Cardinal's niece, Mary Queen of Scots, on her journey back to Scotland in 1561 after the death of her husband Francis II. Mauvissière was subsequently in constant correspondence with the unhappy Queen, who became godmother to his daughter. [1] He was in France again in 1562 serving under the Chancellor, Michel de l'Hôpital, who tried to mediate between the opposed religious parties, supporting the royal power but pleading for religious tolerance. In 1562 Mauvissière, a pious Catholic but known for his human sympathy, was sent by the King to advise the Parlement of Normandy to spare the lives of the Huguenots who fell into their hands. Later he was imprisoned by the English Army occupying Le Havre but was exchanged and sent again on diplomatic missions. During the Civil





Wars, he always counselled mercy. Mauvissière was sent more than once to negotiate with Queen Elizabeth whom he reports as uniformly insincere and unreliable. His Mémoires end after the massacre of St. Bartholomew's night with a plea to his son to enforce right religion by example rather than by bloodshed. [2] Mauvissière was again sent to England in 1572 to appease Elizabeth's indignation at the massacre, and in 1575 he became ambassador in London, a post he held for ten years.

England was at this time a natural refuge for such a man as Bruno, especially since he had the opportunity of entering the suite of an ambassador. This gave him access to a brilliant circle in which scientific and philosophical ideas were being canvassed. Discussion on such topics in London was fairly free. Theological regulations were usually enforced there only when political opinions also were suspect. At Court literary interests were active, and it was of advantage to be an Italian. Englishmen of literary, scientific and philosophic taste looked for light from Italy.

Moreover, England and especially London was a recognized haven for foreigners persecuted for their opinions. Thus Flemings were numerous, and their skill in cloth and silk manufacture brought much prosperity to their adopted country. Huguenots also established important industries. A list of foreigners in his diocese drawn up by the Bishop of London in 1567 enumerates 3,760 in London proper, besides 1,091 in "out-parishes," excluding Southwark. [3] Some 3,000 of these were refugees from the Netherlands. France's religious wars were responsible for 512, while 138 were Italians. [4] A certificate by the Lord Mayor to the Privy Council in 1568 shews that the number was rapidly rising. There were then no less than 6,704 strangers in London, the Liberties adjoining, and Westminster. [5] At Elizabeth's own order these strangers were given considerable liberty of worship. The Queen wrote a gracious letter to the French Church promising protection.

During Elizabeth's reign, moreover, many great English nobles harboured Continental refugees in their palaces. Sometimes these were useful for foreign correspondence while some acted as spies or as accredited emissaries in the interminable intrigues that resulted from the disturbed state of Europe.

By the Court circle Italian refugees were specially cultivated. About the year 1580 there were in London some scores of distinguished Italians. The Queen liked to talk their language in public, and extended welcome to them.

b. The Oxford Incident


Before Bruno settled finally in the home of his benefactor in London, he was involved in a curious incident at Oxford. How did he reach the university? It is hard to imagine a less congruous figure in the Oxford of that day, the home of the most conservative Aristotelian study. Bruno may have been invited by the Chancellor of the University, the Earl of Leicester, a great patron of the Italians in England, uncle of Sir Philip Sidney, and a member of the circle in which Bruno was known. Or the introduction may have been through John Florio (Fig. 3), [6] secretary to Mauvissière and tutor to his daughter, and thus a fellow member with Bruno in Mauvissière's suite.

John Florio is one of the fixed points in Bruno's career, and we must devote some space to him. His father, Michael Angelo Florio, was the son of an Italian Jew who had been converted to Christianity. Michael Angelo Florio had joined the Franciscans but had thrown off the friar's habit and had fled his native country. He became a Protestant, and found asylum in England, where he was befriended by Lord Burghley and was appointed preacher to the Italian Protestant congregation. His son John (1553-1625), the friend of Bruno, was born in England and was a well-known London character who produced writings that are important for the development of the English language. John Florio published in 1578 an attractive phrase book in the Italian and English tongues, The First Fruites of Florio. A similar work is Florio's Second Fruites to be Gathered of Twelve Trees (1591), which contains 6,000 Italian proverbs. In it appear two characters, Torquato and Nundinio. These were the names given to the two Oxford doctors whom Bruno held up to ridicule in the first philosophical work which he published in England, The Ash Wednesday Supper (1584). [7] "The Nolan" himself has a Dialogue with Torquato in the Second Fruites. John Florin is best known for his excellent Italian and English dictionary, A Worlde of Wordes or Dictionarie in Italian and English (1598). The second edition of this work cites Bruno as a source. [8]

Florio was probably the original of Menalcas in Spenser's Shepherds Calendar (1579) and is probably satirized as Holofernes in Shakespeare's Love's Labour's Lost (perhaps written in 1591) and as Parolles in All's Well that Ends Well (perhaps written in 1595). [9] He was intimate with Raleigh and Sidney, both educated at Oxford and with both of whom Bruno came in contact.

Another important work of Florio was his English translation of the Essays of Montaigne (dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney's daughter, the Countess of Rutland). Though this did not appear until 1603, Bruno may well have been introduced to Montaigne's work by Florio. Like Florio, Montaigne had Jewish ancestry. Michel de Montaigne (1533-1592) had the advantage of travel in Italy and a leisured life on his estates in southern France. He thus developed a strong vein of individualism as well as tolerance. [10] Though far from the mood of a rebel, he observed the relativity of the findings both of sense and of reason and was therefore led to a philosophy of Nature not entirely remote from Bruno's views:

But whatsoever shall present unto his inward eyes, as it were in a Table, the Idea of the great image of our universall mother Nature, attired in her richest robes, sitting in the throne of her Majestie, and in her visage shall read, so generall, and so constant a varietie; he that therein shall view himselfe, not himselfe alone, but a whole Kingdome, to be in respect of a great circle; but the smallest point that can be imagined, he onely can value things according to their essentiall greatness and proportion. This great universe (which some multiplie as Species under one Genus) is the true looking-glasse wherein we must looke, if we will know whether we be of a good stamp, or in the right byase. [11]

Florio was in a position to introduce Bruno to Oxford. He had resided there and in 1578 he dedicated his First Fruites to the Earl of Leicester, Chancellor to the University. In 1582, a year before Bruno's arrival, he had joined the staff of Mauvissière.

Bruno's visit to Oxford may also have been facilitated by the most distinguished of the Italian émigrés in England, Albericus Gentilis (1552-1608), "the grandfather of International Law," who reached England in 1580 and settled in Oxford. He had great influence with Elizabeth, and was able to persuade her on one occasion to refrain from inflicting punishment on the Spanish Ambassador. He held strongly to the view that force should never be an instrument of religious conversion. [12] Among his friends were Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Thomas Walsingham, the Earl of Leicester, and Lord Burghley. His friendship with Florio, at least in later life, is attested by his Italian poem to the Queen in Florio's Queen Anna's New World of Words.

A close friend of Florio who was in Oxford in 1583 was Matthew Gwynne (1558?-1627), "il Candido," with whom Florio shared a love of music as well as of letters. This versatile man had lectured on music in the university. Later, having studied medicine, he became one of the earliest professors at Gresham College in London.

In June 1583 Oxford prepared entertainment for a Polish noble, Albert a Laski, who was on a mission to England. [13] This Albert a Laski was subsequently introduced by the Earl of Leicester to John Dee. The Queen herself is stated to have sent money to Dee to enable him to entertain the Earl and his Polish guest at dinner on 31st July, 1583. A Laski became involved in the experiments of John Dee to obtain the "Philosopher's Stone." On leaving England in September 1583 he took with him both Dee and his pupil Kelly. They worked at their chemical experiments at a Laski's castle near Cracow. Ultimately he tired of them, and their subsequent travels to princes who entertained them and passed them on with a gift recall the experiences of Bruno himself. They were able to return to the care of their own monarch, but no such haven awaited Bruno.

Gwynne was among those who made "disputations" at the Oxford entertainment in 1583 in

honour of Albert a Laski, and it may have been at Gwynne's suggestion that Bruno was invited to take part. In any event the result was disastrous. It could hardly have been otherwise.

Here is Bruno's impression of the general characteristics of members of the university:

They spoke Latin well, [were] proper men,...of good reputation ... fairly competent in learning but mediocre in education, courtesy and breeding..., well furnished with tides ... for 'tis yes my master; yes my Father, or my mistress; yes sir forsooth;...elect indeed, with their long [academic] robes, clad in velvet. One wore two shining gold chains about his neck while the other, by God, whose precious hand bore twelve rings on two fingers, had rather the appearance of a rich jeweller who would wrench eyes and heart from the amorous beholder.... Did they know aught of Greek? Aye and also [14] of beer.... One was the herald of the idol of Obscurity and the other the bailiff of the goddess of Presumption. [15]

"Go to Oxford," he says again,

and let them recount to you what happened there to the Nolan when he disputed publicly with those doctors of theology in the presence of the Polish prince Alasco [sic] and others of the English nobility. Would you hear how they were able to reply to his arguments? How fifteen times by means of fifteen syllogisms, a poor doctor whom on this solemn occasion they had put forward as a very Corypheus of the Academy, was left standing like a chick entangled in tow? Would you learn with what incivility and discourtesy that pig comported himself, and the patience and humanity of him who shewed himself to be born a Neapolitan and nurtured under a more benign sky? Are you informed how they closed his public lectures, both those on the Immortality of the Soul and on the Five-fold Sphere? [16]

"That pig" was Doctor John Underhill, Rector of Lincoln College and Chaplain to Her Majesty. [17] In the Oxford archives there is no record of Bruno's visit, which evidently created less impression on the officials than on himself. It may be that his discourses were given in private. But clearly Oxford was no place for him, [18] and he returned or was returned promptly to his refuge under the more tolerant roof of the long-suffering Mauvissière.

In a little book surreptitiously printed by Bruno in London, probably in 1583, there is a curious brief Epistle addressed by him "to the most excellent Vice-Chancellor, the most renowned Doctors and most celebrated Masters of Oxford University." [19] It sets forth, in Bruno's most bombastic style, both his own claims and the imbecility of those who reject his message. It is he

who is "lover of God, doctor in a harder theology, professor of a most pure and harmless wisdom, a philosopher known, accepted and honourably received in the foremost academies of Europe." He is "the vanquisher of presumptuous and persistent ignorance who yet protests that in all his actions there is love of all his fellow beings, of the Briton, no less than the Italian, of women no less than men, of sovereigns no less than prelates." On the title-page of this tactless effusion, issued after the unfortunate Oxford episode, Bruno again prefixes to his name the title Philotheo which he used in the next three works, published in London. [20] Perhaps it is this work, perhaps another, which as "My Mnemosine, hidden under Thirty Seals and confined in the pitchy jail of the Shadow of Tears," is invoked in the first of the important Italian works which quickly followed his return to the kindly atmosphere of the French Embassy (Figs. 4, 5, 11).

c. Bruno's Circle in London


We have now to consider Bruno's circle in London in so far as it can be traced. Like all that concerns his career, the details are obscure and can often be presented only tentatively. Of the closeness of his friendship with Florio we have many indications. In contrast to all other evidence, Bruno is presented by Florio in the Second Fruites [21] as urbane and gentle. In Florio's picture, Bruno's feud with Torquato [22] has melted into something like amused tolerance. The Nolan mildly chaffs Torquato on his late rising and luxurious habits, waits patiently during his robing, and mentions that he himself is an early riser and that he "rarely drinks except at meals." In a later chapter Florio summons up Nundinio, though the Nolan has retired. Could the name Nundinio be a pun on the name of George Chapman (1559-1634)? [23] It is reasonable to think that Bruno may have known the poet George Chapman, author of the English translation of the Iliad and an enthusiastic member of the "School of Night." His friend Matthew Royden (1580-1622) shared his interests. Nor is it very hazardous to suggest that the name Torquato is a pun on George Turner (1569-1610), who in the year 1584 was admitted a "Candidate" of the Royal College of Physicians, occupying successive offices after his election to the Fellowship in 1584. The circumstances of his election as an "Elect" of the College in 1602 suggest an association with unorthodox philosophy, for a letter has survived "To our very loving Friends Mr. Dr. Forster, President of the Physicians in London and to the rest of the Electors" from J. Stanhope and Robert Cecyll,

{QUOTE}to pray you (now at your election) to admytt Mr. Dr. Turner who is now the senior, into that place, and not to exclude him by preferring his junior, seeing we are informed that there is no other exception to be taken but his backwardness in religion, in which he is no way tainted for malice or practice against the State ... seeing he is for his knowledge and practice so well esteemed by divers noblemen and others in this place, and her Majestie herself, as it were to be, wished he might not be so disgraced, especially seeing his election as we are informed is

not against the Statute and that it may be God may open his eyes hereafter to see his error, which we do wish with all our hearts. [24]{/QUOTE}

Among those who shewed kindness to Bruno were Sir Philip Sidney and his devoted friend Sir Fulke Greville. The latter appears as the host in Bruno's Ash Wednesday Supper, and two others of Bruno's Italian works are inscribed to Sidney. In the Dedication to Sidney in the Expulsion of the Triumphant Beast. [25] Bruno complains that enemies have interposed between Sir Fulke Greville and himself, but expresses his gratitude and affection for both patrons "before turning my back on your beautiful, fortunate and most courteous country." In the Dedication of the Heroic Frenzies, Bruno exalts the love of philosophy above that of woman, seemingly daring to remonstrate with Sidney's preoccupation with Stella.

There is evidence that Sir Walter Raleigh was a friend of Mauvissière. One of the Ambassador's letters to Florio instructs him to call on Raleigh and present an invitation to supper on the following day. [26] The same letter sends remembrances to Lord Howard of Effingham who was also in relationship with Italians in London. [27] From France Mauvissière wrote again to Florio sending special messages to Raleigh. There were certainly discussions between Mauvissière and Raleigh and other members of what came to be called Raleigh's "School of Night." [28] The setting of Bruno's Ash Wednesday Supper suggests such a symposium. Though he places it in Sir Fulke Greville's house, he afterwards stated [29] that it was under Mauvissière's roof. Doubtless the book was suggested by gatherings in both houses. We have undoubted evidence that Bruno's work was known to Thomas Hariot (1560-1621), the mathematician and astronomer who was the scientific leader of the group. [30]

In La cena de le ceneri Bruno, on his way to Sir Fulke Greville, notes the palace of Lord Buckhurst to whom at the Supper, he is introduced by Florio. This is Sir Thomas Sackville (1536-1608), who became Lord Buckhurst (1567) and later first Earl of Dorset. He was a poet and patron of Florio. Another character in this same work bears the familiar name of Smith. This benevolent onlooker holds the course for the discussion and is ultimately converted to the Nolan's view. He can perhaps be identified with Sir Thomas Smith [31] (1556-1609), Public Orator at Oxford in 1582, Proctor in 1584, and subsequently Secretary to Essex. Can he as Junior Proctor have befriended Bruno in the Oxford episode?

In Bruno's next work, On Cause, Prime Origin and the One, Florio perhaps figures again as the understanding friend under the pseudonym of "Eliotropio," [32] a flower which formed part of his coat of arms. It may be that this figure is partly drawn from Florio's young friend, the poet Samuel Daniel (1562-1619). In dealing with this euphuizing group, it is not extravagant to note that Eliotropio's first long speech opens by calling Bruno's task "La impresa che hai tolta," [33] and to recall that lmpresa (personal emblem) was the title of Samuel Daniel's first published work (1584), a translation from the Italian of Paolo Giovio. Daniel had just left Magdalen Hall, Oxford. [34] A certain N.W. attached a laudatory preface to this work, recalling "that which Nolanus (that man of infinite titles amongst other phantastical toys) truly noted by chance in our

schools, that by the help of translations all science had their offspring."

Another contemporary Englishman who appears in the work On Cause, Prime Origin and the One is one Alexander Dicson, "learned, upright, loveable, well-nurtured and faithful friend whom the Nolan loveth as his own eyes." [35] This Dicson or Dickson was Bruno's disciple in mnemonics and published in 1583 a volume On the Shadow of Reason and Judgement, [36] dedicated to the Earl of Leicester and obviously inspired by Bruno's On the Shadows of Ideas of 1582. Dicson's work was promptly answered in 1584 by "Antidicsonus cuiusdam Cantabrigiensis G.P.; accessit libellus in quo dilucide explicatur impia Dicsoni artificiosa memoria." In a dedication to Thomas Moufet, G.P. gives a list of writers on mnemonics "memoriographae ostentatores Metrodori, [37] Rosseli, [38] Nolani, Dicsoni repellantur." Mnemonics were in the fashion in England, for G.P. produced another and similar work later in the year, and we shall notice Thomas Watson's volume on the subject. [39] It is unfortunate that we know no more of this Dicson.

It would appear that not all Bruno's encounters in Oxford had been unfortunate. In the work, On Cause, Prime Origin and the One, two names are mentioned as distinguished for their courtesy. One of these is Dr. Tobie Matthew, the very Protestant Dean of Christ Church who was subsequently Bishop of Durham and Archbishop of York. The other is a certain Culpeper, presumably the then Warden of New College. [40]

Can we identify among Bruno's circle any of the speakers in the work here translated, On the Infinite Universe and Worlds? Theophilo or Philotheo, who appears in all three of the Italian philosophical works, is of course the Nolan himself. "How can I speak of the Nolan? Perhaps, since he is as near to me as I am to myself, it beseemeth me not to praise him." [41] Elpino or Alpino is perhaps a punning name for Thomas Hill, a contemporary who sometimes called himself Mountain. Hill was a voluminous and miscellaneous writer interested in mathematics, astrology, dreams, magic, physical devices, etc., and was moreover an Italian scholar. [42] While treating the theory of Copernicus with respect, Hill does not accept it, but in Bruno's work Elpino is gradually converted to the new views. Of Gentilis and Florio we have already spoken.

If some of the identifications seem far-fetched, it must be remembered that Bruno's cryptic allusion to names was simply "playing the game" as practised by his circle in England. The aim was not secrecy, but rather a display of fancy and "precious" skill in the allusive indication of the familiar members of the Anglo-Italian circle. It was akin to the choice by continental humanists of allusive classical names.

Bruno may have first met in Paris the poet Thomas Watson (1557-1592) who was there in 1581. Watson was deeply influenced by Italian literature. In 1582 he had published Hekatompathia or Passionate Centurie of Love, poems inspired by or translated from ancient classical French and Italian writers; and his Latin poem Amyntas (1585) was based on Torquato Tasso. In 1590 appeared his Meliboeus ... siue ecloga in obitum ... Francisce

Walsinghami. Now the name Meliboeus, as well as many of those connected with the Hekatompathia, occurs beside that of the Nolan in Florio's Second Fruites. Watson is also known for his First Sett of Italian Madrigals Englished, which brings him further into relationship with the musicianly Florio and Gwynne. But Watson himself points out a friendly connexion with Bruno. For in the Dedication to the Compendium memoriae localis which bears his name, he writes: "I very much fear if my little work is compared with the mystical and deeply learned Sigillis of the Nolan or with the Umbra artificiosa of Dicson, it may bring more infamy to its author than utility to the reader." [43]

From those known to have had relations with Bruno in London we turn to certain of those who probably met him. Their consideration will help to obtain a picture of the society in which he found himself.

Among Bruno's contacts was probably that delightful Cornishman, Richard Carew (1555-1620), whose gentle wit would soften irate spirits and whose scholarship must have impressed the critical Italian. [44] Carew was an accomplished Italian scholar, and was certainly in London in Bruno's time, since he then represented Saltash in Parliament. He was Deputy Lieutenant for Cornwall when Raleigh was Lieutenant and was a close friend to Raleigh, whose son, born in the Tower, was named after him.

There must have been opportunity for Bruno to meet Sir Edward Dyer (d. 1611), poet, courtier and diplomatist, a close friend and legatee of Sidney and friend also of Edmund Spenser and Fulke Greville. A well-liked man of upright character, though often out of favour at court, he lived a desultory, aimless sort of life and his only publication was a whimsical work, The Prayse of Nothing. [45] He was patron of John Dee and of Thomas Digges [46] and was interested in foreigners and in translation from Spanish and Italian.

Gabriel Harvey (155o-1631), poet and scholar, had scientific interests. He was a very early Copernican, and in his Musarum lacrimae of 1578 he praises Copernicus and Rheticus. His advocacy of the great French anti-Aristotelian Petrus Ramus in the Cambridge controversies extended to the mathematical as well as the philosophical field. [47] He was held to be a man of "paradoxes and strange opinions" of the very type to whom Bruno's wild views would appeal. Moreover, as we have seen, he was probably present at Oxford on the occasion of Bruno's dispute with Dr. Underhill. Perhaps Bruno met Harvey's friend the poet Edmund Spenser (1552-1599), for there is in The Faerie Queene an echo of Bruno's cosmology. [48]

Another defender of the philosophy of Ramus was William Temple (1555-1627). He had migrated from Cambridge to Oxford in 1581 and there he may have witnessed Bruno's discomfiture. Temple may also have met Bruno in the company of Sir Philip Sidney, to whom he ultimately became secretary, after Bruno had left England.

Yet another friend of Sidney who may well have met Bruno is Sir Edward Wotton (1548-1626),

first Baron Wotton, who had lived in Naples and was an accomplished French, Italian and Spanish scholar. He was in London in 1583 and 1584 but can hardly have been a friend of Mauvissière, who in 1585 defeated him diplomatically at the court of King James of Scotland.

Among Bruno's audience at the Oxford meeting may also well have been Robert Ashley (1565-1641), who proceeded from Oxford to the Middle Temple and later published translations from French, Spanish and Italian, including the work of Le Roy which he entitled Of the Interchangeable Course or Variety of Things in the Whole World (1594). [49]

Sir William Paddy the physician was a friend both of Florio and of Gwynne, and may therefore be presumed to have met Bruno. Bruno may also have met Bartholomew Young (fl. 1577) of the Middle Temple, who had travelled in Spain in his youth and translated both Montemayor's Diana from the Spanish and Stephen Guazzo's Civil Conversation from the Italian in 1586. We shall find good reason to believe Bruno to have had contact with a distinguished contemporary, Bishop Godwin. [50] Another physician whom we may perhaps imagine to have been in contact with Bruno is the versatile Thomas Twyne (1543-1613), one-time master of Canterbury Free School (in succession to his father John Twyne), graduate of Oxford before he studied medicine at Cambridge, a country doctor in Sussex but protégé both of Lord Buckhurst and of Sir Francis Walsingham, and friend of John Dee. His works include translations from the Aeneid, from the Italian of Petrarch and from Protestant theology as well as medical publications.

Again Bruno must have been in close touch with the printers who were bringing out works of Italian origin, especially John Wolfe (1557-1640); his own publisher John Charlewood (d. 1592), [51] Edward Blount, who became freeman of the Stationer's Company in 1588 and who published Florio's writings; and the Huguenot Thomas Vautrollier (d. 1587).

What of the Italian members of this circle of friends? The dominating Italian figure is Florio, and in the work here presented we encounter one Albertino who may well be intended to represent the great jurist Alberico Gentilis. [52]

There is a letter from Gentilis written from Oxford to his friend Hotmann, obviously referring to lectures of Bruno though not mentioning him by name. It reflects the impression of the fascination exercised by Bruno on the groups of scholars who assembled to hear him successively in Noli, in Toulouse, in Paris, perhaps even in Oxford, and certainly in London. "I heard," writes Gentilis, "from the greatest of men assertions strange, absurd and false, as of a stony heaven, the sun bipedal, that the moon doth contain many cities as well as mountains, that the Earth doth move, the other elements are motionless and a thousand such things." [53]

Bruno doubtless came into some contact with the more prominent Italians in London. He could not fail to have met the musicians Ferrabosco, father and son, nor Petruccio Ubaldini (1524-1600?), the prolific writer of both Italian and English prose and verse who dedicated to Lord

Howard of Effingham a magnificently illustrated account of the defeat of the Armada. [54]

Besides literary circles, Bruno may reasonably be supposed to have met certain English astronomers and mathematicians. These we consider separately. [55]

The interest of Bruno's wanderings after he left London centre in his writings and philosophy. We shall therefore consider in turn the works which he produced at each of his successive places of sojourn, beginning with the London works.

d. The London Years of Illumination (1583-85)


Bruno is now in his thirty-sixth year. Suddenly there appears the fruit of these long years of study and reflection that he had incredibly combined with his wanderings, his privations and the constant uncertainty of livelihood.

Six works on philosophy and ethics issued from Bruno's pen during the years 1584-85. In them are set forth his thought on the Infinite Universe. All are in Italian. The prose style is sometimes almost uncouth and is full of repetition, but there are noble prose passages, and interspersed in the works are verses in which he succeeds in conveying something of the harmony and beauty which he apprehends in the infinite universe.

It is interesting that Bruno chose the Italian for these works. The use of the vernacular for philosophical writings was in its infancy and in this matter Bruno was something of a pioneer. English had been used for scientific purposes but Bruno confesses that he never mastered that language. The circle that received him in London was familiar with Italian, and that tongue, flexible and still developing, was certainly better adapted than Latin to express the tumultuous flow of his thought. That he had a rhetorical mastery of Latin is well shown by his later works. His Latin philosophical works are to a considerable extent expansions of the three little London volumes and are distinguished by similar qualities -- a rush of language sometimes hardly coherent, sometimes, and especially in the verse passages, attaining true eloquence and exaltation. Some of the Latin chapter headings on the other hand exhibit a remarkable power of epitome. This is especially shown for example in the Table of Contents attached to the Acrotismus. [56] But in many respects the six brief Italian works are Bruno's masterpieces.

The three Italian philosophical works bear the imprint "Venice, 1584," while the three Italian ethical works are all ascribed on their title-page to Paris. Nevertheless, all six works were published in England. In spite of the comparative tolerance that prevailed in England, there is

no doubt that too intimate connection with Bruno's views would have entailed difficulties for the printers. So the false imprints were used without printers' names. Not only, however, can the type be recognized as of English origin, but at his trial before the Inquisition at Rome, Bruno admitted that these volumes had all in fact been printed in London. Moreover, two of the Italian ethical works are dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney. Bruno at his trial averred that his printers had advised him that the imprints of Venice and of Paris would increase the sale of his books. [57]

It is noteworthy that all the six Italian works were concerned with Bruno's original thought. While he drew for illustration on his amazing knowledge of writers from the ancients right on to his own contemporaries, we fortunately hear no more of Lull during the remainder of this happy interval. Before we can consider these Italian works written in London, it is necessary to make a preliminary survey of their author's cosmology and philosophy.

● Table of Contents● Continued on Chapter Three


● Index: Historical Writings (Biographies)● Index: Historical Writings (Books)● Home to Positive Atheism● Table of Contents● Footnotes for Chapter Three

CHAPTER THREE

COSMOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHYOF BRUNO

a. The Mediaeval Cosmic Scheme


COSMOLOGY and philosophy are in all ages very closely linked, and Bruno's cosmological views are crucial to all his thought. It is therefore convenient before attempting a survey of his own philosophy to consider the cosmic scheme current in his day.

For many centuries "Aristotelian" cosmological conceptions had, with little modification, dominated European thought. In that tradition, the universe is treated as a series of concentric spheres with a central motionless earth. Immediately enwrapping the earth are "Spheres" of the three other elements, arranged from within outward in order of decreasing density -- Water, Air, Fire. The outermost limit of these is the limit of the mundane or sublunary sphere. Beyond is a further series of seven concentric spheres, each the abode of one planet, moon and sun being reckoned as planets. Outside these planetary spheres is the sphere of the fixed stars. Beyond this again is the sphere of the Primum mobile which has motion imparted to it by divine power, thus causing it to move each of the spheres within. [1]

In several passages accessible to mediaeval writers, Aristotle gives this general view of the universe. [2] He devotes much space to explaining the perfect nature of circular movement, [3] the natural position of the earth as central to the universe and of the elemental spheres just outside it, [4] as well as to the necessity of an unmoved mover beyond the whole. [5] He also explains that the heavenly bodies must themselves be firmly attached to the rotating spheres.





[6] In discussing the motions of the planets, he propounds the view that each planet must be moved by several concentric spheres whose equators are, however, not parallel but inclined one to another. He thus attributes fifty-five spheres to the planets (or by another calculation forty-nine). [7]

Aristotle was neither astronomical observer nor mathematician. His relatively simple scheme, integrated into his philosophy, which had become current in the Middle Ages, had been elaborated by certain of his successors among the ancients who were both astronomical observers and constructive mathematicians. Early thinkers right up to Kepler (1609) [8] -- including Copernicus and Tycho Brahe -- believed that all heavenly bodies move in circles. They believed this motion to be "perfect," that is, travelling always equal distances in equal times.

But the Aristotelian scheme in its various presentations was soon found inadequate to explain all the observed motions of the planets. For this purpose two mathematical devices were invoked, the excentric or circle with a movable centre, and the system of the epicycle on a deferent. The excentric circle was the name given to the path of a planet which revolved uniformly about a centre that itself moved in a relatively small circle around the earth. A fundamentally similar device provided for each planet a small circle, known as the epicycle, on which the planet revolved around a centre which was itself carried around a larger circular orbit called the deferent. Thus every point along the circumference of the deferent became in turn the centre of the epicycle.

This mathematical scheme had been brought to highly complicated form by Claudius Ptolemy, the astronomer, geographer and mathematician who lived in Alexandria in the first half of the second Christian century. Ptolemy gave a complete and lucid compendium of the whole range of astronomical science in his time in his Mathematical Syntaxis, better known by the title of the Arabic version, as the Almagest. Ptolemy specifically explains that either of the two mathematical devices described above can be used indifferently, but that where it is necessary to explain two divergent movements, the two methods can be combined (Fig. 6). [9]

During many centuries Ptolemy's scheme worked satisfactorily for astronomical prediction. But with the passage of time, the errors in his Tables gradually accumulated so as to make them seriously inaccurate for astronomical prediction. The difficulty was tackled by a group of astronomers assembled at Toledo by King Alphonso of Castille. They made a fresh series of observations on which were based the "Alphonsine Tables" which were issued about 1270. Thus modified, or with small further modifications, the scheme of Ptolemy remained the generally accepted conception of the universe until Copernicus (1543) (Fig. 7). It is assumed by Elpino in the work here translated, until after his conversion.

What modifications were introduced by Copernicus? {HERE}His great book was, in fact, much less revolutionary than is often supposed. He still maintained the general Ptolemaic view of a series of concentric spheres in circular motion around a motionless centre and limited by a

sphere of fixed stars, though he placed the sun instead of the earth as the motionless centre of the universe, and he conceived the earth as occupying one of the rotating planetary spheres. But neither mathematically nor philosophically was the change profound. Copernicus still regarded the stars as really motionless and "fixed" in their unchanging position in the eighth sphere. The universe remained finite and an affair of circles and geometrical constructions. Copernicus believed that the rotation of the earth's sphere carried the earth to perform one revolution around the sun in the course of a year. He further ascribed to the earth a spinning motion around her own centre as the cause of the phenomenon of alternating day and night. All this was accepted by Bruno, but for him it was only a step in the search for a completer and more revolutionary cosmological conception. Bruno writes of Copernicus: "This important, subtle, diligent and mature mind" was ordained to be as the dawn heralding the re-emergence of the sun of the true philosophy. [10] Nevertheless, the universe conceived by Bruno was not merely of different structure but of a completely different order to that pictured by Copernicus.

It was a truly marvellous intuition of Bruno that the new framework which Copernicus had sketched was but a part of a great cosmological pattern. It is true that this pattern had been glimpsed by certain earlier writers. But both critics and followers of Copernicus in the sixteenth century saw in his work a rearrangement of the well-established world scheme. Some might regard the rearrangement with contempt, and some with admiration. To Bruno and to Bruno alone the suggestion of Copernicus entered into the pattern of a completely new cosmological order. In this sense Bruno not only anticipated Galileo and Kepler, but he passed beyond them into an entirely new world which had shed all the dross of tradition. It was a great vision which, from the very nature of the case, could be shared in full neither by his own nor by the succeeding generation.

b. An Infinite Universe and Infinitely Numerous Worlds


The whole of Bruno's philosophy is based on his view of an infinite universe with an infinity of worlds. He conceived the universe as a vast interrelationship throughout space and time, comprehending all phenomena, material and spiritual. Thence he was led to contemplate the parts under the mode of relativity. The conception of the infinity of the universe renders meaningless the ascription to it of motion, but Bruno conceives each of the infinitely numerous worlds to be moving on its course in relation to other worlds, impelled by its own twofold nature as individual and as part of the whole. All estimates of direction, position and weight within the whole must be relative. Moreover, the cosmological system is illumined by the properties of number. [11]

Bruno was not entirely original in these conceptions. But he saw new implications in them and

revealed them with a new vividness. Paradoxically, the two writers who most influenced his cosmological views, Lucretius and Nicolaus of Cusa, occupy opposite philosophical poles. Lucretius denied the validity of theological or metaphysical thinking; Nicolaus sought in his cosmology and even in his physical experiments a reinforcement of his theological views. Bruno was neither astronomer nor mathematician and he was exceptionally devoid of experimental understanding; but contemporary astronomical and mathematical views provide the very fabric of his philosophical system.

The conception of an infinite universe embracing infinitely numerous worlds is familiar in Lucretius. The insurgent fury of the search for truth, the vision of mighty forces uniting in the infinite universe, the passionate rejection of religion imposed by authority, the magnificent diction of the Latin poet are all qualities shared by the Nolan. Bruno's Latin verse constantly echoes the majesty of the Lucretian lines. To Bruno, Lucretius was as a living teacher, and many elements in his philosophywere direct developments from Lucretius. Thus the behaviour of the Lucretianatoms provided something closely akin to Bruno's view of cosmic metabolism [12] and suggested to Bruno the "minimum" and the "discretecontinuum." On another level, Bruno received from Lucretius the visionof the dignity of the human soul. But especially the view of an infiniteuniverse which constituted the field of the ceaseless motion of the Lucretianatoms foreshadows some of Bruno's arguments:

But since I have taught that the most solid bodies of matter fly about for ever unvanquished through the ages, come now, let us unfold, whether there be a certain limit to their full sum or not; and likewise the void that we have discovered, or room or space, in which all things are carried on, let us see clearly whether it is all altogether bounded or spreads out limitless and immeasurably deep.

The whole universe then is bounded in no direction of its ways; for then it would be bound to have an extreme point. Now it is seen that nothing can have an extreme point, unless there be something beyond to bound it, so that there is seen to be a spot further than which the nature of our sense cannot follow it. As it is, since we must admit that there is nothing outside the whole sum, it has not an extreme point; it lacks therefore bound and limit. Nor does it matter in which quarter of it you take your stand; so true is it that, whatever place every man takes up, he leaves the whole boundless just as much on every side. Moreover, suppose now that all space were created finite, if one were to run on to the end, to its furthest coasts, and throw a flying dart, would you have it that that dart, hurled with might and main, goes on whither it is sped and flies afar, or do you think that something can check and bar its way? For one or the other you must needs admit and choose. Yet both shut off your escape and constrain you to grant that the universe spreads out free from limit. For whether there is

something to check it and bring it about that it arrives not whither it was sped, nor plants itself in the goal, or whether it fares forward, it set not forth from the end. In this way I will press on, and wherever you shall set the furthest coasts, I shall ask what then becomes of the dart. It will come to pass that nowhere can a bound be set, and room for flight ever prolongs the chance of flight. Lastly, before our eyes one thing is seen to bound another; air is as a wall between the hills, and mountains between tracts of air; land bounds the sea, and again sea bounds all lands; yet the universe in truth there is nothing to limit outside. [13]

The poem of Lucretius had been rediscovered in the youth of Cusanus [14] and had doubtless exercised its influence on him. Thus the Lucretian conception of the essential unity and infinity of the universe reached Bruno both directly and through Cusanus. Before considering Nicolaus of Cusa's vision of infinity we will turn for a moment to earlier thinkers. Lucretius himself looks back to Democritus, and there persisted from early Greek thinkers right through to the late Middle Ages a form of thought very different from Aristotelianism and especially from its cosmology as developed by Ptolemy.

From land to land, from century to century, for the most part vaguely or in the form of confused and contradictory rumours, there had travelled the view of a universe infinite and without bound, yet One, a single Whole, embracing an infinity of interrelated parts. Some ancient thinkers had had glimpses of this vision, as had later thinkers, Moslem, Jewish and Christian. Their thought was not unknown to Bruno.

The development of this thought suited well the attitude to which a special appeal was made by the Timaeus of Plato, a work familiar in monastic libraries at least in the partial version of Chalcidius. The Timaeus presents a pantheistic view of the universe as a living creature pervaded by immanent divine soul. The universe of Timaeus was created by God, though a certain antecedent substance is postulated: "Why did the Creator make the world? ... He desired that all things should be like himself. Wherefore he set in order this visible world which he found in disorder." [15] This immanent-transcendent view was especially influential on the Moslem culture that had itself determined much of Western thought in the later Middle Ages.

The Judaeo-Arabian presentation and development of Greek science was of the utmost importance to the rise of science among the Latins. Astronomy, chemistry, mathematics and medicine in Europe bear to this day the imprint of this influence exerted during many centuries. Even more crucial to the development of European thought than any direct achievement of "Arabian" science was the influence of "Arabian" philosophy (the work of Arabic-speaking Persians, Moors, Jews and Christians), and especially the discussion of questions concerning the human soul in its relation to the divine soul and to the universe around man. Free will and predestination, the separate individual existence and the immortality of the soul, the cosmic function of man's spirit, were among the questions that exercised philosophers who used the

Arabic tongue.

The consideration of these problems was intimately linked by many of these thinkers with profound changes in the conception of the physical environment of man. The infinity of time and space had been rejected by orthodox Christian thought in mediaeval Europe, but was more or less cautiously set forth in a whole body of Moslem and Jewish writings which were translated into Latin between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries. These conceptions were widely canvassed in the universities of North Italy and France and especially in Padua and Paris. Bruno refers to the Aristotelian commentaries of the Persian Muslim Avicenna (980-1037). Often cited by Bruno is the Fons vitae of Avicebron (at that time believed to have been a Moor and now recognized as the Spanish Jewish poet, statesman and philosopher Solomon Ibn Gabirol (1O21-1058). This author's neo-platonism was very congenial to Bruno. Again, Bruno often cites the Spanish Moor Averroes (1126-1198). Averroes practised medicine and held the office of judge, but it is his philosophy that has exercised a profound influence on the course of European thought. His view both of the eternity of the world and of the unity of intellect or soul fitted well with Bruno's cosmological thought.

Most remarkable among the students at Padua and most crucial for the development of Bruno's thought was Nicolaus, born in 1401 at Cues in the Rhineland, and usually known as Nicolaus of Cusa or Cusanus (d. 1464). Educated in the Platonic tradition by the Brothers of the Common Life of Deventer, Nicolaus passed at the age of seventeen to Padua, and availed himself of every aspect of the very active intellectual life of that university. He studied law and mathematics, learnt the Greek language and became familiar with much classical literature. He also entered into the study of Arabian scholasticism. He passed to an ecclesiastical career and became Bishop of Brixen in the Tyrol and also Cardinal.

The contrast between the modern bias toward observation and the scholastic interest in ratiocination had declared itself at Padua. [16] No less is the contrast between the mind of Cusanus as revealed in his writings and his actual life course. [17] An ardent advocate of reform in ecclesiastical institutions and of the widest tolerance, he found himself at the Council of Bâle in 1436 forced to decide between loyal acceptance of the Papacy or uncompromising revolt. He decided to support the Papacy and never swerved from this position, though it involved him often in action little in harmony with the exalted thought reflected in his writings. His value was at once recognized in Rome, and henceforward he was continuously preoccupied with political and administrative work. Yet he found time for a vivid intellectual life, the record of which remains for us in his books. His philosophy fertilized the course of thought in Europe, and especially through the works of Bruno. In his exquisite little work, the Vision of God, Cusanus sets out his view of a universe, limitless beyond conception, informed throughout by the spirit of beauty and of perfection. The further the insight he gains into the nature, physical and spiritual, of any part of the boundless universe, the more he is exalted by the vision, the further he is impelled to pursue his adventure of discovery.

The range of the intellectual interests of Cusanus is remarkable. He was widely read in all

literature available in his time, of Christian, pagan, Moslem or Jewish writers. He made great though fruitless efforts toward the reform of the Church. He wrote on the calendar, shewing familiarity with a number of astronomical records and writers on the subject. He was deeply involved in the humanist movement and in the revival of classical learning. He had an inkling of the principles of palaeography, and a surprisingly modern taste in manuscripts. Even more remarkable is it that he had an experimental bias, and in his view of the estimation of weight as an instrument to be applied to the systematic investigation of matter, he was one of the pioneers of the experimental era. [18] Despite all this, Cusanus is a true mediaeval in his preoccupation with theological analogy in the interpretation of phenomena.

The most important work of Cusanus is called On Instructed Ignorance [19] and is concerned with the limits of the knowable. In it he constantly returns to the consideration of an infinite universe. Cusanus is fascinated by the infinite in number and by the conception of continuous subdivision. But especially, when he casts his gaze on the heavens he can conceive no limit to them. The universe, he declares, can have no circumference and no centre, for if it had centre and circumference it would be constrained within a limit, and this is totally impossible. Just as the earth cannot be the centre of the infinite universe, so neither can the sphere of the fixed stars nor any other sphere be its circumference, however much, comparing earth and sky, the earth may appear nearer to the centre, and the heaven nearer to the circumference. Therefore, the earth is not the centre of the eighth or of any other sphere. Nor indeed is the very centre of the universe more within our earth than without it. God is both centre and circumference of the universe. Cusanus assures the reader that wherever the observer is placed in the universe, that will appear to him the centre, so that in our minds we must combine centre and zenith. Moreover, the ancients suffering from uninstructed ignorance, could not apprehend that this earth moves. The earth, he further tells us, is not a mathematical measurable part of the universe any more than a hand is an aliquot part of a man. Each is an integral and necessary part of a whole. Just as light, so also does influence pass from star to star. He assumes that other celestial bodies are inhabited. While rejecting the arrogation of a supreme position for our earth, he sees no reason to esteem it altogether vile. "It is impossible," he says, "for man to know whether the region of earth is more or less noble than another [region of the universe].... Perhaps the inhabitants of other stars are nobler than ourselves. We imagine the inhabitants of the sun to partake of its fiery nature and to be more spiritual than the inhabitants of the aqueous moon." The denizens of each, he surmises, are fitted to their habitation. [20] From the Timaeus, Cusanus draws the conception of the whole universe as animated by a single Soul emanating from the Godhead. [21] In the interpretation of this conception, he utilizes the symbolism of the Trinity. [22]

We shall find the influence of Cusanus constantly permeating Bruno's thought. [23] It is noteworthy in connection with Bruno's relation to Copernicus that the latter was quite unaffected by the writings of Cusanus. The cast of mind of Copernicus was utterly different from that of Cusanus. Bruno too had neither the experimental bias nor the Christian mysticism of the Cusan. Moreover, in worldly outlook as in temperament, the ecclesiastical statesman was poles apart from the wandering fugitive, nor was it solely untoward fate that determined Bruno's very

different fortune. Yet the cosmic view that evoked those paeans of Bruno was, in essence, the cosmic view of Cusanus. Bruno uses the very phrases of Cusanus and we must believe that he drew from him the first apprehension of his impassioned vision of infinity. The vision is repeated many times in his works. [24] Following Cusanus again, Bruno is clear that in an infinite universe there can be no absolute position, neither higher nor lower, neither centre nor circumference:

To a body of infinite size there can be ascribed neither centre nor boundary.... Just as we regard ourselves as at the centre of that [universally] equidistant circle, which is the great horizon and the limit of our own encircling ethereal region, so doubtless the inhabitants of the moon believe themselves at the centre [of a great horizon] that embraces this earth, the sun and the other stars, and is the boundary of the radii of their own horizon. Thus the Earth no more than any other world is at the centre; moreover no points constitute determined celestial poles for our earth, just as she herself is not a definite and determined pole to any other point of the ether, or of the world space; and the same is true of all other bodies. From various points of view these may all be regarded either as centres, or as points on the circumference, as poles, or zeniths and so forth. Thus the earth is not in the centre of the universe; it is central only to our own surrounding space. [25]

With Cusanus too, Bruno accepts the Averroan doctrine of the eternity of the universe. "There are not," Nicolaus had said, "three Times, past, present and future, but one perfect Time." [26] Infinite Time was for Bruno a mode of Infinite Space.

"It is then unnecessary," says Bruno,

to investigate whether there be beyond the heaven Space, Void or Time. For there is a single general space, a single vast immensity which we may freely call Void; in it are innumerable globes like this on which we live and grow. This space we declare to be infinite; since neither reason, convenience, possibility, sense-perception nor nature assign to it a limit. In it are an infinity of worlds of the same kind as our own. For there is no reason nor defect of nature's gifts, either of active or of passive power, to hinder the existence of other worlds throughout space, which is identical in natural character with our own space.... Beyond the imaginary convex circumference of the universe is Time. For there is the measure and nature of motion, since similar moving bodies are there. [27]

Bruno thus imagined an infinity of worlds, each finite like our own, and each pursuing its own

course within the infinite universe. The inhabitants of Bruno's numberless worlds are, like those of the worlds of Cusanus, in conformity with the conditions of their habitats. [28]

Bruno never uses Christian symbolism. The Wisdom literature appealed strongly to him; and his invocations of the joy and release brought by his cosmic views are reminiscent of certain Old Testament invocations of Wisdom.

In his valedictory address at Wittenberg, Bruno passes easily without any sense of incongruity from Juno and Minerva to his paean of praise of Wisdom with quotations both from the Apocrypha and from the Old Testament. He transfers to Wisdom his conception of infinite unity:

If all things are in common among friends, the most precious is Wisdom. What can Juno give which thou canst not receive from Wisdom? What mayest thou admire in Venus which thou mayest not also contemplate in Wisdom? Her beauty is not small, for the lord of all things taketh delight in her. Her I have loved and diligently sought from my youth up.

I prayed unto the Lord, and besought him and with my whole heart I said, O God of my fathers, and Lord of mercy who hast made all things by thy word, and ordained man through thy wisdom, that he should have dominion over the creatures which thou hast made;

Give me wisdom, that sitteth by thy throne and reject not thy servant. O send her out of thy holy heavens from the throne of thy glory, that being present she may labour with me, that I may know wherein I fail and what is pleasing to thee. For she knoweth and understandeth all things, and she shall lead me soberly in my doings and preserve me in her power. [29]

God, that most fertile Mind, will indeed send Wisdom, but what sort of Wisdom? Only such as can be adapted to our mental vision, in the shadow of light; as from the Sun who cannot be reached nor apprehended, who in himself continueth mysteriously and steadfastly in infinite light, yet his pervasive radiance descendeth to us by the emission of rays and is communicated and diffused throughout all things. For as firstly there is the essence of the sun that can barely be attained by the Mind alone; secondly, the substance of the sun, which occupieth and encompasseth his own orb and liveth where he liveth; and thirdly there is the action or operation of the sun, which comprehendeth all things and is comprehended by all things; in no other way is it possible to consider the threefold sun of the

understanding: firstly as the essence of the divine; secondly as the substance of the universe, which is the reflection of the first; thirdly as the light of the perception of those who participate in life and knowledge.

This view is supported by citation from the Cabbala, from the "Orphic theologians," and from Job.

Listen to Job:

Where shall wisdom be found? And where is the place of understanding? Man knoweth not the price thereof; neither is it found easily in the land of the living; The depth saith, It is not in me: and the sea saith, It is not with me. It is hid from the eyes of all living and kept close from the fowls of the air.

That is from the numina, those stars, those fiery gods and watery orbs which course across the firmament and over the space of the ether, as though by their regular flight and speedy circling they make their own orbs.

Destruction and death said, 'We have heard the fame thereof with our ears. God alone understandeth the ways thereof, and he knoweth the place thereof.' [30]

In its second mode, Wisdom is most manifest on the surface and body of all created things, for everywhere Wisdom crieth and on all sides her voice is heard. [31] For what are all those things which we see, stars, animals, bodies and the beauty thereof, but the voices and echoes [vestigia] of Wisdom, the works of the Divine Being [divinitatis] that shew forth his lofty providence, in which as in a book may be read most clearly the story of Divine Power, Wisdom and Goodness? For the invisible things of God are discovered through those things which are understood. This thou hast from Scripture. Wilt thou hear more clearly the voices of the assemblies? The heavens declare the glory of God. [32] ... The third mode is within our spirit; it is situate at the helm of our soul, controlling the rudder of the ship in the wild sea of this surging century where it is a lighthouse of the spirit in the surrounding darkness. These three habitations hath divine Wisdom: the first without building, eternal, indeed the very seat of eternity; the second, which is the firstborn, our visible universe; the third, the nextborn, which is the soul of man. [33]

The infinite universe is thus the ever-recurring theme of Bruno's thought. "The one infinite is perfect, in simplicity, of itself, absolutely, nor can aught be greater or better. This is the one Whole, God, universal Nature, occupying all space, of whom naught but infinity can give the perfect image or semblance." [34] He recounts in detail the reasons for his belief that the universe is infinite, meeting every objection based on argument or observation. Whatever aspect of Bruno's thought we are considering, we shall constantly encounter this overwhelming vision. Its awful majesty alone enabled him to support the eight suffering years that culminated in his death.

c. Astronomy in the Sixteenth Century with Special Reference to England [35]


Close as was the relationship between the cosmic views of Cusanus and of Bruno, the content of their minds shewed the century that separated them. Bruno lived in the dawning age of men of science. Though he was a man of science neither by temper nor training, nor by capacity, he gives in his works several figures illustrating simple experiments. We recognize also the boy who noted the changed aspect of Mt. Cicada in the observer of the flight of birds. [36] For his close reasoning on simple phenomena must also be based on observation. This attitude is noteworthy as out of tone with his training and the academic atmosphere of his time. But we must not be led astray into the idea that his conception of the 'minimum' had any relation to the invention of the microscope, which was too late to be known to him. Doubtless he is echoing Lucretius when he exclaims concerning the tiny members of animalcula, their heart, nerves and viscera: "The minimum of nature or reality is amazingly smaller than the smallest perceptible minimum. There is no art to define it." [37] His reflections on the apparent motions of the heavenly bodies permeate his works. [38] To him the reflections were always more interesting than observations.

In spite of Bruno's strictures on the backwardness of learning at Oxford, there is evidence of the repercussions of the new astronomy there. Thus in 1576 the question assigned for disputation by candidates incepting as Masters of Art at Oxford was: An terra quiescat in medio mundi. Perhaps we may even detect an echo of Bruno's visit to Oxford of 1583 in the topic of 1588, An sint plures mundi. [39] But London far more than Oxford was a centre of astronomical study and speculation. Copernican views had been discussed there for a generation and several mathematicians resident there had been feeling their way to a conception of a universe devoid of the traditional frontier. The earliest in whom we can trace the new astronomical views is Robert Recorde (1510-1558). His Castle of Knowledge containing the explication of the Sphere both Celestiall and Materiall of 1556 is in the conventional form of a dialogue between a Master

and a Schollar. The former, after explaining the Ptolemaic view, glances at the Copernican system by raising the question of "the quietness of the earth" inherent in the Ptolemaic scheme. Almost echoing Copernicus, he reminds his pupil:

Not only Eraclides Ponticus, a great Philosopher, and two great clerkes of Pythagoras schole, Philolaus and Ecphantus, were of the contrary opinion, but also Nicias Syracusius, and Aristarchus Samius, seeme with strong arguments to approue it; but the reasons are to difficulte for this firste introduction, and therefore I will omit them till an other time. And so will I do the reasons that Ptolemy, Theon and others doo alleage, to prooue the earthe to bee without motion; and the rather, bycause those reasons doo not proceede so demonstrablye, but they may be answered fully, of him that holdeth the contrarye. I mean, concerning the circularre motion; marye, direct motion of the centre of the world seemeth more easy to be confuted, and that by the same reasons, whiche were before alleaged for prouing the earthe to be in the middle and centre of the worlde.

The Schollar uses the term "absurdity" of the non-Ptolemaic view and the Master then declares, "That is truly to be gathered; howe bee it Copernicus, a man of greate learninge, of muche experience and of wondrefull diligence in observation hath renewed the opinion of Aristarchus Samius." He warns him, "You are to younge to be a good judge in so great a matter..." and even promises, "At other time, as I sayd, I will so declare his supposition that you shall not only wonder to hear it, but also peradventure be as earnest then to credite it as you are now to condemn it."

Very few months after this work of Recorde, we get a definite opinion from John Dee (1527-1608), who states in a preface to John Feild's Ephemeris anni 1557 [40] that he had persuaded Feild to compile these tables, since the work of Copernicus, Rheticus and Rheinhald had rendered the old tables no longer satisfactory.

Dee was a friend of Leonard Digges (d. circ. 1571), the maker of an early form of telescope. He was also the teacher of Leonard's son Thomas Digges (d. 1595), the first professional astronomer known to us who sets forth the theory of an infinite universe. In 1573 Thomas Digges published in his Alae seu scalae mathematicae, dedicated to Lord Burleigh, the record of a series of observations of the new star in Cassiopeia, discovered the previous year. His exaltation at the discovery is reflected in the preface on "this stupendous creation of God." The incongruity of the Ptolemaic scheme had impressed Digges. He likens the system with its orbs and epicycles to a monstrous picture of a man with head, feet and limbs each taken from the representation of a separate individual. He insists on the need of careful observations to construct a more seemly anatomy of parts joined in perfect proportion and symmetry, and he prophesies that "the paradox of Copernicus" (Paradoxum hactenus explosum) concerning the earth's motion will be firmly demonstrated by observation and not by argument. He is uncertain

whether the earth's motion is the sole cause of apparent change of size of the new star. His work is typical of that twilight between the ratiocinatory and the demonstrative, the scholastic and the scientific, the mediaeval and the modern, in which Bruno's stormy and contradictory life-span was passed.

In 1576 came the pronouncement by Thomas Digges for an infinite universe. This was in an "Addition" to a new edition of the Prognostication Everlastinge of his father Leonard Digges. The work of Thomas Digges is introduced by a figure (Fig. 8) showing a universe with central sun, and stars "fixed infinitely up." The figure is followed by a preface "To the Reader" in which Digges explains that among "Sondry faultes that by negligence in printing have crept into my father's Generall Prognostication ... I found a description or Modill of the world and situation of Spheres Caelestiall and Elementare according to the doctrine of Ptolome," and he decides to give the Copernican scheme. He is certain that "Copernicus mente not as some have fondly excused him, to deliuer these grounds of the Earthe's mobility onely as Mathematicall principles, fayned and not as Philosophicall truly auerred." Moreover, Digges declares, "This ball euery 24 hours by naturall, uniforme and wonderfull slie and smooth motion rouleth rounde, making with his Periode our naturall daye, whereby it seems to us that the huge infinite immoueable Globe should sway and tourne about." [41]

The "Addition" itself is entitled A Perfit Description of the Caelestiall Orbes according to the most aunciente doctrine of the Pythagoreans, latelye reuiued by Copernicus and by Geometricall Demonstrations approued. In it Thomas Digges sets forth the Copernican theory of a universe of concentric revolving spheres. But he interpolates a somewhat confused exposition, which is in no way derived from Copernicus, of an infinite universe with stars stretching through endless space (Fig. 8):

Heerein can wee neuer sufficiently admire thys wonderfull and incomprehensible huge frame of goddes woorks proponed to our senses, seinge fyrst thys baull of the earth wherein we moue, to the common sorte seemeth greate, and yet in respecte of the Moones Orbe is very small, but compared with Orbis magnus wherein it is caried, it scarcely retayneth any sensible proportion, so merueilously is that Orbe of Annuall motion greater than this little darcke starre wherein we liue. But that Orbis magnus beinge as is before declared but as a poynct in respect of the immensity of that immoueable heauen, we may easily consider what little portion of gods frame, our Elementare corruptible worlde is, but neuer sufficiently be able to admire the immensity of the Rest. Especially of that fixed Orbe garnished with lightes innumerable and reaching up in Sphaericall altitude without ende. Of whiche lightes Celestiall it is to bee thoughte that we onely behoulde sutch as are in the inferioure partes of the same Orbe, and as they are hygher, so seeme they of lesse and lesser quantity, euen tyll our sighte beinge not able farder to reache or

conceyue, the greatest part rest by reason of their wonderfull distance inuisible unto us. And this may wel be thought of us to be the gloriouse court of the great God, whose unsearcheable worcks inuisible we may partly by these his visible coniecture, to whose infinit power and majesty such an infinit place surmountinge all other both in quantity and quality only is conueniente. [42]

While this passage establishes the priority of Thomas Digges among astronomers, it must be remembered that the infinity of the universe had been postulated a century earlier in the philosophical works of Nicolaus of Cusa.

The work of William Gilbert (1540-1603) On the Magnet, [48] which appeared in London in 1600, is usually regarded as the first major work of experimental science by an Englishman. The last part of this book is devoted to a general consideration of the solar system, and Gilbert comes to the conclusion that there is a "magnetic diurnal revolution" of the earth. He postpones discussion of the orbital motion of the earth, though referring to Copernicus as "the first who attempted to illustrate the phenomena of moving bodies by new hypotheses."

While avoiding Copernican discussion, Gilbert betrays that he had been reading Bruno or had held discussion with him or with someone who held similar views concerning the nature of the heavenly bodies. "Who," he asks,

has ever made out that the stars which we call fixed are in one and the same sphere, or has established by reasoning that there are any real and, as it were, adamantine sphaeres? No one has ever proved this, nor is there a doubt but that just as the planets are at unequal distances from the earth, so are these vast and multitudinous lights separated from the Earth by varying and very remote altitudes; they are not set in any sphaerick frames or firmament. The intervals of some are from their unfathomable distance matter of opinion rather than of verification; others less than they are yet very remote, and at varying distances, either in that most subtle quintessence the thinnest aether or in the void.... How immeasurable then must be the space which stretches to those remotest of fixed stars! How vast and immense the depth of that imaginary sphere! How far removed from the Earth must be the most widely separated stars and at a distance transcending all sight, all skill, all thought! How monstrous, then would such a motion be!

It is evident then that all the heavenly bodies, set as if in destined places, are there formed unto spheres, that they tend to their own centres, and that round them there is a confluence of all their parts. And if they have motion, that motion will rather be that of each round

its own centre, as that of the Earth is; or a forward movement of the centre in an orbit, as that of the Moon; ... But there can be no movement of infinity and of an infinite body, and therefore no diurnal revolution of that vastest Primum mobile. [44]

In a work that appeared long posthumously in 1651, [45] Gilbert refers to the same theme. In it he wavers between the schemes of Copernicus and of Brahe, inclining to the latter. Two pages of the book are devoted to a discussion of Bruno's astronomical views but the question of infinite space is now hardly mentioned. The book adds something, however, to our knowledge of the relation of Bruno and Gilbert, for it gives a diagram (Fig. 9), undiscussed in the text, which recalls both Bruno's views and the diagram of Digges.

In the minds of some at least of his contemporaries, Gilbert's views were closely associated with those of Bruno. Thus in a letter to Thomas Hariot (1560-1620) from Sir William Lower, dated 21st June, 1610:

Wee ... were a consideringe of Kepler's reasons by which he indeauors to ouerthrow Nolanus and Gilberts opinions concerninge the immensitie of the spheere of the starres and that opinion particularlie of Nolanus by which he affirmed that the eye beinge placed in anie parte of the universe, the apparence would be still all one as unto us here. When I was a sayinge that although Kepler had sayd somethinge the most that mighte be urged for that opinion of Nolanus, yet of one principall thinge he had not thought. [46] ...

Among Hariot's papers there is one on which are noted the words "Nolanus de immenso et mundi." [47] Hariot has been claimed as anticipating Kepler (with whom he corresponded) in speculations concerning the ellipticity of planetary orbits, and as anticipating Descartes on quadratic equations. He was perhaps the first to bring all terms of an equation to one side and equate to zero, and he pointed out that an equation has as many roots as it has powers or dimensions. Hariot made improvements too in mathematical notation. His telescope was said to have a magnification by 50, and he made a great many observations with it. He was a leader of the group that ultimately became the "School of Night." We are thus not surprised to find him considering Bruno's views. Much of Hariot's work remained unpublished, and has been discovered only in the present century.

Turning now to Continental writers on astronomy, we consider first Girolamo Fracastoro, whose name is given to a speaker in the work here translated. Fracastoro was a very influential humanist and physician. [48] He had been a fellow student of Copernicus at the University of Padua. Bruno cannot have met him, as he died when the Nolan was a small child. Though best known for his medical works, Fracastoro made varied contributions to scientific thought. In his work on A Single Centre of the Universe (1538) he opposes certain details in the current Ptolemaic epicyclic scheme of planetary movement. [49]

Bruno cites as sympathetic to the new insurgent astronomical views Palingenio (whom he imagines to be a German), author of the Zodiac of Life. [50] Among eminent Germans Bruno mentions also Paracelsus, "that prince of physicians who ranks alone with Hippocrates." [51] Bruno cites too Cornelius Agrippa (1486-1535), a figure not unlike Paracelsus and Bruno himself in the unhappiness and misadventures of his life and in the extravagance of his writings. [52]

Bruno adopts the revolutionary deduction of Tycho from the observations in 1572 of a new star and in 1577 of a great comet far more distant than the moon. That such ephemeral bodies could suddenly appear at these distances disproved the current view of the immutable character of the "ethereal regions" and of the bodies within them. "All the stars," says Bruno, "have motion, even those 'fixed' stars of which our sun is one. Nor are the comets in anywise different from other planets but for their apparent difference of position. Whereby their light is sometimes as though exposed to us in a slanting mirror." He even declares, "These things were discovered by me some lustres back and were proved by reason ('interior sense'). But now at last I may accept that they are confirmed by the learned Dane Tycho who by his wise talent hath discovered many things." [53] He quotes Cornelius Gemma's remark in the same sense concerning the comet and cites Roeslin (whom he calls the German physician Helyseus). [54] He refers also to Cardan (1501-76) [55]

He cites too the information of Pico della Mirandola that Leo Hebraeus had invented an instrument whereby he had observed two "motionless" stars occupying positions differing by two degrees from their positions observed later in the same year. [56] For the understanding of such things, says Bruno,

The difficulty proceedeth from a false method and wrong hypothesis -- namely of the weight and immobility of the earth, the position of the primum mobile with the other seven, eight, nine or more [spheres] on which stars are implanted, impressed, plastered, nailed, knotted, glued, sculptured or painted and that these stars do not reside in the same space as our own star, named by us Earth. [57]

Bruno also recalls the observation of a new star in 1585 by Olaus Cimber, and the Landgrave William of Hesse's "renewal to memory" of the observations of Rothmann ten years earlier. In this connection Bruno, who cites both ancient and mediaeval observations, remarks that this confirms Pliny's report of the star seen by Hipparchus in 125 B.C. "Veritas temporis filia," exclaims Bruno, recalling that Aristotle, Aeschylus and Hippocrates of Chios had all asserted that comets are planets. "We now see that comets, planets, and our earth are all one kind." [58]

d. Cosmic Metabolism


We turn from the more astronomical to the more philosophical elements of Bruno's cosmic views.

From Lucretius and certain Renaissance Lucretians such as Fracastoro, [59] Bruno drew his conception of what he calls the Minima from which all things are formed. The diverse multiplicity of phenomena he attributed to the grouping of these "minima" which are in eternal motion, constantly leaving yet constantly tending to return to "their own natural body and place." Thus he envisaged an eternal process of what we may call cosmic metabolism. Death was but a stage in this process, while life was a quality inherent to a greater or lesser degree in every part of nature. "From the Minimum everything groweth and every magnitude is reduced to the minimum"; and "the Minimum buildeth up to the many and to the innumerable and infinite." [60]

As Semina are aggregated around bodies, atoms are added to adjacent parts, so the body with its members takes its rise; but as these parts are expelled from the centre, so the bodies, however well knit, are gradually dissolved. [61]

When we consider ... the being and substance of that universe in which we are immutably set, we shall discover that neither we ourselves nor any substance doth suffer death; for nothing is in fact diminished in its substance, but all things, wandering through infinite space, undergo change of aspect. [62]

The universe being infinite, and the bodies thereof transmutable, all are therefore constantly dispersed and constantly reassembled; they send forth their substance, and receive within themselves wandering substance. Nor doth it appear to me absurd but on the contrary most fitting and natural that finite transmutations may occur to a subject; wherefore particles of [elemental] earth may wander through the ethereal region and may traverse vast space now to this body, now to that, just as we see such particles change their position, their disposition and their form when they are yet close to us. Whence we deduce that if this earth be eternal, it is not so by virtue of the stability of any one part or individual, but through vicissitudes of many parts, some being expelled therefrom and their place taken by others. Thus soul and intelligence persist while the body is ever changing and renewed, part by part. This may be observed also in animals which survive only by absorption and evacuation. Whoever considers well, will recognize that

we have not in youth the same flesh as in childhood, nor in old age the same as in youth: for we suffer perpetual transmutation, whereby we receive a perpetual flow of fresh atoms, while those that we have received are ever leaving us. [63]

The world is made up of "minima" or "monads" which, though sometimes equated with atoms, are a philosophical rather than a material conception and have in them some of the qualities of the whole. They bear some resemblance to the semina of Bruno's predecessor Fracastoro, being associated with some of the qualities of life. They perhaps provided a suggestion to Leibnitz for his Monads:

Concerning those prime indivisible bodies from which the whole universe was originally composed, we must believe that they undergo certain vicissitudes through the immensity of space whereby they ebb and flow hither and thither. And if, by divine providence, they do not form new bodies nor dissolve the old, they are at least able to do so. For mundane bodies are in fact dissoluble; though either on account of intrinsic quality or through external influence they may persist to eternity, suffering a balanced influx and efflux of atoms; and thus they may remain constant in number, though their corporeal substance be like ours renewed from day to day, from hour to hour, from moment to moment, by the processes of attraction and metabolism [64] of all the parts of the body. [65]

Bruno does not seem consistently to envisage the monad with the specific varied shapes of the Lucretian atoms. [66] In the work here translated, Theophilus asserts that the infinite may contain dissimilar finites, such as earth, water, etc., which unite by the concourse of their innumerable minimal parts or atoms:

There are many dissimilar finite bodies within a single infinity Many continuous parts form a unity;...as with liquid mud. There throughout and in every part, water is continuous with water, earthy matter with earthy matter; wherefore, since the concourse of the atoms of earth, and the atoms of water, is beyond our sensible apprehension, these minima are then regarded as neither discrete nor continuous; but as forming a single continuum which is neither water nor earth...; the infinite universe may be regarded as a single continuum in which discreteness is no more introduced by the interpolation of ether between the large celestial bodies than it can be within the mud, by the interposition of air among the dry and the watery particles; the difference being solely in the fineness and subtlety of the parts of the mud exceeding our sensible apprehension, as against the greatness, size and sensible qualities of the members of the universe. And thus contrary and diverse mobile parts

converge to constitute a single motionless continuum. [67]

Bruno's conception of matter is, like that of Cusanus, illuminated by analogy both from geometry and from number. Following the fantasy of Raymund Lull, he uses as symbols of thought geometric figures with numbers. Congenial to Bruno too are the analogies drawn by Cusanus from the growth of endless mathematical series, arising from Unity. [68] Bruno finds in mathematical theory support for his conception of the indivisible atom or monad. [69] His vision is most clear in the great poems.

The minimum is the substance of all things, and thou wilt at length find it the same and the greatest of all. Here is the monad, the atom: and the whole Spirit extending hence upon every side; it is without bulk, its whole essence constituting all things by its symbols. If thou examinest the matter, this it is, with its substances. Since indeed the minimum thus reneweth all things, so that nothing is spread beneath it nor is there aught else. Were there no monad, there would be nought of number for it doth constitute species, building up every kind. For it is the prime basis in all things, that as it were whence God and the parent nature and art do elaborate on high, that which reigneth over every kind and resideth in every kind.... Number is the accident of the monad but the monad is the essence of number; thus the atom entereth into composition and the atom is the essence of the composite.... For the substance for the building of all bodies is the minimum body or the atom, and for building a line or a surface, the minimum is the point. [70]

e. Inherent Necessity


All motion, and indeed all changes of state, Bruno ascribes to the inevitable reaction of a given body to its environment. He does not conceive merely an external environment acting on an inner nature, but rather regards the force leading to change in a given body as a function of the nature of the body itself, a nature which, of course, includes reaction in a particular manner to a particular environment. He thus conceives the phenomena of the universe or Nature as a synthesis of freely developing innate forces impelling to eternal growth and change.

He speaks constantly of the heavenly bodies as "animalia" pursuing their course through space. An "animal" for Bruno is that which is endowed with anima. Not only all life but all being he regards as in some sort animated. In the work here translated he expounds his view that this

anima constitutes the raggione or inherent law which, in contradistinction to any outward force or constraint, is responsible for all phenomena and above all for all motion. It is true that the raggione of every part is influenced by the raggione of all other parts. But it is this ultimate nature, rather than the detailed behaviour, of each part which suffers this influence.

The individual, [71] whether corporeal or incorporeal, is never completed; and among eternally pursuing individual forms, seeking eternally nevertheless those to pursue, resteth never content.... Thus is the infinity of All ever bringing forth anew, and even as infinite space is around us, so is infinite potentiality, capacity, reception, malleability, matter. [72]

All motion and all matter in its diverse modes are the expressions of a rigorous Necessity but this Necessity is an inward force, not an outward constraint. This is Bruno's version of the Nature Philosophy that made such an appeal to the men of the Renaissance. Often cited with admiration by Bruno is the work of Bernardino Telesio (1509-1588) who founded the Academy at Cosenza. His great work was entitled On the Nature of Things. [73] Telesio had his own version of the conceptions of the pre-Socratics; he cites the authority of Parmenides for his view that Cold and Heat are the ultimate fundamental elements. Telesio rejects the Aristotelian distinction between Form and Matter. This and his vitalism -- the view that every material thing is endowed with power of feeling -- brings him near to Bruno's Nature Philosophy. He says too that the heavenly bodies rotate because it is their nature to do so.

Bruno resolves problems of individual will in something like a universal pantheism. He remarks that David of Dinant [74] was no fool to regard matter as divine. We may recall that Bruno at his final trial was pathetically certain that if only he himself could make his judges understand, they would welcome his philosophy:

If then spirit, soul, life, is in all things, and to a varying extent filleth all matter, it must assuredly be the true act and the true form of all things.... Thus only the external forms of things change and dissolve again, for they are not things in themselves but appertain to things, not substance but accident, and circumstance of substance. [75]

The Prime Origin is not that which moveth, but itself still and immobile, it giveth the power to generate their own motion to innumerable worlds, to great and small animals throughout the vast space of the universe, each with a pattern of mobility, of motion and of other accidents, conditioned by his own nature. [76]

Bruno's vision of all things impelled to action according to their essential nature fitted his assertion of man's inborn right to follow the dictates of his own soul: [77]

So thou mightest say that the atom in nature is constant and that no one figure appertaineth thereto. Thus the divine nature of the soul is perceived, nor doth any passion or change take place therein. To whatever fate she is subject, coming to the part of a composite whole, she hardly remaineth for one moment affected by the same fate, yet she remaineth steadfast as a single entity ... for the judgement-halls of inexorable fortune dwell in the soul. [78]

Such passages manifest the contemporary mood of individualism that found expression in religion, in politics, in observation of nature and in philosophy. [79]

These views had spread from Platonist humanism in Italy to Aristotelian humanism in France. They profoundly influenced the mathematician and theologian, Jacques Lefèvre of Étaples (1455-1537), who edited the first complete edition of Cusanus [80] which Bruno declares to be "a glory to France." [81] Lefèvre had also edited the works of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite.

The forces assailing the autonomy of the human will were on the one hand ecclesiastical authority, and on the other, belief in astrology and in the pagan conception of Fortuna or Fate. To none of these did Bruno yield obedience. His doctrine of Inner Necessity is, of course, incompatible with the cruder astrology. [82] His use of personification of the heavenly bodies is merely parable and symbol, "the Shadows of Ideas." [83]

Bruno greatly praises a pupil of Lefèvre, Charles de Bovelles (1470-1533) who was also deeply under the influence of Lull. Like his teacher, De Bovelles was a prolific writer of diversified talent. He produced the first Geometry published in the French language. His work On Wisdom presents an extraordinary combination of mediaeval thought with insurgent humanism. The discussion of macrocosm and microcosm and of the functions of the angelic hosts is in full mediaeval style. Elaborate figures and tables of qualities are reminiscent of Lull while the use of symbolism based on the Trinity often recalls Cusanus. De Bovelles strengthens his argument with quotations from Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. But the grand theme of the work is that Man has been endowed by God with Mind whereby he may through Wisdom attain to unity with the Godhead himself. [84]

Bruno may have derived from these writers and from Lucretius inspiration toward his doctrine of Inherent Necessity, though surely he had need of naught beyond his own burning conviction of the human birthright. In the work here translated, the conception is revealed that not merely man, nor even only living things, are imbued with this inward urge. In Bruno's thought everything on earth, everything throughout the universe, is endowed with an immanent urge or impulse in conformity with its own inward nature. This which we have called Inherent Necessity impels it to mould its own development, its environment, its destiny.

That which resideth in the small, may be seen in the great, and it appeareth that the part hideth everywhere in the whole. [85]

Necessity, Fate, Nature, Design, Will all ordered justly and without error converge in the One. [86]

God, since his nature is utterly perfect ... and since he acteth without restraint, he acteth freely; thus will concurreth with goodness, and goodness with necessity. Wherefore since the best doth exist in every species, he impelleth [agit] of necessity one and no other; and since he cannot be other than good, he cannot work [facere] otherwise than as he worketh. Therefore by the necessity of his nature he worketh good, and yet better; and of two contraries, the worse could not be object or subject either of his power or of his will or of necessity. Beware then that priest who would rank either divine freedom or our own freedom as merely contingent and possible. [87]

This theme of immanent necessity is, it will be noticed, one of Bruno's arguments for the infinity of the universe, since he cannot accept that the Infinite Nature of God is consistent with the creation of a finite universe. His majestic conception gives a universal cosmic free will. As regards man, it links the problem of free will with the problem of knowledge. For the spontaneity and productivity of knowledge become the ultimate guarantees of human creative power. We are thus introduced also to a new ethic, In the Expulsion of the Triumphant Beast the old celestial bodies are banished from heaven. A new moral philosophy is heralded, and the basis will be "Sinderesi," [88] as Bruno calls it. His supreme law is in fact the Inner Light.

f. Coincidence of Contraries


For the further elements of Bruno's philosophy his most important source was Nicolaus Cusanus. Again we observe the same views submitted to the crucible of two very different minds. In both writers, closely associated with belief in the infinity of the universe was the doctrine of the Coincidence of Contraries. The subject-object relationship similarly was envisaged by both writers as a process of admixture culminating in identity. They both cite Pseudo-Dionysius (fifth century) who held that God transcends all contraries. [89] His work was commented on by Johannes Eriugena (d. 877); by St. Thomas (1225-1274); by Albertus Magnus (1193-1280); by Meister Eckhart (d. circ. 1327) and by Marsillio Ficino (1433-1499). All these writers except Eckhart are cited by Bruno. Cusanus gave the doctrine a new slant and a

new emphasis. Following but developing the views of Pseudo-Dionysius on the Hierarchy of the Cosmos, Cusanus saw Salvation as the Line of Unification between Contraries.

The usual mediaeval view of the Cosmos was a hierarchy from God, through the world of Pure Intelligences and Heavenly Powers (comprising the Circle of Seraphim, Cherubim and Thrones; the Circle of Dominations, Virtues and Powers; the Circle of Principalities, Archangels and Angels) down to Man. All Being, it was conceived, radiates from God through the Intelligences and Heavenly Powers to Man, and thence back to God. This cosmic hierarchy is expounded in detail by Moses Maimonides (1135-1204) from whom it is quoted by Albertus. It had, however, been set forth centuries earlier by Pseudo-Dionysius and interpreted by Eriugena. The cosmic hierarchy came to be regarded as the archetype of the ecclesiastical hierarchy.

Cusanus accepted this usual mediaeval view but here too we find the extraordinary dualism which pervaded his whole life. For he sought to combine the mediaeval conception of a cosmic hierarchy with an entirely different cosmic conception with which he came at last to be entirely imbued. In De docta ignorantia and in De coniecturis he considers how man may attain to knowledge of God -- the Infinite, the Maximum. Between finite and infinite, he reiterates, there can be no proportional relationship. Therefore the finite intellect cannot attain to ultimate truth. [90]

So Cusanus turned from the rational theology of the schoolmen to that mystical theology wherein he found expression for the poetical and emotional side of his nature. Yet he did not wholly submerge his powerful intellect in his ecstatic vision. "Wisdom is the son of God and where it is received there is received also Filiation to God." [91] He propounded the view that since infinity cannot be grasped by mere feeling, there is needed the amor dei intellectualis, the love of that which we have recognized and known as good. Thus, he says, knowledge and ignorance become One and at last by the Visio intellectualis we even attain to a glimpse of Infinity. [92] Now for Cusanus the instrument of this Visio intellectualis is Mathematics, which provides a new logic applicable to the infinite. [93]

As old at least as Aristotle is the problem: How can there be a relation between finite and infinite? Between physical and metaphysical, between experience and thought? Finite understanding, says Cusanus, can never reach absolute truth, but can approach ever nearer thereto even as a triangle by infinite multiplication can approach ever nearer to the perfection of circular form. [94] Empirical knowledge, he observes with Plato, is founded on ideal conception, yet it never comprises the whole truth of the ideal conception. The conditioned and finite tends toward the infinite which it never reaches. Thus may be realized "how the Providence of God uniteth Contraries." [95]

As regards theology, Cusanus found that this process leads to informed (that is conscious) ignorance; as regards experience, it leads to ignorant knowledge. For experience forbids true knowledge, and true knowledge is itself relative, always aiming at greater truth. Experience, says Cusanus, is really hypothesis, conjecture. In this conception of Conjecture he finds the link

between Creator and Creation, Idea and Manifestation. "Conjecture is a positive assertion in place of truth, having some part in truth." Single truth can only be manifested to us in difference, but there is no difference which does not in some sort attain to and have part in this unity. [96] Thus instead of identity or opposedness, we have infinite interrelationship.

From these thoughts and not on physical but on metaphysical grounds, the De docta ignorantia and the De coniecturis develop the idea both of the motion of the earth and of the relativity of all motion. The infinity of the universe is envisaged as bound up with the identity of contraries. The same thought recurs repeatedly in his works. In the De pace fidei the conception is applied to differences of belief. Cusanus describes the vision "of a certain man in Constantinople" who prayed to the Creator that persecution on account of difference in religious rite should be moderated. The King of Heaven and Earth spoke, saying that the groans of the oppressed had reached him as sad ambassadors from the kingdom of this world. The Archangel pointed out that the whole earth is populated by the descendants of one man: "There cannot be a great multitude without great diversity.... Thou didst send to the nations various Prophets and masters, some at one time, some at another." [97] In the vision, representatives of many peoples speak in turn, and finally there is concluded a "concord of the mode [rationis] of all religions." [98] Several times Cusanus refers to the promise that through Abraham all peoples of the earth shall be blessed: "Therefore the children of Abraham are those who believe in God in so much as they are justified by Faith." [99] The identity of contraries culminating in the godhead is set forth again and again by Cusanus. [100] He found in the Christ idea the reconciliation between all contraries, between finite and infinite, between sense-perception and soul. "Unus Christus ex omnibus," he exclaims. [101]

Bruno's teaching on the coincidence of contraries was closely similar to that of the Cusan, though presented without mystic theological interpretation:

Our philosophy ... reduceth to a single origin and relateth to a single end, and maketh contraries to coincide so that there is one primal foundation both of origin and of end. From this coincidence of contraries, we deduce that ultimately it is divinely true that contraries are within contraries; wherefore it is not difficult to compass the knowledge that each thing is within every other -- which Aristotle and the other Sophists could not comprehend. [102]

All power and act which in origin is complicated, united and one is in other things explicate, dispersed and multiple. The universe, the great image, the figure, the only-begotten nature, is also all that it can be through the species and principal members and content of all matter; to which naught can be added and from which naught is wanting, of form complete and unique. But it is not yet all that it can be owing to differences, modes, qualities, individuality: [103] indeed it is but an umbra of the primal act and primal power. Wherefore power and act are

not in it absolutely the same, for no part thereof is all which it can be.... [104]

Among many passages we may recall from the De immenso Bruno's magnificent lines proclaiming that the potentiality of all parts is in the Whole and in each part ("All things are in all"). [105] This is the real basis of his view of the Identity of Opposites, and he fortifies himself with the support of such names as Anaxagoras, Anaxamines and "the divine Parmenides," as well as of Plato's Timaeus and the Neo-Platonists. We have seen that various works current in Paris during Bruno's first visit were in harmony with the doctrine of the coincidence of contraries. [106]

Light is thrown on Bruno's doctrine of the Identity of Contraries also by his cosmological speculation. At the close of Dialogue I of the work here translated, he contrasts terrestrial motion derived from the infinite First Cause with terrestrial motion from motive impulse intrinsic to the finite earth herself. The former is instantaneous and therefore, being circular, is indistinguishable from complete stillness; the latter, being "within time and in a certain succession, is distinct from immobility." He adds, "Thus it is that we can say that God moveth all: and thus should we understand that He giveth the power of self motion to all which moveth."

Now the first half of the explanation would seem to suggest that the effects of God as First Cause are fused into an infinite effect which comprises all possible change or motion and is thus equivalent to no change or motion. The second half expresses the more usual view of God, the creator of Nature and of immutable Natural Law. In the second Dialogue of the same work, the implications of this twofold conception are further developed. Bruno refers to his work On Cause, Prime Origin, and the One which is concerned with the relation between Finite Cause and Infinite First Principle, the two attributes being fused in the Divine Creator. [107]

Drawing mathematical analogies, Bruno claims (for example in On Cause, Prime Origin and the One) that corruption of one is generation of another, hatred of opposition is no other than love of the convenient, heat and cold are merely relative terms; while the physician seeks ever the contrary antidote to arrive at health:

In conclusion, he who would know the greatest secrets of nature should regard and contemplate maxima and minima of opposed bodies. For profound magistery [magia] it is to be able to reach the contrary, after having found the point of union. [108]

The One Infinite is perfect; simply and of itself nothing can be greater or better than it. This is the one Whole everywhere, God, universal nature. Naught but the infinite can be a perfect image and reflection thereof, for the finite is imperfect; every sensible world is imperfect, wherefore evil and good, matter and form, light and darkness, sadness and joy unite, and all things are everywhere in change and motion. But all things come in infinity to the order [rationem] of Unity, Truth and Goodness; whereby it is named universum.... Wherefore as rational and irrational in the animal are indifferent, being a single truth, so in the infinite, in the maximum, hot and cold are assuredly one throughout the universe; and we have often shewn them coincident in the minimum as in the maximum. [109]

In a later chapter we shall observe that a doctrine akin to the coincidence of contraries has in modern times taken a form that would indeed have surprised Pseudo-Dionysius and all those who inspired Bruno in this view. But we do not suggest that Marx was a direct disciple of Bruno! Nor indeed would we attribute to direct influence of Bruno each of the other and different streams of thought that lead to the vision of all-embracing Unity.

g. Bruno's Synthesis of Universal Relativity [110]


Let us consider the implication of Bruno's conception of a single infinite continuum comprising atoms discrete yet continuous, [111] an infinitely vast cosmos whose innumerable parts exert no absolute constraint one on another. Each, in obedience to the law of its own being, obeys its own intrinsic urge. Yet all are intimately interrelated by the immanence throughout each one of the universal spirit whereby all are fused into a single universal whole. Bruno is thus led to the conception of the identity of subject-object, which to him was bound up with the coincidence of contraries, [112] All life, indeed all Being, he regards as an expression, we had almost said a free expression, of Immanent Necessity, and since the whole is infinity, we can form no absolute concept of the mode or motion of any part, but we can observe the relationship of part to part. Our world of sense-perception is then built not on absolute values, but on certain observed relationships. Once more we are with the great problems of the relationship between Cause and Effect, Subject and Object, Innate Necessity. Can we attain to a synthesis of his

views on these great themes?

Bruno constantly reiterates that on the one hand the immediate interpretation of our sense-data may lead us far astray, while on the other hand our imagination, though it also may set us on a right track, may similarly be completely deceptive. Only by enthroning reason as arbiter can we reconcile imaginative experience with sense-perception and derive profit from both:

No corporeal sense can perceive the infinite. None of our senses could be expected to furnish this conclusion; for the infinite cannot be the object of sense-perception; therefore he who demandeth to obtain this knowledge through sense is as one who would desire to see with his eyes both substance and essence. And he who would deny the existence of a thing merely because it cannot be apprehended by the senses nor is visible, would presently be led to the denial of his own substance and being. There must then be some measure in the demand for evidence from sense-perception, for this we can accept only in regard to sensible objects; and even then it is not above all suspicion unless it cometh before the court aided by good judgement. It is for the intellect to judge, yielding due weight to factors absent and separated by distance of time and space. And in this matter our sense-perception sufficeth us and yieldeth us adequate testimony, since it is unable to gainsay us. Moreover, sense advertiseth and confesseth his own feebleness and inadequacy by the impression it giveth us of a finite horizon, an impression which is ever changing. Since then we have experience that sense-perception deceiveth us concerning the surface of this globe on which we live, much more should we hold suspect the impression it giveth us of a limit to the starry sphere.

Of what use then are the senses to us?

Solely to stimulate our reason, to accuse, to indicate, to testify in part; not to testify completely, still less to judge or condemn. For our sense-perceptions, however perfect, are never altogether undisturbed. Wherefore truth is in but very small degree derived from the senses as from a frail origin, and doth by no means reside in the senses.

Where then resideth truth?

In the sensible object as in a mirror. In reason, by process of argument and discussion; in the intellect, either through origin or by conclusion; in the mind, in its proper and vital form. [113]

Bruno heralds the change, which became explicit in the work both of Kepler and of Descartes, by which discussion of the nature of material reality yields place to the conception of an Order of the Universe. For Bruno's passionate assertion of the infinity of space was not merely denial of boundary. He conceived Infinite Space as the field of all motion, the vehicle of an Infinite Power which is the expression of the Infinite Life of the Universe:

Thus the heaven, the infinitely extending air [aria], though part of the infinite universe, is not therefore a world or part of worlds; but is the womb, the receptacle and field within which they all move and live, grow and render effective the several acts of their vicissitudes, produce, nourish and maintain their inhabitants and animals; and by certain dispositions and orders they minister to higher nature, changing the face of single being through countless subjects. [114]

It is manifest that each of these innumerable worlds which we see in the universe is not therein as in a containing position or in an interval or space; but rather in that which comprehendeth, conserveth, the universal motor and efficient cause: which cometh thus to be completely contained within each of these worlds, to be as the whole soul of every part thereof. [115]

Bruno gives much space to combating Aristotle's arguments against the Void. Nor was there in Bruno's mind any sharp distinction between the three infinities of Space, Time and Matter. They merge into one another as does his conception of Infinite Space, Nature and the Infinite World Soul.

The Minimum is the substance of all things and thou wilt await it at length as the largest of all things. This is the Monad, this is the atom, the whole spirit that is poured hence on all sides, without form, disposing all things by its tokens [signis], the total essence and substance, this it is if at length thou examinest the matter. [116]

The universal Intellect is the intimate, most real, peculiar and powerful part of the soul of the world. This is a single whole which filleth the whole, illumineth the universe and directeth nature to the production of suitable species: this is concerned with the production of natural things, as our intellect with the congruous production of rational kinds. This is called by the Pythagoreans the motive force and mover of the universe, as said the poet:

"Mind moveth the whole form and mixeth itself throughout the body." [117]

And again:

For nature is not merely present, but is implanted within things, distant from none; naught is distant from her except the false, and that which existed never and nowhere -- nullity. And while the outer face of things changeth so greatly, there flourisheth the origin of being more intimately within all things than they themselves. The fount of all kinds, Mind, God, Being, One, Truth, Destiny, Reason, Order. [118]

Thus the single spirit doth simultaneously temper the whole together [contemperat]; this is the single soul of all things; all are filled with God. [119]

Souls, like light or sound, are diffused in all directions through space; they do not impede one another but influence one another: [120]

It is manifest ... that every soul and spirit hath a certain continuity with the spirit of the universe, so that it must be understood to exist and to be included not only there where it liveth and feeleth, but it is also by its essence and substance diffused throughout immensity as was realized by many Platonists and Pythagoreans. Thus it is that [the individual soul] doth apprehend most distant species, in an instant and without motion, nor doth the eye or aught therefrom suddenly advance to the stars, nor aught suddenly from the stars to the eye. The power of each soul is itself somehow present afar in the universe, inasmuch as the substance which is not included in the living body is yet exceedingly connected and attached thereto. Therefore certain impediments being removed, suddenly and at once it hath present to it the most remote species which are not joined to it by motion. Naught is mixed, yet is there some presence. Indeed experience teaches us somewhat of these things. For if a nose hath been cut off and one is implanted from another body, on the day when the first owner thereof doth die, as his body putrefieth so also doth the implanted nose putrefy. [121] Thus it is manifest that the soul can be diffused far beyond the body throughout the whole horizon of the nature thereof. Thus doth it happen that it knoweth not only the members belonging to itself but even all those with which it hath contracted any use, participation or communion.... Even so if a person doth prick his finger or any part of his body, he feeleth it not only in that part but throughout all his members.

Thus since the soul of the individual is continuous with the soul of the universe, it is not impossible that it may be carried to bodies which do

not interpenetrate with it ... as if innumerable lamps are lit and together give the effect of one light, nor doth the one light impede or weaken or exclude the other.

Similarly when many voices are diffused throughout the same space, even as with light [visualibus] rays. Or as we say popularly, the rays are spread out to receive the same visible whole, where all penetrate the same medium, some in straight lines and some obliquely, yet they do not on that account interfere one with another; so the innumerable spirits and souls diffused through the same space interfere not at all with one another, nor doth the diffusion of one impede the diffusion of the infinity of others. [122]

Thus the Lucretian universe of innumerable minimal parts or atoms in perpetual concourse and discourse became for Bruno the symbol of the spiritual universe of an infinity of monads, infinitely numerous elements of the universe, each pursuing the development congruent to its inner nature. And to Bruno the universe like all its parts had the quality of life. This quality the parts derive from the Whole and in some sense share with the Whole. Thus the World Soul too is for Bruno an infinite continuum in which all things partake; yet in another sense discontinuous and divisible and even (on the analogy of number though not with unvarying consistency) infinitely divisible.

This conception again was symbolic of his view of the human soul, every individual soaring to the uttermost height of thought and spiritual development congruent with his own nature, every individual imbued with the divine spirit whereby the whole infinity of discrete and independent souls is yet fused into a vast Whole, transcending their discrete separateness, a Unity encompassing time and space, comprehended within infinite space and eternal time, a universal relativity within the immensity of the World Soul, governed by Mind, or, as he sometimes says, Wisdom.

The infinite universe of Bruno's conception was inevitably regarded by him as what we may call a synthesis of infinite relativity. All things and all thoughts and all individual souls have for him their individual and absolute value, yet each can be appraised only in relationship to the others, and the absolute value of each is merged in its relationship to the infinite whole:

These philosophers [Pythagoras and Solomon] discovered their friend Wisdom when they discovered this Unity. For Wisdom, Truth and Unity are one and the same. [123]


● Continued on Chapter Four


● Index: Historical Writings (Biographies)● Index: Historical Writings (Books)● Home to Positive Atheism● Table of Contents● Footnotes for Chapter Four

CHAPTER FOUR

THE ITALIAN COSMOLOGICALWORKS [1]


HAVING taken a brief general view of Bruno's cosmology and philosophy, we turn to the six Italian works produced during his happy London sojourn. In them the main elements of his philosophy first found expression. The three Italian cosmological-philosophical volumes considered in the present chapter are perhaps the most important among all Bruno's writings. Each is dedicated to his beloved patron Mauvissière.

An Argument to each Dialogue of the work is incorporated in each of the three Dedicatory Epistles. These Arguments marshal the subject matter of each Dialogue under numbered headings which, however, are absent from the text of the Dialogues themselves.

a. The Ash Wednesday Supper (La Cena de le Ceneri)


We will pass quickly over the earliest of these volumes since we hope soon to have The Ash Wednesday Supper [1] in English translation from Miss Frances Yates. The work is in the form of a series of five Dialogues, or rather conversations, in which the lover of God, Theophilo, [2] represents the views of Bruno, "the Nolan" as he always calls himself, perhaps in order to avoid





either the use or rejection of the monastic name. The Dialogues are in prose, interspersed with sonnets. There is much parade of learning and citation of ancient and modern authors. Certain of Bruno's London friends are introduced. Theophilo converses with Smith, [3] with Prudentio the Pedant and with a woman named Frulla.

He gives a satirical account of the persons who disputed with the Nolan in Oxford, [4] and passes to the Nolan's own views. After various digressions, compliments to England and reference to Bruno's Shadows of Ideas, Theophilo agrees to give an account of the colloquy of the Nolan with the doctors Torquato and Nundinio. [5] Then we hear of the invitation from Sir Fulke Greville to discourse on the Copernican theory; of the neglect of that nobleman to send word on the appointed day; of the belated arrival of the Nolan's friends Florio and Gwynne; of their hapless journey and the discourtesy of the London boatmen and loafers, almost matched by that of Greville's own lackeys and guests.

Before the Inquisitors at Venice Bruno stated that the Ash Wednesday Supper took place in the house of Mauvissière. It is therefore possible that his whole picture of the journey to Greville's house was introduced merely to express the Nolan's soreness at the unmannerly ways of the Elizabethan crowd. The discourtesy from which he suffered was common at the time. Mauvissière himself, most peaceable and gentle of men, had to remonstrate with the authorities against anti-alien manifestations, which went so far as to disturb the drainage system of the Embassy.

In the earlier part of The Ash Wednesday Supper, compliments to the Queen and to the English celebrities who had befriended Bruno alternate with complaints, amused, incredulous and often querulous, against English behaviour. Not until the third Dialogue do we pass to philosophy. Nundinio is cited as protagonist of the Nolan's opponents; Smith is very soon converted by Theophilo. The Dialogue opens with a glancing shot at those English gentlemen who know no language but their own, somewhat of a boomerang from one who in two years learnt no English, though incidentally we hear that Bruno had some command of French and Spanish besides Latin and Italian. Then we pass to an assurance that Copernicus not only meant what he said (in spite of the Preface inserted in his book by Osiander) [6] but that he was right in his views as to the motions of the earth. Moreover a whole string of names is cited of those who are said to have anticipated Copernican views, from "Nicetas the Syracusan Pythagorean" to Cusanus. Simple optical experiments demonstrate how easily we may be deceived by a wrong interpretation of our sense-perception, and this is applied to the apparent motionless central position of our earth.

From Copernicus the Dialogue passes to Cusanus and others who attained to that vision of cosmic infinity which was indeed an obsession or perhaps, we should say, a constant solace and inspiration to Bruno's thought. Theophilo then discourses on the plurality of worlds and speculates as to their inhabitants.

The fourth Dialogue disclaims any opposition to "true theology." Theophilo recounts the discourtesy of Torquato, "who can hardly exceed Nundinio so much in ignorance as in presumption, foolhardiness and impudence." Philotheo describes further arguments at the Supper, and narrates that the Nolan accused Torquato of misunderstanding Aristotle and then convicted him of misinterpreting Copernicus.

The last Dialogue, again citing the support of the early Greek writers, sets forth Bruno's own cosmological belief -- the infinite universe with its infinitely numerous worlds called by the ancients "ethera, that is runners, messengers, ambassadors who bring tidings of the magnificence of the single Highest." Their motion depends on the Necessity that is innate in them; their relative weight, lightness, motion upward or downward; cosmic metabolism which is propounded as the interpretation of the earth's local motion; [7] secular changes of the earth and considerations in relation to motions of the earth. Citing Aristotle as regards secular changes, Theophilo says:

Here he spoke as one who uttered prophecy or divination. Though he sometimes hardly understands himself, halting and mingling always somewhat of his own error with the divine frenzy, he yet speaketh for the most part and fundamentally what is true. [8]

Finally Prudentio is converted to the Nolan's views and opens a series of mighty adjurations by calling on the Nolan "by your faith in the highest and Infinite One" "to remain under the protection of the most illustrious and noble Mauvissière."

b. On Cause, Prime Origin and the One (De la Causa, Principio et Uno) [9]


The next work, again in Italian, was published in the same year and deals mainly with metaphysics. The Dialogues are represented as taking place in the house of Mauvissière. The Dedication to him, unlike the conventional adulation which we expect in writings of the period, expresses Bruno's transparently sincere affection and gratitude:

O illustrious and unique Knight, if I turn my gaze to behold the constancy of mind, the perseverance and the solicitude with which, adding service to service and benefit to benefit, you have conquered me, laid me under obligation, rendered me your prisoner: you who are wont to overcome every obstacle, to deliver from every danger, to bring to fruition all your honourable projects.

We may gain a further insight into Bruno's thought on Cause, Prime Origin and the One from the sonnets appended to the Dedication and Arguments. Three Latin sonnets, "To the Origins [10] of the Universe," "To my own Spirit," and "To Time" are followed by an Italian sonnet, "On Love" as the source of illumination, and a final magnificent apostrophe of "The Cause, Origin and Sempiternal One."

The work is concerned with problems of the Aristotelian philosophy but its conclusions are of course in opposition to Aristotle.

The views of the Nolan are again represented by Theophilo. [11] The other speakers are Heliotrope (i.e., Florio) and Hermes (Armesso) to whom are added in the last four Dialogues Dicson, [12] Gervasio and Polihimnio. As in the previous work, the reader must endure many diversions before reaching the real subject matter which concerns such themes as Form, Matter and Mind.

The first Dialogue discusses the speakers and refers with praise to the learning, eloquence and courtesy of Tobie Matthew and of Culpepper; and to Nizzoli, "un lexico, un cornucopia, un Nizzolio." [13] There are apologies -- not without cause -- for the strictures on England in The Ash Wednesday Supper. The second Dialogue proceeds to a consideration of what is meant by Origin and by Cause. Bruno conceived them as the internal and external factors respectively of the single, infinite universe, informed by the universal intellect. God the divine primal substance is unknowable, but may be apprehended through His works and especially by a study of the innumerable great celestial bodies. They are inhabited by living beings and are themselves endowed with life and pursue their courses through infinite space. Theophilo and his disciple Dicson emphasize that everything, however trivial, humble, minute has its part in the primal spiritual substance of the universe.

How far can we learn the nature of Cause and Origin by study of that which ensues from them? The relationship is considered of Efficient, Formal and Final Cause, and the Nolan's pantheism leads far from the usual Aristotelian interpretation of those terms. Primal origin is equated with matter, form with soul. Thus form is distinguished not by material nature, which is uniform, but by the acts and exercise of the faculties of those grades of being which it produces. Moreover, form and the soul are at once the whole and also every part of the whole.

The third Dialogue discusses "matter whose nature is conditioned by elemental origin rather than by cause or form." David of Dinant is cited that matter is excellent and divine. [14] The view is enunciated of the conservation of matter (a view elaborated in the Infinite Universe and Worlds as cosmic metabolism). No substantial form loses being, says the Nolan. One constant formal principle, even as one constant material principle, seeks expression through diverse, ever-changing manifestations.

Matter can be considered as Potentiality or as Subject, but the Supreme and Divine,

comprehending the whole universe, is the total potentiality as well as the whole of Being. Parts do not fulfil their whole potentiality; hence death, corruption and vice. Intellect cannot comprehend this absolute act which is one with absolute potentiality of the universe. No eye can reach this most exalted light and this deepest abyss. But it is expressed in Holy Writ of the Divine Spirit. "The darkness hideth not from thee; but the night shineth as the day; the darkness and the light are both alike to thee." [15]

The fourth Dialogue then continues the discussion of matter. The thesis of Plotinus is cited that if in the intelligible world there is a multitude of different species there must be something in common behind the peculiarity and distinction of each. That which is in common is matter; that which is peculiar and distinct is form. Ultimately, matter is one with Act, and in incorporeal things, matter comes to coincide with Act as potential Being coincides with Being. Moreover, in absolute potentiality and absolute act there is no distinction between matter and form. For this (which is both matter and form) is the ultimate purity, simplicity, indivisibility and unity, and the whole; though if it have certain dimensions, figures and distinction, quality, it is not absolute or the whole. For the form which comprehends all quality is no single one. Thus Averroes understood the matter, and though he knew no Greek, he comprehended the peripatetic teaching better than many who read Greek. Being perceptible and explicit is not a primal quality of actuality but is an effect thereof. When, following Aristotle, we seek the perpetuity of form in Nature, we find it, not in the fixed stars nor in ideas but in the bosom of matter, for matter is the fount of actuality. Matter is ever the same, immutable, though around and within it is change. The compound is altered, augmented, diminished, changes position, suffers corruption but never does this happen to basic matter. Matter receives nothing from form. What can the corruptible give to the eternal -- what can one imperfect being, as is the form of sensible objects, always in motion, give to a thing so perfect that if rightly regarded it will be recognized as divine? Perhaps this was the meaning of David of Dinant, not understood by those who reported his views, [16] It is matter which conserves form; therefore it is form which desires matter for its conservation since, separated from matter, form loses its being. [17]

The fifth Dialogue concerns the One, completing the foundation of the edifice concerning natural and divine knowledge. Once more we learn that the universe is One, infinite and immobile. Matter and form, potentiality and action, though logically distinct, are physically one and infinite, immobile, indivisible, without distinction between whole and part, between origin and result (principio et principiato).

Again and again, the Nolan attempts to give expression to his vision of infinite spirit pervading the infinite universe. Ultimately, there is no specific difference between part and whole, and there is no number in the universe, for the universe is itself unity. And this is true whether we consider the mode of time, of space or of size. God [18] is in everything more intimately than its own form is in it, since He is the essence by which everything has its being. Diversity and Change express a unity embracing all formal multiplicity, for all is one in substance and in truth. Difference and numbers are not being, but are derived from being and surround being. "He who has found this Unity has discovered the indispensable key for the true contemplation of

nature." [19]

Change is not toward a different being but toward a different mode of being; and the universe comprises all being and every mode of being:

Thus you will understand that all is in all but all is not totally and in every mode within each one....

Moreover, just as the soul (to use the usual expression) is in the whole form to which it giveth being, and is at the same time individual; and is thus similarly in the whole and in every individual part; so the essence of the universe is One in the infinite and in every part or member thereof so that the whole and every part become One in substance.... That which is said of the seed as regards the limbs of animals may similarly be said of food as regards chyle, blood, phlegm, flesh and seed ... and is similarly the case of all things, rising from the lowest grade of nature to the supreme highest thereof, from the physical universe known to philosophers to the height of the archetype in whom theologians believe ... until we reach an original and universal substance, identical throughout the whole, which is Being, the foundation of all kinds and of all forms -- just as in the carpenter's art there is a substance, wood, subject to all sizes and shapes but these are not wood, they are in, of, or around wood. Thus everything which maketh diversity of kinds, species, differences, properties, everything which dependeth on generation, corruption, alteration and change is not being or existence but is a condition and circumstance of being or existence which is one, infinite, immobile, subject, matter, life, soul, truth and good. [20]

When we aspire and strain to an origin and substance of things, we progress toward the indivisible, and we can never believe that we are united to the primal Being and universal substance until we understand indivisibility.... The Peripatetics and the Platonists reduce infinite indivisibles to one indivisible nature comprehending many kinds ... and many determinate kinds to one being which they reduce to a name and word, a logical abstraction and ultimately vanity. [21]

"The infinite dimension, being no magnitude, coincides with the individual." This is illustrated by geometric figures. Thus we are again brought to the coincidence of contraries. Contemplating the infinite One which lies behind all phenomenal manifestations, we recognize that

even in the two extremes of the scale of nature, we contemplate two principles which are one; two beings which are one; two contraries which are harmonious and the same. Therefore height is depth, the abyss is light unvisited, darkness is brilliant, the large is small, the confused is distinct, dispute is friendship, the divided is united, the atom is immensity.... Here are the signs and proofs whereby we see that contraries do truly concur; they are from a single origin and are in truth and substance one. This, having been seen mathematically is accepted physically.... Here as in a seed are contained and enfolded the manifold conclusions of natural science; here is the mosaic, the disposition and order of the speculative sciences. [22]

c. On the Infinite Universe and Worlds (De l'Infinito Universo et Mondi) [23]


The third of Bruno's philosophical works in the vernacular is the longest. Bruno himself tells us that it sees the birth of ideas inseminated in the work On Cause, Prime Origin and the One. In fact, while almost every idea in this work is foreshadowed in the two previous volumes, we have here the impression of the attainment of that joy in philosophic contemplation of which the author tells us and which we pray may indeed have sustained him through the awful sufferings which were ahead of him.

The speakers are Philotheo once more, Elpino, Fracastoro, Burchio, and Albertino. We have already hazarded the guess that Elpino may be Thomas Hill. [24] Girolamo Fracastoro of Verona is a historical figure whom we have already considered. [25] Burchio is less easy to identify. This person, persistently and arrogantly sceptical of the new message, is perhaps Thomas Bourchier, an English Franciscan educated at Oxford who was in Paris during Bruno's first visit, and had published there in 1582 both a Franciscan Martyrology and a Prayer for the Paris Convent addressed to the Minister General of the Order. Burchio is parallel to Gervasio in On Cause, Prime Origin and the One. Albertino appears in Dialogue V as "a learned person of a happier talent who, howbeit educated in the contrary doctrine, nevertheless by his power of judgement of that which he hath heard and seen, can distinguish between two disciplines and can easily alter and correct his views." We have already given reasons for identifying Albertino with Alberico Gentilis, the distinguished Italian refugee who was established at Oxford. [26]

The months in London had not abated Bruno's love for Mauvissière, [27] which in the Dedication to this work finds perhaps its most attractive expression. The Dedication suggests that Bruno is already beset with anxieties. In all his works the reader, almost overwhelmed by

exaggerated verbiage, is apt to find himself suddenly held by a terse expression of the loftiest thought. Here we read, "It is Unity that doth enchant me. By her power I am free though thrall, happy in sorrow, rich in poverty, and quick even in death." This exaltation sustained Bruno at his moments of greatest suffering, and has held his memory in the hearts of succeeding generations who have struggled for truth and freedom. This quality we may suspect was the link between Mauvissière and Bruno.

The Arguments incorporated by Bruno in the Dedication are much longer than in the previous works. The reader may find it convenient to have a full analysis of this work. We shall summarize Bruno's own Arguments, supplementing from the Dialogues themselves.

Bruno presents a highly symmetrical scheme in the Argument of the first Dialogue. To the reader who has studied the Dialogue itself, it is clear that he is attempting to present a logical framework for the result of a complex psychological process comprising ecstatic vision and also aesthetic joy in the use of the mind. The first Dialogue, for example, is in fact not set forth in two parts and in numbered themes as in the Argument. Here is the content of Bruno's Argument to the first Dialogue:

Dialogue I, Part i [28]

Theme 1. Sense-perception must be interpreted by reason.

Theme 2. The universe is infinite. There is no proof of a boundary.

Theme 3. The universe is infinite because a finite world could not be self-contained and could not be imagined without position.

Theme 4. Quotes Lucretius: "If the universe is finite, what is beyond?"

Theme 5. The difficulty of defining position of a finite world in infinite space.

Theme 6. A finite universe requires the conception of a Void.

Theme 7. The space containing our universe would be void but for it. Therefore the space beyond is as our space; and in both is eternal action.

Theme 8. Sense-perception suggests rather than denies infinity (quoting Lucretius); so does reason.

Theme 9. Infinite space is the only possible conception to our minds, and can only be denied verbally, not with our thought.

Theme 10. "It is well" that this world exists -- therefore also that an infinity of other worlds exists.

Theme 11. The virtue [Bonta] of this world cannot be communicated to another world.

Theme 12. Since we accept individual all-embracing infinity [i.e., God], no reason and no sense-perception will fail to admit also corporeal and extended infinity.

Theme 13. Our little surrounding space is as nothing to infinity and can have no relation to it; but as "it is well" that our space exists, so also is it for countless others.

Theme 14. Infinite power must act on the infinite, on infinite corporeal being.

Theme 15. Only an infinite universe can comprehend all perfection.

Theme 16 [partially repeating Theme 14]. Infinite Efficient Cause must produce infinite Effect.

Theme 17. An infinite universe is satisfying to our mind and the contrary brings difficulties and inconveniences and we repeat Themes 2 and 3.

Theme 18. If our universe be spherical, then the space beyond it which adjoins it must also be spherical.

Theme 19. Elaborates the discussion of Theme 2.

Theme 20. Elaborates the discussion of Theme 10.

The passive power of the universe having been discussed in Part i of the first Dialogue, Part ii turns to the active power of the Efficient Cause.

Dialogue I, Part ii

Theme 1. Divine power should not be otiose -- and a finite Effect would be no less otiose than none.

Theme 2. To assert that divinity has not created the infinite is to deny divine goodness and greatness, while the contrary view is in no way contrary to theology.

Theme 3. The converse of I, i, 12 [since there is an infinite Cause, there must be an infinite corporeal Effect]: distinction between the infinite whole [world] and the Completely Infinite [God].

Theme 4. Aristotelians, in supposing a finite world, are really accusing Omnipotence of lack of will and of lack of power.

Theme 5. If Omnipotence does not create the universe infinite, then it cannot do so: and if it cannot create it infinite, then also it cannot preserve the universe to eternity. For if finite in one respect [Space], the universe must be finite in every other respect [Time]. For in it, every mode is an object; and every object and mode are one and the same.

Theme 6. The converse of I, i, 10 [if "it is well" that the world exists, then "it is well" that an infinity of other worlds exist]. Shows why theologians defend the contrary view [because of the people's limited understanding and wrong use of knowledge]. The friendship between learned theologians and learned philosophers.

Theme 7. Distinguishes active power from individual actions; and expounds infinite power "better than theologians have ever done."

Theme 8. The motion of the infinite worlds is not by constraint but according to the inner nature of each; and yet an infinite motor force exists.

Theme 9. Infinite motion can be verified in each world. And, because each world moves itself and is moved at the same time, therefore each world can be seen in every point of the circle that

it describes around its own centre -- and this difficulty we will solve later in more detail.

We now turn to the Dialogue itself. In the opening lines of the first Part, each speaker displays his dramatic function. Philotheo propounds the new doctrine; Elpino is the enquirer, incredulous but not pertinacious in error; Fracastoro is the man of judgement who will give attention and appraise the speakers; while Burchio is merely frivolous in his ignorance. Albertino, the second enlightened convert, does not appear until the fifth and last Dialogue.

The first Part of the first Dialogue leads at once to the heart of the subject. The universe is infinite, the worlds therein are innumerable, the infinite First Cause is both transcendent and immanent; the infinite universe and all its parts move in conformity with their own nature, which is the creation of the Omnipotent First Cause, and thus are reconciled both Free Will and Necessity. I, i, Theme 1 culminates:

Wherefore truth is in but very small degree derived from the senses as from a frail origin, and doth by no means reside in the senses ... but in the sensible object as in a mirror; in reason, by process of Argument and discussion; in the intellect, either through origin or by conclusion; in the mind, in its proper and vital form.

Philotheo proceeds to refute Aristotelian arguments. I, i, Themes 3, 4 and 5 are taken together. There follow I, i, Themes 6 and 7, and the Aristotelian view is stigmatized as "mere words and excuses." We pass to I, i, Themes 8 and 9 and we are reminded, "Divinity hath not as aim to fill space, nor therefore doth it by any means appertain to the nature of divinity that it should be the boundary of a body (cf. I, ii, Themes 2, 4, etc.) and "that which containeth is eternally different from that which is contained." I, i, Theme 10 is introduced by a consideration of the "aptness" of single infinite space to receive an infinity of worlds. Fracastoro points out that the existence of Void beyond our universe is inconceivable by us, so that we are forced to accept an infinite Plenum. Fracastoro's acceptance of these views signalizes also the beginning of Elpino's conversion, and in the succeeding discussions Elpino finds himself reluctantly accepting more and more of the new view.

I, i, Themes 12-17 are set forth by Philotheo and are fully accepted by both Fracastoro and Elpino. This latter expands several of the themes already discussed, emphasizes I, i, Theme 17 and expounds I, i, 18-20. He is complimented by Fracastoro and then introduces Part ii of the first Dialogue by a question concerning the relation between infinite Cause and infinite Effect. The theme has been adumbrated by Bruno in the work On Cause, Prime Origin and the One. Once more Philotheo expounds his vision of infinite action and infinite passion, recapitulating the earlier themes, emphasizing I, ii, 1-2. He passes to I, ii, Theme 3, the distinction between the "explicit though not the all-comprehensive totality of the infinite universe" and the "whole

comprehension and complete totality of the Creator," using arguments reminiscent of Cusanus. [29] I, ii, Theme 1 is next expanded in I, ii, Themes 4-5. Fracastoro avers that the coexistence of infinite active power and infinite passive power provides the clue whereby "we perceive the complete identity of Liberty, Free Will and Necessity, and moreover recognize that Action and Will, Potentiality and Being are but one." The second part of I, ii, 5, as given in the Argument, is hardly explicit in the text, but we are told, "He who denieth infinite result denieth also infinite power."

Passing to I, ii, Theme 6, Fracastoro declares that there is no real difference between theologians and philosophers. Philotheo expounds I, ii, Theme 7, answering Elpino's faint surviving difficulties, and passes to a magnificent declaration of faith in the view presented by I, ii, Theme 8. This is denied by Elpino, who prefers "the glorious and presupposed foundation that the Best and Greatest doth move the whole. Nevertheless," he continues, avowing agreement as he presents the very marrow of Bruno's philosophy, "as regards that which you are wont to say concerning the soul of the world and concerning the divine essence which is all in all, filleth all, and is more intrinsically pervasive of things than is their very own essence, because it is the essence of essences, the life of lives, the soul of souls"; yet Elpino is still worried because "it doth none the less appear to me that we may say that 'He moveth all things rather than that He bestoweth on all things the power to move themselves.'" So in I, ii, Theme 9, Philotheo again expounds his synthesis of Necessity and Free Will, of Transcendent and Immanent Divinity, and shows them all exemplified in the complex motions of our earth (for which he uses a geometric figure already given in The Ash Wednesday Supper). Elpino accepts the statement and asks for further instruction at another meeting on which the speakers agree.

The second Dialogue is again concerned with the relationship between infinite first cause and the infinite created universe. Certain of Aristotle's general views of matter and space, incompatible with the infinite universe, are considered and confuted. Elpino presents the Aristotelian view mainly from the fourth and eighth books of the Physica. [30]

The following is the gist of Bruno's Argument to the second Dialogue:

Dialogue II

Theme 1, (i). All attributes of divinity are together as each one singly.

(ii). Our imagination should not be able to aspire Beyond Divine Action.

(iii). Indifference of the distinction between Divine-Intellect and Divine Action.

(iv). If the corporeal quality perceptible to our sense is endowed with infinite active power, then what will be the absolute totality of active and passive power inherent in the totality of all things?

Theme 2. A corporeal object cannot be terminated by an incorporeal object, but either by a Void or by a Plenum.

In either case, beyond the world is space, which is as matter and has the same passive power. Refutation of Aristotle's view of the incompatibility of dimensions [i.e., Aristotle's denial of the identity of matter and space].

Theme 3. Distinction between the world [or finite universe as imagined by the Aristotelians] and the single infinite or comprehensive universe.

Theme 4. Elpino brings forward Aristotle's views seriatim and they are confuted by Philotheo. They concern both simple and compound bodies.

The vanity is shewn of six arguments concerning "motion which cannot be infinite" and other similar propositions. The reasons are shewn for change and termination of motion and for strong and weak impulses: It is demonstrated that an infinite body can be neither heavy nor light, and Aristotle's arguments in De coelo et mundo and from the third book of the Physica are each in turn confuted.

Thus the second Dialogue opens with further consideration of the infinite first cause.

II, Theme 2 leads to a consideration of the nature of position, space and the void.

After expounding II, Theme 3, Philotheo invites Elpino to put forward the opinions of Aristotle on these matters in turn (II, Theme 4). Elpino follows very closely the reasoning in De coelo. He presents a program of arguments: Can there be a simple body of infinite size? This is impossible for either (i) bodies of circular or (ii-vi) bodies of any other shape. Clearly, therefore, there can also be no composite body of infinite size. II, Theme 4, i is a geometrical argument based on the motion of a radius of an infinite circle. Philotheo replies that "never has one been found so barbarous and so ignorant as to have posited the infinite world, and to have attributed motion to it." Elpino agrees that all Aristotle's six arguments depend on the false assumption that his adversaries attribute motion to an infinite universe. The five last reasons suppose motion in a straight line and are based on the qualities of lightness and heaviness. Philotheo proceeds to enunciate, in phrases that might be from Cusanus (who is, however, not mentioned), the attributes of an infinite universe. [31] Bruno gives a modification of the doctrine of the elements:

No infinite body is either heavy or light. For these qualities belong to parts in so far as they tend toward their own whole.... Thus on our earth the particles of fire seeking to escape and mount toward the sun, carry ever with them some particles both of earth and of water with which they are conjoined; and these becoming increased do thus by their own natural impulse return to their own place ... wherefore the earth in her own space is no heavier than the sun in his space or than Saturn or the North star in their own.

Aristotle's arguments concerning the parts of an infinite body are analyzed and refuted with some repetition of former matter and with a fine exposition of cosmic metabolism.

Philotheo resolves the difficulty of finite parts within a single infinity and discusses the arguments in the De coelo concerning motion of the parts and of the whole. To the Aristotelian arguments that the infinite cannot be agent or patient in regard to the finite, nor can an infinite body act on another infinite body, Philotheo replies that while he agrees with these theses, they do not affect the issue, since there can be no numerical relation between the parts and the infinite whole, nor between finite time and eternity. Moreover, whatever arguments to the contrary Aristotle may adduce, "this inference is not physically valid though logically it may be correct."

Philotheo's views are illustrated by geometrical demonstration and lead to the conclusion that "if two infinite contraries be opposed, either a finite change or none at all will come to pass" and that when two contraries are opposed, there ensues finite action and finite alteration.

We have now recapitulation. Philotheo again expresses his exalted vision of infinity. He derides the assumptions of the Aristotelian cosmology and affirms the relativity of all sense-

perceptions. Elpino shows the completeness of his conversion by repeating the views of Philotheo and the rejection of the Aristotelian opinions.

The following is the gist of Bruno's Argument to the third Dialogue:

Dialogue III

Theme 1. Aristotle's heaven and spheres are again denied, since heaven is a single general space embracing infinite worlds. The Aristotelian view is an illusion created by sense-perceptions.

Theme 2. The motions of the heavenly bodies are also illusory sense-percepts.

Theme 3. All celestial bodies have motion. The suns, in which fire predominates, have different motion to that of the earth, in which water predominates. Thus too some stars shine by themselves like suns, some by reflection like earths.

Theme 4. Stars at vast distances may yet be heated by our sun, and distance explains the presence or absence of scintillation.

Theme 5. Cusanus is cited concerning the material and habitability of other worlds and concerning the cause of light.

Theme 6. No body appears light when viewed from itself.

Theme 7. "Quintessences" and the Aristotelian series of spheres are denied.

Theme 8. Distinction between the four elements is accepted, but not the Aristotelian order of the elements. The worlds are heterogeneous bodies, animate globes in which earth is no heavier than the other elements.

The movement of particles within each globe is likened to the movement of the fluids in the animal body.

The earth herself is without weight. Moreover the unifying body is not earth but water.

Theme 9. Concerns the nature of the animate globes and their inhabitants.

Theme 10. A gibe against the opponents of the new views.

The third Dialogue opens with a lyrical speech by Philotheo unfolding a view of the whole universe as One. "Immense and infinite is the complex of this space and of all the bodies contained therein." Later Philotheo bursts into a charming little sonnet on the endless motion of the earth and of all other bodies. The theory is propounded that stars more distant from the sun can nevertheless be heated by it as a result of their larger orbit and slower revolution, combined with a more rapid spin.

The Dialogue is very largely a recapitulation of the earlier two, and is well epitomized by Bruno's Argument. Elpino's conversion being now achieved, his questions are merely links between the speeches of the others, or occasionally he is himself the mouthpiece of a reiteration of Philotheo's views. The obstinacy in error of Burchio introduces occasional comic relief. After the end of this Dialogue, Burchio fades from the scene.

Bruno's Argument to the fourth Dialogue gives the main contents of the Dialogue under numbered headings which again are not in the text itself:

Dialogue IV

Theme 1. Recapitulation concerning the form of the universe with its infinity of worlds.

Theme 2. Recapitulation refuting arguments against the infinite bulk or size of the universe (discussed in the first Dialogue). Aristotle's arguments against an infinite multitude of worlds are refuted:

(i). on general principles;

(ii). by consideration as to the nature of heaviness and lightness with special regard to the hindrances to motion of heterogeneous parts from one to another earth.

Theme 3. Why celestial bodies are not close to one another nor can be close to a void.

Theme 4. Considerations of local space and of the behaviour to be expected of a stone equidistant between two worlds.

Theme 5. Aristotle's error in supposing a force of heaviness or lightness [of elements] attracting one body to another. The true cause of the universal tendency to resist change, a tendency which "causeth flight and persecution."

Theme 6. Motion in a straight line appertains not to worlds but to parts thereof which, if not too distant, tend to approach one another.

Theme 7. The behaviour of comets shows the error of Aristotle in supposing that a heavy body necessarily suffers attraction by its natural containing body, however distant.

Theme 8. Simple bodies of identical nature in innumerable diverse worlds have similar motion. "Arithmetical diversity" causes difference of locality, each part having his own centre and a common centre which is not the centre of the universe.

Theme 9. Bodies have no determined upper or lower portion, but have a natural direction of their conversation.

Theme 10. Motion is infinite.

A moving body tends toward infinity and to the formation of innumerable compounds. But neither heaviness nor lightness nor infinite speed follow: and motion of adjacent parts, so far as they preserve their own nature, cannot be infinite. Attraction of parts to their own containing body happens only within their local space.

The fourth Dialogue gives further recapitulation in the form of question and answer by Elpino and Philotheo with occasional comment by Fracastoro. Elpino, though he voices the Aristotelian objections, shows himself now convinced and sometimes takes up the exposition of the new view. The discussion is again based on the De coelo of Aristotle.

The discussion in the fourth Dialogue ranges over the themes of the single all-embracing infinite universe, the infinity of worlds and the behaviour of the diverse matter and the particles that build up our world and all other worlds with a fine presentation of cosmic metabolism and of the eternal process of decay and regeneration. Philotheo observes, "Throughout the ethereal field, heat and cold, diffused from the bodies wherein they predominate, gradually mingle and modify one another to varied extent, so as to become the approximate origin of the innumerable forms and species of being." It is in this Dialogue that Philotheo mentions the

plastic surgery which was arousing such interest in Italy during Bruno's boyhood. [32] Theme 4 is illustrated vividly by observation of the behaviour of a spreading fire. At the close of the Dialogue, Elpino promises that at their next meeting the Aristotelian views shall be well represented by Albertino.

The fifth and last Dialogue introduces Albertino, brought up in the old views but able to appraise and accept the new. Albertino brings forward twelve reasons against the opinions of Philotheo. Each in turn is confuted to his ultimate satisfaction. Bruno's argument is somewhat discursive and the best survey of the fifth Dialogue is obtained by giving (not from the Argument, but from the Dialogue itself) each of Albertino's twelve (or rather thirteen) [33] theses with the reply to each. They are as follows:

Dialogue V

Thesis 1. Beyond our universe neither time nor space exists.

Answer 1. Beyond the imagined convex circumferences of the universe is time.

Thesis 2. There is one primum mobile; therefore there is one world.

Answer 2. Truly there is One -- for all reduce to a single utterly simple and indivisible principle which is truth and being.

Thesis 3. We may deduce only one world from the positions occupied by bodies in motion.

Answer 3. There is no "natural position" and no innate heaviness or lightness. The same argument is enlarged in a diversion as to the similarity of our earth and the other celestial bodies.

Thesis 4. If there be many worlds, the centre of one will be nearer to its [elementally contrary] circumference than to the [elementally] kindred centre of another sphere.

Answer 4. Particles are not necessarily related to any centre except that of their own globe. Moreover, contraries are not necessarily at the furthest distance apart, since one may influence the other. Further, the four elements are intimately mixed in the various particles -- and water is mixed with every part of our earth. And if the elements are to be arranged by

qualities, water [instead of earth which is heaviest] must occupy the central position, if fire, which is lightest, is at the circumference: since water, which is cold and moist, is in both those qualities most opposed to fire.

Thesis 5. Similar to 4. If six circles are ranged round a seventh, the heavy element in the centre of one circle is nearer to the circumference of another than to the centre of that other.

Thesis 6. Similar argument to Thesis 5, as regards the interspheric triangles in the figure of Thesis 5.

Answer to 5 and 6. All these petty difficulties disappear when we realize that the universe is One.

Thesis 7. If there are other worlds they must either (i) be infinite, which is for many reasons impossible, or (ii) be finite, in which case there must be a definite number. If so, why just this number? Why not a single one?

Answer 7. There is but one universe with innumerable worlds. Quotation from Lucretius, De rer. nat., II, 1040-51.

Thesis 8. [34] Nature shuns superfluity [sic!]. She encloses herself in the smallest compass.

Answer 8. Against this thesis Philotheo quotes Lucretius, De rer. nat., II, 1052-57, 1064-66, that seeds unnumbered on every side and with everlasting motion are driven in all directions. Therefore there must be a plurality of worlds.

Thesis 9. [35] It does not necessarily follow that because God can create more worlds, therefore they necessarily exist. There may not be the passive power to be created.

Answer 9. The argument that active power is limited in action by the limitation of passive power is a contradiction in terms. Lucretius is again quoted as to the certainty of a plurality of worlds and as to the behaviour of the seeds of things (De rer. nat., II, 1067-76).

Thesis 10. [36] A plurality of worlds would be unreasonable, for

civil intercourse between them would be impossible, and this would be a reflection on the gods who created them.

Answer 10. Such civil intercourse would be unnecessary and harmful. It is much better that living creatures should be dispersed. Quotation from Seneca, Medea (w. 335-39) as to the harmful result of uniting lands by seafaring.

Thesis 10. bis. [37] Plurality of worlds is a thoroughly unpractical plan. The spheres would hinder one another's motion.

Answer 10. bis. In fact they do not collide but pursue their courses in comfort.

Thesis 11. All multiplication is by division or generation. So how can worlds multiply?

Answer 11. Multiplication is by mere vigour of nature.

Thesis 12. The world is perfect. Therefore there is nothing to be added to it.

Answer 12. Plurality is not needed for the perfection of any of the single worlds, but for the perfection of the universe.

All the answers are given by Philotheo (except for one little shot from Elpino). Then Albertino bursts into a paean of admiration and praise for Philotheo, prophesies his future vindication and begs him to continue expounding the glorious truths concerning the infinite universe.

● Table of Contents● Continued on Chapter Five


● Index: Historical Writings (Biographies)● Index: Historical Writings (Books)● Home to Positive Atheism● Table of Contents● Footnotes for Chapter Five

CHAPTER FIVE

THE ITALIAN ETHICALWORKS [1]

a. The Expulsion of the Triumphant Beast (Spaccio de la Bestia Trionfante) [2]


WE NOW turn to the ethical works of Bruno, all bearing a false imprint of Paris, but all the product of his fruitful years in London.

The full title of the first of these may be rendered Expulsion of the Triumphant Beast, Proposed by Jove, Effected by the Council, Revealed by Mercury, Reported by Wisdom, Overheard by Saulino and Registered by the Nolan. Dedicated to the Most Illustrious and Excellent Knight Sir Philip Sidney.

There are three Dialogues. The symbolical setting is given at once by the names of the speakers, Sofia (Wisdom), Saulino, and Mercury (messenger of the gods). Saulino, who appears again in the next work, is named from a small district of Bruno's native Nola. The Dialogues are thronged by mythological figures whose words are quoted by the three already mentioned. Most prominent are Jove and Momus, the latter equated with Sinderesi or Conscience, "a certain light which resides in the watch-tower, cage or poop of our soul." [3]

A general idea of the Nolan's thought is given us in the "Explanatory Epistle" to Sidney (Fig. 12). Bruno is as usual lavish in praise and gratitude for kindness shewn and for appreciation of





his thought. Sidney's qualities, he declares, were shewn to him from the moment of his arrival in Britain. Before leaving that land he would express his love and gratitude both to him and to that "noble and gentle spirit Sir Fulke Greville." (Fig. 10) [4] He disclaims either exaltation of vice or dispraise of virtue, "neither having nor desiring in thought, word or gesture aught but sincerity, simplicity and truth."

Bruno calls himself here Giordano in a passage in which he speaks of the pleasure of using correct and unfeigned names.

He will present to Sidney the numbered and ordered seeds of his moral philosophy -- not that they may be admired, known and heard as something new (an accusation which we find refuted also in The Infinite Universe and Worlds) but that they may be examined, considered and judged. For from the world at large Bruno expects always only misunderstanding and abuse. He will treat of moral philosophy by virtue of the illumination afforded him by the divine sun of the intellect. But first (and not without need) he provides certain preliminary interpretation.

Jove, he announces, rules in heaven over forty-eight beasts or vices, as reflected "in the forty-eight famous pictures," [5] i.e., the constellations. These beasts or vices he would banish from heaven to certain terrestrial regions, and replace them by virtues which have been driven out and scattered. There will be, he says, many adventures and vicissitudes, for "each taketh what fruit he can, suited to his own containing form. For there is naught so vile but it can be utilized to an exalted purpose, and naught so worthy that it cannot become matter for scandal and for ignoble use." This is the implication of his view of what we have called cosmic metabolism. The basis of the whole universe is One, and the component atoms are never destroyed, but pass from one containing form to another. This applies even to Jove himself, who is not eternally the same, but is ever receiving and ever giving out particles of the cosmic infinity. Though the composition of eternal corporeal substance will change (as in Jove), itself is indestructible. Moreover:

Spiritual substance, though it hath familiar intercourse with material bodies, is never completely blended with them; -- but is rather the efficient and informative principle [6] within the body from, through and by means whereof the composition takes place; as the mariner to the boat, the father to the family, the architect to the building. And yet not without but within the fabric ... for it is the efficient power, which holds the opposed elements together and effects the composition of the animal.

It embraces the whole and every part thereof, and yet, when the time comes, it goes forth by the same door whereby it once entered. Thus the soul never dies. Indeed, Bruno is much fascinated by the doctrine of metempsychosis "which many philosophers have held to be true."

Jove, he tells us elsewhere, "is not to be taken as too legitimate or true a representative of the primal and universal origin," but himself exemplifies the principle of eternal change. Again Jove represents every one of us. With the expulsion of the triumphant beast, that is, of the vices wont to overcast the divine, "the soul will purify itself from error, will deck itself with virtues through love of the beauty in goodness and natural justice, through seeking for the fruits thereof, and through hatred and fear of the grief and deformity that appertain to the misshapen contrary thereof." [7]

Bruno passes to a detailed exposition of the mythology of his Heaven. Supreme is Truth, [8] occupying the site of the Great Bear constellation, for she is the first as well as the central and the last thing, occupying the most exalted position in Heaven, filling the span of Being, Necessity, Goodness, Origin, Medium, End, Perfection. Bruno's very human impatience and troubles are revealed in the names of some of the expelled Vices, such as loquacity and "senile and bestial fables with foolish Metaphor, vain Analogy." The names of expelled Vices and of the Virtues established in their place fill several pages. Ambition and Cruelty are among the fallen; Tolerance, Kindness, Patience and Courage are among those established. On the altar are Religion, Piety and Faith. From the eastern corner there fall down Credulity, Superstition and Triviality; from the western corner Impiety and insane Atheism plunge violently down. On high is the prize of Honour, Glory and all Delight, the fruits of industrious virtues and study, true Repose and Happiness.

These themes, propounded in the "Explanatory Letter" to Sidney, are expounded in the three Dialogues of the work. The mythological form gives scope to Bruno's fantasy, and exuberant discursions are numerous. For example, Pallas suggests that

The Cardinal of Cusa shall be entrusted with the triangle ... if haply he may thereby liberate the much-cumbered geometers from that weary search for the squaring of the circle ... but I would bestow on them that infinitely greater and more precious gift for which the Nolan should offer me not one but a hundred hecatombs. For to him it was first revealed and by his hand it has been passed to the multitude. For by contemplation of the equality between maximum and minimum, between outer and inner, between origin and end, there was spread before him a life more fruitful, richer, more open and more secure, whereby was demonstrated to him not only how the square may be made equal to the circle, but the same, suddenly, of every triangle, every pentagon, hexagon or whatsoever polygonal figure you will; and also of line to line, surface to surface, field to field and content to content of solid figures. [9]

The allusions are fully explained so that the reader may be aware what vice the Nolan is castigating, what foible he is deriding and then suddenly what quality he is presenting for our

aspiration. Patience, tolerance, long-suffering and generosity are virtues "most necessary to the world." [10] Animals and plants, Jove explains to Momus, are the living effects of Nature, and Nature is no other than God revealed. [11]

The work ends in the third Dialogue with an extravagant paean of praise for King Henry III, who, it will be remembered, undeterred by Bruno's talent for embroilment, had sent him to Mauvissière and to his happy sojourn in London.

b. Cabal of the Cheval Pegasus with Appendix on the Cillenican Ass, Described by the Nolan (Cabala del Cavallo Pegaseo con l'aggiunta dell' Asino Cillenico, [12] Descritta dal Nolano)


Bruno was peculiarly ingenious and whimsical in inventing names for his works. The first word above is a pun and perhaps a double pun. The word "Cabala," Mystery or Revelation (Cabbala), is chosen because the word also suggests a horse. Moreover, it was the name of an exotic, miraculous creature that was much discussed at the time. The doctrine of the coincidence of contraries equates this miraculous Cabal, comparable to Pegasus, the steed of the Muses, with the Cillenican ass, that is none other than winged Mercury, who was born in a grotto on Mount Cillene.

The volume with this strange title has a strange dedication to "the most Reverend Don Sapatino, Abbot of San Quintino and Bishop of Casa Marciano." There was no such Abbey and no such Bishopric. The researches of Spampanato have established [13] that a certain Sabatino Savalino was in fact priest of Santa prima, close to Nola, from 1576 (the date when Bruno left the monastery). The Abbacy and Bishopric attributed to him by Bruno are entirely apocryphal. The Savolino family were relatives of the Nolan, and one of the speakers in both the Spaccio and the Cabala is named from their village, Saulino.

After satirically enumerating the hypothetical persons who have refused the gift of this work, Bruno apostrophizes Don Sapatino, saying that, of course, if the production is declined, it may be passed on to another, but that the Nolan trusts it will be accepted as no less worthy than The Ark of Noah, which he had dedicated to Pope Pius V; [14] The Shadows of Ideas dedicated to King Henry III of France; The Thirty Seals, [15] dedicated to his legate Mauvissière; and The Triumphant Beast, a gift to Sir Philip Sidney. So this donkey is an excellent beast to mould custom, institute doctrines, reform religions. Why should we not give him even academic rank?

After a sonnet on Asininity comes a long-winded "Declamation to the studious, devoted and pious Reader devoted mainly to the ass and his asininity." "The ideal and cabalistic ass of the sacred writings" is no other than "the horse Pegasus treated figuratively in poetic writings." In the First Mind, the ideal ass, the origin of the asinine species, is one with the idea of human species and of the species of earth, moon and sun and also those of intelligences, demons, gods, worlds and the universe. It is also that species from which depend not only asses but also men, stars, worlds and all mundane animals -- in which there is no difference of form or subject, of one from another, for it is utterly simple and One." [16]

The fools of the world have been those who have established religions, ceremonies, laws, faith, rule of life. The greatest asses of the world are those who, lacking all understanding and instruction, and void of all civil life and custom, rot in perpetual pedantry; those who by the grace of heaven would reform obscure and corrupted faith, salve the cruelties [17] of perverted religion and remove abuse of superstitions, mending the rents in their vesture. It is not they who indulge impious curiosity or who are ever seeking the secrets of nature, and reckoning the courses of the stars. Observe whether they have been busy with the secret causes of things, [18] or if they have condoned the destruction of kingdoms, the dispersion of peoples, fires, blood, ruin or extermination; whether they seek the destruction of the whole world that it may belong to them: in order that the poor soul may be saved, that an edifice may be raised in heaven, that treasure may be laid up in that blessed land, caring naught for fame, profit or glory in this frail and uncertain life, but only for that other most certain and eternal life.

Bruno hastens to add that the ancients have recounted these things in their myths of the gods:

Pray, O pray to God, dear friends, if you are not already asses -- that he will cause you to become asses.... There is none who praiseth not the golden age when men were asses: they knew not how to work the land. One knew not how to dominate another, one understood no more than another; caves and caverns were their refuge; they were not so well covered nor so jealous nor were they confections of lust and of greed. Everything was held in common. [19]

A second ribald sonnet is followed by the three Dialogues of the Cabal of the Cheval Pegasus. The speakers are Saulino, Sebasto and Coribante.

The work is at once connected with the Spaccio and we are told of the place of asininity in the reformed Heaven. Bruno's range of citation includes the Cabbalistic writings while his mocking invention is even more far-reaching. In the midst of buffoonery he suddenly passes to an altogether different plane. Following the Areopagite, following Augustine, [20] he would turn us from intellectual pride to humble ignorance. "Asininity" or ignorance may be the surest guide to salvation. There is a purposeful confusion between the Ass and Pegasus, noblest of horses.

In the second Dialogue, the Ass appears as Onorio, who relates how, after he had broken his neck by falling from a precipice, his owner sold his body to feed the ravens. His soul, released from its mortal prison house, was free to wander at will, and he suddenly realized that his spiritual substance differed in no wise from that of all the other spirits similarly released and "transmigrating," whether from human or from asinine bodies. He took his way to Parnassus where he was acclaimed as either a flying ass or the veritable horse Pegasus. The point is brought out that acceptance of metempsychosis forces belief in this essential unity of the "substance" of all souls, of man and beast, of fly and fish, and indeed of the plants if we allow that they too have a kind of life and soul. Thus it may happen that more of reason and of talent may reside in an animal than in a man, though the animal lacks the instruments of expression. The ass is brought to express the Nolan's conviction that efficient intelligence is One and universal; and every individual is moved and illumined by reason which pervades all, even as a flame extends to compass all combustible fuel. Thus there is a supreme agent that by sense-impression stimulates all living things [21] to action; and a supreme intelligence that rouses all through their understanding to a reasoned activity. Moreover, every individual is endowed with sense-perception and with potential intelligence, the variety of which is no less than the number of varieties of corporeal forms and dispositions. [22]

To the objection that reason is not in the lower animals, Onorio replies that if that be so, they must have some cognitive power other than either sense-perception or reason. It is immaterial whether we name this power instinct or reason, or whether we adopt the terms of Averroes, but above all we must recognize that even as a homogeneous piece of wax can take diverse and contrary forms, so a single primal corporeal substance is the substratum of all bodies and a single primal spiritual substance appertains to all souls. This doctrine is received with horror, yet Onorio constrains his audience to recognize that it was proclaimed by many of the wisest rabbis, implied in the Biblical story of Nebuchadnezzar, and exemplified in the Gospel account of the reincarnation of Elias as St. John the Baptist. [23]

In the second part of the Dialogue, the Ass Onorio explains that he is known as the Horse Pegasus on his periodic visits to Parnassus in the intervals between his mortal incarnations, of which one was in the body of Aristotle. He describes the unfortunate fate of Aristotle who wrote on "physical matters" of which he understood naught, and his books were solemnly commented. [24]

The third Part of the second Dialogue again sets out to show that next to truth there is no virtue so exalted as ignorance and asininity. For if the human mind has some access to truth, it can

only be either by science and knowledge or by ignorance and asininity. There is in the rational mind no point intermediate between ignorance and knowledge -- and this is illustrated by many examples of human foolishness.

The third Dialogue is merely a few lines to close the work.

There follows a sonnet to The Cillenican Ass which introduces the appended Dialogue with the same title. The Nolan gives expression to his contempt for the academic pedants; the Ass makes good his claim to academic honour.

The speakers are the Ass, the Pythagorean Micco (i.e., the Ape), and Mercury. The Ass implores Jove who has given him talent, to give him also speech. Micco expresses his horror, but the Ass declares that he desires to be a member of a college so that he may become a doctor, a grade for which he feels fully equipped. Micco admits that God might cause asses to speak, but cannot conceive that He would secure their admission to a Pythagorean school. "Be not so proud, O Micco," retorts the Ass, "remember that thy Pythagoras teaches that naught within the bosom of nature shall be despised. Moreover I who have now the form of an ass, may have been and may presently be in the form of a great man." They exchange-quips on the subject and at length the Ass exclaims: "Tell me now, which is more worthy, that a man should become like to an ass or that an ass should become like to man? But here comes my Cillenican," and he appeals to Mercury, who now intervenes. Claiming to have bestowed many gifts and graces on the Ass, Mercury declares:

I now with plenary authority ordain, constitute and confirm thee an academician, a general dogmatic, that thou mayest enter and dwell everywhere, that none may hold the door against thee or offer thee outrage or hindrance ... nor do we desire that thou shouldst be bound by the Pythagorean rule of biennial silence.... Speak then to those who can hear, reflect and contemplate among mathematicians; discuss, enquire, teach, declare and determine among the natural philosophers, [25] mix with them all, fraternize, unite thyself and identify thyself with all things, rule all things, be all.

The work closes with Micco's dour reply to the triumphant enquiry of the Ass: "Hast thou heard?" "We are not deaf."

c. On Heroic Frenzies [26] (De gl' Heroici Furori)


This is perhaps the most discursive of the series of Italian works that deal with moral philosophy through Bruno's eccentric and ebullient symbolism. In complicated exposition, with quotations from the classics and from the Preacher, we learn of the surpassing vision of love, or wisdom, which resolves all conflicts, abolishes suffering and vain pursuit of glory, and leads to the perfect peace of the One ultimate godhead of whom all individuals and all kinds are a partial reflection. Many sonnets are interspersed in the work. Their symbolism is explained in the prose that follows them. [27] These verses are specifically mentioned in the Arguments but they are not the happiest products of Bruno's muse.

The characters are taken from the Nolan's childhood environment. One is the poet Tansillo, an eminent Nolan often quoted by Bruno, and perhaps known at least to his parents. Another is Mount Cicada itself.

The Heroic Frenzies is, like The Expulsion of the Triumphant Beast, dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney. In his Dedication, the Nolan boldly states that he would have liked to emulate King Solomon and to have entitled his work a Canticle, "since many mystic and cabalistic doctors interpret Solomon's work as similarly presenting divine and heroic frenzies under the appearance of loves and ordinary passions."

The Dedication opens with a rodomontade on the evils that ensue from allowing thoughts of love to usurp the whole of a man's mind. This passage, which is developed as an attack on the Petrarchists, was probably intended to reproach Sidney himself with too great a preoccupation with Stella. This view is none the less plausible even though Bruno, with tardy caution, concludes his Dedication with a lyrical burst of praise for some Englishwomen who must be included in any discussion of the female sex -- "not female, not women, but nymphs in the similitude thereof, divine, of celestial substance, among whom is that unique Diana," i.e., Queen Elizabeth -- a theme repeated in the sonnet, The Nolan's Apology, which is prefixed to the first Part.

The Dedication provides an Argument to each of the ten Dialogues that make up the two Parts of the work. We will give the main heads of each Argument as set forth by Bruno, supplementing occasionally from the Dialogues themselves.

Under metaphorical figures, Bruno explains, are manifested immanent causes and primal motives whereby the soul is pervaded by God, toward the one perfect and final end, which should eclipse all war and dispute. The Will is captain of the advance, and the four standard-bearers are Heroic Passion, the Power of Fate, the Appearance of the Good (as the object of Love) and Remorse of Jealous Passion, each with their varied and opposed cohorts of adherents, ministers and powers. We are then led to the contemplation of the unity of contraries through harmony and combination, the resolution of all strife in concord, of all

diversity in unity.

The second Dialogue of the first Part has an analysis of the contraries whose opposition can thus be resolved. Virtue is the mean, and the further it passes toward an extreme the more will it lose its character as virtue, for virtue is the point of unity between contraries.

The third Dialogue analyses the force of will, manifested as love, and culminating in love of God that can bring to pass the happy resolution of contraries.

The final object of the soul is the divine:

Is then the body not the habitation of the soul? No, for the soul is in the body not as location but as intrinsic form, extrinsic formative influence.... The body is in the soul, soul in mind. Mind either is God or is in God, as said Plotinus; and since the mind as essence is in God which is the life thereof, similarly by the act of the mind, and by the consequent act of will, the mind turneth to his light and to his beatific object. Worthily then is the passion of heroic inspiration nourished on so exalted an enterprise. Nor is this because the object is infinite, in act most simple, and our intellect unable to apprehend the infinite save in a certain manner of thought, that is, as a potentiality, even as he who is at the edge of an immense wave pictureth to himself an end where no end is. For indeed there is no final end. [28]

Necessity, Fate, Nature, Council, Will, all are thus recognized as a single unity. Again we are reminded of the complete wheel of life wherein Jove himself passes through diverse forms, and each one of us may at last attain to the Divine.

The power of reason is the subject of the fourth Dialogue. Even as in the myth the hunter is converted into the hunted, so is the mind united with its quarry in accordance with the mode of rationality, and the will according to the mode of will; that is, with such reason as reposes therein. Tansillo recites the first of the three beautiful Italian sonnets which the Nolan had already printed, prefixed to The Infinite Universe and Worlds. But reason halts not after achieving unity with her object: she presses ever forward, prompted by her own light toward that which comprises all knowledge, all will, the fount of the whole ocean of truth and beauty. Thus a distinction is drawn between the soul of the universe, perfect, motionless, pervading infinity, and the souls of each part thereof and of each of our worlds, subject to eternal circular motion and vicissitude. [29]

The fifteen sections of the fifth Dialogue of the first Part are overlaid with symbolism and with discursions. Many writers are cited and Bruno recalls passages in his own work. We are shewn

how reason governs the conflicting thoughts and passions of those who are inspired, and pervades the whole world. We again have the distinction between lower intellect, "potential, the intellect of power and of passion, uncertain, multiform," and the higher intellect which appertains to man. Again we are led yet further to contemplate the Supreme Intelligence which pervades the whole universe. [30]

The first two Dialogues of the second Part take us again to the individual life of him who is inspired by heroic frenzy. We are reminded that the pleasure of generation is impossible without also the drawback of corruption, and where they are combined in a single subject, there too joy and sadness are together. We hear of the many vicissitudes around the wheel of fate, of resulting conflicts and how they can be resolved only by lofty contemplation.

The Nolan uses his favourite similes of light and fire, sun and moon, and we are told that to see the Divine is to be seen thereby, even as to see the sun is to be within sight thereof. But intellectual power can never be still; it must seek ever further toward truth still uncomprehended, even as Will must seek ever beyond finite apprehension. And the essence of the soul is referred to inferior things even as divinity itself is communicated infinitely throughout the infinite universe, or finitely, producing only this universe accessible to our eyes and common reason. Wherefore strife arises in the soul of him who is inspired since the soul is ever drawn downward toward low and hostile country while struggling toward its natural and exalted habitation. In such a condition, the Nolan tells us, he had been for six lustres before he could reach clarity of thought, before "he could make for himself a dwelling fit for all sorts of pilgrims, that could be offered freely and equally to all who beat on the gate of the mind." At length, he being now encamped in twofold holy rays of light, love, which had on diverse occasions assailed him in vain, could now reach him, revealing divine beauty by means of the ray of truth binding the intellect and the ray of goodness warming the passions. The language of the sonnet which follows suggests almost a sudden revelation after his thirtieth year. Again we are assured, love has dominion over all and transcends and fuses all things. [31]

This is further expounded in the second Dialogue. All the diversity of different individuals is needed for the comprehensive whole. It is remarkable to find Bruno, so intolerant of the ignorant and the stupid, yet forced to this logical conclusion of his own thought. We soon have an example of his intolerant mood of biting sarcasm:

Who that is wise doth not see the advantage when Aristotle, master of Alexander in humane letters, raiseth his soul on high to resist and wage war on the Pythagorean doctrine and that of the natural philosophers ... with his logic-chopping and fantasy ... heedful of the faith of the multitude ... founded on surface appearances rather than on truth which is hidden within and is the very substance of things.

Yet the nourishment of each individual must conform to his own nature, and for the human soul are needed contemplation and reasoning as instruments in the search for truth. For this truth is sought, though hidden and most hard to reach. Again we find ourselves in the pursuit of Diana on whom but few may hope to gaze; once more we are told of the hunter transformed to the nature of his quarry: "Look then on Amphitrite, [32] the source of all numbers, of all species and arguments, the monad, the true essence of all being, very Diana herself. And if you are not permitted to gaze on her veritable essence in the absolute light, yet you will see her offspring, her image similar to herself. For from the monad which is Divinity proceedeth the monad which is Nature, our universe,..." whereby as in a mirror, man may attain to reason. [33]

The same images reappear in the third Dialogue of the second Part. This Dialogue is still occupied with the coincidence of contraries though to each thing appertains its distinct function. Being is regarded as a mode of cognition and appetitive power. Will is conditioned by cognition, cognition by will. Can then reason or cognitive power or the cognitive act be greater than will or appetite or passion? But the act expressing the will to good is boundless, just as the act expressing knowledge of truth is infinite and without limit. Thus being, truth and good are but three words all signifying the same single force.

But we learn in the fourth Dialogue the weakness and failure of humanity in apprehending the Divine. Ninefold is the blindness of man. Mysterious divine judgement has bestowed on him the will to thought and investigation, but not the power to rise beyond the consciousness of his own blindness. But at least mankind should realize his own ignorance. [34]

The "Allegory of the Fifth Dialogue" of the second Part, most of which is, like the fourth, in verse, presents two women who, "as is the custom in my country," reject the male method of reaching truth by argument, apprehending rather by intuition and the power of prophecy the spirit which resides in matter. This which they have apprehended they leave to be expounded by the talent of the male.

The Nolan would show that only the blind invoke the instrumentality of external cause. Such is the vulgar imagination of the nine spheres as responsible for the infinite diversity which informs the ultimate unity of the universe. We have a discussion on the views of "Cabbalists, Chaldeans, Magicians, Platonists and Christian theologians." Only Origen among theologians has, like all great philosophers and the much blamed Sadducees, dared to express the universe as eternal change and motion. Indeed, says the Nolan, this doctrine I share and confirm when speaking with theologians and with those who make laws and institutions for the people. But the spreading of such views has justly brought reproof, since if the multitude is with difficulty restrained from vice and impelled to virtue by belief in eternal punishment, what would ensue if they were persuaded to a different view? But for the wise, endowed with heroic frenzy toward truth, Bruno expounds an elaborate myth of Circe, daughter of the Sun. Progress, we are told, is not direct from one to another form. Rather -- by an image reminiscent of the writings of Raymond Lull -- change may be likened to motion around a wheel, so that each in turn is illuminated by the object in which converge the trinity of perfections, -- beauty, wisdom

and truth; sprinkled by the waters which in the sacred books are termed waters of wisdom, rivers of water of eternal life. These are found not on our earth but on the bosom of Ocean, of the goddess Amphitrite, in whose realm is the miraculous stream that flows from Divinity, and those nymphs, those blessed and divine intelligences who minister to her sublime intelligence even as the nymphs of the desert to Diana. "Amphitrite alone by her triple virtue openeth every seal, looseth every knot, discovereth every secret." Thus is revealed to us the ultimate harmony of the whole, the true meaning of the nine spheres. We see that the beginning of one is the end of another. Beginning and end, light and darkness, infinite power, infinite action, all are One, as the Nolan has elsewhere demonstrated. Thus we contemplate eternal harmony of all spheres, intelligences, Muses and instruments.

The heaven, the motion of worlds, the works of Nature, the operation of reason, contemplation of the mind, the decrees of divine providence, all together celebrate the exalted and magnificent periodic vicissitudes whereby lower waters become upper waters, night passeth into day, and day into night, so that divinity pervadeth the whole, even as the whole is thus able to contain the whole, and infinite goodness is communicated infinitely in accordance with the capacity of all things.

The Argument presents these themes more succinctly than the prose and verse of the Dialogues. In the text of the fifth Dialogue, elaborate praise of "the lovely and gracious nymphs of the Thames" is woven into the Circe myth. After ten years of wandering, sight is restored to nine blind youths by these nymphs. (Gentile interprets the period as the interval between Bruno leaving Naples in 1576 and the publication of the Heroic Frenzies in 1585.) This diversion in praise of Sidney's countrywomen is omitted from the Argument of "The allegory of the fifth Dialogue" which closes as "the Italian" presents his discourse to Sidney as to one who can truly hear and appreciate.

● Table of Contents● Continued on Chapter Six


● Index: Historical Writings (Biographies)● Index: Historical Writings (Books)● Home to Positive Atheism● Table of Contents● Footnotes for Chapter Six

CHAPTER SIX

LAST WANDERINGS: THE GREATLATIN POEMS AND OTHER

LATIN WRITINGSa. Bruno's Second Sojourn in Paris (1585-86)


THE recall of Mauvissière to Paris at the end of 1585 brought an abrupt end to Bruno's sojourn in London. It is not easy to follow why Mauvissière was recalled or why payments had ceased to reach him in London. His financial embarrassments were increased by the failure of Mary Queen of Scots to repay large sums of money which he had lent to her. Moreover, a letter from him has come down to us describing the disastrous robbery of all his personal possessions during the voyage back from England. [1] The last years of his life were saddened by the ill-health of his wife and then by her death in childbirth a year after they left England. After his return to Paris, Mauvissière was employed in command of armies both under Henry III and Henry IV. He died in 1592, the year in which Bruno passed from the world to the eight years of his martyrdom.

On their arrival in Paris toward the close of the year 1585, Mauvissière was in no position to offer hospitality. But Bruno seldom failed to attract round him a group of cultured persons fascinated by his talk, and he stated to the Venice Tribunal that he lived in Paris "in the house of gentlemen of my acquaintance, but mostly at my own expense." It appears that he lodged near the College of Cambrai where he may have found congenial acquaintances.





Bruno during this period made a great effort toward reconciliation with the Church. He described at the Venice trial how he first approached the Bishop of Bergamo, the Papal Nuncio in Paris. Armed with an introduction from Mendoza, whom he had known as Spanish Ambassador in England, Bruno begged the Bishop to intercede for him with Pope Sixtus V. He also invoked a Jesuit Father, Alonso Spagnolo. But both the Bishop and Spagnolo refused to attempt to secure Bruno's absolution and admission to the Mass unless he would return to his Order, and this Bruno would not contemplate. [2]

Three volumes from Bruno's pen appeared in Paris in 1586, the year after his arrival from England, all from the same publisher. The first of these is entitled A Figure of the Aristotelian Physical Teaching. The first part illustrates the application of Bruno's mnemonic system and his use of figures, for it gives instructions for memorizing the contents of the eight books of the Physica. It is dedicated to the Abbot Pierre Dalbène of Belleville. [3] But to interpret these instructions requires an expert in the Art! There follow two paragraphs: "The Division of Universal Philosophy" (according to Aristotle); and Aristotle's "Division of Natural Philosophy." Eight works or groups of writings by Aristotle on "Natural Philosophy" are enumerated. [4] The second half of the little volume gives an epitome of the eight books of the Physica. It shows signs of having been printed in haste and not fully completed.

Bruno's mind was also running on mathematics. He met in Paris Fabrizio Mordente of Salerno who wrote on Integration and had also invented the eight-pointed compass. [5] As though he had not enough troubles of his own, Bruno found himself overwhelmed with indignation at the neglect of this mathematician's work and especially of his eight-pointed compass. Bruno now issued in Paris a volume Concerning the Almost Divine Invention by Fabrizio Mordente of Salerno for the Perfect Practice of Cosmic Measurement. After a paean of praise to the shamefully neglected Mordente, Bruno describes and figures the instrument in two Dialogues. He appends to the volume a "Dream" (Insomnium) in which he figures an astronomical device for ascertaining the position and the motion of heavenly bodies. Bruno declares that he cannot remember the face or the habit of the inventor of the method, who, however, described it in the "Dream" so that it has remained vividly in his mind. [6]

By a happy chance, one of those who met Bruno at this time in Paris has recorded his impressions. The diarist was Guillaume Cotin, librarian of the Abbey of St. Victor. [7] He first mentions Bruno as visiting his library on the 6th December, 1585. Bruno was back on the following day, and on the 12th December he brought his own works on the art of memory to show to the librarian. Two more visits are recorded in December -- and then a final visit early in February. We may imagine that a friendship sprang up between the two men, as many details of Bruno's early life are recorded by Cotin, as well as notes on Bruno's published and unpublished works.

It is clear that the pious librarian of St. Victor was at first fascinated by his visitor. He refers to the inquisitors who threatened Bruno at Rome in 1576 as "ignorant and not understanding his

philosophy." [8] He cites Bruno's views and speaks of his writings. We hear that "Jordanus told me that Fabricius Mordentius Salernitanus is in Paris, aged 60, a god among geometers ... yet knowing no Latin. Jordanus will print a Latin account of his works." [9] Cotin quotes Bruno's opinions also of the scholars and preachers of the day. A certain Hebrew convert seems to have been alone among preachers in winning Bruno's admiration both for his learning and his eloquence. Another preacher, Bossulus, was praised only for eloquence and clear pronunciation. [10] Bruno was for the most part a biting critic. He expressed his contempt for Toletus [11] and the Jesuits who were preaching in Italy.

There ensued an estrangement between Bruno and the librarian. Though both remained in Paris for some four months longer, no further visits are recorded. Moreover, in March 1586, Cotin is listening to an unfriendly account of Bruno's humiliation at Geneva seven years previously. In May he reports dryly and without comment the disastrous affair at the College of Cambrai which must now be recounted.

In Pentecost week of 1586, Bruno boldly challenged all and sundry to impugn the One Hundred and Twenty Articles on Nature and the World sustained against the Peripatetics by his pupil John Hennequin. [12] It seemed that his challenge would be left unanswered. But at the last moment there arose to reply a young advocate, Raoul Callier. This young man was a close relative of Nicolas Rapin of Fontenay in Poitou, notorious for his harsh treatment of Huguenots. At his death-bed confession, strangely reported in full by the priestly Father who officiated, Rapin declared that "The only good thing that he remembered to have done since his youth was that he prevented the public teaching of atheism ... in Paris." [13] Had Rapin assisted Callier or intervened against Bruno during or after the disputation? We cannot tell, but we may well believe that with such affiliations, Callier applied himself to his task with zest. He spoke with such effect that the students, ignoring Hennequin, set upon Bruno and demanded that he should either reply or retract his calumnies against Aristotle. Bruno undertook to reply on the following day, when, however, the proceedings again opened with an oration by the brilliant young Callier. "Hennequin could reply only to the first argument," records Cotin. Bruno was then called to speak, but he declared, so runs the diarist's report, that the hour was too late. Nor would he appear on the following day, "saying that he was already vanquished." The One Hundred and Twenty Articles were, however, published while Bruno was still in Paris. The copy in the British Museum is believed to be the sole survivor of the edition. The volume bears a dedicatory inscription to King Henry III, and one to Jean Filesac, Rector of Paris University. [14] But this was the end of Bruno's second visit to Paris. Once more he resumed his wanderings. "Because of the tumults," he stated to the Inquisitors at Venice, "I left Paris and went to Germany." [15]

b. Marburg and Wittenberg (1586-88)


Taking up his wanderings once more, Bruno passed through Mainz and Wiesbaden where, as he related to the Venice Tribunal, he could find no livelihood. He came to Marburg, and on 25th July, 1586, he matriculated in the university there. After his name on the matriculation roll, "Iordanus Nolanus Neapolitanus, theologiae doctor romanensis," the newly elected Rector has recorded the events which brought Bruno's sojourn to a precipitate close:

When the right publicly to teach philosophy was denied him by me for good cause and with the assent of the philosophical Faculty, he burnt with rage, and impudently reviled me in my own house as though I had acted in defiance of the law of nations, against the custom of all German universities and contrary to all schools of the humanities. Wherefore he declared that he had no wish to remain a member of the Academy. So his fee was readily returned to him, and he was discharged from the register of the university.

The Rector's action appears nevertheless not to have been unanimously supported by his colleagues: Spampanato, who viewed the Register, points out that, whereas the original inscription of Bruno's name was crossed through by the Rector, the letters remained legible, but that the words, "with the accord of the Faculty," had been completely obliterated by a later hand. [16]

But Bruno resumed his wanderings, and at length he reached a temporary haven at Wittenberg in Saxony, where he found his compatriot, the jurist Alberico Gentilis, of whom we have already had a glimpse in Oxford. [17] Gentilis, he relates, obtained an invitation for him to lecture on the Organon, which resulted in his being engaged to lecture for the next two years. Three new works were published by Bruno during this breathing space: two volumes published in 1587, and his speech of 1588, expressing his thanks and farewell to the university. [18] In addition, an enlarged edition of the One Hundred and Twenty Articles against Aristotle appeared at Wittenberg under the cryptic title of Camoeracensis acrotismus, which we may perhaps render The Abruptly Ended Discourse in the College of France. [19] The volume bears, prefixed to the Dedications to Henry III and to Filesac, a new Dedication to the "Philosophers of Paris and to other philosophers in the generous realm of Gaul who are friends and defenders of the dogmas of a wiser philosophy."

The first of the Wittenberg volumes bears a cumbrous title which we may epitomize as: On the Synthetic Lullian Lamp leading to infinite propositions ... to the understanding of all things ... the sole Key to all Lullian works and no less to Pythagorean and Cabbalistic mysteries. [20] Bruno was never niggard of gratitude and the long Preface to the Rector [21] and Senate of Wittenberg University expresses heartfelt thanks for the benevolence and hospitality extended

to him,

a person of no name, fame or value among you, supported by no prince's praise, distinguished by no outward trappings such as the vulgar are wont to admire, a fugitive from the Gallic tumults; nor was I examined or interrogated on your religious dogma, with that custom of harsh discipline of perfidious barbarians, violators of the laws of nations, to whom should be closed that heaven and earth which they either entirely deny as a common and social possession ordained by nature for all men, or concede them only with impious and deadly calculation.

As Bruno expatiates on the humanity of his hosts, their urbanity, true benignity, and devotion to the Muses, "whereby he recognizes truly a university," we catch the same accents with which he saluted his beloved friend Mauvissière who had similarly extended to him the priceless benefit of leisure and freedom for thought and study. He used his leisure, studying Eriugena, Cusanus, Paracelsus, his hero Raymond Lull, "already commented by Cornelius Agrippa," the humanists Lefèvre of Etaples and de Bovelles, [22] at whose works we have already glanced, and many other writers of East and West. Each of the faculty of that great university he mentions with affection and admiration, not omitting the Chancellor and the Rector. Once more we recognize the transparent honesty of Bruno's passion to learn and to know. The Lullian Art which he would set forth in honour of these men is no less than the whole Art of Thought expounded in the Lullian manner with the aid of geometric figures, concentric circles and tables.

The second Wittenberg volume treats Of the Advance and Enlightening Hunt for Logic and is in a somewhat similar vein, inspired by Lullian methods. It is dedicated to George Mylius, Chancellor of Wittenberg University. [23]

A further work has come down to us from the sojourn at Wittenberg, though never published by Bruno. This is The Art of Peroration Delivered by Jordano Bruno, the Italian of Nola, Communicated by Johann-Henricus Alstedius for the Benefit of Those Who Wish to Know the Force and Method of Eloquence, which was published in 1612, long after his death, by the house of Antonius Hummius in Frankfurt. [24] In the Dedication to "his most noble and learned patron" Count Abraham Wrsotzky Gorni of Poland, Alstedt recalls the talk they had both enjoyed with Count Vladislaus ab Ostrorog, and records his admiration and love for Count Wrsotzky Gorni. He states that the book has been in his hands for two years and that he has edited and corrected any suspected errors, taking care to change the work of Bruno as little as possible:

For no one will seek here for elegance of style or mere entertainment, since neither of these was the author's purpose. Had I wished to make from this a new treatise, verily it would have emerged more elegant. But I preferred to communicate to the studious the doctrine delivered in his own style by the author, a man indeed not without erudition, rather than to concoct a new treatise ... I have striven to produce the same form as in the "Canonical Triads" which, Sir Count, I dedicated to you, that these two books may unite to testify to the philosophy and the Christianity that was with the three of us.

Alstedt dates his Dedication from Herborn in Nassau, May, 1612. The sub-title of the volume is Introduction to the work on Rhetoric of Jordano Bruno the Nolan from Italy. In an Introduction to the Reader, Alstedt gives an epitome of the two Parts of the work. This Introduction ends with a Table of the logical method for oratory prescribed by Bruno. Part I is entitled: Explanation of the Work on Rhetoric Sent by Aristotle to Alexander, Privately Dictated by Jordano Bruno the Italian of Nola at Wittenberg in 1587. Part II is entitled The Art of Rhetoric, and gives elaborate schemes for the construction of an oration, with sundry alternatives, synonyms, etc., illustrated by elaborate diagrams.

There have come down to us in manuscript from this period two other works by Bruno on Lullian mnemonics and another commentary on the Physics of Aristotle. None of these reached publication under his own supervision. [25]

But once more the course of political events brought to an abrupt end Bruno's respite of quiet study and teaching. His exposition to the Venice Tribunal is somewhat confused, but it is apparent that the death of the aged Elector Augustus (Bruno calls him Duke) in February 1586, and the accession of Christian I, had brought disturbance and a shift of power from Lutherans to Calvinists. [26] The latter were not disposed to harbour Bruno, and ultimately he had to leave. His Valedictory Oration to the Rector, professors, and to his noble and learned audience at the university is full of praise for his hosts, though a less peaceful situation is perhaps indicated by the cloudy complexity of his mythological analogies. [27] We know that he was forced to salute and depart. Perhaps he had hardly expected an extension of peaceful life.

Two documents from the Wittenberg period bear witness to his saddened outlook. One is the Family Album of Hans von Warnsdorf of Wittenberg, [28] and the other is a print portraying the Siege of Nola by the troops of Hannibal. [29] On each are inscribed under the caption Salomon et Pythagoras these lines from Ecclesiastes, a work we have seen already haunting Bruno in his early days in Paris:

Quid est quod est? Ipsum quod fuit.Quid est quod fuit? Ipsum quod est. Nihil sub sole novum. Iordanus Brunus Nolanus.

The date inscribed in the Warnsdorf Album is "Wittenberg, 18 Sept." It must have been written in 1587. The print bears the date 9th March, 1588.

c. Prague and Helmstedt (1588-90)


In 1588 the changeless rhythm of Bruno's life was renewed, and he passed to the imperial town of Prague to the Court of Rudolph II, where again he found a friend, the mathematician Fabricius Mordentius of Salerno. [30]

He immediately published a brief new work, A Scrutiny of the Lullian Categories, to which he appended a reprint of The Synthetic Lullian Lamp, published the year before at Wittenberg. The whole new volume [31] was dedicated under the date 10th June, 1588, to William San Clemente, Ambassador from the King of Spain to the Emperor. This statesman, we gather from the Dedication, had, like King Henry III of France, fallen under the spell of Bruno's expositions of Lull's methods of logical thought and of memory. The two works in the present volume will, the author promises, afford to his patron's talent a complete understanding of the Lullian Art. The latter work, he explains, is not so much to give the ordinary principles of medicine as to shew that the general Lullian Art applies to all sciences and faculties whereby anyone may acquire knowledge of real medicine. A few pages, partly in Bruno's own hand containing a tract On Lullian Medicine are referred to this period. From Bruno's hand too we have a later version of a figure illustrating his Commentary on the Physics of Aristotle (p. 143) as well as some alchemical recipes, and perhaps also a Mnemonic table found with these. [32]

Soon Bruno presented to the Emperor himself a volume on the Principles and Elements of Geometry. It comprises One hundred and sixty Articles against the Mathematicians and Philosophers of this age; one hundred and eighty Exercises, for the solution by a possible and easy method of one hundred and eighty Problems, some hard, some indeed impossible by any other method. [34] In his Dedication he declares that he would be unworthy of the light vouchsafed to him if he did not try to illuminate also other men. While the form of the work borrows from Euclid's Elements, the very first axioms warn us that we are in a non-Euclidean universe. "The Universe is the maximum.... The individual is the minimum, neither perfect nor imperfect, the universal measure..." and we soon reach symbolism for Mind, Intellect, Love.

Such symbolism has many parallels in the literature of the period. In the ensuing pages are many elaborate figures, some using Hebrew script. We may not be surprised that the Emperor Rudolph II, rewarding the writer with three hundred talari, [34] issued no invitation for his further sojourn in Prague. So within six months of his arrival, Bruno fared forth, this time northward again, to the newly founded Julia Academy of Helmstedt in Brunswick, where he was able to live for a year on the Emperor's gift.

His only publication in 1589 was the Consolatory Oration which he was honoured to make to the university on the 1st July on the death of the Founder, the beloved Duke Julius, which had taken place in the previous May. [35]

The oration is a somewhat extraordinary document. For Bruno not only expresses his customary gratitude for a quiet haven of study, but in describing the disturbances and woes of the rest of Europe, permits himself the bitterest strictures on his own land. "Spain and Italy," he declares, "are crushed by the feet of the vile priests." He contrasts the free pursuit of study at Helmstedt with the tyranny and greed that pervaded his own land. Yet, at Helmstedt we know that Bruno's path was not entirely smooth. For there has survived a document dated 6th October, 1589, bearing Bruno's signature and addressed to the Pro-Rector of the University of Helmstedt: [36]

Jordanus Brunus the Nolan, excommunicated in public assembly but without a hearing by the Chief Pastor and Superintendent of the Church in Helmstedt -- who acted both as judge and executioner -- appeals to the Pro-Rector and ... Senate, humbly protesting against the public execution of this private and most unjust sentence: he pleads to be heard so that should judgement fall upon his rank and good name, he shall at least know that it has fallen justly....

The matter is somewhat obscure, since it is fairly certain that Bruno never formally joined the Protestants, and therefore could not have been excommunicated by them. Moreover, no record survives of the result of his appeal. Perhaps this episode explains why none of his works except the almost official Consolatory Oration was published at Helmstedt. Possibly at this time Bruno made a brief visit to Frankfurt. For the Italian bookseller Brictanus, called to give evidence at Bruno's Venice trial in May 1592, stated that he had first met him "at Frankfurt some three years ago." But the winter 1589-90 must have been passed by Bruno at Helmstedt. He stated at the Venice trial that he left the town equipped with eighty scudi given to him by the young Duke as a reward for his oration, and he set forth for Frankfurt, the emporium of books, to arrange for the printing of his great Latin philosophical works, in combined verse and prose. These we shall examine presently.

Two letters from Jerome Besler of Nuremberg (1566-1632), a friend and secretary of Bruno,

give an interesting glimpse of the last days of Bruno before starting for Frankfurt. [37] Besler had matriculated at Helmstedt in November 1589, [38] and Bruno had employed him as secretary during the winter 1589-90. He came of a family of some learning, his father having been the first Protestant pastor of Sprottau in Silesia. His name appears in the Venice trial as a pupil of Bruno who acted as his scribe again in the last months at Padua. Besler had meanwhile turned to the study of medicine, in which he graduated at Basle in 1592. He settled in his native town where he became a physician of some eminence, and among his pupils was his brother Basil the botanist (born in 1561) and his son Michael Robert (1607-1661), author of several medical works. But his long life brought Jerome no episode so important as his association with Bruno. The two letters from Helmstedt are dated respectively the 15th April and 22nd April, 1590, and are addressed to Besler's uncle, the physician Wolfgang Zeileisen. In the first letter Besler describes having gone with Bruno to Wolfenbüttel to claim fifty florins promised him by the Prince, "a thing marvellous and unexpected." A few days later Bruno had intervened in a disputation. He was working hard, and soon handed Besler a new tract on The Inventive Art (of Lull), then one On Medicine, and again one on The Lullian Art. If occasion should offer to print a work in Magdeburg and thus to give pleasure to the Prince, Bruno would stay in that town. A week later Besler writes again, explaining that they have been delayed by lack of carriages, but mentioning one which they propose to hire on the following day. Bruno was anxious to take counsel with Wolfgang Zeileisen.

Several works that survive in Besler's hand are believed to have been dictated by Bruno at this period, and are perhaps those to which Besler refers in the letters. The titles are: On Magic; Theses on Magic; On the Origin, Elements and Causes of Things; a longer but incomplete version of the Lullian Medicine; and On Mathematical Magic. [39]

Next to the Lullian studies that wasted Bruno's time and energy, the reader is most puzzled by his long work On Magic. We have already considered the problem. [40] It has to be remembered that the theme natural magic, that is to say, the medley of misunderstood and misrepresented devices -- technical and other, which was covered by this title -- took at the time and especially among those without technical knowledge, somewhat the place of what might now be called the "wonders of science." Many phenomena that we now explain on scientific grounds were then treated as "magic that worked according to rule." Of such was believed to be the nature of Bruno's marvellous memory for which exalted persons were always seeking "the rules." In the MS. On Magic, Bruno considers Lullian symbolism as the avenue to wisdom. He reviews the "magical" attempts of various peoples, defines natural magic as "the application of the passive and active properties of things as in medicine and chemistry," and points out that Aristotle used the term magus as a synonym for wise. [41] He includes in his survey "veneric or malevolent magic," but he is striving towards a synthetic philosophy based on most diverse sources. He enunciates a cosmic hierarchy [42] and cosmic metabolism; [43] he reiterates his conviction that every soul and spirit has a certain continuity with the spirit of the universe; [44] he is again considering the hypothesis of a Void. [45]

Bruno's unhappily named tract, On Mathematical Magic, is a philosophical work illustrated by

mathematical forms. Thus the first sentence states: "God floweth into the angels, the angels into celestial bodies..." while the first section of the second paragraph runs: "Thus God or the emanation from God has descended through the world to the animal; and verily the animal has ascended through the world to God." It is a "scala naturae," partly Aristotelian and partly inspired by Bruno's reflections on Infinity.

On the Origins and Elements of Things, and on Their Causes is dated 16th March, 1590. It opens thus: "The efficient and moving causes of things are intellect and soul, above which is a single absolute origin, mind or truth, of which the essence and power are infinite, intensively and extensively." The Averroist conception of the continuity of the spirit Bruno re-enunciates as a theory of all things "linked in absolute mind or truth ... a single infinite space." [46] He closes with an elaborate figure of "influences" from the sun, but remarks that none of these influences are conveyed from heaven to individuals below unless by some seed brought to the individual at an appropriate time and place, thus applying and limiting the general and universal quality.

No doubt Bruno profited by his leisure during this year 1589-90 to make substantial progress with the great Latin poems in which his developed philosophy is set forth.

d. Frankfurt, Zurich and Frankfurt Again (1590-91)


There is some obscurity in the movements of Bruno from the time of his departure with Jerome Besler from Helmstedt on 23rd April, 1590. Did they visit Besler's uncle at Magdeburg? In any event, he was soon on his way in the opposite direction travelling to Frankfurt on the Main, where he arrived probably at the beginning of July. At Frankfurt he devoted himself to the production of the great Latin works which had been in his mind and partly on paper from the period of his sojourn in London. As usual, a publisher was at once forthcoming, and indeed the Frankfurt firm of John Wechel and Peter Fischer smoothed his path in every way. The Wechels had been in contact with Sir Philip Sidney (who had died four years previously) and this may have led to Bruno's introduction to them. On 2nd July, 1590, Bruno petitioned the Senate for permission to lodge in Wechel's house, but this was refused. [47] Not to be beaten, the printer succeeded in obtaining permission for him to dwell in the Carmelite Monastery, and here he was established for six or eight months. Yet he did not see the first of his great poems completely through the press. The volume [48] appeared with no preface from Bruno, but with a Dedication to the Duke of Brunswick, [49] penned by the faithful John Wechel. The title is Five Books on the Threefold Minimum and on Mensuration for the Foundation of the Three Speculative Sciences and Many Active Arts. Wechel, expressing Bruno's desire to dedicate the volume in gratitude to Duke Henry Julius, describes how the author actually carved his own figures for printing, and corrected every detail of the book until, when he had reached the very

last folio, he was suddenly "torn from us." At his request, the publishers therefore offered the volume to the Duke in his name and their own. [50] This Dedication is dated "The Ides of February 1591" so that Bruno had probably left Frankfurt about the end of January. The guess has been hazarded that the civic ban on Bruno's residence in Frankfurt was suddenly put into operation. All we know is that he journeyed to Zurich where he was among a congenial circle of friends. [51]

There survives, perhaps from the sojourn in Frankfurt at this period, or from the visit to Zurich, the first draft of a work expanded later during his last months of freedom at Padua, On Links. [52]

Among his Zurich friends was a young Swiss, John Henry Heinz, son of a learned and wealthy Swiss Protestant who had married a Bavarian lady and settled in Augsburg. The young John Henry had, however, aroused the wrath of the City Council, apparently because he took the wrong view of the New Calendar. After some adventures he and his brother bought the castle of Elgg in the canton of Zurich where they entertained scholars and pursued their studies, among which were alchemical investigations. Bruno wrote for this friend his work in three books, On the Composition of Images, Signs, and Ideas for all sorts of Discoveries, Dispositions and Recollections, which was published within a few months by Wechel. [53] The preface gives a glimpse of the answer to a question that must present itself to every student of Bruno. Why should this man, occupied with the formulation of a lofty philosophy, have turned aside and spent so much time on the idle elaborations of logic and mnemonics devised by Raymond Lull?

Idea [he tells us], imagination, analogy, figure, arrangement, notation -- this is the universe of God, the work of nature and of reason, and is possessed also by the analogy thereof, so that nature may admirably reflect divine action, and human talent may thereupon rival the operation of nature and almost reach yet more exalted things. Who doth not see with how few elements nature maketh so many things? No one indeed is ignorant of how she doth variously place, order, compound, move, and apply the same Four [elements] and under various signatures she advances these forms and figures from the depth of potentiality to the sublimity of action. And, by immortal God what can be easier to man than the use of number? ... The whole light thereof is more present, clear and understood by our intelligence than the light of the sun to our eyes ... Why is that which is present to us even over the whole heaven yet believed by us to be remote? Because the eye seeth other things, but it seeth not itself. And what is this eye which thus seeth other things that it may see itself? That which seeth all things in itself, and which is all things at the same time. To such sublime reason should we be akin if

we had power to understand the substance of our nature, so that our eye might perceive itself and our mind might embrace itself. Then would it be possible to understand all things, nor would it even be hard to accomplish all things.

He quotes Aristotle: "Our intelligence, that is the operation of our intellect, is either fantasy or not without fantasy," and again, "We understand naught unless we observe the images."

"This is to say" [explains Bruno]:

we comprehend not by any simplicity, mode or unity but through composition, collation and a plurality of terms, making use of discourse and reflection. And if our talent is thus, thus too should without doubt be the works thereof, that, by enquiry, motion, judgement, arrangement and memory, it may avoid wandering away from the mirror and may thus not be moved without images. And if a polished and smooth mirror be placed here by Nature, and if by art, the light of the reckoning of the Canons doth prosper and glow on the horizon, immediately by reason of the faculty bestowed on us by the clear images of things coming into view, we are directed toward that supreme joy in the composite nature of action which indeed most beseemeth man when most he is man.... In the first Book are generalities which deal with the diverse kinds of meaning; the various conditions are explained in which subjects are visible and are disposed, images are impressed and inscribed. We then teach how to build various sorts of halls and spaces, and when at length they are built we shew in them [lit., and we shew them when built; in them at length are] all things which can be uttered, known or imagined; all arts, languages, works, signs. In the second Book are twelve figures of princes ...

with their symbolic implications; while in the third Book the author reverts to the figures of the Thirty Seals. [54] Among the devices in this work to assist the memory is some mere doggerel verse.

Another of Bruno's works may be traced to his visit to Zurich. For he met there his pupil Raffaele Eglin (Raffaele Eglinus Iconius). [55] Eglin gives a vivid description of Bruno "standing on one leg, going as fast as the pen could follow, at once dictating and reflecting; so rapidly did his talent work, so great was the power of his mind." From the notes thus taken, Eglin published a work at Zurich in 1595, when the prison doors had already closed on Bruno. The ponderous title of the volume is Survey of Metaphysical Terms for the Understanding of Logic and the

Study of Philosophy excerpted from the manuscript of Jordanus Brunus the Nolan, on the Scale of Being. [56] The arrangement is suggested by the fifth Book of the Metaphysics of Aristotle, being a series of brief paragraphs discussing each term. Characteristically, Bruno chooses as his first two terms Substance and Truth. Eglin's Dedication is inscribed "To the noble youth Frederick à Sales, son of the most generous John." Eglin addresses Frederick à Sales almost as Bruno might have done, "not because thou art in need of his words, but because alone and best of all thou dost understand and dost love." He refers to their discussion concerning Jordanus at the house of Frederick's father the previous autumn. Eglin's pious care for Bruno's writings was not exhausted by the publication of this small volume, for in 1609 when he had become Professor of Theology at Marburg, he republished the work with a second Part, also from manuscript, entitled Scale of Practice or the Application of Being. [57]

Probably Bruno spent at least some weeks at Zurich, returning to Frankfurt perhaps in the spring of 1591 to supervise the printing of the volume dedicated to Heinz, [58] and the production at last of the second and final volume of his great trilogy of Latin philosophical works in verse and prose. We can but marvel as to how he raised means to cover the hundreds of miles involved in each of these journeys. Perhaps to those free of all possessions, travel was almost as cheap as residence in a fixed spot! Bruno himself in his evidence at Venice stated that he had spent six months in Frankfurt. After examining all other hypotheses, our two best authorities, Tocco and Spampanato, both conclude that this must refer only to his second sojourn, which may have extended from March to September 1591. Perhaps his silence concerning the first months in Frankfurt was due to reluctance to account for his sudden departure to Zurich or to mention the Zurich visit.

Bruno's last months in Frankfurt were occupied with the proofs of the second volume of his Latin masterpieces in verse and prose. It contains two works: On the Monad, on Number and Form in One Book, being a Sequel to the Five Books on the Great Minimum and on Measurement; and the finest of all the Latin works, On the Innumerable, the Immense, the Formless; On the Universe and Worlds, in eight Books. [59] The volume is prefaced by a Dedication, this time from Bruno's own hand, to Duke Henry Julius of Brunswick. It is entitled Dedicatory Letter and Key and deals with the previous poem of the great series as well as with the two works to which it is attached:

In the first volume we studiously desired [sic], in the second we sought in uncertainty, in the third we arrived most clearly. In the first, sense-perception is most important; in the second, words; in the third, the thing itself. The first concerns what is within us; the second, things heard; the third, that which is discovered. In the first, the method is mathematical; in the second, divine [i.e., theological]; but in the third it is natural.

The first deals with simple objects, the second with abstract, the third with composite. In the first, wisdom pervadeth the body; in the second, the shadow; in the third, the soul. The elements of the first are limit, minimum, size; the subjects are the line, the angle, the triangle; learned doctors, the temple of Apollo, of Minerva and of Venus, which are [sic] constructed in

circles which are in apposition, interpenetrating and containing one another; in which figures, numbers and measurements are all implicit, sought out, explicit by means of definitions, axioms, theorems. In the second work the monad is the substance of the matter; number is the internal quality or specific difference; form is the external accident and signature. We contemplate the monad in the circle; number in the triplex triad of the other archetypes; and form in the individual we contemplate according to the element thereof, in the totality however according to the effect thereof. Viewed according to the monad all things are in harmony; viewed by number they mostly differ one from another; but viewed according to form they are in complete opposition. For the monad is the individual substance of a thing, number is an unfolding of the substance, but form is indeed the orderly flowing forth from the [original] site of the unfolded origins. The monad is that which is absolutely true; number is goodness in its own nature; form is beauty in a certain relation. For truth is different in different situations; the good is different to different persons and in different places; beauty is different to different persons, in different places and at different times. The monad teacheth him who is happy to remain so; him who is unhappy the monad teaches to change his place; number teacheth to change his name; form his condition.

In the third work, entrance from darkness to light is given by means of colour. The distinction is drawn between the boundary, the finite and the infinite. And again between the efficient cause, the element and the effect. Furthermore, between motion, quiet and immobility. It is shewn that the principal dements in the universe are water, light and air; the principal substances are sun, our earth, and the Heaven (under one Being, lord of all things, unconditioned by any form). So that the hindrance to natural knowledge and the main foundation of ignorance is the failure to perceive in things the harmony between substances, motions and qualities. For the perfection of the universe proceedeth from unity, truth and goodness, by the virtue of active force, by the disposition of passive force and by the worthiness of results. This true perfection can exist only in an innumerable multitude, in immense size and in the evident beauty of order. Thus by a certain circle of learning (encyclopedia), all things are brought forth, directed and applied. They are distinguished in a threefold order in succession on a single ladder, so that ease may exist with brevity, truth with ease, and certitude with truth. Furthermore seemliness is considered in the matter, order in the diversity of the propositions, sufficiency in the paucity of the undetermined (mediorum) whereby nature hath meaning, reason is regarded, God worketh all things in all things. It is these things, many of which when seen from afar may be deemed odious and absurd, but if observed more nearly they will be found beautiful and true, and when known very closely they will be wholly approved, most lovely and certain withal. In their light will undoubtedly be dispersed those gloomy fabrications which by the compulsion of custom are thought to be true and beautiful, though in the even balance of reason they are discovered to be uncertain and infelicitous. At length by the light of that nature which shineth forth by means of our sense-perceptions and demonstrations, they are recognized as most vile and impossible.

The reader will be no less grateful than is the present writer that Bruno has given us his sketch of what he regarded as the most important features of these volumes. We will not attempt to give in a few pages even a sketch of their whole content. A word may be added as to the form

of these works. Bruno is perhaps most eloquent in the Lucretian Latin verse which he has chosen as the vehicle of his thought in these volumes. It is true that scholars will at times be startled by his Latinity, and Bruno boldly defends his coinage of new words. But the lines roll forth with sweeping vigour. Certain passages, especially in the De immenso et innumerabilibus carry the reader with irresistible force into the realm of Bruno's thought. But as though he suspected that this would be his last effort to deliver his message, Bruno has appended to each canto or "chapter" a prose exposition or commentary. These are among the most lucid passages of his writings.

The shades were gathering. His nostalgia for Italy was reinforced by his eager acceptance of new adventure, perhaps too by his never-quenched hope for reconciliation with the Church. To Italy he went and we turn to the sombre tragedy of his last years.

● Table of Contents● Continued on Chapter Seven


● Index: Historical Writings (Biographies)● Index: Historical Writings (Books)● Home to Positive Atheism● Table of Contents● Footnotes for Chapter Seven

CHAPTER SEVEN

MARTYRDOM (1591-1600)a. Padua and Venice (1591-92)


THE recall of Mauvissière to

AMONG those of exalted rank who hoped to obtain from Bruno the hidden secrets not only of knowledge but of power, one has earned unenviable fame. This is Zuane [1] Mocenigo, a Venetian of noble birth. Bruno received in Frankfurt two letters from Mocenigo, inviting him to Venice to teach him "the art of memory and invention." Bruno gave to the Venice Inquisition in May 1592 an account of the events which followed. [2] He accepted Mocenigo's invitation and came to Venice in September or October 1591, [3] staying first in rooms. [4] He was soon again discoursing to a group of gentlemen and Besler was acting as his secretary. There survive from this period several fragments of a work, On Links in General, [5] of which the first section was probably drafted in Frankfurt or Zurich. Though prolix and obscure, these fragments reiterate Bruno's faith which he so gloriously vindicated in the supreme victory of the spirit. The earlier section bears the title, "Concerning the Link of the Spirit, Natural, Animal and Divine." "Without these," Bruno declares,

there is no physician, no soothsayer, no operator, no lover, no philosopher. By virtue of these all persons are all things. Nothing is absolutely beautiful so that it binds, but is beautiful in relation to something else.... Similarly nothing which attracts is absolutely good, but since all things or the universe and being is composed of contraries, so good is also composed of contraries.... [6]





The argument is continued that love binds all and is the urge to all good. The Paduan fragments, On Links in General, open with the statement: "For him who needs to bind, it is necessary to have in some sort the universal Reason [7] of things, that he may be strong to bind man (who is as it were the Epilogue of all things)." [8] This gives the key to the consideration of "Links" in this curious work.

Presently Bruno moved to Mocenigo's own house. When, however, he informed Mocenigo of his desire to return to Frankfurt to get certain of his works printed, Mocenigo expressed jealous fear that Bruno's real intention was to impart his precious knowledge to others. To deter Bruno from leaving him, Mocenigo threatened the unfrocked monk several times with the Holy Office. This Mocenigo could do with the more confidence since he had himself held high office, perhaps attached to the Venice Inquisition. [9] Bruno hardly took the threats seriously, but Mocenigo protested angrily that he had still not been initiated according to promise into the secret of Bruno's memory system, and he threatened that if his victim persisted in his intention to depart, he would "find means to keep him." On the next night, Bruno having persisted with preparations for departure, threats were translated to action. Bruno was roused from his bed by Mocenigo, accompanied by a stalwart band who seized and imprisoned him, [10] Mocenigo still protesting that he demanded only to be taught Bruno's secrets of memory and of geometry. After twenty-four hours, the prisoner was removed to another dungeon. That evening he was conducted to the jail of the Holy Office. This was on Saturday, 23rd May, 1592. [11]

The wretched Mocenigo in his own account states that he acted "by the constraint of his conscience and by the order of his confessor." Was it his desire from the first to lure the philosopher to express dangerous views? Or what black deeds had he hoped that he would be enabled to perpetrate by means of Bruno's mysterious powers?

Mocenigo stated that Bruno had been accused of throwing into the Tiber his accusers at Rome "or those whom he thought to have accused him to the Inquisition." In denouncing Bruno, Mocenigo felt it necessary to explain that when he wished to learn from this criminal he was unaware of his true views. But when he heard these during the two months that Bruno passed in his house, he determined to incarcerate and at the same time to denounce him. [12]

Mocenigo invoked as witnesses two booksellers of Venice, Ciotti [13] and Britano. [14] Both these men, and especially Ciotti, when summoned to give evidence, made on the whole a courageous effort for Bruno.

Ciotti stated that he had first seen him when he went to the Frankfurt Book Fair in September 1590, and lodged according to his custom in the Carmelite convent. [15] He had spoken and argued with Bruno several times during his sojourn of a fortnight, recognized him as a much-lettered man who had read many books. And Bruno had subsequently come several times to his shop in Venice to buy books. Ciotti testified that Sir Zuane Mocenigo had bought from him

Bruno's book De minimo magno et mensura and had at the same time (i.e., in 1591) asked Ciotti whether he knew Bruno and could tell Mocenigo where he was, saying that he wished to send for Bruno to teach him "his secrets of memory and the other things that he teaches as may be seen in that book." He described how Mocenigo entrusted him with a letter summoning Bruno "who appeared here seven or eight months ago" (i.e., in September or October 1591) and afterwards moved to Padua, where he stayed for some three months, moving freely between the cities. Ultimately he moved to Mocenigo's house, "where I think he is now." Ciotti was interrogated as to Bruno's past life and other works -- on which he made general statements that were no doubt well known to the Tribunal. He testified that he had never heard anything from Bruno that would throw doubt on his being a Catholic and good Christian. Then he bore witness that recently when he was going to Frankfurt for the Easter Fair, Mocenigo had employed him to make enquiries in Frankfurt concerning Bruno, since he was dissatisfied with his teaching. But the bookseller, though he "spoke with various scholars who had attended his lectures there," could not learn that Bruno had done anything with the marvellous memory "and he was regarded in Frankfurt as a man with no religion." Ciotti adds that when he reported to Mocenigo, the latter replied that certainly he had his doubts about Bruno, but that he was anxious to salve what he could of knowledge in return for his outlay on the fellow, after which he would denounce him to the Holy Office. [16]

A later witness, Andrea Morosini, [17] testified that Ciotti had actually arranged that Bruno should lecture to him and to other gentlemen in Padua. [18] Among them no doubt was Michael Forgacz, whom he had known in Wittenberg. [19] The witness maintained that Bruno had never given cause to believe he held any opinion contrary to the Faith. Morosini had not considered the lecturer to be other than a Catholic. Had he entertained the slightest suspicion of him, continued this cautious witness, Bruno would never have been permitted to enter his house. It is noteworthy that Thomas Morosini was present at the Tribunal when Andrea was under interrogation. [20] Thomas was no doubt another member of the same prominent family. [21]

Jacob Britano, called to the witness box, stated that he had known Bruno in Frankfurt three years previously, [22] and later at Zurich and again recently in Venice. He admitted that, having read some of his works, he had been curious to know Bruno, and had taken advantage of the chance of meeting him in the street and walked home with him. Evidently he too had fallen under the spell. In reply to interrogation he stated:

The Prior of the Convent in Frankfurt told me that Bruno was mainly occupied in writing and in devising foolishness and astrology [23] and seeking new things. The Prior said he had a fine talent as man of letters, was a "universal" man. The Prior believed that he had no religion, for the said Giordano declares that he knows more than the Apostles knew and that he would have dared, had he so desired, to bring about that the whole world should be of one religion. [24]

Britano himself had heard nothing from Bruno contradicting Christianity. He says that Giordano lectured to heretical doctors in Frankfurt, since everyone in that town is a heretic: "and he told me that he lectured in Zurich to certain doctors." Thus we learn that in these last stages of his wanderings Bruno was again lecturing to a small but fascinated band just as we have seen him at Noli, at Toulouse, in Paris and in London, as well as to the young Duke at Helmstedt.

These gatherings were evidently a source of Mocenigo's jealousy. Probably he expected to end them when Bruno came to live under his roof, and we may conjecture that Bruno's Padua audience may still have tried to get into touch with him. Probably it was not entirely pleasant for the booksellers or for Signor Andrea Morosini to find themselves involved as witnesses in the case.

Bruno first appeared before his judges on 26th May, 1592. [25] The hearings were protracted through long weeks. Bruno was required to give an account of his whole life. The accuracy and consistency of his story themselves testify to his amazing memory. Few whose lives have run in quieter places for a life course of forty-four years could give so connected and consistent a story. Only concerning his most recent movements is there a certain ambiguity for which it is easy to guess reasons.

In his earliest works Bruno had shewn how little relevance or importance attached in his eyes to the religious controversies of the day. [26] From the first, he had sought reconciliation with the Church so long as he might escape the convent life that held such horrible memories for him, scars of his early life from which his mind would never quite be freed.

May passes into June. He is cross-examined concerning his writings. He mentions that a former German pupil, Herman Besler of Nuremberg, has been acting as copyist for him for the last two months in Padua. [27]

The prisoner admits that his books with the imprint of Venice were in fact printed in England, and states that this is true also of nearly all his other books, though bearing the name of Paris or other places. [28] "The printers preferred to print the name of Venice which facilitated the sales."

Examined at tremendous length on points of doctrine and especially on the Three Persons of the Trinity, he pleaded that he wrote as a philosopher and believed "in the Pythagorean manner," and he quoted in support of his views the Wisdom of Solomon, St. Thomas Aquinas and the Aeneid of Virgil. [29] He acknowledged that he did not regard the Second and Third Persons as entirely distinct from the First, "but in fact, I never wrote or taught this, but merely doubted. And I believed and believe all the teaching of Mother Church concerning the First Person." "And I thought the Arian doctrine less pernicious than was believed" because it had been misunderstood. And again he pleaded that the heretical passages in his works were not in defiance of the Catholic Faith but were philosophic expressions when not merely recitations of

beliefs of heretics. Successive points of dogma were raised, and Giordano was required to state his belief concerning them. [30]

He was cross-examined also as to his relationship with heretic monarchs, and especially as to the extravagant praise of Queen Elizabeth in his Italian writings. This he explained was a convention but acknowledged his error. [31]

It is clear that Bruno, always the most unpractical of men, actually cherished at first a wild hope that he could convey to the Inquisitors themselves the message of his philosophy. "In this sense, I understood that divinity was added to the humanity of Christ. For I deemed it unworthy to constrain Infinity within finite number." [32]

But by the end of the first day of his theological cross-examination Bruno was making a desperate effort to placate the judges. He confessed to having transgressed the laws prescribing days for abstention from meat. At the end of a long session on the 3rd June, [33] held within the prison itself, he is asked, does he renounce and detest his errors? "All the errors which I have committed until today," he declares with a sad cynicism which is lost on his judges,

in regard to Catholic life and the profession of a Regular [religious] such as myself and all heresies which I have believed, and the doubts I have entertained concerning the Catholic Faith and in matters determined by Holy Church, I now detest and abhor them all and I repent having done, held, said or believed or doubted concerning anything non-Catholic. And I beseech the Holy Tribunal, knowing my infirmity, to embrace me to the breast of Mother Church, providing me with remedies suitable for my welfare and using me with mercy.

He describes how innocently he first fell under suspicion. He reiterated his never-relinquished desire for absolution. [34] Ever he cherished the strange hope which was, so far as we can see, wholly devoid of foundation, that if only he could get to the Fount of authority at Rome, he would be not only understood but honoured, and his writings accepted. That this extraordinary belief was honestly held by him is confirmed by the evidence at Venice of one of the many Church dignitaries whom he had consulted. [35]

Bruno endures an ominous pause of two months. Not until 30th July is he recalled, and again he maintains the substance of his former statements. The position is becoming desperate. Bruno confesses that he has given grave cause for suspicion. Again he protests his repentance, and pleads his efforts at reconciliation with the Church. Does he wish to say any more? No more. [36] Silence for another two months.

Then in September Cardinal Santaseverina, the Supreme Inquisitor of Rome, addressed letters to the Venice Holy Office demanding that Bruno be consigned forthwith to Ancona to be conveyed to Rome to stand his trial before the Holy Tribunal of the Inquisition there. On 17th September it was decided to comply with this demand. [37] But action was not immediately taken. The matter was not quite simple. Venice had always claimed independence of Papal authority and especially the power to deal independently with her own delinquents.

The scene now changes to the Collegio dei Savii or Cabinet meeting of the Republic. [38] On the 28th September, 1592, appeared a deputation consisting of the Vicar of the Patriarch of Venice and the Father Inquisitor, accompanied by the sinister figure of Thomas Morosini. They brought from the Patriarch information of the arrest and imprisonment of Bruno and the accusations against him. The Patriarch through the Vicar pointed out that Bruno was accused not merely of heresy, but that as a Heresiarch he had composed various books in which he praised the Queen of England and other heretical persons, and had written in a fashion unseemly, even though philosophically intended, concerning their religion. Moreover he had dwelt in many lands and he had been under these accusations in Naples and elsewhere; wherefore the Supreme Inquisitor Cardinal Santaseverina demanded that the Venice Inquisitor should dispatch Bruno forthwith for trial in Rome. Moreover the Vicar read the passage in Santaseverina's letter prescribing that Bruno should be consigned to the Governor of Ancona who would send him on to Rome. But the Patriarch wished first to inform his Serenity (the Doge) and the Collegio and to request their authorization to take advantage at once of a convenient opportunity that presented itself for the safe dispatch of the prisoner. The Savii retired to consider this demand from Rome. The Father Inquisitor, it seems, returned the same afternoon, reiterating his demand, and pointed out that a vessel was ready to convey Bruno. But the Savii refused to be hurried. They pointed out that the matter was important; that the occupations of State were numerous and grave; that they had not yet reached a decision; and they suggested that the vessel should for the present be dismissed. [39] On 3rd October the record was read to the Rogati (or Pregacli, the Senate, which dealt with foreign affairs).

The Senate (in Pregadi) forthwith decided to resist the Papal demands. On the same day, instructions were formulated by them, [40] submitted to the Collegio and dispatched to Donato, the Venetian Ambassador Extraordinary in Rome. He was informed of the circumstances and of the reply given to the Father Inquisitor that the consignment to Rome of prisoners of the Venice Holy Tribunal would gravely detract from the authority of the Venice Tribunal and would be a bad precedent. [41] A week later these instructions were acknowledged. Donato had passed on the matter to the Ambassador in Ordinary. [42]

On 22nd December, the Papal Nuncio, Taverna, himself appeared before the Collegio and again pressed for authorization for the Venice Holy Inquisition to consign Bruno to the Holy Inquisition in Rome. He cited the express request made by the Pope to the Venetian Ambassador in Rome. Donato reported to the Collegio that, having been instructed by the Senate, he had spoken on the matter to His Holiness, pointing out that the Venice Holy Tribunal had always administered justice independently, by the authority of the Pope himself. He

thought that His Holiness had accepted these representations although he had raised the matter again before the ambassador's departure from Rome. The Nuncio replied that Bruno was a Neapolitan, not a Venetian, and that proceedings against him had been started in Naples, and continued in Rome. He alleged that in more than two dozen special cases like the present, the accused had been consigned to the Holy Tribunal in Rome which was superior to all the others. He again emphasized that Bruno's was no ordinary case.

Whereupon the reply was finally given to the Nuncio that the Collegio unanimously desired always to give every possible satisfaction to His Holiness. Bruno's fate was thus sealed. [43] On the same day, the Papal Nuncio was reporting his success. [44]

The Doge then commanded that the Collegio should summon Federico Contarini, Procurator (Magistrate), and should expound him the circumstances concerning Bruno. Thereafter, on 7th January, 1593, Contarini submitted to the Doge a written opinion. He repeated the points raised by the Nuncio, and remarked that Bruno, a foreigner to the city, had been received in the house of a gentleman here in Venice who had denounced him "for the discharge of his Christian conscience." Quite without evidence as it seems, he accused Bruno of breaking prison, and even alleged that he had done so twice. The Nuncio himself had brought no such accusation. "The crimes of this person," Contarini declared, to be "most serious as regards heresy, although he is otherwise one of the most excellent and rare talents that can be desired, and of exquisite doctrine and knowledge." While submitting to the prudent decision of his Serenity (the Doge), the magistrate opined "that it would be convenient to satisfy the desire of His Holiness" as had been done in other similar cases. He then related that he had informed the accused of the opinion that he was about to pronounce. Bruno, it seems, had yet again expressed his fatal confidence and desire to present his last work to the Pope, and he had declared that he would rejoice to be remitted to the justice of Rome. Contarini recommended that this surprising reaction of Bruno should be kept profoundly secret. [45]

On the same day the Senate (in Pregadi) together with the Doge's Council, by 142 out of 172 votes, passed their Resolution [46] which was read to the Collegio. The Resolution repeated the accusation of prison-breaking as well as of heresy. The Nuncio was to be informed on the following day that Bruno would be handed over to him that he might be consigned to the Pope, for trial by the Inquisition at Rome, it being expedient -- especially in so exceptional a case -- to gratify His Holiness. Moreover, the Republic Ambassador in Rome was to be informed of the decision that he might report it to His Holiness as a sign of the continued readiness of the Republic to give him pleasure. [47]

Finally, there is the dispatch dated 16th January from Paolo Paruta, statesman scholar of the type of Andrea Morosini, whom he preceded as Historiographer of the Republic. Paruta had just been appointed Venetian Ambassador to the Papal Court. He recounts how he had impressed on the Pope that the surrender of Bruno was a demonstration of the desire of the Doge to gratify His Holiness, and had received corresponding courteous assurances of the Papal desire for co-operation with the Republic. [48]

So on 27th February, 1593, Bruno passed through to the dungeons of the Inquisitors of Rome. [49]

b. Years of Endurance [50] The End


Almost two years have passed. In December 1593, in congregation of the Roman Inquisitors, there is brought before the assembled illustrious Cardinals and General Inquisitors "Brother Jordanus, son of the late John Bruni of Nola, apostate from the Order of friars preachers, priest, imprisoned in the prisons of the Holy Office." He is cross-examined on his heresies and other matters. His judges also visit him in prison. They graciously hear him concerning his necessities and it is commanded that he be provided with a cloak and a pillow and with the Summa of St. Thomas. [51] What had been his condition during those two years?

Months pass. In April 1594 Bruno is again "visited and heard." It is determined to proceed with his trial, and the order is given for the preparation of the documents. [52] The order is repeated on 31st May, and in September the Inquisitors again enact that the proceedings against Bruno shall be pursued. [53]

In December 1594 Jordanus is yet again "visited and heard." He presents "pages of writings" rebutting the accusations against him. [54] It is January 1595 before the accusations are again considered at two meetings of the Inquisition. In the following month the case is read once more before the Holy Congregation. [55] In March 1595 there is again the ominous record: "Brother Jordanus ... was brought before the Lord Cardinals and was visited and interrogated by them and heard concerning his necessities." [56]

The visits and the appearance in Court as well as the consideration of his necessities were repeated in April 1596. In September his propositions in defence of himself were censured. In December the process was repeated and he was heard "concerning the merit of his cause and concerning food." It was decided that he should be examined concerning the propositions extracted from his writings and concerning the censures on him. [57] In March 1597 Bruno was again brought before the august Congregation and they visited him yet again. Again that terrible implication, "they heard him concerning his necessities." Then he was admonished that he should relinquish the vanities concerning diverse worlds and it was commanded that he be strictly cross-examined. Thereafter judgement should be delivered. [58]

In December 1597 the ghastly process is repeated. [59] After another three months it is

decided that his cause cannot be determined before the departure of His Holiness. [60] In December 1598 it is commanded that Brother Jordanus be given writing paper and advice how to use it with the Breviarium as used by the Friars Preachers. [61]

Something more must be done. The long months and years have drifted to 14th January, 1599. Eight heretical propositions extracted from his works are read to the prisoner. Will he recant? [62] On 18th January he is given six days to make his decision; On 25th January he declares his readiness to accept the personal decision of His Holiness, but still insists on defending his views. [63] On 4th February it is decreed by the Pope in full Congregation, "after mature and diligent consideration" of the charges against Brother Giordano Bruno, that there shall be pointed out to him by the Theological Fathers, namely by the General of his Order, by Cardinal Bellarmini and by the Father Commissar, [64] all those propositions (from his works) that not only are heretical but have been declared so by the earliest Fathers, by the Church and by the Apostolic See. If he will recognize these propositions as heretical, then, well and good. If not, he shall be condemned after 40 days for repentance to the treatment usual for impenitent and pertinacious persons in that fashion or any better one which can and should be applied to them. [65]

On 18th February, 1599, the propositions are duly read to the prisoner. [66] Then darkness descends again. It is April before the next visit by the Inquisitors is recorded; Bruno shews something written in his hand. [67] His name figures in two lists of prisoners of the Holy Office apparently drawn up in the same month. [68] In August he is given pens, paper, ink and a pencil "but no knife or compasses (circinnus)" and is commanded to retract two heretical propositions shewn the previous April. [69] In September and again in November, his case is under consideration. [70] On 21st December he is visited but declares that he neither should nor will retract, nor has he aught to retract. [71] On the same day

he was brought forth into the presence of the most Illustrious, the members of the Congregation by whom also he was visited; and he was heard concerning his universal pretensions and concerning the merits of his cause and concerning his necessities for food and other things; and afterwards, he having been withdrawn from the Hall of the Congregation, it was decreed by the illustrious Lord Cardinals there present that the Reverend Father Hippolytus Maria the General, and the Reverend Father Paul, Vicar of the aforesaid Order [of Friars Preachers] [72] should act on Brother Jordanus and should shew him the propositions to be adjured, that he might acknowledge his errors, reform, and dispose himself to recantation, and that they should gain him over (ipsumque lucri faciant) so that he might be liberated. [73]

On 20th January, 1600, Bruno's Memorial to the Pope is "opened but not read." It is reported to

the Holy Office by their reverend emissaries that Brother Jordanus de Nola

refused to consent, declaring that he had proffered no heretical propositions but that they had been unadroitly excerpted [from their context] by the Ministers of the Holy Office. Wherefore he was ready to give an account of all his writings and sayings and to defend them against any theologians: but he would not abide by the decision of the theologians, but only by the decision of the Apostolic See concerning things said or written by him, if any such decision were given; or by the sacred canons, if it should be proved that there was in his writings or sayings anything contrary to them.

"Notwithstanding," reported the angry dignitaries, "that he had already been informed by the Holy Office and that judgement would be given, that manifest heresies were contained in his writings and theses." Whereupon "the most holy Lord, Pope Clement VIII, decreed and commanded that the cause should be carried to extreme measures, servatus servandis [i.e., with all due formalities] sentence should be pronounced and the said Brother Jordanus be committed to the secular court." [74]

The months and years of suffering reached their dreadful close. Bruno is now fifty-two. On the 8th February, 1600, the Inquisitors once more summoned their prisoner and the long indictment was read. The accused was reminded (as though there were need) that "already some eight years ago" he had been accused of naming as blasphemy belief in transubstantiation of the holy bread; that on 18th January of the previous year he had been given six days to recant. The agony of that month was rehearsed. On the 25th January the prisoner had declared that if the Apostolic See and His Holiness definitely declared those eight propositions to be heretical, if His Holiness knew them to be such or by the Holy Spirit declared them so to be, then he was disposed to retract. But immediately he had presented a long written defence, addressed to His Holiness and to the Inquisitors.

On the 4th February, 1599, a year ago it was determined that the eight heretical propositions should once more be presented to thee, and this was done on the 15th; [75] that, shouldst thou recognize them as heretical and abjure them, then thou wouldst be received for penitence; but, if not, then shouldst thou be condemned on the fortieth day from then for repentance; and thou didst declare thyself ready to recognize these eight propositions as heretical and to detest and abjure them in such place and time as might please the Holy Office, and not only these eight propositions, but thou didst declare thyself ready to make thine obedience concerning the others which were shewn to thee. But then, since thou didst present further writings to the Holy Office addressed to His Holiness and to Us, whereby it was manifest that thou didst pertinaciously adhere to thine aforesaid errors; and information having been received that at the Holy Office of Vercelli thou hadst been denounced because in England thou wast esteemed an atheist and didst compose a work about a Triumphant Beast, therefore on the 10th September, 1599, thou wast given forty days in which to repent, and it was determined that at the end of these days proceedings should be taken against thee as is ordained and commanded by the holy Canon law: and since thou didst nevertheless remain obstinate and impenitent in thine aforesaid errors and heresies, there were sent unto thee the Reverend Father Hippolytus Maria Beccaria, General of thine Order and Father Paul Isaresio della Mirandola, Procurator of the Order, that they might admonish and persuade thee to recognize thy most grave errors and heresies. But thou hast ever persisted with obstinate pertinacity in these thine erroneous and heretical opinions. Wherefore the accusation brought against thee has been examined and considered with the confessions of thy pertinacious and obstinate errors and heresies, even while thou didst deny them to be such, and all else was observed and considered; thy case was brought before our General Congregation held in the presence of His Holiness on 20th January last, and after voting and resolution we decided on the following sentence.

Having invoked the name of Our Lord Jesus Christ and of his most Glorious Mother Mary ever Virgin in the cause and aforesaid causes brought before this Holy Office between on the one hand the Reverend Giulio Monterenzii, doctor of laws, Procurator Fiscal of the said Holy Office, and on the other hand thyself, the aforesaid Giordano Bruno, the accused, examined,

brought to trial and found guilty, impenitent, obstinate and pertinacious; in this our final sentence determined by the counsel and opinion of our advisers the Reverend Fathers, Masters in Sacred Theology and Doctors in both Laws, our advisers: We hereby, in these documents, publish, announce, pronounce, sentence and declare thee the aforesaid Brother Giordano Bruno to be an impenitent and pertinacious heretic, and therefore to have incurred all the ecclesiastical censures and pains of the Holy Canon, the laws and the constitutions, both general and particular, imposed on such confessed impenitent pertinacious and obstinate heretics. Wherefore as such we verbally degrade thee and declare that thou must be degraded, and we hereby ordain and command that thou shalt be actually degraded [76] from all thine ecclesiastical orders both major and minor in which thou hast been ordained, according to the Sacred Canon Law: and that thou must be driven forth, and we do drive thee forth from our ecclesiastical forum and from our holy and immaculate Church of whose mercy thou art become unworthy. And we ordain and command that thou must be delivered to the Secular Court -- wherefore we hereby deliver thee to the Court of You [sic] the Governor of Rome here present -- that thou mayest be punished with the punishment deserved, though we earnestly pray that he will mitigate the rigour of the laws concerning the pains of thy person, that thou mayest not be in danger of death or of mutilation of thy members. Furthermore, we condemn, we reprobate and we prohibit all thine aforesaid and thy other books and writings as heretical and erroneous, containing many heresies and errors, and we ordain that all of them which have come or may in future come into the hands of the Holy Office shall be publicly destroyed and burned in the square of St. Peter before the steps and that they shall be placed upon the Index of Forbidden Books, and as we have commanded, so shall it be done. And thus we say, pronounce, sentence, declare, degrade, command and ordain, we chase forth and we deliver and we pray in this and in every other better method and form that we reasonably can and should.

Thus pronounce we, the undermentioned Cardinal General Inquisitors:

LUDOVICUS CARDINALIS MADRUTIUS. JUL. ANT. CARDINALIS SANTA SEVERINA. P. CARDINALIS DEZA.

D. CARDINALIS PINELLUS. F. HIERONYMUS CARDINALIS ASCULANUS. L. CARDINALIS SAXUS. C. CARDINALIS BURGHESIUS. P. CARDINALIS ARIGONIUS. ROB. CARDINALIS BELLARMINUS.

The above sentence made and given by the aforesaid most Illustrious and Reverend Lord Cardinals, General Inquisitors, sitting in Rome as a tribunal in the general Congregation of the Holy Roman and Universal Inquisition in the presence of the aforesaid Illustrious and Reverend Cardinal Madrutius in the Church of St. Agnes in Agony, in the year of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ 1600, on the 8th day of February, having been recited yesterday to the aforementioned Giordano Bruno who was brought by one of the police of His Holiness our Lord the Pope in order to hear the aforewritten sentence.

On the same day after it had been signed, the aforesaid Brother Jordanus having been summoned by the aforesaid most illustrious and Reverend Lord Cardinals of the General Inquisition and having been brought forth from the said prisons of the Holy Inquisition and removed to the palace which is the usual residence of the aforesaid most Illustrious and Reverend Cardinal Madrutius and having been brought into the Hall of the aforesaid Congregation into the presence of the said most Illustrious and Reverend Cardinals, then in his presence and while he did listen, the said sentence was by their order promulgated and read by me the notary hereaftermentioned, in a loud and clear voice, the doors of the hall of the said Congregation being open, there being present the most Reverend Father Benedictus Manninus, Bishop of Caserta, the most Reverend Father Petras Millinus of Rome I.U.D. and Referendario of each of the Signatures of His Holiness Our Lord the Pope and the Reverend Father Franciscus Petrasancta de Ripalta of the Order of the Friars Preachers, prelates and counsellors of the said Holy Inquisition, several other persons being present as witnesses. [77]

Yet one more document in the Roman Archives records the transference of the prisoner to the Secular Arm on the 8th February. [78]

The day appointed for the martyrdom was 12th February. Yet again there was postponement.

Finally, on Saturday 19th February, 1600, the judicial burning took place in the great Square of Flowers at Rome.

The intense interest and public excitement concerning Bruno is reflected in a copy of three paragraphs from the contemporary manuscript Awisi e ricordi, the earliest form of news-sheet. One of these records that Bruno declared that he died a willing martyr and that his soul would rise with the smoke to paradise. [79]

A gloating account of the whole ritual is given in a letter written on the very day by a youth named Gaspar Schopp of Breslau, a recent convert to Catholicism to whom Pope Clement VIII had shewn great favour, creating him Knight of St. Peter and Count of the Sacred Palace. Schopp was addressing Conrad Rittershausen. He recounts that because of his heresy Bruno had been publicly burned that day in the Square of Flowers in front of the Theatre of Pompey. He makes merry over the belief of the Italians that every heretic is a Lutheran. It is evident that he had been present at the interrogations, for he relates in detail the life of Bruno and the works and doctrines for which he had been arraigned, and he gives a vivid account of Bruno's final appearance before his judges on 8th February. To Schopp we owe the knowledge of Bruno's bearing under judgement. When the verdict had been declared, records Schopp, Bruno with a threatening gesture addressed his judges: "Perchance you who pronounce my sentence are in greater fear than I who receive it." Thus he was dismissed to the prison, gloats the convert, "and was given eight days to recant, but in vain. So today he was led to the funeral pyre. When the image of our Saviour was shown to him before his death he angrily rejected it with averted face.... Thus my dear Rittershausen is it our custom to proceed against such men or rather indeed such monsters." [80]

A yet more minute description was discovered in the Records of the Company of St. John the Beheaded, [81] called also the Company of Mercy and Pity, whose duty it was to follow condemned heretics to the stake. It is recorded that information was sent to them at two o'clock in the morning, wherefore at six they betook themselves to the Nona Tower where Bruno was now held. He was handed over to them and they "exhorted him in all charity," reciting his errors, in which occupation they were accompanied by two Holy Fathers from the Dominicans, two from the Jesuits, "two from the new Church" and "one from St. Jerome."

Through the early hours of Thursday, the 16th February, their solicitations were continued. At length the prisoner, nude, bound to a stake, accompanied by the mocking solemnity and chanted prayers of his tormentors and held to a terrible silence, [82] was brought forth to the Square of the Flowers in Rome. His body was consigned to the flames. His Message has re-echoed down the years.


● Continued on Chapter Eight


● Index: Historical Writings (Biographies)● Index: Historical Writings (Books)● Home to Positive Atheism● Table of Contents● Footnotes for Chapter Eight

CHAPTER EIGHT

INFLUENCE OF BRUNOa. More Links with England: Plurality of Worlds


THE end -- the fruitless end. So it must have appeared to Bruno on that February morning. We have gleaned from the Inquisition Archives some notion of the physical privation and suffering during those eight long years. We stand abashed before the mental and moral strength, the amazing courage that could still attempt to convey to the arraigning judges the beauty and the exaltation of his message. But they stubbornly refused the message. As he passed to his dreadful death, he must have thought himself and his message doomed to utter and complete oblivion.

Yet perhaps not one of the intervening years between then and now has gone without Bruno's name passing men's lips, without his message bringing its rousing summons to great thought and great deeds. Many volumes have been written on different aspects of Bruno's thought, on the development of his philosophy and the influence derived from him by many of the great minds of Europe. In the few pages that follow, only the briefest outline can be given of the influence traceable to him in the three centuries following his death.

Certain developments from his sojourn in England must first be considered. Attention has already been drawn to Bruno's connection both with the "School of Night" and with Hariot and other astronomers in England. [1] His contacts with Raleigh, with Sidney and with others of the English Court have been traced. [2]

Francis Bacon (1561-1626), too, just mentions Bruno. In the Introduction to the Historia





naturalis et experimentalis (1622), citing philosophers who seek for knowledge through imagination instead of through experiment, he remarks: "Patrizzi, Telesio, Bruno, Severin of Denmark, Gilbert of England, Campanella, have tried the stage, acted new plays which were neither marked by applauding favour of the public nor by brilliancy of plot." [3]

Perhaps the idea that most caught the fancy of Bruno's English audience was that of inhabitants of other worlds, derived by Bruno from Nicolaus of Cusa.

The idea is found in the Introduction to Book Two of Spenser's Faerie Queene (1590):

Right well I wote, most mighty Soueraine,That all this famous antique history,Of some, th' aboundance of an idle braineWill iudged be, and painted forgeryRather than matter of iust memory;Sith none that breatheth liuing aire does knowe,Where is that Land of Faery,Which I so much doe vaunt, yet no where showeBut vouch antiquities, which no body can knowe.But let that man with better sense adviseThat of the world least part to us is read:And daily how through hardy enterpriseMany great Regions are discouered, . . .Why then should witlesse man so much misweeneThat nothing is, but that which he hath seene?What if within the Moone's fair shining spheare,What if in every other starre unseeneOf other worlds he happily should heare?He wonder would much more: yet suche to some appeare.

Ben Jonson, on the other hand, in a Masque performed at Court on Twelfth Night, 1620, and entitled News from the New World Discovered in the Moon, ridiculed the idea of the moon's being inhabited. [4] Bruno's most remarkable, though unavowed, disciple was acquired in his Oxford adventure. [5] When Bruno was in Oxford in 1583 there was a young graduate at Christ Church named Francis Godwin [6] just about to take his Master's Degree. Godwin heard the discourse of Bruno, this uncouth foreigner who produced such a scandal in the university. Promptly the young man wrote a skit on the whole affair entitled The Man in the Moone or a Discourse of a Voyage Hither, by Domingo Gonsales, the Speedy Messenger. Bruno becomes a Spaniard; he is represented as a wanderer who had got into sundry embroilments like Bruno himself. Having killed a man in a duel, he decides that he must quit this earth, and he trains a team of geese to fly up and convey him to the moon. A digression assures us that this proceeding is in conformity with all religion, and we then hear an account of his adventures.

True to the ideas of Bruno, Gonsales tells us how the earth soon came to look like the moon. After eleven or twelve days, free of that lodestone the earth (the phrase becomes familiar to us in Gilbert), Gonsales reaches the moon and many are his adventures there, until at length, having acquired a new sort of lodestone, an antidote to the attraction of the earth, he is able to float himself safely down again, landing in China.

Godwin himself never published this work. He was destined to become a distinguished historian and a pillar of the Church of England as Bishop first of Llandaff and later of Chester. His best-known work, which earned him his preferment, was a Catalogue of the Bishops of England, dedicated to that Lord Buckhurst whose name figures in Bruno's Ash Wednesday Supper. The Man in the Moone was, however, published after his death, and one E. M. of Christ Church contributed an interesting "Epistle to the Reader." The work reached at least three editions [7] and was translated into French, inspired the Voyage to the Moon of Cyrano de Bergerac, which in turn gave hints to Dean Swift for his Gulliver's Travels (1726). Bishop Godwin had, however, written another work in light vein, perhaps also in his student days. This was called The Inanimate Messenger from Utopia. It is in Latin and describes methods of communication by beacon lights. A translation of the Latin work by one Dr. T. Smith of Magdalen College, Oxford, was published posthumously as Mysterious Messenger Unlocking the Secret of Men's Hearts, together with the second edition of The Man in the Moone. [8]

The combined work attracted the attention of another young divine, John Wilkins (1614-1672), who also became a bishop. Wilkins began life as a Parliamentarian. He accepted the Restoration, and his kindliness and moderation helped the religious adjustments of the period. In 1638, soon after taking his Oxford M.A., Wilkins published anonymously his Discovery of a World in the Moon tending to prove that 'tis probable that there may be another habitable world in that Planet. The work was, we are told, well known to be from the hand of Wilkins. It soon reached a second and again a third edition with sundry additions each time. The third (of 1640) has also a "Discourse concerning the Possibility of a Passage thither." It too was translated into French. [9] His next work, Mercury or the Secret Messenger, not only bears his name, but is frankly inspired by Godwin. Both Godwin's Mysterious Messenger and also the adventures of Don Gonsales himself are cited by Wilkins.

Now Bishop Wilkins, when he resided in London, had been an eager member of that Invisible College which met for the exhibition and discussion of scientific matters. When in 1648 he became warden of Wadham College, Oxford, the meetings of the scientists forming the Invisible College were transferred to Wadham. At this time Sir Christopher Wren was among his pupils at Wadham. Later on Wilkins presided at a meeting in London which resulted in the foundation of the Royal Society of which he was the first secretary.

Thus from Wilkins, one of the founders of the Royal Society, we trace back the line of ideas through Godwin with his character of Don Gonsales and with his cosmology based on that of Bruno, yet further back beyond Bruno to the great mind, at once exalted and constructive, of Nicolaus of Cusa, and beyond Nicolaus to the philosophers of Islamic Spain, who themselves

formed part of the wave of Islamic thought which during the centuries had swept from Persia and Asia Minor westward to the frontier of France.

But there resulted from the new metaphysical conceptions a subtler and yet more important change in the conception of the physical universe. We have seen that the earth no longer formed the summit of a hierarchy. The universe itself came to be regarded as a continuum rather than as a hierarchy. Thus mutual interaction of the parts of the universe assumed new meaning, and the way was prepared for Newton's great message of universal interaction through universally acting law.

The mention of Newton brings to mind that charming French writer of the turn of the seventeenth century, le Bovier de Fontenelle. De Fontenelle does not mention Bruno by name but his Entretiens sur la pluralité des moncles [10] is in the succession of the works we have been considering. De Fontenelle too cites astronomers: "Ask Flamstead about the interior of the moon." He reminds us of an author also cited by Bruno in a different context. "Here," says de Fontenelle, "is Ariosto's talk about Astolfo who was carried to the moon by St. John." He thinks the inhabitants of these other worlds must be quite different from man, but that communication with them will one day be possible. To the sun he does not ascribe inhabitants very different from man. He forecasts the human art of flying, but feels obliged to explain hastily that this suggestion was his joke, an insuperable difficulty lying in the differences in the atmosphere at different heights. In 1695 this work was translated into English by John Glanville (1664-1735). Another English translation which purports to have been revised by Fontenelle himself was published in 1783 and contains also a translation from the Latin of an Oration in Defence of the New Philosophy spoken in the theatre at Oxford, July 7th, 1693 by Mr. Addison. This latter gives a brief but very spirited defence of the new cosmology which it ascribes to Descartes; microscopes and the objects seen through them are cited, as well as Boyle's air pumps. Monsieur de Fontenelle was a nephew of Corneille. He was Secretary to the Académie des Sciences. It is recorded that he refused to vote either for the admission or the exclusion of a candidate for the Academy whose qualification was the friendship of the Duc d' Orleans. It appears that he was the only member who refused to admit political grounds for exclusion of a candidate. De Fontenelle was the friend of Voltaire, and he discovered and introduced to Paris society Mademoiselle Cordier de Launay who became Madame de Staël. He became famous for his preface to the Marquis de l'Hôpital's Des infiniment petits and it was he who delivered the official obituary oration on the death of Newton. He lived almost to his hundredth birthday.

We may quote also the astronomer Edmund Halley (1656-1742) to whom we owe not only the observation of the famous comet, but also the publication of Newton's great work (to which the chief obstacle was the author's own reluctance to publication). "It is now taken for granted that the Earth is one of the Planets and they are all with reason suppos'd habitable, though we are not able to define by what sort of Animals." [11]

Finally we may recall the posthumous work Cosmotheoros of the Dutch astronomer Christian Huygens (1629-1695). Huygens accepts the view that the stars are suns vastly further from us

than our own sun. With an engaging combination of sound astronomy, fantasy and piety, he expounds his view that the planets of our sun and of the other stars must have living inhabitants. He notes that Plutarch and "later Authors such as Cardinal Cusanus, Brunus, Kepler (and if we may believe him Tycho was of that opinion too) have furnish'd the Planets with Inhabitants" and he cites the "ingenious French author" (De Fontenelle). But he does not follow Cusanus and Bruno in having "allow'd the Sun and fixed Stars theirs too." The suns Huygens believes to be too hot for living inhabitants, but rather by their light and heat to enable their planets to support life. Except as regards the habitation of the moon, which he accepts after some doubt, he rejects the views of Kepler's Mysterium cosmographicum as "nothing but an idle Dream taken from Pythagoras or Plato's Philosophy." He sets forth on a sound astronomical basis his view of a vast universe and of the immensely numerous and distant stars, so that to reckon them "requires an immense Treasury not of twenty or thirty figures only, in our decuple Progression, but of as many as there are Grains of Sand upon the shore. And yet who can say, that even this number exceeds that of the Fixed Stars? Some of the Ancients and Jordanus Brunus carry'd it further, in declaring the Number infinite." Huygens considers that Bruno's arguments for infinity are not conclusive, though he is inclined to accept his views. "Indeed it seems to me certain that the Universe is infinitely extended; but what God has bin pleas'd to place beyond the Region of the Stars, is as much above our knowledge as it is our Habitation." [12]

b. Bruno's Younger Contemporaries: The Seventeenth Century


It may well be believed that former pupils of Bruno when they met together in safe seclusion, were wont to recall the man and his works. To four of them, Eglin, Alstedt, Nostitz and Besler, we owe a special tribute for their pious faithfulness. Raffaele Eglin dared to publish in 1595 the gist of a course of lectures that the Master had given in Zurich; and a further volume was issued from the majesty of Eglin's Chair of Theology at Prague in 1603. [13] Mention has been made of the slight work from Bruno's words published by his pupil Alstedt in 1612. [14] Before another three years had passed, the Hungarian pupil Nostitz had published the gist of lectures delivered thirty-three years earlier in Paris. [15]

Besler, the pupil who was working with him as his scribe up to his imprisonment, published no works of Bruno. It is not hard to understand that wisdom did not suggest a wider advertisement of their connection. But the manuscript from Besler's hand furnishes the only copy of some of Bruno's works. [16]

Above all, the debt of our modern world is to the publisher in England of the six brief Italian works and to the devoted task of Wechel and Fischer in publishing the great Latin poems. [17]

While we are considering the seventeenth century, it may be recalled that a second edition of the poems De monade and De innumerabilibus was published by Fischer in 1614.

The names of William Gilbert and of Bruno are often mentioned together by the astronomers of the earlier seventeenth century. Galileo (1564-1642) may have first heard of Bruno through reading the De magnete. In a passage commenting on the pusillanimity of men of talent who neglect Gilbert's work, he attributes his own possession of De magnete to "a famed peripatetic philosopher who presented it to me, I think in order to purge his own library of the contagion thereof." [18] But Johannes Kepler (1571-1630) is reported as reproaching Galileo for omitting to mention his own debt. For Martin Hasdale (1571-1630), a member of the Emperor Rudolph's court and a great purveyor of gossip as well as a devoted admirer of Galileo, writes to him as follows from Prague on 15th April, 1610:

I had this morning occasion for friendly dispute with Kepler when we were both lunching with the Ambassador of Saxony.... He said concerning your book [the Sidereus nuncius] that truly it has revealed the divinity of your talent, but that you had given cause of complaint not only to the German nation but also to your own, since you make no mention of those writers who gave the signal and the occasion for your discovery, naming among them Giordano Bruno as an Italian, Copernicus and himself. [19]

Kepler himself in his published works as early as 1606 cited both "infelix ille Jordanus Brunus" and Gilbert. He set forth their view of an infinite universe which he rejected, and of infinitely numerous worlds which he accepted. [20] In the following year he is writing to Brengger that not only Bruno but following him Tycho Brahe (1581-1627) accepted the plurality of inhabited worlds. [21]

In 1610, writing to Galileo and discussing Galileo's discovery of the satellites of Jupiter, and the possibility of another planet, Kepler cites the comment on Galileo's discovery of their friend Wacker. [22] who had said, if there are four more "planets" why not an infinity of planets? Then, writes Kepler, "either the world is infinite as Melissus and Gilbert the Englishman thought or, as Democritus, Leucippus, Bruno and our friend Brutus [23] believed, there are innumerable other worlds similar to ours." [24]

In the reprint of Kepler's letter published in the same year with his commentary on Galileo's Sidereus nuncius, there is interpolated before this passage a definite statement that Wacker had no doubt that such new planets circulate around some of the fixed stars "which," remarks Kepler, "has for a long time been in my mind through the speculations of Cusanus and Bruno." [25] Moreover, in drawing a distinction between the views of Gilbert and of Bruno, Kepler now notes that Bruno gave the name of earths to the infinitely numerous celestial bodies. There are repeated references to Bruno throughout the letter. For example, "What else then O Galileo may we infer than that fixed stars send forth their light from within to impinge on

planets, that is, if I may use Bruno's words, these as suns and those as moons or earths?" [26]

Kepler accepts Bruno's views of the existence of innumerable worlds but rejoices that he considers that Galileo's work on the satellites of Jupiter rebuts the conception both of Bruno and of Edmund Bruce that there are planets revolving around the fixed stars. [27] In spite of the phrase contrasting Bruno's views with those of Gilbert, Kepler calls Bruno "the defender of infinity." [28] Kepler of course has the mystic conception: "after the sun, no globe is nobler or more apt for Man than our Earth ... the Sun, the inciter of the motion of all the others, the true Apollo as Bruno repeatedly names him." [29] In 1611 he is again referring to the views of "Cardinal Cusanus, Bruno and others" as to an infinity of "planets" circulating around an infinity of fixed stars. [30]

In 1690 J. J. Zimmermann (1644-1693) dedicated to Duke Rudolph of Brunswick a work in defence of Copernicus, Kepler and Bruno, and begged the Duke to command a new edition of the De immenso, recalling that this work had been dedicated to the Duke's ancestor. [31]

But it was on the philosophers of subsequent centuries rather than on the astronomers that Bruno exerted most lasting influence. Though Bruno is nowhere directly cited by Spinoza (1632-1677), the infinite and all-embracing Unity of Spinoza's thought, especially in the Short Treatise of God and Man and His Well-being is very reminiscent of Bruno. The connection between the teaching of the two men has been noted by many of Spinoza's biographers from Nicéon [32] and F. H. Jacobi (p. 195) to those of the nineteenth and the present century. [33] Nor can we leave the seventeenth century without recalling that Spampanato traced Candelaio as a source for scenes and characters in no fewer than ten of the plays of Molière (1622-73).

c. The Eighteenth Century: The Romantic Movement


With the eighteenth century began the translations of Bruno's works. They had already been heralded by Boniface et le pédant, comédie en prose imitée de l'ltalien de Bruno Nolano, Paris, 1633. In London, 1713, we have Spaccio della bestia trionfante or the Expulsion of the Triumphant Beast. Translated from the Italian of Jordano Bruno. [34] It is notable that this first translation from the corpus of Bruno's philosophy appeared in England. It was followed in 1750 by a French translation of the same work: Le ciel réformé, essai de traduction de partie du livre Italien "Spaccio della bestia trionfante": demus alienis obiectationibus veniam, dum nostris impetremus, Plin. [35] The Spaccio appears to have been especially regarded in England. In the Spectator of 1712 is a notice of the sale of a copy of this work with an epitome and the remark, "the author is a professed atheist." [36] This term atheist had also been unjustly used of

Bruno by Mersenne. [37] The accusation against Bruno of atheism was renewed and disputed by several writers during the eighteenth century.

One of the most ardent admirers of Bruno was the philosopher C. A. Heumann (1681-1746) who became professor of theology at Göttingen. He wrote an analysis of the three great Latin poems and of the Oratio valedictoria, prefacing to the latter a defence of Bruno from the accusation of atheism [38] and thus starting a considerable controversy. He wrote a further contribution on the metaphysics of Bruno. [39] Heumann was cited by the Swiss writer J. J. Zimmermann who published in Zurich a Dissertation defending Bruno from the charge of atheism. [40]

It has been said that the philosophical third Earl of Shaftesbury (1671-1713) was much influenced by Bruno's conviction of interrelationship of all things throughout the universe, and that Bruno's writings led him to his view of the living whole as a harmonious organism. Johann George Hamann of Königsberg (1730-1788), in reaction against Kant's Critique of Pure Reason, adopted from Bruno the conception of the coincidence of contraries.

Daniel Morhof of Weimar (1639-1691), historian and scholar, wrote a charming appreciation of Bruno. [41] Goethe (1749-1832) read this in his youth and read also Gottfried Arnold's account of Bruno. [42] A recent writer has remarked "the rapturous delight ... roused in Goethe's mind ... by any fulfilment of his desire to resolve the antithesis between the Many and the One -- a desire which is the keynote to the whole of his biological work," and gives a translation of the prose-poem Die Natur of Goethe or possibly by his friend Tobler.

Discussing the poem, the translator continues: "His solution, however, was not truly synthetic, since it led him to stress the One, and to absorb the Many into it." These words might have been written of Bruno, who might almost have penned such passages in the poem as:

"She is perfectly whole, and yet always incomplete. Thus, as she now works, she can work for ever.

"To each man she appears as befits him alone. She cloaks herself under a thousand names and terms, and is always the same." [43] Goethe refers in Faust to the martyrdom of Bruno. But in the Annalen, published in 1812, he remarks that the works of Bruno are indeed characterized by the exaltation of his outlook, but that to extract the solid gold and silver from the mass of such unequally precious lodes is almost beyond human strength. [44]

Leibnitz (1646-1716), Lessing (1729-1781) and Herder (1744-1803) have been described as disciples of Bruno. [45] Herder corresponded with Hamann concerning him. [46] J. F. Abel (1751-1829) is said to have first directed the attention of Schiller (1759-1805) to Bruno's writings. Schelling (1775-1854) wrote a Dialogue entitled Bruno, or the Divine and the Natural Principles of Things. [47]

F. H. Jacobi (1743-1819) had yet earlier drawn attention to Bruno. In his Letters to Moses Mendelssohn on the Thought of Spinoza he remarks that he cannot understand why the philosophy of Bruno has been called obscure. He considers that there is hardly a purer or more beautiful exposition of pantheism to be found, and he regards Bruno's work as essential for the understanding both of this doctrine and of its relationship to other philosophies. He gives the gist of some extracts from De la causa, principio et uno together with some of the original Italian "lest you should think me inaccurate." [48]

Hegel (1770-1831) did not accept Jacobi's high estimate of Bruno. He was revolted by the Italian's exuberance and he criticized both Jacobi and Schelling for their advocacy of Bruno. Nevertheless, the thought of Hegel can perhaps trace surprising ancestry in the doctrine of the coincidence of contraries. [49]

The romantic movement found plenty of inspiration from Bruno. Coleridge (1772-1834) was profoundly impressed by him. Both in manuscripts and in his published works, Coleridge refers to Bruno many times and gives quotations and translations from his works, especially from De monade and De innumerabilibus. The copy of the latter work in the Bodleian Library contains manuscript notes by Coleridge. In a letter to W. Sotheby of 13th July, 1802, he quotes from the final lines of the poem. [50] In the composite volume Omniana, the references to Bruno are clearly from Coleridge's pen. Thus in the essay on Egotism we have:

Paracelsus was a braggart and a quack: so was Cardan: but it was their merits and not their follies which drew upon them that torrent of detraction and calumny which compelled them so frequently to think and write concerning themselves that at length it became a habit to do so ... and the same holds good of the founder of the Brunonian system [51] and of his namesake Giordano Bruno. [52]

In the essay on the Circulation of the Blood is an even more interesting product of Coleridge's erudition; he writes:

The ancients attributed to the blood the same motion of ascent and descent which really takes place in the sap of trees. Servetus discovered the minor circulation from the heart to the lungs. Do not the following passages of Giordano Bruno (published 1591), seem to imply more? We put the question, pauperis forma, with unfeigned diffidence.

"De Immenso et Innumerabili, lib. vi, cap. 8:"Ut in nostro corpore sanguis per totum circumcursatet recursat, sic in toto mundo, astro, tellure.""Quare non aliter quam nostro in corpore sanguisHinc meat, hinc remeat, neque ad inferiora fluit viMajore, ad supera e pedibus quam deinde recedat"

and still more plainly, in the ninth chapter of the same book:

"Quid esseQuodam ni gyro Naturae cuncta redirentOrtus ad proprios rursam; si sorbeat omnesPontus aquas, totum non restituatque perenniOrdine: qua possit rerum consistere vita?Tanquam si totus concurrat sanguis in unam,In qua consistat, partem, nec prima revisatOrdia, et antiquos cursus non inde resumat." [53]

We must, however, reject this claim of Coleridge for Bruno. The passages quoted are but examples of Bruno's doctrine of cosmic metabolism and this is clearly shewn by the complete heading to Book VI, Chapter 8, of which Coleridge quotes only a part. [54]

In the essay on Magnanimity, seven verses are quoted out of the eight prefixed by Bruno to De monade. [55] Coleridge in his notes introducing the verses remarks:

If the human mind be, as it assuredly is, the sublimest object which nature affords to our contemplation, these lines which pourtray the human mind under the action of its most elevated affections, have a fair claim to the praise of sublimity.

After quoting the verses he observes:

The conclusion alludes to a charge of impenetrable obscurity in which Bruno shares one and the same fate with Plato, Aristotle, Kant, and in truth with every great discoverer and benefactor of the human race; excepting only when the discoveries have been capable of being rendered palpable to the outward senses, and have therefore come under the cognizance of our "sober judicious critics"; the men of "sound common sense," i.e., of those snails in intellect who wear their eyes at the tips of their feelers, and cannot even see unless they at the same time touch. When these finger-philosophers affirm that Plato, Bruno, etc., must have been "out of their senses," the just and proper retort is "Gentlemen! it is still worse with you! you have lost your reason."

By the bye, Addison in the Spectator has grossly misrepresented the design and tendency of Bruno's Bestia Trionfante; the object of which was to show of all the theologies and theogonies which have been conceived for the mere purpose of solving problems in the material universe, that as they originate in the fancy, so they all end in delusion, and act to the hindrance or prevention of sound knowledge and actual discovery. But the principal and more important truth taught in this allegory, is, that in the concerns of morality, all pretended knowledge of the will of heaven, which is not revealed to man through his conscience; that all commands, which do not consist in the unconditional obedience of the will to the pure reason, without tampering with consequences (which are in God's power and not in ours); in short, that all motives of hope and fear from invisible powers, which are not immediately derived from, and absolutely coincident with, the reverence due to the supreme reason of the universe, are all alike dangerous superstitions. The worship founded on them, whether offered by the Catholic to St. Francis or by the poor African to his Fetish, differ in form only, not in substance. Herein Bruno speaks not only as a philosopher but as an enlightened Christian; the evangelists and apostles everywhere representing their moral precepts, not as doctrines then first revealed, but as truths implanted in the hearts of men, which their vices only could have obscured. [56]

In 1814, writing under his own name, Coleridge quotes from the De umbris idearum. [57]

In 1817 he writes: "The De immenso et innumerabilibus and the De la causa, principio et uno of the philosopher of Nola, who could boast of a Sir Philip Sidney and Fulke Greville among his patrons and whom the idolaters of Rome burnt as an atheist in the year 1660" [sic] and again,

"We [i.e., himself and Schelling] had both equal obligations to the polar logic and dynamic philosophy of Giordano Bruno." [58]

An essay in The Friend suggests to the modern reader that the doctrine of the coincidence of contraries (which, it will be recalled, goes back through Bruno and Cusanus to Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite) contributed also towards the development of the doctrine of dialectic materialism. Coleridge writes:

As far as human practice can realise the sharp limits and exclusive proprieties of science, law and religion should be kept distinct. There is in strictness no proper opposition but between the two polar forces of one and the same power.

Coleridge continues in a note:

Every power in nature and in spirit must evolve an opposite, as the sole means and condition of its manifestation: and all opposition is a tendency to re-union. This is the universal law of polarity or essential dualism, first promulgated by Heraclitus, two thousand years afterwards republished and made the foundation both of Logic, of Physics, and of Metaphysics by Giordano Bruno. The principle may be thus expressed. The identity of thesis and antithesis is the substance of all being; their opposition the condition of all existence, or being manifested; and every thing or phaenomenon is the exponent of a synthesis as long as the opposite energies are retained in that synthesis. Thus water is neither oxygen nor hydrogen, nor yet is it a commixture of both: but the synthesis or indifference of the two. [59]

In the same volume Coleridge quotes and translates from the first chapter of De immenso et innumerabilibus a long passage with the challenging phrase, "Anima sapiens non timet mortem." He adds:

In the last volume of this work ... I purpose to give an account of the life of Giordano Bruno, the friend of Sir Philip Sidney who was burnt under pretence of Atheism, at Rome, in the year 1600 and of his works which are perhaps the scarcest books ever printed. They are singularly interesting as portraits of a vigorous mind struggling after truth, amid many prejudices, which from the state of the Roman Church, in which he was born, have a claim to much indulgence. One of them (entitled Ember Week) is curious for its lively accounts of the rude state of London, at that time, both as to the street and the manners of the citizen. The most industrious historians of speculative philosophy have not been able to procure more than a few of his works ... out of eleven, the titles of which are preserved to us I have had an opportunity of perusing six. I was told, when in Germany, that there is a complete collection of them in the Royal Library at Copenhagen. If so, it is unique. [60]

d. Later Times


It is a mark of Bruno's genius that later thinkers find ever fresh implications in his thought. We have seen how he himself derived from thinkers so opposed as Cusanus and Lucretius. Similarly, elements in his own philosophy may have contributed to the birth of views very different from his. [61] The liberation movements of the nineteenth century shew Bruno as an almost legendary figure stimulating youth, inspiring alike Risorgimento in Italy and Aufklärung in Germany. The formidable industry of his Italian bibliographer enumerates in the nineteenth century alone no less than 634 publications in which Bruno figures. A good example is the enthusiastic study of David Levi, Giordano Bruno e la religione del pensiero: l'uomo, l'apostolo e il martiro, [62] published just before the erection of the statue on the site of his martyrdom.

To the present generation it is no surprise to learn that the denial of the spirit is a crime that may infect those who act in the very name thereof. Victims of the savage ideology that afflicted the land where Bruno found sanctuary in his last years, may derive solace and hope from the knowledge that on the very site of his humiliation and martyrdom there gathered to do him honour after 289 years, representatives from almost every land. His compatriots with a just perception linked his name on that occasion with that of the great Italian interpreter of the Catholic faith. At the dedication of his statue in the Piazza dei Fiori on this occasion, speeches swelled with the noble sentiments so much easier to arouse for past than for future action. "Farewell ye ashes. Yet in these ashes is the seed which reneweth the whole world." Of the

monument, Bruno's biographer Berti wrote in 1889:

Monuments are our great instructors: I would that from this statue of Bruno our youth should learn the quality and the amount of sacrifice which is the price of loyalty to our own conscience. It behoveth us all to see that the grand records be not lost and that every noble nation pay regard to them. [63]

We have tried to get some insight into the thought of Bruno, a spirit so noble and soaring, so humanly frail, so vividly inspiring to those who followed him in the great struggle of the human race upward to the light of reason. We will close our study, echoing his own words, which we may believe gave him courage for his ordeal even as they give courage to those who carry on his effort for the emancipation of the human spirit:

The wise soul feareth not death; rather she sometimes striveth for death, she goeth beyond to meet her. Yet eternity maintaineth her substance throughout time, immensity throughout space, universal form throughout motion. [64]


● Table of Contents (Illustrations)● From Whence You Came (or Click the Back Button)

Frontisiece. A sixteenth century sketch-map of the environs of Nola. From Graevius, after Ambrosio Leo of Nola.

Fig. 1. Nola in antiquity; a sixteenth century reconstruction. From Graevius, after Ambrosio Leo of Nola.

Fig. 2. Michel de Castelnau, Marquis de Mauvissière. Engraved by Jaspar Isac. From Les Mémories de Messire Michel de Castelnau ... (Paris, 1621).

Fig. 3. John Florio, aged 58. From the engraving by William Hole in Florio, Queen Anna's New World of Words (London, 1611).

Fig. 4. House in Butcher Row bearing emblems of crown and fleur-de-lis. In 1582-4 it was the French Embassy. From E. Walford's London (1875-8).

Fig. 1. Butcher Row. From Walford and Knight's London.

Fig. 6. The Ptolemaic universe. From Andraeus Cellarius, Harmonia macrocosma seu atlas universalis et novum totius universi creati cosmographiam generalem et novam exhibens (Amsterdam, 1660), Pars Prior.


Fig. 1. The Copernican Universe. From De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (Nuremberg, 1543).

Fig. 8. Thomas Digges' representation of the universe. From his enlarged edition of Leonard Digges, Progostication Euerlasting (London, 1576).

Fig. 9. William Gilbert's representation of the universe. From his posthumous De mundo nostro sublunari (Amsterdam, 1651).

Fig. 10. Portrait of Fulke Greville by P. van Somer. Photograph kindly given by the late Lord Willoughby.


Fig. 11. Portion of a map of London, showing position of Butcher Row. From J. Ogilby, London (London, 1682), Part II, P. 58.

Fig. 12. Sir Philip Sydney, an unsigned portrait in the National Portrait Gallery.

Fig. 13. Map of Bruno's wanderings.

Fig. 14. John Wilkins' representation of the universe. From his The DIscovery of a World in the Moone .... (London, 1638).

Bruno, Giordano - Collected Works

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