Broken Barricades_ the Oaxaca Rebellion in Victory, Defeat, And Beyond - Collective Reinventions
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Transcript of Broken Barricades_ the Oaxaca Rebellion in Victory, Defeat, And Beyond - Collective Reinventions
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BrokenBarricades:TheOaxacaRebellioninVictory,Defeat,andBeyondCollectiveReinventions
Oaxacastreetbarricade,2006
Ananalysisofthe2006Oaxacarebellionanditscontradictions.Itsdiversityencompassedworkers,indigenousgroups,Stalinists,anarchistsandothers.Itsweaponsandtacticsincludedgeneralassemblies,strikes,barricades,mirrorsandfireworks.
Apdfversionofthetextisavailableathttp://www.collectivereinventions.org/andtheauthorscanbecontactedthere.
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BrokenBarricades:TheOaxacaRebellioninVictory,Defeat,andBeyond
(ByCollectiveReinventions)*
Thefollowingtextistheresultofacollaborativeeffort,andisthefruitofaconsiderablenumberofmeetingsanddiscussions.Itreflectsthegiveandtake,eventhehesitations,ofanongoingconversation.ItshouldalsobenotedattheoutsetthatthisessaymakesnopretenseofbeingadefinitiveaccountoftheOaxacarebellion,norisittheproductofadirectlyobservedorlivedexperienceoftheeventsthemselves.Likeallsignificanthistoricalevents,therearemanytruthsinsteadofoneAbsoluteTruthtobediscoveredintheOaxacarebellion.Inanycase,thisanalysiswaswrittenataliteraldistancefromtheunrestinMexicointheperiodunderdiscussionhere.Whilethetextisunashamedlypartisan,inthesenseoftakingthesideoftheOaxacanrebels,andspecificallythemostradicalamongthem,itisnotaworkofmereadvocacyorapologetics.Stilllessdoesitrepresentthekindofventriloquismcommontotheleft:itdoesnotspeakforOaxaca,whichcanmostcertainlyspeakforitself.Itseekstoaffordsomeperspectiveontherebellion,andtorevealsomeoftherootsofacomplexphenomenon,andnothingmore.
ItiswrittenaftertheapogeeoftheOaxacarebellion,butwiththecertaintythatthismovementisnotover,thatinoneformoranotherthestrugglethatbeganin2006willcontinue.OuranalysisispresentedinthehopethatwillshedsomelightonOaxacabeforetheuprisingismythologized(byantiauthoritarians)distorted(byalltheLeninistvanguardswho,intheirarrogance,areeagertoimparttheirsternlessonstothemassesinOaxaca)orsimplyfadesaway,farfromtheglareoftheproverbialmediaspotlight.
ISinceallofthis,wewillnotbethesameatallasbeforewecantbeandwedontwanttobe.OaxacanresidentquotedinLabatallaporOaxaca(EdicionesYopePower,Oaxaca:2007)
*Forthelasthalfof2006,andcontinuingwellinto2007,thecityofOaxaca,MexicowastheepicenterofarebellionthatdefiedboththetheMexicanstateanditslocalincarnation,thegovernorUlisesRuizOrtiz.Inthisdefiance,thesocialmovementthatemergedinOaxacachallengedothernexesofpower,capital,andclasswithinMexico,assumingamarkedlyantihierarchicaland,overtime,antisystemiccast.Asitgrew,expandingwellbeyonditsinitialfocusanddemands,theuprisinginOaxacaalsodispelledconventionalnotionsofcentralityandimportancetiedtoquantitativecriteria:aprovincialcapitalinthesecondpooreststateinMexico(afterChiapas),acitybestknownbeyonditsbordersasatouristdestination,becameforatimethefocusofconsiderableattentiononthepartofradicalopinionthroughouttheworld.
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WhileitsharedcertaincharacteristicswiththeZapatistamovementinneighboringChiapasmostimportantlyinitsstrongorientationtowardindigenouspeoplesandthedefenseoftheircommonlandsandtraditionsitalsodifferedfromtheEZLNinothersignficantways.TheOaxacanmovementaroseinanurbanenvironment,evenasitdrewsupportfrom(andembodiedtheconcernsof)therural,largelyIndiancommunitiesintheOaxacanhinterland.Also,unliketheZapatistas,ithadnoarmy,onlycrowdsofdeterminedmenandwomen,supportedatkeymomentsbycontingentsofyouthswillingtofightthepoliceinthestreetsofthecity.
Crucially,inOaxacatherewasnocharismaticleaderinthemoldofthevolubleSubcomandanteMarcos.[1]Instead,therewasareferencestatedagainandagaininthediscourseofthemovementtothefactthatthiswasamovementdelosdeabajo,ofthosefrombelow,meaningboththattheparticipantsprimarilycamefromthebaseoftheMexicansocialpyramidbutalsothatthemovementitselfwascontrolledbyitsrankandfileandnotbythosewhosoughttobecomeitsleaders.Therebellionfoundorganizedexpressioninanassembly,anddidsointheplural,notthesingular.NotonlydiditgiveitselfthenameofthePopularAssemblyofthePeoplesofOaxaca,itwasamovementinanearpermanentstateofassembly,orratherassemblies,atleastinitsbeginningphase.
Beyondthequestionofthemovementsformreminiscentofthetraditionsofdirectdemocracydeartotheantiauthoritarianleftthereisalso,ofcourse,oneofitscontent.Here,onetreadscautiously.WhilemanyreportsontheOaxacauprisinghavestresseditsradicalism,itsinnovativeness,itsstatusasthefirstrebellionofthe21stcentury,theseclaimshaveoftenbeenmadeinthefacile,overblownlanguagethatisthehallmarkofleftisttriumphalism.[2]SuchaccountsofthemovementoftenreadlikeamoralityplayinwhichthenoblePeoplewho,inthenavechantofLatinAmericanmilitancy,willneverbedefeatedfightvaliantlyagainstEvilIncarnate(UlisesRuizOrtiz,theMexicanstate,Yankeeimperialism).GiventherealitiesofOaxaca,itsgrindingpovertyanditsbrutal,corruptauthorities,suchadepictionisnotwithoutitsaspectsofverisimilitude.ButithardlydoesjusticetothecomplexitiesoftheOaxacanrebellion,andprovideslittlebasisforadiscussionofitsimplications.
Othermorecritical,butequallyshrillvoicespointedouttheweaknesses,thecontradictions,theinsufficienciesoftherebellion.ThearidMarxistsoftheInternationalCommunistCurrentdispensedtheirusualverdictonallsuchuprisings:notproletarianenough.AnarchistinsurrectionistsinMexicoCitydenouncedarebellionthatdidnotabolishthestateandcapitalismovernight.Again,insuchanalysestherewerekernelsoftruth:theOaxacanrebellioncouldbeunderstoodasakindofradicalpopulismtherewerebureaucratspresentinAPPOfromitsinception.Buttodismisstheentirerebellioninthiswayonlyshowedwheredogmacanleadto:acuttingoffofthebranch(orpedestal)onwhichonestands.ThereisnoneedtoendorsetheOaxacan
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movementuncriticallyandbecomeyetanotherleftistcheerleader,butattitudesofdisdainfulsuperiorityormaximalistdenunciationareequallyunhelpful.Unless,ofcourse,onewantstomissthefullsignificanceoftherebellionentirely.[3]
Thatsaid,onemustrecognizethatevenattheheightoftherebellion,whenthefiresofOaxacawereseenasbeaconsofhopearoundtheworld,certainparadoxeswerenotedbysomecommentators.Herewasamovementthatresonatedinternationallywiththoseopposedtothestatusquo,andyetwithinMexicoitselftherebellionfoundnolargeecho,andnosequelsintermsofmassactionsorsimilarrebellions.WhiletherewasextensivecoverageofOaxacaintheMexicanmedia,therewasnogeneralstrikeinthecountryinsupportofthosebeingcrushedbytherepressivepowerofthestateinNovember2006.One,two,manyOaxacasdidnoteruptacrossMexico.
WherethesituationistRaoulVaneigemsawaOaxacaCommuneandinthisrhetorichewasmerelyrestatingathemeusedbyothersbeforehimalargenumberofMexicanssawsomethingelse.Rightlyorwrongly,theyviewedOaxacaasbeingoneormoreofvariousthings:acorporatist,selfinterestedstrikebyteachersarebellionbelongingtotheindigenouspeoplesofOaxaca,andnottherestofMexicoanentirelylocalaffairthatwasfortheOaxacanstodecide.Whiletheinfluenceofmediadistortionsinsuchperceptionscannotbediscounted,itdoesnotexplaineverything.WhatisclearisthatsomethingintheOaxacanmovement,orincurrentMexicanrealities,workedagainstitscallingforthothersuchmovements.Understandingthisisperhapsthegreatestanalyticalchallengeconfrontingthoseidentifyingwiththemovement.
IITogettoaplacewhereanswerstotheabovequestionscanevenbeventured,onemustrenouncetheconceitofbelievingthatonecanexplainOaxaca,asiftherewereasingleexplanation(orsetofexplanations)thatcouldbeadduced,orasifthoseinthestreetsofOaxaca(orelsewhere,forthatmatter)werewaitingforsomesortofbenevolentactofcriticalinterpretationthatwouldbestowsignificanceonwhattheyhavealreadymadesignificantintheirownlives.
Itisalsonecessarytobackupabit,andtoallowonetobeastonishedagainatwhatdidtakeplaceandcontinuestotakeplaceinOaxaca.IfsuchacommotionhasbeenmadeabouttheOaxacarebellion,itisinthefirstplacebecauseofallthecommotionoccurringinOaxacaitself.BeginninginJune2006,andcontinuingvirtuallywithoutinterruptionforthenextsixmonths,thesocalledcommonpeopleofOaxacadiduncommonthings.
Inanepochinwhichenvironmentalissuesseemtotrumpallothers(andthereisnodenyingtheirfundamentalimportance),itisworthrememberingthatthereisahumanenvironment,andasocialworld,aswell.WhatoccurredinOaxaca
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wasanexampleofradicalenvironmentalchange,oneaccomplishedwithaminimumofresources,andamaximumofinitiativeandcreativity.ItevenextendedtothekindofnovelrecyclingplanimplementedonthebarricadesofOaxaca:scrapsofjunk,evenentireautomobiles,wereputtonewuses.Thewallsofthecitywererepaintedwithgraffiti,featuringspraypaintedinvectivesandstencileddesigns.Notallofthiswasatthelevelofpoetryfartoomuch,infact,remainedatthelevelofmeresloganeeringbutitdidachievetheeffectofremindingaworldthathadseenOaxacaasonlyaquaintandpicturesquemarkettownthatindeedsomethingwashappeninginthisplace,thatthecitywasabattlegroundwhoseidentitywasbeingdisputed,itsphysiognomyrefashioned.
ThiseruptionofthemarvelousinOaxacacaughtmanybysurprise.IntheabsenceofseriousresearchconductedonthesceneoranycomprehensiveattempttolettheOaxacanrebelstelltheirstoriesforthemselves,variousreadymadeanalyseswereputintoservice,withoutmuchconcernastowhetherweretheywerecommensuratewiththesituationtheypurportedtodescribe.ItisnotonlythecorporatemediathatengagesinsuperficialreportingmanypostingonIndymedia,whileclearlymotivatedbysomethingotherthancommercialgain,havebeenguiltyofthesame.Inspiteofthesocalledinformationage,languageandculturalbarriersstillexistthathinderafulltranslationofaneventlikeOaxacaintowords,andforthatmatter,evenSpanishwords.
ManyleftistsupportersoftheOaxacamovementhaveproducedaquickandeasysolutiontotheriddleofitsorigins:itisallduetotheravagesofneoliberalism.Moreover,inatextbookcaseofasimplisticlinkingofcauseandeffect,theOaxacauprisingischaracterizedasaresponseto,andrevoltagainst,thedeleteriousimpactofNAFTAandtheWashingtonConsensus:thesetofenforcedtradeagreementsandfinancialpoliciesthatconstitutethearsenalofneoliberalism,whichisonlyanewernameforlaissezfaireandmonetaristeconomics(oftheChicagoschoolthatwroughtsuchhavocinChileandArgentina,forexample).[4]
Ofcourse,justbecauseanargumentissimplisticonethinksoftheonepositingtheU.S.sneedforcontroloveroilsuppliesastherootcauseofitsinvasionofIraqdoesntmeanthatitiswhollywrong.ThequestioniswhetherneoliberalismisthecasusbelliofthesocialwarinOaxaca,oreventheprimarytargetofthosewhohavetakentoitsstreetsinprotest.
Certainly,thedamageswroughtbyneoliberalismcanbeandhavebeenmeasured.Forthepastnearly20years,Mexicohasbeencaughtinthevortexofaglobalizinghypercapitalismanditstransforming,destructivepowers,ofwhichNAFTAwasonlyarelativelysmallexpression.[5]BeforetheimplementationofNAFTA,thebillionaireTexanpopulistRossPerotwarneddarklyofthegiantsuckingsoundthatonewouldbeabletohearasNorth
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AmericanfactoryjobsmigratedsouthoftheU.S.border.HeneithercarednorwasclairvoyantenoughtoknowthatthepostNAFTAhorrorshowhetriedtoscareAmericanvoterswithwouldplayoutinafarmorecomplicatedwayasfarasMexicowasconcerned.
HydraulicforceswouldhollowouttheU.S.economywithouttransferringsubstantialnumbersofindustrialorpostindustrialjobstoMexico,outsideofthoseinthemaquiladora(assemblyforreexport,usingmainlycomponentsofnonMexicanorigin)zonealongtheU.SMexicanborder.Andsinceitwasindeedaquestionofaworldmarket,andofadrivetofindthelowestpriceforlabor,Mexicowasonlyoftransientinterestfortransnationalcapital.MexicobegantolosejobstoChinaandelsewhere,asitsexportsectorwasundercutbyproductsfromareaswherelaborcostswereevenlowerthanitsown.InvestmentsinthesmallelectronicssectorinMexicohaveyieldedarelativelylownumberofjobsinhightechnologyassemblyandmanufacturing,andthesehavebeenclusteredaroundJaliscoandMexicoCity,andinthemaquiladorazonejustdescribed.Intermsofinformationtechnology,whatresultedwasanenclaveeconomy,andnotanykindoftakeoffoftheMexicaneconomyasawhole.(Formoreonthissubject,seeKevinP.GallagherandLyubaZarsky,TheEnclaveEconomy:ForeignInvestmentandSustainableDevelopmentinMexicosSiliconValley,Cambridge,Mass.(2007).)
Moreover,themagneticpulloftheUnitedStateswhichfordecadeshasbeenunofficiallyimportingacheaplaborforceforitsagriculturalandservicesectorsfromMexicodidnotdisappearwithNAFTA.AsignificantnumberofOaxacanworkershavecontinuedtomigratetoelNorte,andtheirremittanceshavebecomeamajorsourceofincomeintheOaxacaneconomy.
ThislargerstoryisreallyonlypartofthestoryinsofarasOaxacaisconcerned,however.IfNAFTAandthechangeswroughtbyneoliberalpolicieshaveshapedoppositionalcurrentsthroughoutMexico,includingOaxaca,andsharpenedtheirlanguageintermsofadenunciationofforeigncapitalandglobalizationingeneral(acritiqueofdomesticMexicancapitalbeinganothermatteraltogether[6]),theydidnotalonegeneratethesocialcrisisthatledtotheOaxacarebellion.
InthecaseofOaxaca,thiscrisispredatesNAFTA,andeveninthecurrentperiodthereareotherfactorsatwork.ThePlanPueblaPanama,forexample,whichisdesignedtoprovideinfrastructurefortheeasiertransportationofgoodsandresourceshasbeentargetedbyOaxacanprotesterswhoseeitasleadingtoafurtherintegrationoftheirregionintoanareadominatedbyNorthAmericancapitalism.Thismayindeedbetheendresult,butthePlanPueblaPanamawaslargelyaninitiativeoftheMexicanstate,actinginconcertwithothercountriesintheregion.Itmayultimatelyservetheinterestsofforeigncapital,butitalsohasasouthMexicanandCentralAmericandimension.
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AndwhilethereisofcoursealargercontexttotheOaxacarebellion,itsimmediatedimensionswereshapedlessbyneoliberalismintheabstractthanbyconcreteregionalcharacteristicsofsocialstratification,culture,andhistory,includingthetraditionoforganizedprotestinOaxacastate.Thisalsomeantthatwhilethemovementhadalocalcoloration,auniquelyOaxacanidentity,itwasforthisverysamereasonadeeplyrooted,embeddedphenomenon,onethatcouldnoteasilybesuppressed,removed,orindeedreplicatedelsewhere.
Therebellionwasfurtherdefinedbythekindofpowerstructureitopposed,whichagainhadspecificallyOaxacanfeatures,onesnotnecessarilyfoundeverywhereelseinMexico.InOaxaca,thedinosaursofthePRI(InstitutionalRevolutionaryParty,thepoliticalpartythathadperpetuateditsruleatthenationallevelthroughclientelism,repression,andthecreationofalargepublicsector)werestillinpowerinOaxacastateandpracticingtheirdecadeslongtraditionsofcorruptionandbrutality,usingcaciques(politicalbosses)astheirlocalsurrogates.Foralongtime,powerhadbeenenforcedinOaxacaatthepointofagun,coupledwithakindofinstitutionalizedbribery:thegrantingofsubsidiestovariousorganizations,includingthoseperceivedtobeapotentialthreattothesocialorder.UnderUlisesRuizOrtizspredecessor,JosMurat,thesesubsidiesweregiventoindigenousgroups,includingsomeorganizationswholoudlyproclaimedtheirMagonistaradicalism,suchastheCIPORFM(PopularIndigenousCouncilofOaxacaRicardoFloresMagn).[7]ThewithdrawalofsuchsubsidiesbyUlisesRuizOrtizmayhavebeenthefirstofthemanymisstepshemadeinconfrontingoppositiontohisrule.
UlisesRuizOrtizsdecisiontounleashhispoliceagainstanencampmentofteachersontheirannualstrikeforbetterpayandimprovementsintheeducationalsystemwasthesparkthatignitedarebellion,producingabroaderandboldersocialmovementinthestreetsofOaxaca.WhatemergedwhenthecloudsofteargasclearedinJune,2006wasAPPO,thePopularAssemblyofthePeoplesofOaxaca.Itscreationinwhatwasaclassicexampleofacollectiveinvention,withnoindividualauthororinstigatorwasamanifestation,andthedirectexpression,ofastrugglethathadbecomebothwideranddeeper.Theassemblypartofitsnamewasanassertionofthesupposedsovereigntyofitsrankandfile,whichmeantthatthemovementwould,intheory,nolongerbebeholdentotheteachersunionanditsbureaucracy.
IIIWhenlookedatretrospectively,thetrajectoryoftheOaxacarebellionresemblesthatofoneofthefireworksthatwereusedasimprovisedweaponsbythemovement.Therewasasmolderingatthebeginning,aswiftascent,andthenanexplosionthatleftpiecesandburningembersscatteredontheground.Intryingtodiscernjustwherethebrightestsparkswere,somerecapitulationofthekeyepisodesinthemovementisnecessary.Furthermore,aninterpretationofthemovementsriseandfallrequiresacloserscrutinyofits
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variouscomponents.
APPOwasaproblematicentityfromitsinception.Itquicklybecameclearthat,initsemphasisonakindoflowestcommondenominatorunity,APPOhadbecomeallthingstoallpeople,beingpartbureaucraticcondominiumandpartsocialmovement.Fortheantiauthoritariancomponentoftherebellion,itwasanexampleofdirectdemocracy.FortheStalinistsoftheFPR(RevolutionaryPopularFront,anorganizationcontrolledbytheCommunistPartyofMexico(MarxistLeninist)),whoseoperativesmovedaggressivelytoinstallthemselvesinpositionsofleadership,empoweringthemselvesasspokespersonsforAPPO,itrepresentedagoldenopportunitytoexpandtheirinfluence.Otherpoliticalgroupings,suchasNIOAX(TheNewLeftofOaxacainwhichthepolticoFlavioSosaandthefirstpoliticalprisoneroftheOaxacanmovementhadfoundhislatestperch),sawanopeningforamoreconventionalkindofpoliticaladvancement.Inthewordsofthosewholatercriticizedsuchmanipulationandopportunism,APPOwasviewedbysomeasatrampoline:itspowercouldbeleveragedtoachieveotheraims,whethersecuringelectiveofficeorfurtheringtheagendaofaMarxistLeninistparty,orbothatthesametime.ThemuchvauntedautonomyofthebaseofAPPOwasoftenmorehonoredinthebreachthaninreality,atleastwithintheassemblyitself.
Asmentionedpreviously,theOaxacarebelliondidnotappearexnihiloorsimplyasaspontaneousresponsetoeconomicandpoliticalcircumstances.TherehadbeenalongstandinghistoryofoppositiontothestatusquointhestateofOaxaca,oneinwhichthetacticoftheplantn(protestencampment)hadbeenusedrepeatedlyindeed,itwaspartoftherepertoireofsocialprotestinMexicogenerally.Overtwodecades,Section22oftheteachersunionhaddemonstrateditscombativenessanditsdemandsoftenexceededpurelyeconomiccategories:bettereducationforindigenouspeopleshasbeenforemostamongthem.However,therehadalsobeenaclearlimittothekindofstrugglewagedbytheteachers.WhileoftenportrayedasaltruisticchampionsoftheindigenouspeoplesofOaxacaandbehindthisidealizedportraitthereisindeedsometruththeteachersstruggleclearlyalsohadanelementofselfinterest.
Forexample,itwasnoaccidentthattheleadershipoftheteachersunion,immediatelypriortointerventionoftheFederalPoliceinOctober2006,waspreparedtocutadealandsellouttherestofAPPO.ThisbetrayalwasdenouncedbytherestoftheOaxacanmovement,includingtherankandfileoftheteachersunionitself,butthepicturewasnotassimpleasacleardivisionbetweenunionbureaucratsontheonesideandradicalbaseontheother.Withintheteachersunion,andinoppositiontoitsmoremainstreamleadership,theStalinistsoftheFPRhadaconsiderablefollowing,andthiswastheorganizationalfulcrumthatallowedthemtoeffectivelycolonizemuchofAPPOitself,installingtheiractivistsinkeypositionsandattemptingtocurtailandsilencetheantiauthoritariancurrentswithinthelargerrebellion.Itisperhapsno
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surprisethatradicalOaxacanteachers,wholiketheircounterpartsinsomanyothercountriesseethemselvesasbearersofconsciousnesstotheunenlightenedmasses,wouldalsobesuchavidMarxistLeninists.
Beforethisdrearydenouement,however,agooddealelsehappenedinOaxacathatwasduetotheinitiativesofthemovementsbaseandwhichlargelyescapedthestrictcontrolofitsprotobureaucraticrepresentatives.TheseoutlinedanewconfigurationofsocialpowerinOaxaca,butnotintheclassicsenseofdualpowersooftendiscussedbyrevolutionarytheoristsinthetwentiethcentury.InOaxaca,thisreconfigurationwasmoreimplicitthanexplicit,morenomadicandmobilethansomethingobjectified.Thisrelativefailureofthemovementissomethingitscriticsontheleftpointto,buttheyoverlookthefactthatitwasinitsownexistenceinactsthattheParisCommunehadvalueintheeyesofMarx.
WhatstillisntclearatthislatedateiswhathappenedinsideAPPO,andwhatitsproceedingswerelike.Weknowthattherecountlessmeetings,andthatvariouscommissionswereelectedwithspecifictaskstoaccomplish.Inthisrespect,theredoesseemtohavebeenaprincipleofmandatesthatoperatedwithinAPPO.Butthefactthatvariousspokespersons(anditworthreiteratingthatthesewereforthemostpartStalinists)continuedtospeakforthemovement,withoutanyaccountabilitytoitsbase,throwsthisintoquestion.Thefactthattheassemblyinsistedonfunctioningonthebasisofconsensus,atleastinitsfirstfewmonths,isalsointeresting,butnolessproblematic.Strictadherencetoconsensuswouldseemipsofactotomitigateagainsttheabilityofaradicalminoritytohaveitsviewpointsexpressedintheassembly.Antiauthoritarianswithinthemovementwouldlaterdiscoverthelimitsofsuchaprinciple,andofanillusoryconsensusthatinanycasewasnotsomethingthatbotheredtheunscrupulousoperatorsoftheFPR.Atpresent,wehavenotranscriptsavailabletoseeifthedeliberationsoftherankandfileofAPPOmeetinginassemblywere,infact,analogoustothedebatesofthePetrogradSovietortorevolutionaryworkersassembliesinBarcelonain19361937.ForalloftheuseofthetermOaxacaCommune,atthispointitcanonlybeunderstoodatbestasagoalthemovementaspiredto,andatworstasmerewishfulthinking.
Whatisclear,however,isthattheperiodofOctoberNovember2006wasthehighwateroftheOaxacarebellion,andthedecisivestageforthemovementinastrategicsense.WiththeentryoftheFederalpoliceintothecityonOctober29,2006,themovementwasconfrontedbythearmedpoweroftheMexicanstate,andnotjustthepoliceandgoons(porros)ofthegovernor.Followingthisintervention,therebellionwasfirstplacedonthedefensive,beingdislodgedfromitscentralpositionsinandaroundthezcalo(townsquareorplaza)andfallingback,underthepressureofriotpoliceandteargasfiredfromhelicoptersandontheground,towardtheareaaroundtheuniversity.
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OnNovember2,2006,asthepolicemovedtowardtheuniversitytosilencethemovementsremainingradiostation(onethathadservedasavitalmeansofcoordinatingresistancetothepolice),adefensewasmountedbytherebellion,usingthebarricadesthathadalreadybeenerectedinthecity.Determinedstreetfightersweresuccessfulinthwartingthepoliceadvanceintotheuniversity,andforatimeitlookedasthoughthemovementhadregainedtheinitiative.Butafterthisvictoryinthestreets,protesterssoughttoretakethezcaloonNovember25,2006,andindoingsotheyfellintotrapdesignedexpertlybytheauthorities,wholaunchedtheirownviolentcounteroffensiveagainstthemovement.Theresultsofthiswouldbecountedinthescoresofwoundedprotesters,thekillingsconductedbyporros,theimprisonmentofactivists,andageneralstrategicsituationinwhichthemovementwasforcedundergroundandliterallyputontherun.
WhentherebellionraiseditsheadagaininOaxacaCityinearly2007,itwasnotthesamemovement.Themovementconfrontedakindofpolicestateatthelocallevel,whileitsowncontradictionshadsharpened,reachingthebreakingpoint.Already,onNovember25,2006,atacrucialmomentofconfrontationwiththepolice,theselfstyledleadershipofAPPOhadtriedtoremovetheCincoSeoresbarricade,onlytobeshouteddownbyitsdefenders,whorefusedtomove.AmoregeneralsplitbetweentheStalinist,officialfaceofAPPOandtheantiauthoritariancurrentswithinitsbasewasintensifying,andwouldemergeinbroaddaylightinearly2007.
IVInthebeginningofSeptember2006,atatimewhenbarricadessurgedthroughoutthecityofOaxaca,itwasevidentthatanunprecedentedoccurrencewastakingplace:
thecityhadbeenconvertedintoalaboratory.Neverinthecontemporaryhistoryofthecountryanditscitieshadbarricadesbeenerectedonsuchalargescale(andneitherhadtherebeenspontaneouscreationsofsuchamplitudeinanurbansettinginMexico),somethingthatalsoimpliesthatneverbeforehadthepopulationofacitytakencontrolofsuchanextensiveurbanarea.HectorBallesteros,IntroductiontoPuntosB:Cartografiasdeunaciudadencrisis:Oaxaca2006,interactiveDVD,2007(http://puntosb.blogspot.com)
Aswellasanarrativeofpoliticsatthemacroandmicrolevels,theOaxacarebellionshouldbeunderstoodintermsofthecreationofanalternativesocialspacewithinthecityofOaxacaitself.Thisspacewascreatedbymeansofoccupations,theerectingofbarricades,andinthelargestreetprotests(calledmegamarches,often,butnotalways,accurately)conductedbythemovementoveraperiodofmanymonths.AsmuchasanymeetingofAPPO,thisiswherethemovementexpresseditselfand,likesomanyothersimilarmovements,freeandcreativeexpressionwasoneofitscentral
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characteristics.Therebellionitselfwasakindofstreamingtorrentofwords,images,anddeeds.Theselefttheirimprintonthewallsofthecity,ontheintersectionsofitsstreets,andinthemindsofitsinhabitants.WhenthepolicereoccupiedthecenterofOaxaca,oneofthefirstactsoftheauthoritieswastoorderapaintingoverofallgraffiti,anactthatresultedinswathesofdifferentcoloredpaintreplacingtheslogansandstencilsofthemovement.Thisabstractpoliceartwasdesignedtoerasealltracesoftherebellion,butallitdidwastoprovidethosewithcansofspraypaintafreshcanvasfortheirworks.
AsHectorBallesterosimpliesinhisremarkaboutOaxacabecomingalaboratory,therebellionhadanexperimentalqualityintheusesitmadeofthecity.Whateveritsshortcomingsintermsofpoliticalclarityoranabilitytogeneralizeitsstruggle,therebelsofOaxacashowedaremarkableendurance,asawellasaconsiderabletalentforimprovisationandinnovation.
Oneofthemythsthathasgrownuparoundthemovement,andneedsdispellingevenattheriskofupsettingmanyofitssupporters,isthattherebellionwascompletelyorevenessentiallynonviolent.Whilethemovementseemstohavemadeacollectivedecisionnottoescalateitsownviolence,andtoactinselfdefenseofthespacesitoccupied,itwasnotapeacefulstruggleinthepacifistsense.Instead,itwasahybrid:somethingmorethanamovementconductingcivildisobedience,andsomethinglessthanurbanguerrillawarfare,ithadaspectsofboth.
Thetermasymmetricalwarfareisabuzzwordamongmilitarytheorists,aeuphemismforabattleinwhichthesidesareunequal,orwagequalitativelydifferentkindsofcombat.Forsuchanalysts,theOaxacamovementmayultimatelyserveasatextbookcase.Aninterestingexampleoftherebellionscreativityishowparticipantsgaveanewandpositivemeaningtothephrasesmokeandmirrors.Atcrucialpointsinthebattleswithpolice,groupsofbazuqueros(namedfortheplastictubestheyusedaslaunchersforfireworks)wouldshootskyrocketsatthepolicelines,therebypartiallyoffsettingtheeffectofvolleysofteargasdirectedattheprotesters.Buseswerealsosetonfireandrolledtowardpolicelines:thesewerecalledkamikazes.(Ifnothingelse,theOaxacarebellionhasaddedsomenewwordstothelexiconofradicalsocialprotest.)
Mirrorswereusedbothtoreflectlightandtoputmattersinadifferentlight.WhenapolicehelicoptercircledoveracrowdofprotestersonNovember1,2006,hundredsofhandmirrorswereusedbythoseonthegroundinanattempttoconfuseordisorientthepilot.Ifnothingelse,itshowedtheMexicanarmedforcesthattheyweredealingwithamovementthatwasnoteasilyintimidated.Afterreportsofrapesandotherviolencebypoliceagainstwomenwhohadbeenarrested,protestershelduplargermirrorstothefederalpolice,whocouldseetheirfacesinthemirrorswiththesuperimposedwords:Iamarapist.
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OneofthemostinterestingaspectsoftheOaxacarebellion,andonethatmayinfactdefineitforposterity,hasbeenthedegreetowhichwomenhaveparticipatedinit,creatingtheirownspacewithinthemovementandundertakingimportantinitiativesoftheirown.Inthis,theyhavedirectlychallengedthereigningmachismoofMexicansocietyingeneralandthepatriarchaltraditionsofindigenouscultureinOaxacastatespecifically.TheradicalredefinitionofgenderrolesisatopicmuchdiscussedinthewellappointedcampusesofNorthAmericanandEuropeanacademia.InOaxaca,suchchangehashadamoredowntoearthandsubstantivemeaning:relationsbetweenmenandwomen,andamongdiversecategoriesofpeoplegenerally,arebeingrenegotiatedineverydaylifeandinthecontextofaradicalsocialmovement.
Womentooktheleadinoneofthemostremarkableepisodesintherebellion:thetakingoverofalocaltelevisionstation,whichthenresumedbroadcastingasamovementstation,withtheoccupierscreatingnewprograms,conductinginterviews,andradicallyalteringthebalanceofmediapowerwithinthecity.Notofallofthesebroadcastswerefreeofdogmaorrepetition,butinatleastsomeofthemarebellious,alternativespiritshonethrough.
Youngpeoplealsoplayedamajorroleinallphasesoftherebellion,contributingbothlaninthestreetfightingandtakingtheinitiativeincreatingalternativemediathatplayedavitalroleassourcesoftacticalintelligence(aboutpolicemovements,forexample)andasameansofcommunicatingtheideasofthemovementtothesurroundingpopulation.Thesemediaincludedtheradiostationsusedbythemovement,aswellaspublicationslikeBarrikadaandvariousculturalworkshopsthatbroughtfreshperspectivesandnewidiomstosocialprotestinOaxaca.Andthiswasalldonewithoutyoungeractivistsevernarrowlydefiningthemselvesasprotagonistsofarevoltofyouth.
However,therewasafarfromprogressiveaspecttotherebellionsrelationtoitsveryyoungestparticipants,andthiswasthecurious(andperhapsculturallyspecific)useofchildrenasmascotswhomimickedadultsingivingstagedperformancesofspeechesbeforemucholderaudiences,mouthingwordsthattheyclearlycouldnothavewritten,muchlessfullyunderstood.Thiswasrepeatedinsimilarlyscriptedappearancesbychildreninprogramsbroadcastbytheoccupiedtelevisionstationandbythemovementsradiostations.WhatmayhavelookedcutetoaOaxacanaudienceonlyseemstoanoutsidertobebothcontrivedandcloying,howeverbenignitsintentionmayhavebeen.DocumentariesmadebyU.S.andMexicanindependentmediahaverecordedsuchsceneswithoutanycomment,displayingakindofpaternalisticindulgencethatironically,andnodoubtunintentionally,echoespaststereotypesofindigenouspeoplesasnatureschildren.
Intermsofthesocioeconomiccategoriesrepresentedinthemovement,great
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attentionhasbeenpaidofcoursetotheroleofteachers,atleastinitially,andthatplayedbytheworkingpopulationgenerallyinOaxaca,alongwiththeinhabitantsofpoorneighborhoods.MarxistshaveseentheheterogeneityofthemovementasitsAchillesheel:itwasnotstrictusensua"trulyworkingclass"phenomenon.ThismayindeedbeareasonwhythemovementdidnotreceivetangiblesupportelsewhereinMexico,unlikerecentstrikestherethathavereceivedanactiveresponsefromotherworkers.Buttheissueofclass,inaerainwhichsomanyfixedsocialcategories,includingclassstructure,arebeingdisarticulatedorrecomposed,isonethatisinneedofaradicalrethinkingtobeginwith,especiallyasthemuchtoutedmodernproletariatdeartosituationistsandothershasyettomakeitsappointedrendezvouswithhistory.Thereisnodoubt,however,thatasociologicalinventoryoftheOaxacanmovementwouldrevealspecificcharacteristicsthatmaynotbefoundelsewhere,eitherinMexicoorinothercountries.
*
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[Bannercaption"Protectus,MostHolyVirginoftheBarricades".Oaxacas,2008.]
Wheredoesthesoundcomefrom?Itisthesoundofthebarricade
TheSoundoftheBarricade,asongoftheOaxacarebellion
OnecategoryofparticipantsthatisdiscussedbyMexicanobservers,butbyfewoutsiders,isthatofthechavosbanda,atermthatisdifficulttorenderintoEnglish,butwhichmeanssomethinglikestreettoughsorhoodlums(aFrenchequivalentmightbeblousonsnoirs).Thisgroupplayedanactiveroleintherebellion,especiallyonthebarricadesandinthefightingwithpolice,andbecamesoconspicuousastofigureinthepolemicsofothers.Notsurprisingly,sincetheseweremembersofthelumpenproletariat(andonemustremember
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justhowpejorativeandsubjectiveatermthisis,andthatitisanotherofMarxsmoredubioustheoreticallegacies),theywereviewedwithscornbytheStalinistsoftheFPRandbythosewithamoresecuresocialstatusgenerally,suchastheteachersandthepettybourgeoiselementswhowerealsopartofthemovement.Anditisnotanunambiguousstory,forthatmatter.Manyofthesepoliticizedstreetfighterswereinfluencedbyanarchistideas(anotherreasonwhytheyweretreatedwithsuchdisdainbyMarxistLeninists),butthatdidntmeanthattheirautonomousactionsalwaysmadestrategicsensetotheorganizedanarchistsinOaxaca.Clearly,however,itwouldbeinterestingtoknowmoreabouthowsuchtensionshaveplayedoutsincetheendofNovember2006,andtolearnwhathashappenedtothechavosbandasincetheebbingoftherebellionasamovementinthestreets.
Inadditiontothoseonthebarricades,theotherradicalfociioftheOaxacarebellionwerecomprisedofthosegroupsandindividualswithinAPPOwhochallengedthehegemonyoftheFPRStalinistsovertheformalstructuresoftheassembly.Theseantiauthoritarians,wholooselycomprisedtheMagonista/antibureaucraticwingofthemovement,didhaveaconsciouspoliticalperspective,onethatwascommittedtofreedebateandtheautonomouspoweroftherankandfileofAPPO.HavingbeenoutmaneuveredbytheFPRintheearlyphaseoftheassembly,theseelementswhoincludedthegroupsthatmakeuptheAlianzaMagonistaZapatistaandthemorerecentlyformedVOCAL(VocesOaxaqueasConstruyendoAutonomayLibertad,orOaxacanVoicesConstructingAutonomyandFreedom)wereinaweakpositiontochallengetheStalinists,especiallywhenthebaseofAPPOcouldnolongermeeteasilyoropenlyinthewakeofthesevererepressionintheweeksandmonthsafterNovember2006.However,thesegroupsdidpublicizetheirvehementcriticismsoftheFPRsmanipulativepoliticsanditscharacterassassinationsofthoseopposedtoitsviselikeholdonAPPO(forEnglishtranslationsofmaterialsdetailingthepositionsoftheantiauthoritarianleftinOaxaca,seewww.collectivereinventions.org).
ShortlyafterthesedivisionswithinAPPOcameoutintotheopen,theleadingactivistofVOCAL,DavidVenegas,wasimprisonedbythestate,givingtheantiauthoritariansinOaxacaafigureandacause(politicalprisoners)aroundwhichtheycouldrally,astheyalsotriedatthesametimetodisseminatetheirantiStalinistviewsonthefutureofthemovement.However,theimprisonmentofVenegasdeprivedthemofaneloquentandsharptongue,onethatwasunafraidoftakingthefighttotheFPR(VenegaswasreleasedfromprisonforthetimebeinginearlyMarch2008,butstillfacestrialonanumberofcharges).Inlate2007,theantibureaucraticwingofAPPOheldapublicmeeting,whichcalleditselftheThirdStateAssemblyofAPPO,onethatwasconvenedinanopenbreakwiththeFPRorofficialwingofAPPO.Thisbroughttogetheranumberofgroups,aswellasrepresentativesfromneighborhoodsandthe(former)barricades,includingaconsiderablenumberofyoungantiauthoritarians.
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WhilethisdevelopmentseemedtoindicatethattherewasaclearopeningfortheantiStalinistsectortogrowandestablishitselfonitsowntermsasanautonomousmovement(withorwithouttheuseoftheAPPOname,whichsomeinVOCALsawasalreadybadlycompromisedbytheactionsoftheFPR),itappearsthat,forthetimebeingatleast,theOaxacanantiauthoritariansarewagingavaliantbutlonelybattle,makingdowithlimitedresourcesandattractingonlyarelativelysmallnumberofpeopletotheircause.
StaterepressionandthebureaucraticpoliticsoftheFPRanditsteachersaffiliatehavetakentheirtollinOaxaca.Themovementisnolongerwhatitwas,andnolongermobilizesthecrowdsitdidinitsheyday.Thrownonthedefensive,whatremainsoftherebellionhasbeenreducedtoalmostasingledemandtheone,overridingissuethathasbeentherefromthebeginningtheremovalofthereviledUlisesRuizOrtizfromoffice.Indoingso,themovementhasbecomeselflimiting:itnolongerovertlyembodiesavisionofadifferentsociety,somethingthatisadmittedlyveryhardtodoinpresentcircumstances.Still,meetingstakeplace,andyounganarchistshavebeenespeciallyactiveinkeepingtheflamesoftherebellionfrombeingentirelyextinguished.Meanwhile,theteachersunionhasgoneitsownwayagain,andwhilemakinganappealforthereleaseofpoliticalprisoners,hasessentiallyreturnedtotheterrainofcorporatist,economicdemands.
ThelastpagesoftheOaxacarevoltclearlyhavenotbeenwrittenyet.However,iftherebellionisevertobecomeamassphenomenonagain,andifitsmessageistobetakenupelsewhereinMexico,itwillhaveto,somewhatparadoxically,reconnectwiththelargerOaxacansocietywhiletryingtobreakoutofbeingnarrowlytypecastasapurelyOaxacanmovement.Itisaverytallorder,anditseemsarrogantforthoseontheoutsidetocriticizetheshortcomingsofarebellionthatwentasfarastheoneinOaxacadid.Butturningablindeyetothemovementsweaknessesanddilemmasisofnousetoanyone.
Vitcanbecalculatedthat,withlittleeffort,morethan10,000menwouldbereadytocometothisparishfromthesurroundingmountains,boldliketheclimateoftheland,asiswitnessedbytheatrocioushappeningsthathavetakenplace,moreinthisoneprovincethaninalltheothersoftherealmandsowaryarethesementhatIhaveheardandknowthingsabouttheminthisbusinessthatcannotbesaidofveryexperiencedcaptains.Fr.AlonsodeCuevasDvalos,BishopofOaxaca,inhislettertotheviceroyfromTehuantepec,April1660[8].
*IntryingtotracethecontoursofthelargercontextinwhichtheOaxaca
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rebellionemerged,oneisremindedofexplorersseekingtheoriginsoftheNile:italldependsonhowfarbackonewantstogo.Astheabovecitationindicates,theOaxacaregionwasconsideredarebelliouslandafullcenturyaftertheSpanishconquestofMexico,anditwasthesceneofseveralmajorrevoltsagainstcolonialauthority.Indescribingthesamerevoltof1660thatsoalarmedthegoodBishopofOaxaca,anotherofhiscompatriotsreferredgravelytocircumstancesofrebellionandbadspiritthatprevailedintheregion.
Supportersofthecurrentrebellionhavebeentemptedtodrawadirectlinefromincidentslikethe1660Tehuantepecrevolt,whichoccurredinthesouthofwhatisnowOaxacastate,totheeventsoftoday,viewingthecontemporarymovementasbeingonlythelatestepisodeinanunbrokentraditionofaboriginaloppositiontoWesternsocietyinallitsguises,whetherintheformofSpanishconquistadors,theMexicanstate,U.S.imperialism,orglobalizedconsumerculture.Thisthemehasfrequentlyappearedinthediscourseofindigenousradicalismitself,wheretheconnectionbetweenpastandpresenthasbeenmadeliteralinthecelebrationof500yearsofresistanceonthepartofnativepeoplestoforeign(i.e.,nonindigenous)domination.
Ifonesympathizeswiththethrustofthisargument,therearenonethelessproblemswithanyidealizationofnativetraditions,andwiththeconstructionofanimperfectlyunderstoodcommunalitysetagainstthesupposedlyabsoluteevilsofModernity.Instatingthis,onedoesnotimpugn,ordescribeasfalseconsciousness,theviewpointsoftheindigenousthemselvesabouttheirlives,theirstruggles,andtheirfundamentalgrievancesagainsttherulingorder,bothlocalandglobal.Onthecontrary,itaccordstheseviewpointstheautonomytheydeserve(whoelsebuttheindigenouscanspeakfor,ratherthanjustonbehalfof,nativecultures?),anditrecognizesacertainincapacityonthepartoftheoutsideobservertograsptherealitiesofindigenoussocieties,toseetheworldinthesamewayasthoselookingatitthroughautochthonouseyes.
However,recognizingsuchalimittounderstandingdoesnotrequireawholesaleabandonmentofcriticalfacultiesinfavoroftheemptygeneralitiesthatcharacterizesomuchofthelanguageofFirstWorldsupportersofFourthWorldradicalism,rhetoricthatismoreemotivethananalytical,andmoreacclamationthanasubstantiveencounterwithindigenousrealities.Toreadsomeaccounts,onewouldthinkthattherehadexistedsomepreColumbianGoldenAgeinwhichpeace,equality,andcooperationreignedthroughoutthelandsthatwouldcometobeknown(inhomagetotheirEuropeancolonizers)astheAmericas.Putsimply,thislegenddoesn'tallowfactstogetinthewayofitsutopianstoryline.Itignoresortrivializestheexistenceofhereditary(andabsolutist)authority,castes,slavery,andtribalwarfareintheindigenousworldpriortotheConquest.
ToreturntorealityandtothesituationinOaxaca,akeychallengeforoutsiders
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(andthestatusofbeinganextranjeroisnotonethatisnecessarilypossibletoovercome,butmaybeonethat,whenallowancesaremade,affordsaperspectivethatisofvaluepreciselybecauseofitsfocallengthfromthesubject)ispreciselythatofgrapplingwiththerelationshipoftherebelliontoindigenousculture.Participantshavestressedthattherehasbeenastrongimprintleftonthemovementbytheexampleoftraditionalpracticesandcustoms(usosycostumbres,whichcanalsobetranslatedascustomarylawor"traditionalpractices")observedinmanyvillagesinOaxacastate.Thisinfluenceisunderlined,tobeginwith,bythecentralimportanceattachedbythemovementtotheideaandpracticeofanassembly,withtheassemblyformbeingconstruedbyparticipantsasintegraltotherebellionsexperimentindirectdemocracyin2006.
Theelementsofusosycostumbresthataremostoftendescribedbyobserversandbyindigenouspeoplesthemselvesare,inadditiontotheimportanceofthevillageassemblyasthesovereignbodyofconsensualdecisionmaking:1)thesystemofcargosorofficesthatavillagecitizenisexpectedtoservein2)aformofobligatoryandunpaidlaboronbehalfofthecommunityknownastequio3)apracticeofreciprocalexchangeofgiftsandservicesknown(inZapotec)asguelaguetza4)adeepcommitmenttothevalueofcooperationand5)thecontinuingcommunalownershipoflands.
Itisworthnotingthatnearlyallofthesepracticesandcustomsareonesthathavechangedovertime,andhaveundergonefundamentaltransformations,ashas,ofcourse,theverystructureofindigenoussocietyinMexico,beginningwiththedisappearanceofitshereditarynobility.Moreover,iftodaysusosycostumbresarenotwholeandintactpracticesfromanotheragethathavebeenpreservedinsomekindofculturalamber,theyarealsonotuniform,varyingconsiderablywithinOaxacastate.
Asanexampleofhowhistoryhasmodifiedwhatarepresentedastimelesstraditions,onecantaketheexampleofoneofthem:tequio,generallydescribedasunpaid,butobligatory,laboronbehalfofthecommunity.Alongwiththeimportanceofcooperationinindigenousvillages,thispracticeisoftenadducedasalivingexampleofmutualaidinacommunalsociety,whichinmanycasesinOaxacaitundoubtedlyis.However,itisinterestingtotracetheetymologyoftheworditselfandtoseethedifferentmeaningsithasacquiredinvariouscontexts.TequioisderivedfromtheNahuatl(Aztec)wordtequitl,andoriginallymeanttribute,asinlaborandlandsduetothetraditionalnobility(thepreColumbian,indigenousrulingcaste)orotheroverlords(includingtheAztecconquerorsofotherindigenoustribes).ItwaslaterintegratedandcodifiedasthetributesystemoftheSpanishcolonizers,whodeftlymadeuseoftribalandcastedivisionswithinindigenoussociety,fissuresthathadalreadyplayedamajorroleinfacilitatingtheConquestitself.
Whiletequio,asitispracticedincontemporaryOaxaca,mayconjureupin
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someNorthAmericanorEuropeanmindsavisionofvoluntarycollaborationasinthecommunitygardensofBerkeleysPeoplesParkin1969orinstillearliercooperativeendeavorsinProvoAmsterdamitspositiveconnotationsareagainsomethingthatdevelopedandweremodifiedovertime,andnoteverywhere.InpartsofCentralAmerica,thenegativemeaninghasnotbeenlost:inNicaraguanSpanish,tequiosomeansoverbearing,cumbersome,orbothersome,clearlyshowingitsrootinawordassociatedwithcoercedlabor,obligation,andduty.
Thesystemofcargosisalsoproblematic,andhardlymeritstheenthusiasmofantiauthoritarianswhoareproponentsofassembliesandrevocabledelegates.Inapproximately15%oftraditionalOaxacanvillages,womenareformallybarredfromparticipatinginthevillageassembly,andfromholdingoffice(acargo).ThisfacthasrecentlyreceivedagooddealofattentionintheMexicanmediaastheresultofthecaseofEufrosinaCruzMendoza,whocouldnotstandforpresidentinhernativevillageofSantaMaraQuiegolani(inOaxacastate)forthesimplereasonthatsheisfemale.SuchanexampleofakindofgenderbasedapartheidshouldgiveseriouspausetoanyonetryingtoseeOaxacanvillagesasbeingcontemporaryanaloguestotheruralcollectivesoftheSpanishRevolution.ItalsounderlinesthedegreetowhichthecontemporaryOaxacanmovementbrokenewgroundvisvistraditionalindigenousculture,especially(butnotonly)inregardstogenderroles.Inmanyways,then,theOaxacarebellionwasnotanatavisticortraditionalphenomenon.TheassemblyintheurbanOaxacarebelliontotheextentthatitfunctionedasagatheringoftherankandfileparticipantselectingmandated,revocabledelegateswassomethingdifferentthananassemblyofallthecitizensofaindigenousvillage.ItmayhavehadalinktocommunalpracticesinOaxacastate,butitwasalsoaninnovationcomparedtothosesametraditions,withmoreincommonwithautonomousformsproducedinotherstrugglesinLatinAmericainrecentdecades,rangingfromChile1973(thecordonesindustriales)totherecentpiqueteromovementinArgentina.
Therelevanceofindigenouscustomsandpracticesisopentoquestioninotherrespectsaswell.InmanytraditionalOaxacanvillages,oneisobligedtoperformsociallyusefullaborandtoacceptresponsibilityinanumberofdefinedpositions(theaforementionedcargos).Ifonerefusesorevadessuchobligations,oneisdeprivedofcitizenshipinthevillage,ineffectbecomingostracizedfromthelifeofthecommunity.OaxacanswholeavetheirvillageandbecomeimmigrantworkersintheU.S.andCanadastillmustfulfillsuchobligationsinordertoretaintheirstatusasvillagecitizens.Itistestimonytotheimportanceofsuchanidentitythatmanysuchimmigrantsreturntotheirvillagestoacquittheirresponsibilitiesitisrevealingoftheambiguitiesofsuchanidentitythatitscommunalityimpliesacertaincoercionandthattodaythenotionofwhatisvoluntaryorfreelygivenisunderminedbythefactthatvillagememberscanpayotherstoperformtheirtequioobligations:theruralcommunemeetsthecashnexus,andnotonlyatthispoint.RemittancesfromOaxacans
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workingintheU.S.andCanadaservetobuoythestateeconomy,buttheyhavealsotransformedaspectsofvillagelifeinruralOaxaca,bringingsatellitedishesandotherappurtenancesoftheconsumersocietysodisdainedbyFirstWorldsupportersofindigenouscultures.
Furthermore,inthepresentarrayofsocialpowerinOaxaca,thesystemofusosycostumbrespracticesthathavealegal,codifiedstatusinthestatecanbeunderstoodasaformofrecuperation,asawayofintegratingtraditionalindigenoussocietyintopreexistingstructuresofpoliticalandsocialpower.Theofficialenshrinementofusosycostumbrestookplacein1995duringthetenureofthePRIgovernorJosMurat,atpreciselyatimewhentherulingeliteinOaxacafeltunderattackbydemandsforautonomyfromindigenousmovementsinthestate.AcarefulstudybyAlejandroAnayaMunozrevealstheelitesstrategy,inthefaceofthisthreat,tohavebeenoneofcooptationandtheintegrationofindigenousdemands,combinedwiththetraditionalresortofbuyingofflocalcaciquesandmakingpayoffstovillagersatelectiontime.[9]
Whatthen,intheend,canbesaidabouttherelationshipoftraditionalpracticestothesocialmovementinOaxaca?Clearly,thereisone,butasexplainedabove,itisnotunequivocal.Thisdoesnotmeanthatitistrivial,either,orthattheindigenousperspectiveissomehowonlyasecondaryquestion.However,adefinitivetheoreticalpositionvisvistheseissuesmaybeachimera.Ratherthantryingtoarriveatananswerthatinanycasecouldneverbedefinitive,butonlyapproximate,onemayhavetoposequestionsinstead,andtoinsistonthewrinklesinalandscapethatothersseeasflatoruncomplicated.
Forunconditionalanduncriticalsupportersofindigenousstrugglestherearenosuchconceptualproblems.Theysimplyendorsetraditionalpracticesasbeinginnatelyegalitarianandcommunalsomeevengosofarastomakeextravagantclaimsaboutthecosmovison(viewoftheworld)ofnativepeoples,raisingthedissimilaritybetweentraditionalandmodernmentalitiestothelevelofpureontologicaldifference.[10]Thisaclassicexampleofanessentialistargument:thereisatrueIndiannessthatisahistorical,immutableandorganic.Andwhatemergesfromsuchthinkingisakindofidentitypoliticsbasedonanindigenistfundamentalism.
Conversely,traditionalMarxiststendtobepreemptivelydismissiveofanyargumentonbehalfofradicalpeasantriesandtheircommunaltraditions.Inthis,onehearsthevoiceoftheMaster:theMarxwhofamouslyreferredintheopeningsectionofTheCommunistManifestototheidiocyofrurallife.Thereis,ofcourse,moretotheMarxistargumentthanmerecondescension,includingayoungerMarxsownrhapsodizinginTheGermanIdeologyaboutacommunistsocietyinwhichhecouldhunt,fish,andphilosophizeallonthesameday,withouthavingtobedefinedbyanyoneactivity.[11]However,foralmostallMarxists,whobasetheirperspectiveonatheoryofnecessary,
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inevitablestagesofhistory,thereisonlyonepossiblepassagetoapostcapitalistfuture,andthatgateisopenedbytheindustrialworkingclass.Allotheragencyonthepartofsubordinatedsocialelementsisdiscountedatbest,itcanbeanadjuncttotheactionsoftheworkingclass,whomustplayavanguardrole(except,althoughthisisneveradmittedbyMarxisttheorists,whentheymustfollowtheleadoftherealvanguard:theradicalintelligentsiatowhichthetheoristsbelong).
Inrecentyears,however,Marxistteleologieshavebeenthrownforaloopmorethanonce,anddissidentMarxistshaverecognizedthis.AutonomistMarxismhasshownitselftobemuchmoreopentoaconsiderationofnontraditionalsocialmovements(inArgentinia,Bolivia,andMexico)asbeingchargedwithradical,anticapitalistpotentialities.Unfortunately,theirwritingsonthesubjectoftenveerintopostmodernistselfparody,aswhenthetermsvalorization(asapositivetermrelatingtoradicalprotagonistsandtheirautonomousactions)andbiopoliticsappear.
Incontrast,theanarchisttraditionhistoricallyhasbeenfarmoreopentotheconsiderationofradicalinitiativesbypeasants,andhasgonemuchfurtherthanMarxisminincludingacritiqueofthedominationofnature(aprojectthatisattheheartofproductivistLeniniststates)aspartofitsrejectionofsocialhierarchies,thestate,andcapital.Itpreciselyforthisreason,alongwithaninsistenceontheimportanceofcooperationandcommunity,thattheworksofKropotkin,Rclus,andLandauerhaveacquiredanewrelevance,evenforsomeMarxists.AndinthecaseofLatinAmericananarchistthinkers,andthekindsofissuespresentinOaxaca,thereisamuchmoredirectconnection.PeruviananarchistsintheveryearlyyearsofthetwentiethcenturynotonlyweretryingtointegrateindigenousperspectivesintotheirtheoryofhowanAndeanlibertariancommunismcouldbeachieved,theyincludedAndeansamongtheirranks.Thereisacertain,sweetironyinthefactthatthehistoriesandmovementsthatseemedsoantiquatedorobsoleteto20thcenturyLatinAmericanMarxists(withafewexceptions,JosCarlosMariteguiamongthem)arenowreceivingtheattentiontheydeserve.HistoriansofLatinAmericananarchismcontinuetouncoverapastthathasimplicationsinthepresent,andtheyhavenotyetbeguntoexhaustthesubject.[12]
AsforOaxaca,oneneedlooknofartherthanitsmostfamousanarchistnativeson:RicardoFloresMagn,whoseinfluenceonthecurrentsocialmovementthereissuchthatthereisanentiresectorwhoseorientationisMagonista(andthishasbeendescribedinaprevioussection).Although,andthiswasalsomentionedearlier,thereisapossibilityforanyradicaltendencytobeneutralizedorboughtoffbythestate(andtheredoesseemtohavebeenakindofrecuperatedMagonismamongthevariouspoliticalcurrentsinOaxaca),atthecoreofMagnsownthinkingisanuncompromisinginsistenceonrevolutionarytransformationandthelinkingofendsandmeansinthestruggletobringaboutafreesociety.Hisanarchismincludedmorethanamere
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sensitivitytoindigenousissues:inaveryrealsense,theseconcernswereatthecoreofhisradicalvision.
Magnfamouslydeclaredin1911thattheMexicanpeoplearesuitedforcommunism,bywhichheemphaticallymeantlibertariancommunism,anegalitariansocietybeyondthestateandcapital,andbeyondthetyrannyofpartybossesofwhateverstripe.Andthiswasnomereassertionofhisowncredo:hebasedhisaffirmationonobservationsmadeinOaxacaandelsewhereinMexico,whereheknewthatatraditionofcommunalownershipandcooperationhadsurvivedintothetwentiethcentury:
TheMexicanpeoplehate,byinstinct,authorityandthebourgeoisie.EveryonewhohaslivedinMexicocanassureusthatthereisnoonemorecordiallyhatedthanthepoliceman,thatthesoldier,admiredandapplaudedinallotherplaces,isseenwithantipathyandcontempt,andthatanyonewhodoesntmakehislivingwithhishandsishated.
Thisinitselfisenoughforasocialrevolutionwhichiseconomicinnatureandantiauthoritarian,butthereismore.FourmillionIndiansliveinMexicowho,untiltwentyortwentyfiveyearsagolivedincommunitiespossessingthelands,thewaters,andtheforestsincommon.Mutualaidwastheruleinthesecommunities,inwhichauthoritywasfeltonlywhenthetaxcollectorappearedperiodicallyorwhenrecruitersshowedupinsearchofmentoforceintothearmy.Inthesecommunitiestherewerenojudges,mayors,jailers,infactnobothersomepeopleatallofthistype.(Regeneracon,September12,1901.TranslationbyChasBufe,DreamsofFreedom:ARicardoFloresMagnReader,AKPress(2005))
ThecommonlandsquestionisonethathasintriguedanumberofradicalanalystsofthesituationinOaxaca.WhileonemightwanttobelievethatinOaxacaandChiapassomesortofequivalentoftheRussianmirsurvivesasaopeningthroughwhichsocietycouldmakearadicalleaponthebasisofcollectivepropertyandcommunal,cooperativepracticesintolibertariancommunism,intheabsenceofgreaterproofthisisonlyutopianspeculation.Asitisnow,theruralcommunesofOaxacaareoftenlockedindisputeswitheachotherovertheircollectivelyownedlands,andthedemandforindigenousautonomyoftenseemsmoreacallforakindofradicalautarkythananygeneral,revolutionarytransformationofsociety.
FormodernizingcapitalismorproductivistMarxism,socialdifferencesaretobesteamrolledinthenameofhomogenization,aprocessinwhichthereisnoplacefortraditionalpractices,exceptintheirinstrumentalizationasfolkloreorculturalwindowdressing.Butiftraditionalsocietiescanbecharacterizedpreciselybythequalitiesthatdifferentiatethemfromdominantsociety,thereisanotherkindofdifferencethatcannotriseupinaconsensual,collectivesocietyatthevillagelevel.Whatisnotthereisacertaincomplexityand
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variation,aswellasanaleatoryqualitythatisusuallyassociatedwithamoreurbanlife.Thereislittlepossibilityofasubculture,andultimately,ofpoliticsinsuchcommunities.ItisnoaccidentthattheinitialsiteoftheOaxacarebellionwasinOaxacaCityandnotthecountryside,afactthatalsolargelyaccountsforitsassumingadifferentcomplexionthantheZapatistamovementinChiapas.
Moreover,thereisadangerinimbuingtraditionalsocietyorsomeradicalpeasantrywitharedemptive,salvationistmissionthatreplicatesthatformerlyassignedtotheindustrialproletariat.TodaysantiauthoritariansruntheriskoffurtheringakindofcontemporaryThirdWorldismintheiruncriticalsupportoftheZapatistasandtheOaxacanmovement,andevenmorenuancedinterpretationssometimesreekofvicariouspleasure,theenjoymentofradicalviolenceatadistance,onethatisbothgeographicandsocial.TheremustbesomemoremeaningfulandcreativewaytoengagetheOaxacarebellionthanthatwhichbasicallycorrespondstowatchingthestreetfightingofothers(andlamentingthefactthatcircumstancesdontallowonetoengageinthesamesortofactivityoneself).
Howeverlaudabletheconcept,mereemulationisanothernonstarter.Inthefirstplace,especiallyforthoseinadvancedcapitalistsocieties,alltheworldisnotlikethisplacecalledOaxaca,muchasonemightliketothinkso.Tobesure,therearecopsandcorrupt,arbitraryauthoritieseverywhere,andtothatextentonecouldsay,ifonewantedtoengageinemptyposturing,thatWeAllLiveInOaxaca.ButthespecificmixthatgeneratedtheOaxacarebellion,theparticularsocioeconomicstructureandhistoryofthecityandregion,isnotreproducedinthemetropolesoftheNorth,oreveninthoseoftheSouth,forthatmatter.
However,itwouldbeamistaketounderstandtheOaxacarebellionasonlyalocal,andlocalized,phenomenon.Oaxacaisliterallypartoftheworld,andespeciallyinthecontextofaglobalizedeconomy,whetheritwantstobeornot.OaxacanworkershaveemigratedtotheUSandCanada,andhavebroughttheirpoliticswiththem.ThecirculationofpeoplewhomovewithinMexico(andoutsideit)isimpelledbyforcesthataffectthoseinothercountriesandregions,andtothatextent,othershaveastakeintheoutcomeofrebellionssuchasthatinOaxaca.ThisstakegoesbeyondtheabstractionsofpoliticaleconomyoreventheconcreteencounterswithsomeaspectofOaxacathatmightoccurineverydaylife(ifyouliveinCalifornia,forexample,thepersoncleaningyourdishesinarestaurantorpickingthefruitandvegetablesthatenduponyourtablemightverywellbeOaxacan).
VI
Geographyisnotanimmutablething.Itismade,itisremadeeverydayateachinstant,itismodifiedbymensactions.
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EliseReclus,LHommeetlaterre(19051908)
ForthoseoutsideofMexico,especiallyintheUnitedStatesandCanada,astudyofthevariousprocessesthatlinkthesecountriestoMexico,andtoOaxacaspecifically,isperhapsmoretimelythananillusoryattempttofullyunderstandthequestionofusosycostumbres.ThephenomenonoflargenumbersofOaxacansseekingworkintheNorthisgenerallywellknown,buttherearemoreaspectstothisthanthesimplequestionofremittancesorevenofthestatusofillegalimmigrantsinahostile(i.e.,increasinglynativistandracist)sociopoliticalenvironment.
OaxacanworkershavebroughttheircultureandtheirpoliticswiththemintheirtravelstotheNorth.Theyhavecreatedtheirownlabororganizations,withtheirownpublications,andhaveoftenbroughttotheseactivitiesaspecificallyindigenousperspective,whichcannotthereforesimplybeassimilatedasHispanicorMexicanAmerican.ItwouldseemincumbentuponsupportersoftheOaxacanrebelliontolearnmoreabouttheOaxacansinCalifornia,Oregon,orBritishColumbia,forexample,andabouttheirstruggles,whichhaveincludeddemonstrationsinLosAngelesin2006againstpolicerepressionbackhomeinOaxaca.[13]
TherearealsowaystomakeconnectionstoOaxaca,andtomakeaconsciouschoicetoaidthemostradicalwingofthemovementthere.Thereismaterialsupportthatcanbegiventoorganizationsthereareproteststhatcanbe(andhavebeen)organizedatMexicanconsulatesinsupportofpoliticalprisoners,andintheUnitedStatesgenerallyagainstantiimmigranthysteria.Therearealso,andnotsecondarily,words:onesthatgobeyondmerereceivedopinion,evenofthealternativekind.Thebesttributetotherebellionistopartakeofitsspiritintakingrisks,andbystickingonesneckout,evenonthewrittenpage.
Inacontemporaryeracharacterizedinmanypartsoftheglobebywar,misery,andenvironmentaldestructionandmadeallthemoredrearybymassindifference,resignation,ordistractioninthefaceofthis,especiallyinthemisnamedadvancedsocietieseventsliketheOaxacarebellionareasinspirationalastheyarerare.Onecanbefairlycertainthat,atleastinLatinAmerica,otherradicalsocialmovementswillemerge,andthattheytoowillhavetheirantiauthoritarian,emancipatorycurrents.Butunlesstheseconsolidatethemselvesandbecomeconsciousoftheiraimsandtheirenemies(whoinclude,inadditiontothegeneralsandthugsoftheright,thebureaucratsandcaudillosoftheleft),theyaredoomedtoremaininginterestingfootnotestohistory,ratherthandoorsthatopenontoabrighterfuture.
March2008
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FOOTNOTES1]ForalloftheZapatistasdisavowaloftheirbeingavanguardinthetraditionofLatinAmericanMarxismLeninismadisavowalthatledtotheEZLNbecomingthefavoritearmyoftheworldanarchistandaltermondialistemovementsitisstillnotclearhowfarMarcoshasmovedfromtheMaoistbackgroundofhisyouth.Foralloftheeditions(incountlesstranslations)ofeveryutteranceoftheSubcommander,nooneamongthelegionsofZapatistsseemstohaveaskedthemselvesafewobviousquestions:WhyisitthatitisalmostalwaysMarcostheintellectualwhoisboththeideologueandstrategistoftheEZLNwhospeaksinthenameoftheIndiansoftheLacandonjungle?HowdoestheauraofcelebritysurroundingMarcosdifferfromothercultsofpersonality?Andjustwheredoesinternationalismbegin,andMexicannationalismend,intheZapatistaprogram?Afterall,theEZLNdoesntcallitselftheZapatistaArmyofNationalLiberationfornothing.
2]TheOaxacanexperiencehasattractedparticipantwitnesseswhohaveproducedinterestinganddetailedaccountsofevents.ItalsobeenamagnetforthekindofrevolutionarytouristdenouncedlongagobyHansMagnusEnzenberger(TouristsoftheRevolution,DreamersoftheAbsolute,London:1988)andwhosebreathlessdispatchesfromthefrontlineshavenotnecessarilybeenaccurateorinformative.Intheformercategory,onemustmentionGeorgeLapierre,whosechroniclesofthefirstsixmonthsoftherebellionarerichindetailandinsight,andarefranklyvastlysuperiortotheearnest,buthighlysimplisticarticlesthatcompriseNancyDaviessThePeopleDecide:OaxacasPopularAssembly,NewYork:2007.Unfortunately,LapierresaccountswrittenoriginallyinFrenchhavenotyetbeentranslated.ManyofhisaccountscanbefoundcompiledinthespecialissueoftheFrenchjournalCQFD,LaLibreCommunedOaxaca,JanuaryFebruary2007(www.cequilfautdetruire.org).
3]FortheICCsverdictonOaxaca,seehttp://www.internationalism.org/.FortheanarchistinsurrectionistcritiqueofAPPO,whichinitsitemizationofthevariouspoliticalmaneuveringswithinAPPOwasbothprescientandprecise,seethetextbytheCoordinadoraInsurreccionalAnarquista(http://espora.org/okupache//b21hart_imp.php?p=1249&more=1).AnotableearlyanalysisoftheOaxacarebellion,andonethatavoidedthepitfallsofeitherabstractdenunciationoruncriticalsupport,wasThisIsWhatRecuperationLooksLikebyKellenKass,publishedinAMurderofCrows,no.2,March2007.http://libcom.org/library/whatrecuperationlooksrebellionoaxacaandappokellenkass
4]AkindofvulgarMarxismisthecommoncurrencyofmuchofwhatpassesforradicalanalysisthesedays.Andinaneraofwar,economicturbulence,andaglobalizedcapitalismthatindeedhasbattereddownallthewallsofChina(asiftofulfillMarxspredictionof1848),thisshouldnotbesurprising.The
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campaigntovindicateMarxdoesnotstopthere,however,andwhenthetermvulgarMarxismisuseddisparaginglybyawriter,itusuallyonlymeansthatheorsheisabouttodeployaslightlymoresophisticatedargument,butonestillbasedonMarxistcategories.ItisthisDeeperMarxismthatrulesboththeacademicandmilitantleft,includingthepartsofboththatstylethemselvesasantiauthoritarian,whoserelianceonaMarxistcrutchonlyshowstheirlackofautonomouscriticalskills.WhilethecritiqueofMarxismpastandpresentliesoutsideofthescopeofthepresentessay,itissomethingimpliedintheorientationofourtendencytowardrenewalandreassessmentinconceivingofanemancipatorysocialproject.
5]TofullyunderstandthedimensionsofthecrisesthathavebuffetedtheMexicaneconomyinrecentdecades,onemustgobackatleasttothedebtcrisisof1982,whentheMexicanstateintheparadoxicalpositionofbeingbothaproducerofoilrevenuesandadebtornationreceivingrecycledpetrodollarsintheformofloansfrominternationalbanksdefaultedonitsdebtpayments.Bymeansofapolicyofausterityandprivatization,Mexicoqualifiedin1987forarescuebyinternationalfinancialinstitutions,onenegotiatedbynoneotherthantheconsigliereoftheBushfamily,JamesF.Baker.FurtherconcessionsonthepartofMexicowouldbedemandedonthepartoftheClintonadministrationaspartofanotherbailoutprogram,allofthisformingapreludetotheimplementationofthetermsoftheNAFTAtreatyand,simultaneouslyandinresponsetoNAFTA,thebeginningoftheZapatistarebellioninChiapas.
6]SeetheinterestingpointsraisedaboutthenationalistleftinMexicobytheGrupoSocialistaLibertarioinitscritiqueoftheEZLNsOtherCampaign(translationcanbefoundatwww.collectivereinventions.org).
7]SeethearticlebyDavidRecondo,Oaxacaelocasodeunrgimen,Letraslibres(Mexico),February2007.Magn'sownanarchismisdiscussedlaterinthepresentessay,asaretherevolutionarypoliticsoforganizationssuchastheAlianzaMagonistaZapatista.
8]QuotedinJudithFrancisZeitlin,CulturalPoliticsinColonialTehauntepec,Stanford:2005,p.168.
9]AlejandroAnayaMuoz.Autonomaindgena,gobernabilidadylegitimidadenMxico:lalegalizacindeusosycostumbresenOaxaca,MexicoCity:2006.
10]Foroneexampleofthis,seeBrendaAguilar,AutonomasLatinoamericanos:AlgunasreflexionessobreUtopasPosibles,2008(http://anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=7625)
11]ForaMarxistcritiqueofaradicalismbasedonpeasantotherness,see
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TomBrass,NeoliberalismandtheRiseof(Peasant)NationswithintheNation:ChiapasinComparativeandTheoreticalPerspective,TheJournalofPeasantStudies,Vol.32,Nos.3&4,July/October2005.
12]See,forexample,WilfredoKapsoli,Ayllusdelsol:anarquismoyutopaandina,Lima(1984),aswellasbooksbyOsvaldoBayer(onthePatagoniangeneralstrikeof1921)andSergioGrezToso(onthehistoryofChileananarchism).
13]ForbackgroundonOaxacanworkersintheUnitedStatesandCanada,seeLynnStephen,TransborderLives:IndigenousOaxacansinMexico,California,andOregon,DukeUniversityPress(2007)