Brown Jordan Writing.sample2

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DEMOCRACY, ACTION AND THE INTERNET AFTER 9/11*

Deana A. Rohlinger, Ph.D.

Department of Sociology

Florida State University

Tallahassee, FL 32306-2270

[email protected]

Jordan Brown

Department of Sociology

Florida State University

Tallahassee, FL 32306-2270

[email protected]

*We thank Audris Solomon and Jessica Kemper for their research assistance on this

project and Herbert Gans for comments on an earlier draft of this paper.

1
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]


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Abstract

This study examines the role of the Internet in challenging the state after 9/11. Drawing

on interview data with members of the Internet based group MoveOn.org and participant

observation data collected at MoveOn events, we argue that the Internet provides citizens

an opportunity to lodge democratic challenges against the state during hostile political

climates. There are at least three features of the Internet that make it a useful tool for

challengers after political shocks such as 9/11: 1) it provides a free space for

challengers to form oppositional points of view away from dominant groups; 2) it allows

individuals to participate anonymously and, thus, buffers challengers from the high costs

of activism; and 3) it moves challenges from the virtual to the real world by engaging

citizens in intermediary forms of activism. In short, the Internet engages individuals in

a broader range of activitiesand this has important implications for democratic

processes.

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There is a great deal of debate regarding the role of the Internet in democratic societies.

Scholars on one side of the debate argue that because the Internet is largely a commercial

medium (or at least largely under corporate control) the Internet cannot meaningfully contribute

to democratic processes. From this perspective, the Internet is comparable to radio and network

television, where profit is valued more than public interest and, as such, democratic concerns are

rarely considered when determining content (McChesney, 1996, 1999). Scholars on the other

side of the debate disagree, arguing that the Internet is an important tool for democracy.

Proponents of this view suggest that the Internet engages citizens in everything from challenging

dominant discourse to cyber dissent and, therefore, allows individuals to fully engage on a broad

range of social and political issues

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0ZT48L0Vu ZE5vdGU+AG== (Ayers, 2003b; Crossley & Roberts, 2004; Dahlberg, 2001;

Siapera, 2004). At the crux of this debate is how the Internet is being used by individuals and

whetheronline participation translates into activism in the real world, which generally is

regarded as the gold standard of political participation (Rosenstone & Hansen, 1993; Verba,

Scholzman, & Brady, 1995).

We weigh in on the debate, suggesting that the broader political environment affects

when and how the Internet is used for democratic purposes. Unlike previous social movement

research, which generally focuses on the political opportunities (Meyer, 2004; Tarrow, 1998)

and/or political threats (Rohlinger, 2006; Staggenborg, 1986) a particular social movement or

activist group faces (except see Meyer this issue), we examine how individuals use the Internet

in the wake of political shocks, or after dramatic changes to international and/or national systems

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that fundamentally alter the processes, relationships, and expectations that drive political

interactions (see the Introduction of this issue for a more detailed discussion). We suggest that

the Internet can be an important democratic resource in the wake of political shocks because

some segments of the citizenry are likely to disapprove of the policies and practices of state

actors but find it difficult to voice their dissent. Specifically, the Internet is an important

democratic resource because it provides a free space for citizens to articulate their dissent in a

less public way and cultivate oppositional identities, which, in turn, can provide a foundation

for activism in the real world. The Internet, in other words, can buffer the risks associated

with activism and, as individuals became more comfortable with speaking out in a hostile

political climate, move individuals from the armchair to the street.

Challengers and the Internet

Challengers are the heart and soul of social movements. By definition, challengers are

outsiders who are united by a common cause and looking to gain access to political structures in

order to affect change (Gamson, 1990). Challengers use a range of institutional venues to achieve

their goals, and, given the technological advancements over the last decades, scholars

increasingly have examined the importance of the Internet to coordinated collective action. For

example, scholars have illuminated the role of the Internet in everything from strategic voting

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aWNzPC9m

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pZ24t


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gdGhl

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W1lPSJK


XRo

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Rob3I+

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HVybHM+ PC91cmxzPjwvcmVjb3JkPjwvQ2l0ZT48L0VuZE5vdGU+ (Foot & Schneider,

2002; Johnson & Kaye, 2003; Schussman & Earl, 2004) to social movement tactics and

dynamics

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RpdGxl

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First, the Internet is an alternative communication network that has not been completely

monopolized by corporate voices or regulated by politicians. As such, the Internet provides a

free space, or a setting removed from the direct control of dominant groups in which

challengers may form an oppositional consciousness (Mansbridge & Morris, 2001; Polletta,

1999). There are a number of studies examining the role of the Internet in the formation of

oppositional social, political, and collective identities

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l2aXN0

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5kYXJ5

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C90aXRsZXM+

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C9F bmROb3RlPn== (Ayers, 2003a; Chopra, 2006; Mazzarella, 2005). For example, Joyce Nip

(2004) illustrates how members of the Queer Sisters, the oldest lesbian organization in Hong

Kong, used a bulletin board to create principles, ideas, and feelings that challenged status quo.

Likewise, Karen Douglas and her colleagues (2005) outline the self-enhancement strategies

white supremacist groups use to protect their superior but threatened status from racial, ethnic,

and sexual minorities. We argue that the Internet also provides an important free space for

citizens who oppose the positions and policy of the state in the wake of political shocks.

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Specifically, the Internet provides an arena where citizens can express discontent and define the

contours of their dissent.

Second, the Internet allows citizens to express their dissent anonymously and without

retribution. This is not a small point. In fact, anonymous communication has played an important

role in American history (Rains & Scott, 2007). Thomas Paines pamphlet, Common Sense,

which helped spark the American Revolution, was published under the pseudonym An

Englishman and Deep Throat leaked information that ultimately led to the resignation of

President Nixon. In short, anonymity is an important tool for those who are challenging the state

and wish to avoid state repression. Even if anonymity is only perceived (Scott, 1998, 2004),

anonymous participation is important to challengers in the days, months, and years following

political shocks.1

Given the political context after 9/11, which prioritized national security over civil

liberties, challengers may regard publicly opposing the Bush administration as risky, or having

personal, professional, legal or other consequences. While risk is implicit in research on the

Internet, particularly as it relates to unconventional personal and social identities, social

movement scholars discuss risk directly.2 Generally, students of social movement focus their

attention on what causes individuals to engage in risky activism. Doug McAdam (1986, 1989),

for example, highlights the personal and social characteristics of individuals associated with

participation in the Freedom Summer Project. Student activists, for instance, were

biographically available, meaning college students, who did not have families, bills, or regular

employment, were available to participate in the project. Likewise, Rebecca Klatch (1999) found

that the social relations among student activists dramatically altered, or radicalized, identity,

thereby increasing commitment and solidarity to movement causes and sustaining activism

despite the high costs (including government repression and familial strain). Conceptually, the

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role of the Internet in risky activism is different. Unlike high-risk activism of the 1960s,

which could result in physical injury and imprisonment, the Internet, and specifically the promise

of anonymity, creates a buffer between challengers and the costs of activism. This, as well as

the convenience of Internet activism, not only changes how participants conceptualize risk but

broadens the pool of citizens likely to engage in challenges.3

Finally, the Internet has mobilizing potential, meaning it can involve individuals in

collective action episodes and social movements more broadly.4 Social science scholarship is

replete with empirical examples of how the Internet is used organize and mobilize activists

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Ij4yNjwv

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PC9y

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DAxPC95

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BlPjxj

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b250cmlidXRvcnM+PGF1dGhvcnM+PGF1dGhvcj5EYW5pdHosIFRpZmZhbnk8L2F1dGhvcj4

8YXV0

aG9yPlN0cm9iZWwsIFdhcnJlbjwvYXV0aG9yPjwvYXV0aG9ycz48L2NvbnRyaWJ1dG9ycz48

dGl0

bGVzPjx0aXRsZT5UaGUgSW50ZXJuZXQmYXBvcztzIEltcGFjdCBvbiBBY3RpdmlzbTogVG

hlIENh

c2Ugb2YgQnVybWE8L3RpdGxlPjxzZWNvbmRhcnktdGl0bGU+U3R1ZGllcyBpbiBDb25mbG

ljdCAm

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D48ZnVs

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RsZT48

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8ZGF0

ZXM+PHllYXI+MTk5OTwveWVhcj48L2RhdGVzPjx1cmxzPjwvdXJscz48L3JlY29yZD48L0

NpdGU+ PC9FbmROb3RlPn== (Carty, 2002; Danitz & Strobel, 1999; Rheingold, 2002; Wong,

2001; Wray, 1999). For instance, there are several studies, spanning disciplines, that examine the

role of the Internet in mobilizing transnational support for the Zapatista Movement in Chiapas,

Mexico as well as organizing activists before, during, and after the Battle in Seattle

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WWVhcj48

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A1bXp4

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XM+

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kcz48

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zwvZGF0

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DAwMDc8


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The Case of MoveOn.org

Broadly, we are interested in how 9/11 affected activism in both the real and virtual

worlds as well as the role of the Internet generally, and MoveOn specifically, in progressive

activism. Moveon.org provides an excellent case study because it arguably is the largest and

most forceful voice in digital era politics (Fouhy, 2004), which is stunningly effective at

mobilizing people and money in both the virtual and real world

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XI+PGZv


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0aXRs

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HVtZT48

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(Author, 2004; Bernhard, 2004; Kellner, 2003; Singer, 2004). MoveOn was founded in 1998 by

married couple Wes Boyd and Joan Blades, when they sent an e-mail petition to about 100

friends calling on Congress to censure President Clinton for his indiscretion with Monica

Lewinsky and move on to more pressing political issues. The petition generated more than

400,000 replies and encouraged the couple to form MoveOn.org (http://moveon.org/about.html).

According to Boyd, the goal of the organization is to bring as much diversity to the power

structure as possible. That is, ordinary citizens who can provide the countervailing influence

against the notion that some kind of inside-the-beltway elite can make all our decisions

(Bernhard, 2004). As such, the organization mobilizes its members around a range of issues

including the funding of public television and radio, Internet freedom, voting reform, and, of

course, the Bush administrations response to 9/11 (www.moveon.org).

By MoveOns own account, it filled a vacuum in the days following 9/11.

The administration was starting to talk about going to war and no one was sayinganything. One of the beauties of MoveOn is that if we see an opportunity to do somethinghelpful, we can do it, and we can do it in short order. The Vigil Around the World[which involved thousands of anti-war candlelight demonstrations around the world inprotest of the war in Iraq on March 16, 2003] was organized in less than a week(Bernhard, 2004).

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MoveOn opponents agree that the group is extraordinarily effective. Republican pollster, Allan

Hoffenblum, noted that in addition to organizing liberals, MoveOn is very adept at raising

money, applying political pressure, and putting forward a consistent message to the public

(Bernhard, 2004). More colorful conservative pundits, such as Sean Hannity, argue that the

organization is too successful and instead of revitalizing democracy the MoveOn blog nuts

have taken over the Democratic Party and control democrats with fear and intimidation.5

Polemics aside, the organization grew leaps and bounds after 9/11. MoveOn reports that

its membership increased from 500,000 in September 2001 to 3 million in December 2005,

noting that these figures represent members in the United States alone (MoveOn.org fact sheet

available at http://www.moveon.org/about.html). 6 There are several potential explanations for

this growth spurt, none of which are mutually exclusive. Journalistic accounts suggest that the

strategic hiring of Eli Pariser, a long time anti-war activist, can be credited for the boom in

MoveOn members. Pariser, who was hired a few months after 9/11, brought with him thousands

of anti-war activists who were determined to prevent Bush from further military engagement in

the Middle East and, when this failed, set on simply stopping Bush (Bernhard, 2004). Liberal

websites and bloggers attribute MoveOns growth to its strategic use of media, which included

enlisting celebrities such as Michael Moore, Rob Reiner, Aaron Sorkin, and Moby to create anti-

Bush ads that were made available online (Brownstein, 2004; Hazen, 2006). Elsewhere, we

argue MoveOns structure, which does not require membership dues and relies heavily on

democratic processes to determine the organizational agenda and events, have contributed to its

overall growth (Rohlinger, Brown and Weinberg manuscript). In short, the growth and

prominence of MoveOn.org in the wake of 9/11 make it fertile ground to examine how 9/11

affected activism in both the real and virtual worlds as well as the role of MoveOn in

subsequent activism.

49
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For this research, we conducted semi-structured interviews with MoveOn members in the

Tallahassee, Florida area. Because MoveOn.org would not provide us a list of members or a way

to contact members in the Tallahassee area, we used three tactics to recruit respondents. First, we

posted flyers regarding the study in local coffee shops, on the Florida State University campus,

and in the three local progressive centers. Second, we posted information regarding the study on

a popular progressive listserv, which announced the study weekly. Finally, we attended several

MoveOn events where we announced and discussed the study with members as well as an

Eternal Peace Vigil held in front of the state Capital in which MoveOn members were in

attendance. This strategy yielded a total of 19 respondents, who were interviewed between

October 2006 and April 2007. Respondents were asked about their range of political experience

(petitions, canvassing, protests, and so on), membership in other organizations, when and why

they joined MoveOn, the kinds of MoveOn events in which they have participated, their

impressions of how MoveOn changed their participation, and how 9/11 affected their political

participation and progressive activism more generally. The interviews ranged in length from 25

minutes and to one hour and a half. All respondents are identified with pseudonyms.

[TABLE 1 ABOUT HERE]

Table 1 provides important demographic and political information of the respondents

included in the study and a context for the following analysis. There are four points that are

worth highlighting. First, there is a variance in the demographics of the respondents. The

respondents represent diversity in terms of their age (ranging from 22- to 68-years old), their

marital status (with nine single, six married, and four divorced or separated respondents), their

gender (with nine female and ten male respondents), and even racial and ethnic background

(with 16 respondents identifying as white, one as East Indian, one as Jewish and Arab, and

one as Asian).7 Second, most of the respondents have children (13 of the 19 respondents).

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Although most of the children are over the age of 18, familial status may affect how individuals

conceptualize risk and engage in activism. Third, all but two of the respondents report that they

are members of at least one other political organization operating in the real world, meaning

that membership generally is not isolated to online organizations alone. Fourth, all but six of the

respondents noted that how they approached activism had changed since 9/11. This difference

can be attributed, at least in part, to their participation in high risk activism in the 1960s and

1970s. All six of these respondents were involved in civil rights and/or Vietnam War protests

that entailed conflict with authorities and, in at least two of the cases, multiple arrests. In short,

high risk activism leaves an imprint on individuals, which affects their willingness to engage

in risky activism later in life (Klatch, 1999). In the remainder of the paper, we examine these

trends more closely and specifically analyze why and how activism changed after 9/11.

Risky Activism in the Post-9/11 Era

While scholars and pundits often focus on the tradeoffs between national security and

civil liberties that citizens should or should not be willing to make, there has been very little

discussion regarding how 9/11 and subsequent policy changes affected progressive activism in

the United States (Kellner, 2003; Maney, Woehrle, & Coy, 2005). According to our

respondents, the climate of fear created by 9/11, buttressed by national security initiatives such

as the PATRIOT Act and the Homeland Security Act, made public political dissent risky. This,

in turn, made on-line participation more appealing because it allowed anonymous activism,

which provided a buffer between the individual and the potential costs of activism.

Respondents identified three risks associated with publicly opposing the Bush administrations

war on terror. First, and most fundamentally, respondents feared being labeled unpatriotic,

un-American, or worse a terrorist sympathizer. Second, respondents worried about the

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professional and legal consequences of public activism, particularly in a state where the

Governor (Jeb Bush) was related to the President. Finally, respondents were concerned about the

consequences public activism might have for their families.

After political shocks such as the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and 9/11, issues of

national identity come to the fore (Schildkraut, 2002) and citizens are expected to support the

states efforts to secure the nation even if it means a loss of civil liberties (Maney et al., 2005). In

this political climate, dissenting voices often are regarded as a direct challenge against the state

and, as such, un-American. Not surprisingly, individuals avoid being associated with

stigmatized identities

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XJscz48 L3VybHM+PC9yZWNvcmQ+PC9DaXRlPjwvRW5kTm90ZT5= (Baumeister, Dale, &

Muraven, 2002; Bernstein, 1997; Britt & Heise, 2000). Thus, respondents regarded these labels

as a risk of public activism. Richard, a 53-year old Government Contract Analyst, for example

noted that 9/11 Dealt the left a real serious blow becauseit made dissent unpatriotic in the

minds of most Americans. I think it was Emerson who said that nationalism is a way to avoid

meaningful political debate and I think that is what 9/11 did. It made it a lot harder to be a

progressive. Brent agreed:

People didnt really want to rock the boat. I think after a tragedy we all kind of come

together and circle the wagons. So many people didnt really want to criticize Bush or

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anything else. They just wave their flag. [Those that did criticize Bush] were

attacked by the right for not being patriotic. You cant criticize the President after

9/11 [and] were not supposed to criticize the President in a time of war. So, this

makes [public] activism a bit tougher.

Linda added:

Im making a sweeping generalization here, but I think that I am correct [in saying] that

people who were more left-leaning or more pacifistwere attacked in a brutal way by a

the majority in the nation who were not pacifist..[and wanted] retaliation. I mean, hell, if

you think about it, anybody who wasnt of that opinion was being labeled unpatriotic.

If youre unpatriotic, then youre an enemy of the nation. If youre unpatriotic, youre a

terrorist or a terrorist sympathizer Im not unpatriotic just because I dont think this is

the way to go. It has nothing to do with whether or not I believe in America. But, I

dont know that the people on the left had an effective way of fighting back against that

type of labeling.

In other words, definitions of what constitutes patriotic behavior in the wake of political shocks

is relatively inflexible and citizens must either embrace a narrowly defined nationalist identity or

shoulder a stigmatized identity that places them at odds with broader society.

Many respondents noted that being labeled unpatriotic in the post-9/11 era may have

professional and legal consequences, particularly in a Republican-dominated state run by the

Presidents younger brother. Several respondents noted that working in a city where the state of

Florida is a primary employer made public opposition risky a perception some respondents

argued was intentionally cultivated by officials and law enforcement. For example, Liam noted,

Right here in Tallahassee when we had our vigils at the Capital Building, law enforcement

would drive by slowly with a web cam taking a picture of everyone [at the vigil] as they drove

by. That scared the heck out of people. A lot of folks are state workers and their ultimate boss is

Jeb Bush. It just scared the hell out of people! This risk was discussed a great deal at MoveOn

events and was best exemplified when the first author was approached by a member, who

inquired how her identity would be kept confidential if she were to participate. At the conclusion

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of the discussion, she shook her head and said she couldnt risk it. She explained that her

Republican boss had made it clear that loyalty was paramount if employees wanted to keep

their jobs. As such, she was careful to keep her activism in the closet. Respondents also

pointed to the political climate more broadly, noting that the policy changes in the wake of 9/11

made progressive activists publicly opposing the Bush administration vulnerable to government

surveillance and legal complications. For example, Kendra noted:

I still think it's [public activism after 9/11] risky. I think that with the Patriot Act andwith the wiretapping and all the secret scandals that arose it [opposing the administration]is a risk. As you learn more about what the administration is doing to track people andfollow people and crack down on the demonstrations, I think it's very risky. When I

worked with the Children's Museum in XXX [Reference to the city deleted], we had adirector [who was named on] a national terrorism watch list. His name was on the listbecause of his political connections and liberal viewpoints. This kinda thing makespolitical activism risky.

It is important to note, that by in large these risks were perceived, meaning activists felt

that public opposition to the Bush administrations response to 9/11 may have personal, legal and

professional consequences, rather than experienced. However, it is also worth noting that those

four respondents who did engage in public protests experienced some of these costs. Labeling

was the most common cost reported by activists; a risk that the second author witnessed first

hand at the Eternal Peace Vigil in which activists were called un-patriotic, commies,

terrorist sympathizers, and a number of profanities by individuals passing the vigil in their

cars. While none of the respondents were fired for their public activism, Amandas car (which

sports a number of anti-war bumper stickers) was keyed and Kent suddenly found that he had

difficulty traveling. I ended up on the No-Fly list. Clearly, this was a result of my organizational

affiliation and because I spoke out against the administration. There was no other reason for it. I

dont have any kind of criminal record. Ive had some arrests [in the 1960s and 1970s] for

civil disobedience, but all those were thrown out as issues of free speech a long time ago.

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Finally, respondents were worried about the risks public activism posed to their families.

Given that the vast majority of our respondents have participated in public activism at some

point in their lives, this concern was surprising. However, several respondents explained that

Tallahassee (with a population of approximately 150,000) is relatively small and, as such, the

consequences of activism ripple beyond the individual activist. Janice, for instance, noted:

I feel far more on the spot with local activism, just because these people are going to see

me in the supermarket. Im going to run into them at school. Ive done state and federal

activism. In fact, I feel a lot more anonymity and safety in a hundred thousand person

march in DC than in Tallahassee where Im going to see my boss on the side of the

road while Im sitting there protesting Iraq.

Linda agreed, adding Its less risky to participate on a national level because youre a much

smaller part of it. When youre in your local community, depending on the issue and depending

on your local community, it could either be okay or not so okay to be an activist. There can be

consequences for you and your family. Not surprisingly, this concern was somewhat heightened

among parents of school-age children, who worried that their vocal opposition to President Bush

would affect how their children were treated by community members and even teachers. When

we probed Samantha about her concern with participating in public protests and vigils after 9/11,

she paused and answered: You know, although it shouldn't matter, I don't necessarily want my

child's band teacher driving by. I want my congressman to know about it [my activism], but I

don't necessarily need my whole community to know. If my son's teacher knows, I guess that's

okay, but what's he going to do about it?

The Internet enabled respondents to voice dissent but in a much less public way.

Specifically, challenging the Bush administrations policies online offered respondents

anonymity and, thus, buffered the risks of activism. It is important to note that respondents were

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aware that anonymity was not guaranteed. Almost all of the respondents discussed how policy

changes designed to protect national security, made their e-mails, and ultimately them,

vulnerable to detection. Ava noted that on more than one occasion she had wondered about her

online participation with MoveOn. Ill sign a petition for MoveOn or give money and Ill

wonderis this being tracked by someone? Am I going to have Homeland Security knocking on

my door now? Before 9/11 I would have dismissed such thoughts as complete paranoia. Linda

joked I dont think that anything I do is particularly dangerous, however, it was on the Internet

and if someone wanted to monitor my actions at the government level then they could have. I

certainly have made jokes about it all. When I was e-mailing people saying colorful things about

the President, I would include a little line in there [saying] Hello, Mr. Ashcroft. Hope youre

enjoying this. That said, the Internet provided a critical free space for respondents to

articulate their dissent and, for many, to connect this challenge to intermediary action.

9/11, MoveOn and Democratic Participation

While Internet-participation provided some anonymity to activists and, as such, buffered

some of the risks associated with activism, its role was more far reaching. Specifically, MoveOn

provided members a free space away from the direct control of dominant groups in which they

could articulate an oppositional point of view. Almost all of the respondents noted that MoveOn

specifically, and the Internet more generally, provided a space where they could challenge status

quo and reconnect with the political processes. Einat noted that MoveOn filled an important gap.

I think MoveOn has been helpful I think people felt like they wanted to be patriotic and

liberal and they didnt know how. So, they subscribe to MoveOn and they feel less alone.

Marcia agreed, Pretty much every single thing Ive ever gotten from them [MoveOn], Ive

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agreed with. So, I just felt like, whoa! They are right on. So, they [MoveOn] didnt influence me.

I felt like they were speaking what I was thinking. Brent added:

I would like to think that, in general, people recognize [that] criticism of the governmentis as American as apple pie. We wouldnt be here if Thomas Jefferson and GeorgeWashington werent critical [of the existing government.] I think that some people realizethis. But, I also feel like MoveOn was one of the first groups that critiqued Bush beyondthe We didnt need a war to fight 9/11. They [MoveOn] made it [activism] easierbecause they were one of the first ones [groups] to challenge [status quo]. They[MoveOn] said, Hey, were tired of being called names, like unpatriotic. Were going tosay what we feel. I think it made it okay for other people to feel that way too.

Jeff, and other respondents, also added that MoveOn provided an alternative media space for

those that disagreed with the Bush policies. It [MoveOn] challenges the power structure. The

way that information gets out is largely controlled by mainstream media, which is controlled by

established power structures. The media is owned by money and money controls the media.

Matthew agreed that MoveOn enables progressive activists to talk to one another and challenge

corporate power. The most important issue [that MoveOn addresses] is the influence of

corporate lobbyists, and corporate interests generally, have on the political process. I think that

the whole political system has been co-opted by corporate powers... They are basically stifling

the debate and thats completely counter to the principles of democracy. [MoveOn] provides

the best option to get democratic leadership to be responsive.

As the previous quotes illustrate, the vast majority of respondents believed that MoveOn

provided them, and others, a particular kind of free space; one where they could exercise their

democratic rights and responsibilities. More specifically, respondents framed their dissent, and

subsequent participation in MoveOn, as an important way to contribute to a democratic process

that sought to shut them out. Often times, respondents would specifically couch this in historical

terms noting that dissent is what made America great in the first place. John argued that MoveOn

helped remind Americans that dissent and debate in politics were important. [MoveOn] is

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reminding [us] what [principles] this country was founded on. Its [Moveon] saying, Just

because we dont like things they way they are, doesnt mean we dont like our country. Its

[MoveOn] saying that dissent is good, dissent is what this country was founded on so that is what

were going to have at times.

Most importantly, MoveOn did not simply provide progressives a free space to

articulate opposition to the Bush administration but also lin

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