Brochure EU Thailand

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Supporting Mutual

Understanding andStrengthening Stability in theSouthern Provinces of Thailand

Project documentation

Funded by the European Union



Juliane Schmucker

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Table of contents

List of abbreviation………………………………………………………… 4Acknowledgements…………………………………………………

…………5Foreword………………………………………………………………………… 7Introductory remarks……………………………………………………… 9Organisations and institutions involved…………………………… 9

Target region………………………………………………………………… 12Situational overview of theconflict………………………………… 13Socioeconomic overview of the targetregion……………………16

Timeline of

incidences…………………………………………………… 21Approaches towards conflictresolution…………………………… 26

Project rationale andmethodology………………………………… 27Study tours – destinations and lessons learnt……………………29

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Alternative media for the localpopulation…………………………36Capacity buildingworkshops…………………………………………… 40Small projectfunding……………………………………………………… 46Outcomes and conclusions of theproject………………………… 50Conclusions

……………………………………………………………………. 51

Annexes

I.) German Political Foundations……………………………………54II.) Friedrich-Naumann Foundation International…………… 55

III.) Liberal Report: The rights of minorities.…………………… 57

References………………………………………………………………………69

List of abbreviations

DP Democrat Party

FNF Friedrich Naumann Foundation4



IfS Instrument for Stability

NRC National Reconciliation Commission

PSU Prince of Songkhla University

SBP Southern Border Provinces

SYTT Southern Youth Think Tank

TAO Tambon Administrative Offices

TCA Think Centre AsiaUNDP United Nations Development Programme

SBPAC Southern Border Provinces Administrative

Center

SYTT Southern Youth Think Tank

Acknowledgements

FNF would like to take an opportunity to thank each andevery one who contributed to the projects’ success.

First of all, we would like to express our appreciation tothe European Union for funding the project. The EU’sexpertise helped a lot in handling the administrative tasksand challenges required for operating in the crisis regionof South Thailand.

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Furthermore, we would like to thank our partnerorganisations TCA and PSU. Their constant effort and vastexpertise about the project target region as well as theirextensive networks with the local population and peoplein social key positions ensured the maximumeffectiveness of the implemented activities. Thecooperation with TCA programme director Mr. SomphonPotisophon as well as the cooperation with Mr. PhirakanKai-nunna from the Prince of Songkhla University is

specifically highlighted here.

We thank our consultant Dr. Chantana BanpasirichoteWungaew from the Faculty of Political Science at theChulalongkorn University for her high level of commitment implementing the project activities. Herconstant effort in creating networks among key playerssignificantly supported the process of conflict resolution in

the Deep South of Thailand.

The consultant Dr. Peerapong Manakit from ThailandsNational Institute of Development Administration likewisedemonstrated high dedication, spreading knowledge andinformation on the unrest in the Deep South via his radioprogramme. The cooperation with our consultants hasbeen very fruitful in terms of mutual exchange of

knowledge and information and in terms of actual projectoutcomes.

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Special thanks goes to Ms. May NannapasSukwattananipaat who organised and guided theimplementation over a long period of the project duration.

In addition we would like to express our appreciation to allFNF colleagues who contributed to the achievement of theprojects’ objectives. Specifically mentioned here shouldbe Ms. Nusada Klongnoi who dealt with all financialaspects of the project and Ms. Sudarat Jayakorn for her

support in managing the project finalisation. Furthermorewe would like to highlight the contribution of Mr. BjörnWyrembek and Mr. Wolfgang Heinze for their competencein finding solutions to arising complications and questions.We also thank Mr. Stefan Schoder and Mr. Jonas Trapp forproviding assistance in the project documentationprocess.

Concluding, FNF would like to thank all the partnerorganisations and institutions as well as everyone elsewho dealt with the project activities in whatever way fortheir commitment.We believe that each and everyone working on theimplementation has contributed his/her part to achieve animprovement of the conflict situation in the SouthernBorder Provinces of Thailand.

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Foreword

This publication summarizes the main results of the EU-funded project conducted by the liberal-democraticFriedrich-Naumann Foundation (FNF) titled: “Supporting

Mutual Understanding and Strengthening Stability in theSouthern Provinces of Thailand”. The European Uniongranted the funding in order to contribute to peaceful andsustainable development in the conflict-affected Southern

Thailand provinces Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat andSongkhla.

As a liberal foundation, the FNF places special emphasis

on the protection of human rights in general and of minority rights in particular. For us liberals, freedommeans diversity. Pluralism and diversity are thepreconditions for any human progress. Never wasuniformity in human society achieved without coercion,nor will it ever be possible without it. Coercion willultimately lead to violence.

Peaceful solutions to conflicts which are deeply rooted ininequality and the disregard of minorities need to addressthese issues. Wherever minorities exist, their beingdifferent must be respected by the majority as a part andparcel of their innate and inalienable right to be free. Thisentails an obligation of governments to refrain from allattempts of violent coercion. On the political level, thesearch for common solutions which guarantee that allcitizens can live in peace and pursue their own path tohappiness must include the assessment of arrangements

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for political representation and power-sharing conduciveto a harmonic society.

This also applies to Southern Thailand where people of Malay-Muslim ethnicity are the dominant group in theregion, accounting for around 80% of the local population.With regard to the level of political representation andeconomic participation, the Malay-Muslim population inthe south is remarkably underrepresented in the Thai

state. Moreover, the historical connection with Malaysia iswidely neglected by Thai officials following the stateprinciples of unity and centralization. The Malay-Muslimminority feels treated like second-class citizens by the

Thai state.

The displeasure with state policies manifests itself in therepeated outbreak of violence on a daily basis since 2001.

More than 3700 people have been killed in the unrest sofar. An unaccountable number of people got injured and isleft traumatized. The local population lives in anatmosphere of fear and mutual distrust. An aggravatingfactor is the uncertainty about the insurgents’ backgroundand motivation. The Thai state responded with extensivemilitary presence in the region trying to control thesituation. However, repeated abuse of power by Thai

security forces and state officials has even widened thegap between the conflict parties. The approximation of the conflicts’ opponents and the elimination of distrusttherefore have been core elements of the projectactivities.

Following the principle of political non-interference, theproject activities are mainly carried out at the grassrootslevel in order to achieve an improvement of the situationfor the communities involved. The introduction of

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alternative policy concepts to high-ranking governmentofficials, local leaders but also to the general public wasanother important element of the project. By doing so,dialogue between the conflict parties was furthered whichenhances the feasibility of finding long-term solutions inmutual agreement. The Foundation hopes that its modestcontribution and the increased knowledge from politicalarrangements for minorities in Europe and other placeswill ultimately enrich the search for common ground. We

hope that the parties to the conflict can make use of thisinformation and experience for the betterment of thepeople in South Thailand.

Rainer AdamRegional DirectorFriedrich Naumann Foundation East- and Southeast

Bangkok, 7th December 2009

Introductory remarks

In view of the severity of the problems in southern Thailand, it is surprising how little is known about itoutside Thailand. The reason for this might be that the

conflict is considered a local issue, as the incidences arelimited to few provinces. Nevertheless, the conflict causesinstability for the entire region and runs the risks of expanding to other areas if no long-term solution occurs.

This publication documents an 18 month projectcontributing to more stability in the south.

Organisations and Institutions involved

European Union

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Protecting human rights, democracy and the rule of laware major values in the work of the European Union. Thisproject was established under the EU “Instrument forStability” (IfS) which is the main thematic tool to providesupport when it comes to development cooperationmeasures including the financial, economic and technicalcooperation with partner countries in contexts of emerging or existing crisis.

Friedrich Naumann Foundation

The Friedrich Naumann Foundation (FNF) is thefoundation for liberal politics founded in Germany in 1958.

The main objectives of the foundation are the promotionof individual freedom and liberalism through civiceducation, international political dialogues and politicalcounseling.

The international activities meanwhile cover more than 60countries, where the foundation cooperates with localpartners in order to promote liberal- democratic, market-based societies in accordance with the rule of law.Minority rights protection is one of the substantialelements in the foundations mission towards liberty in allcountries of the world.

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This project was operated from the Friedrich NaumannFoundations’ Regional Office East and Southeast Asia inBangkok, Thailand.

Think Centre Asia (TCA)

Think Centre Asia is an independent political think-tankwhich critically examines issues related to politicaldevelopment, democracy, rule of law, human rights andcivil society.Founded in Singapore in 1966, its success in creatingpolitical awareness and debate in the city-state has led tothe establishment of a similar organization with regional

reach. Think Centre Asia based in Bangkok is the regionalbranch for Thailand and aims at promoting sustainabledevelopment in the country.

Since 2004, Think Centre Asia is a partner of the FriedrichNaumann Foundation and several projects have beenestablished in cooperation. To ensure maximum efficiencyof the South Thailand project activities, TCA cooperated

with following local partners.Southern Youth Think Tank (SYTT), a local youth associationnetworking with many different youth groups in the target area. These networks were made available to TCA which helped a lotin identifying where and for which people action is requiredmost urgently.

The Agricultural Housewives Association, who has been

very helpful in formulating project contents and indentifying

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leading women in the target area who could participate in the

activities

The Student Muslim Association also contributed to theproject success by making their networks available whichhelped identifying key leaders to be invited as programattendees.

Prince of Songkhla University (PSU)

The Prince of Songkhla University is one of the majorpartners for the implementation of the project activities.

The university aims to establish excellence in research, toprovide academic services to communities as well as totake an active role in the preservation of national heritagein arts and culture, especially for those belonging toSouthern Thailand. For this project, FNSt collaborated withthe Faculty of Communication Sciences, located at thecampus in the city of Pattani.

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Target region

The target region of the project covers the four mostconflict-affected provinces in the Deep South of thecountry. These are Songkhla, Pattani, Yala andNarathiwat. The distance to the countries capital Bangkokis around 1000 km (around 620 miles). All the provincesin Thailand are named after their respective capitals.

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Source: http://www.weltkarte.com/asien/landkarten_thailand.ht

Situational Overview of the Conflict - Historicalcontext

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Regarding the origin of the conflict in the Southern BorderProvinces of Thailand, it needs to be kept in mind thatthere is not only one explanation on how the conflictemerged. However, the most enduring basis of argumentation is the conflict being related to the historyof Thai nation-building that created a situation of

inequality among different ethnic and religious groups.

From this point of view, polarisation tendencies betweenethnic groups in southern Thailand are not a problem thathas just emerged recently, but can be traced back to thebeginning of last century. 1

1 Nelson, M.H. (1998): Central Authority and Local

Democratization in Thailand. Studies in Contemporary ThailandNo 6. White Lotus Press , Bangkok pp. 5

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Centralisation of the Thai state – starting point of difficulties?

Before 1868, the year that King Chulalongkorn ascended thethrone, a Thai nation-state as we find it today did not exist.Rather than that, the relationships between center andperiphery of the country were quite loose. Regional authoritieswere broadly independent, ruling their communities with regardto provisions of law, taxation and military service. Consequently,communities were generally more orientated towards theregional rather than the national level.

King Chulalongkorn tried to centralize authority to Bangkok inorder to unify the country that was formerly known as Siam. Ineffect of the centralisation measurements, all people were madedirect subjects to the Siamese King.

The southernmost provinces Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat and Satunare historically rooted in Malaysia. Until the incorporation to



The area of former Patani Sultanate on the MalayPeninsula is a place where Islam encounters TheravadaBuddhism. This fact does not necessarily imply a problem,as many similar examples in the world demonstrate.

Throughout history, interactions among various ethnicgroups or at least peaceful coexistence have beendominant characteristics of the region. However, drawinga border without respecting ethnic and cultural affiliations

often is the starting point of difficulties. If the demarcationis not accompanied by extensive efforts for integration of the newly created minority group, a conflict situation isalmost predetermined.

One of the main problems lies in the identification of persons or groups being responsible for the incidencesand violent outbreaks. So far, no organisation has

claimed responsibility. From Thai official side, Muslimseparatist groups often are suspected be in charge of the actions, but yet still there is no clear proof for thesespeculations.

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Many people assume the conflict to be influenced by

international terrorist networks such as al-Qaeda or Jemaah Islamiyah (a militant Islamic organizationdedicated to the establishment of an Islamic state inSoutheast Asia). Critics of this network theory arguethat the operation strategies and the targets of attacksare untypically for those organisations.

What needs to be understood is that the conflictis not a religious conflict between Thai Buddhismand Malay-Muslim belief as concluded by manystudies and analyses. It is a conflict between thecentral government of Thailand and some localMalay leaders, trying to enforce a separate statethrough the use of violence.2

2 Kittel, S. (2008): Thailands rätselhafter Terrorkrieg. In

http://www.welt.de/welt_print/article2125894/Thailands_raetselhafter_Terrorkrieg.html

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"Thailand is the unity of Thai blood and body.The whole country belongs to the Thai people,

maintaining thus far for the Thai. All Thais intend to unite together.

Thais love peace but do not fear to fight.

They will never let anyone threaten their independence.

They will sacrifice every drop of their blood tocontribute to the nation; will serve their country

with pride and prestige full of victory.



Understanding the historical perspective is a basicprerequisite for comprehending the conflict situation insouthern Thailand as we find it today.

However, though historic events play an important rolecreating the situation, it should not be abused forlegitimating political action today.

Socioeconomic overview of the target region

With about 4.6% of Thailand’s total population, the Malay-

Muslim community is a considerable minority in thecountry. In the southern border area, they account formore than 80% of the population.In terms of economic and structural development, theSouthern Border Provinces are remarkably disadvantagedcompared to most other provinces. Though the situationis not as severe as in the Northeastern provinces of

Thailand and has improved throughout the last decades,the uneven distribution of economic wealth among ethnicgroups is striking.

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“How to define a minority?!”

“A group numerically inferior to the rest of the population of a state, in a non-dominant position whosemembers – being nationals of the state – possessethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics differingfrom those of the rest of the population and show, if only implicitly, a sense of solidarity, directed towards preserving their culture, traditions, religion andculture.”

Francesco Ca otorti S ecial Ra orteur of the UN Sub-



The Malay-Muslims are among the poorest in the region,while people from Thai or Chinese origin in most cases arebetter-off in terms of living standards. Though Thailandhas undergone substantial structural changes, shiftingfrom an agricultural-based to an industrial- andknowledge-based economy during the last decades, theMalay-Muslims in the south hardly benefited from thisdevelopment. For the major part, the Muslim people in the

south live on agricultural subsistence economy. The rateof Malay-Muslims employed in the agricultural sector isalmost twice as high as for Thai Buddhists in the southernprovinces.

Following figure depicts the Human Development Index(HDI) designed by the United Nations DevelopmentProgramme (UNDP) for the 76 Thai provinces.3 The HDI is

compromised of data documenting average householdincome, poverty rate and the level of household debts.

The red sections mark the provinces with the lowestvalues regarding their economic situation. Looking at theDeep South, it becomes clear that especially Pattani andNarathiwat are standing out from all the surroundingprovinces. Taking into account that these two provinces

are among the most conflict-affected, it becomes obviousthat poor economic standard and the ongoing unrest mustbe somewhat interrelated.

Human Development Index for Thailands provinces

3 United Nations Development Programme: Thailand Human

Development Report 2007 – Sufficiency Economy and HumanDevelopment. Bangkok S.113

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UNDP Thailand Human DevelopmentReport 2007

The lack of development in the south is one reason forviolently expressed discontent with Thai development

policies. However, development is unlikely to take placein this environment of insecurity. Potential investors in the

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Rank/Province

1 Bangkok2 Nonthaburi3 Samut Sakhon4 Samut Prakan5 Phuket6 Pathum Thani7 Chon Buri8 Ayutthaya9 Songkhla10 Samut

Songkhram11 Phang-nga12 NakhonPathom13 Surat Thani14 Chachoengsao15 Saraburi16 Ang Thong17 Yala18 Chanthaburi19 Ratchaburi

20 Satun21 Trang22 Phetchaburi23 Prachuap Khiri

Khan24 Rayong25 Trat26 Sing Buri27 Suphan Buri28 Kanchanaburi29 Chumphon30 Phatthalung31 Prachin Buri32 Ranong33 Phrae34 Phitsanulok35 Krabi36 Chai Nat

38 Lamphun

39 Lampang40 Uttaradit41 Nakhon Si Thammarat42 KamphaengPhet43 Nong Khai44 Nakhon Nayok45 Khon Kaen46 Udon Thani47 Phichit

48 Chiang Rai49 Lop Buri50 Nakhon Sawan51 Phayao52 Sukhothai53 Chiang Mai54 Sa Kaeo55 Pattani56 Narathiwat57 Phetchabun58 Kalasin

59 NakhonRatchasima60 Roi Et61 MahaSarakham62 Tak63 Yasothon64 Amnat Charoen65 Nan66 Loei67 Sakon Nakhon68 Mukdahan69 Uthai Thani70 Chaiyaphum71 Si Sa Ket72 Buri Ram73 NakhonPhanom



region fear to high risks of being target to incidences.From the economic point of view, violence in the south atthe same time is reason and consequence of underdevelopment.

Thai government attempts to attract investors byproviding tax breaks and attractive credit terms fell shortof expectations. It is also not surprising that tourism, formany years one of the major sources of income in the

south, is one of the first industries to suffer from theinstable security situation. Not only do the Malay-Muslimsface economic marginalization, but they also face social,ethnic and linguistic discrimination.

Regarding educational levels, the Malay-Muslims in theborder provinces lack behind their Buddhist neighbours.69.80% of the Muslim population in the region only have

primary school education, compared to 49.6% of Buddhists in the same provinces. 9.20% of Muslims havecompleted the secondary school level, compared to13.20% of Buddhists. Only 1.70% of the Malay-Muslimpopulation holds a bachelor degree, while 9.70% of Buddhists hold undergraduate degrees.

Muslim school children

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The official Thai government school requires all studentsto be educated in Thai language. No Islamic teaching isincluded in the curriculum.4 Throughout the last decades,the teaching of “Yawee”, the traditional Malay dialectspoken in the region was banned from the curriculum of

Thai public schools.

Most parents in the region therefore decide to send theirchildren to private Islamic schools which approximately75% of the Malay-Muslims in secondary school attend.

These so-called “Pondok” schools unite school educationin both Thai and Malay language and also teach Islamicreligion and culture. The Pondok schools are not onlyeducational institutions but also offer some form of

security net for the local population.

However, due to the lack of funding of the Pondokschools, the quality of education is poor. This can bemeasured in terms of students’ results and high schooldrop-out rates. From Thai official side, the Pondok schoolsoften are suspected to be breeding grounds for Islamicextremist education.

4 Human Rights Watch. Insurgents target teachers in the South. Onlineat: http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/06/18/thailand-insurgents-target-teachers-south 18/06/2009

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Southern ThailandConflict

Thai centralisation policies

Abuse of power by stateofficials

Historical connection with Malaysia

Uneven distribution of wealth Social problems (drug abuse,

banditry, robberies)

Lack of employment

opportunities

Economic marginalisation

Lack of political participation

Low educational standards

Lack of potential investors

Uncertainty of insurgents’

background and motivation

Mutual suspicion

Above figure summarizes the factors contributing to the

unrest in Thailands’ Deep South. It becomes clear, that itis not one factor but rather a combination of political,24

Factors contributing to the Southern Unrest



social and economic grievances to explain the situation aswe find it in the region. Most factors are interrelated andcan be cause and consequence of the conflict situation atthe same time.

Timeline of incidences

Annual number of incidences in the SouthernBorder Provinces

1993 – 2008

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

1 9 9 3

1 9 9 4

1 9 9 5

1 9 9 6

1 9 9 7

1 9 9 8

1 9 9 9

2 0 0 0

2 0 0 1

2 0 0 2

2 0 0 3

2 0 0 4

2 0 0 5

2 0 0 6

2 0 0 7

2 0 0 8

Year

N u m b e r o f i n c i d e n c e

Data source: National Reconciliation Commission (NRC)Graphic: own illustration

The above graph shows a remarkable increase of incidences from 2003 to 2004. What happened? At that

time Thaksin Shinawatra held the office of the PrimeMinister (PM). He traditionally did not have many25



supporters among the Muslim population in the DeepSouth. To approach the conflict, he took drasticmeasurements. For example, PM Thaksin replaced severalkey officials in the region with loyal followers. Also, hedissolved the “Southern Border Administrative Centre”(SBPAC) and the 43rd Civilian Military Force. Bothinstitutions were formerly responsible for dealing withcorruption and other illegal incidents among state officialsand served as contact point for the local population in

case of rights violations.

Moreover, Thaksin encouraged the military not to acceptany violent uprising by Malay-Muslims and to take radicalmeasures if necessary. In turn, his zero tolerance strategyled to even more resistance towards the Thai state amongthe Muslim community. Thailand's Deep South hasbecome the battleground of one of the world's most

mysterious conflicts, a brutal insurgency that has claimedmore than 3700 lives since 2004.5

Given the high number of violent outbreaks, incidents andattacks, listing them all would go beyond the scope of thispublication. Smaller incidents with “only” a few victimsare rarely even mentioned in the media.Some examples of the conflict outbreak are

depicted here.

5 Ungpakorn, G. (2007): A Coup for The Rich. Thailand’s political crisis.Workers Democracy Publishing. Bangkok; pp.14.

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2001A bomb exploded in the Had Yai train station. At least one youngboy got killed and another 30 people severely injured.

October 2002Five public schools, a Buddhist temple and a Buddhist shrine were

set on fire by unknown perpetrators.

From 2004, a tremendous increase in violent incidencesoccurred.

4 January 2004Attacks in which militants raided an army arsenal, torched

schools and police posts, and the following day, set off severalbombs. 4 Thai Buddhists were killed and the insurgents purloined

a considerable number of arms and ammunition.

March 2004: Thai Muslim-lawyer and human rights activist Somchai Neelapaijitdisappeared. His body never was found but common senseindicates Prime Minister Thaksin to be involved in his



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28 April 2004Synchronised attacks on eleven police posts and army checkpointstook place across Pattani, Yala and Songkhla, and ended in abloody showdown at the Krue Sae Mosque during hours of prayer.105 militants, one civilian and five members of the security forces

got killed by Thai security forces.25 October 2004A demonstration outside a police station ended with the deaths of

at least 85 Muslim men and boys. Most died from suffocation afterarrest as a result of being stacked in army trucks for transport toan army base. The incident became widely known as “Tak BaiMassacre”, named after the Tak Bai village.

3 April 2005 Two bomb attacks at a local department store in central Hat Yaiand Hat Yai International Airport exploded simultaneously. Twopeople were killed and at least 80 got injured.

6 October 2005A group of militants attacked the Phrom Prasit Temple in PattaniProvince,killing three monks and boys and burning the ordination hall andthe monks’ residence.

19 July 2005The emergency decree is introduced in Narathiwat, Pattani and

Yala. It grants the army and military wider powers. Under thedecree, persons can be detained for up to 30 days without anycharge, and they are held outside of conventional detention

Bombs placed in vehicles in

local commercial areas are acommon form of violentoutbreak in the Deep South



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16 September 20064 people suffocated and about 50 people were wounded in aseries of coordinated detonations in central Hat Yai. Three bombsexploded in department stores, driving customers to the street

where they rushed into another bomb series. Among the victimswas a Canadian man, who was the first Westerner getting killedin the conflict.

28 May 2007A bomb in Saba Yoi, Songkhla province exploded in a crowdedmarket resulting in 4 deaths and leaving dozens injured. The daybefore, 13 people got injured in a series of seven coordinatedexplosions at stores, hotels and restaurants in the center of Hat

Yai.

9 March 2007A 15-year old Muslim boy was shot by military personnel whiledriving through Yala town with his older brother. They were ontheir way to school. The boy died in hospital due to his injuries. The army accused the boy of being an insurgent, but there is noevidence to support this claim. No proper investigation to identifythe responsible military personnel has been undertaken.

8 June 200910 Muslim people got killed in Narathiwat province. Gunmeninvaded a local mosque and opened fire on worshippers duringevening prayers. At least another 12 people were wounded. TheImam of the mosque was also shot dead.

2 September 2009Eight people were killed in a series of drive-by shootings in

provinces Narathiwat, Yala and Pattani. Most of the victims wereof Muslim origin, among them a Muslim teacher and his 13-yearold son.

3 September 2009A bomb hidden in a parked motorcycle exploded in a busy market



Violence does not stop at anything or anyone. Religioussites, symbols and representatives on both sidesconstantly become targets of violent attacks. The Krue SeMosque incident, the willful destruction of sanctuaries orthe torturing and beheading of Thai Buddhist Monks areonly a few examples of the cruelties taking place in the

Deep South.6

The incidents can happen anywhere at anytime and are extremely demoralising and confusing forthe local population.

It appears that every violent act on one side breedsfurther violence on the other. This vicious circle can onlybe overcome through mutual understanding, education,

6 Human Rights in the Kingdom of Thailand. Amnesty InternationalCountry Report 2009. Online at:http://www.amnesty.org/en/region/thailand/report-2009

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Staging ground of one the mostviolent conflict outbreaks in theDeep South. Kru Sae mosque

(Thai: มัสยดกรอเซะ) in Pattaniprovince.



dialogue and a huge part of forgiveness on both sides.Such process takes a lot of effort and willingness to finallystop this violence from breaking out.

Approaches towards conflict resolution

A report on the southern issue by the NationalReconciliation Commission (NRC) compares the conflict to

a serious disease. It is said, that a detailed diagnosis of the disease is required firsthand. The diagnosis needs tobe followed by a prognosis to evaluate the futuredevelopment. The last step in this series is therapy,aiming at curing not just the symptoms, roots causes andcatalysts of the conflict. 7

What is needed is a profound shift in attitudes and

mindsets. Evidence shows that a military approach to theconflict does not do anything to improve the situation.Moreover, these actions create an environment of mistrust and have a paralyzing effect on the people in thesouth, regardless of their ethnic and cultural background.

7 National Reconciliation Commission (NRC) of Thailand (2001):

Overcoming violence through the power of reconciliation, pp.5Online at: http://thailand.ahrchk.net/docs/nrc_report_en.pdf

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Autonomy – the key to conflict resolution?

Autonomy in Thailand is quite a controversial issue, asunity of the Thai state is one of the key principles innational identity. However, the population of Malay-Muslimbackground in the southern provinces strives for a higherdegree of self-determination with regard to theworshipping of their religious and cultural identity.

Giving the southern border provinces full autonomy seemsto be unlikely to occur, bearing in mind the Thai state

maxim of unity. Still, some form of autonomy could be asolution to end the violence, which has claimed more than3,800 live since the beginning of 2004. Such autonomyfirst and foremost requires the acknowledgement of theborder provinces’ cultural, historical, religious andlinguistic heritage. Concrete policy options could be the

Local policeman after theexplosion of a bomb thatleft many injured.

http://thailand.ahrchk.net/docs/nrc_report_en.pdf





Education is an important, if not the most importantprerequisite towards a change of the situation in the DeepSouth. It empowers people to gain a deeper knowledgeand understanding of the happenings in theirenvironment.

Furthermore, the lack of economic development and theuneven distribution of wealth is a key issue that needs to

be addressed urgently.

Project Rationale and Methodology

This EU-funded project, implemented in cooperation of theinstitutions and organisations above is titled:

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“Supporting Mutual Understanding and Strengthening

Stability in the Southern Provinces of Thailand”

The project is compromised of two components withdifferent implementation approaches respectively.Unifying both components are the overall objectives of the project. First, the general public is supposed to beenabled to obtain a better understanding of the situationin the south, its root causes as well as of minority rights

protection issues. Second, the project is dedicated to thesupport in establishing conditions for the local populationto increasingly participate in a democratic politicaldecision-making process. A higher level of politicalparticipation will contribute to a peaceful and sustainabledevelopment in the Deep South of Thailand.

Component 1 - Awareness rising

The major part of the Thai population has not yetunderstood where the conflict derives from and what it isall about. The common believe is, that the rivalry existsbetween two religions, which are Buddhism and Islam.

That this is not the case has already been explained in thehistorical overview.

For the implementation of the awareness rising

component, FNF cooperated with experts on the southernconflict. This helped contributing to the process of knowledge dissemination both in the affected region andin Thailand as a whole. Autonomy concepts and issues of minority rights protection are the major subjects headingall component elements. The implemented activitiesincluded study tours abroad, the development of alternative media as well as seminars and workshops forlocal target groups.

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Component 2 - Effective response implementation

In order to contribute to solving the unrest in the DeepSouth, it is important to involve the local population in thepolitical und societal decision-making process.Component 2 is targeted towards the establishment of preconditions that ensure such participatory approach.

The activities implemented included study tours abroad,workshops for capacity building as well as the granting of

financial support for local initiatives to contribute to thepeace-building process.

The project activities were targeted towards people inlocal key positions as well as towards the most vulnerablepopulation parts like women and youth but also towardsthe general public in the Southern Border Provinces.

Study tours – Destinations and lessons learnt

Gathering experiences from other countries in minorityrights protection issues and how to ensure public politicalparticipation can contribute to a deeper understanding of issues of diversity and social integration.

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Altogether, four study tours to Europe were organised byFNSt and the consultants. High-ranking governmentofficials, academics, local community leaders and youthleaders were introduced to European best practices of minority rights protection, participatory policy approachesand conflict management.

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Åland Islands is an

autonomous, demilitarisedregion of Finland inhabitedmainly by Swedish-speakingresidents. The strategicimportance of the around6000 islands derives fromthe location between themain lands of Finland andSweden. For more than 100

years, the occupation of theIslands was highly disputedbetween Sweden, Finlandand Russia.

The Crisis was solved by aresolution of the newlyformed League of Nations in1921 which demanded that

the Islands remain part of Finland, but enjoy extensiveautonomous rights duringpeace time. Furthermore theresolution involvedguaranties to preservenationality, language andculture of the Islands.

Since that time, thearchipelago in the Baltic Seaby law is completely neutral,which means that it needs tobe kept outside in cases of conflict.

Strasbourg - Council of Europe

During the visit to the Council of Europe in August 2008, theacquaintance of the “Framework Convention for theProtection of National Minorities” (FCNM) was the main focusof interest. It serves as a good example of cooperationbetween state bodies, NGOs and the general public.

The cooperation consists mainly in a supervising mechanismof European countries in the compliance with minority rights. This mechanism is designed to ensure full and effective

equality of persons belonging to minorities. The majority of European countries ratified the Framework Convention,



Location of ÅlandIslands

A lecture onautonomy

Location of Ålandislands

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36

South Tyrol – an example forautonomy

South Tyrol is an autonomous regionwithin the Republic of Italy which hasa large community of German origin.Before gaining full autonomy in 1972,

South Tyrol has for long time been amatter of dispute between Austriaand Italy, both claiming affiliation of the region to their respective country.

The declaration of autonomy includedthe granting of equal rights for theentire population of South Tyrol. Thisinvolves the establishment of an own

legislation, bilingual school educationand the introduction of an ownParis I

Professor, Loic Blondiaux from the departmentof political sciences at the Sorbonne Universitygave a speech on the advantages of participatory democracy. Participatorydemocracy ensures the involvement of allpopulation parts in political decision-making.Such approach leads to a higher degree of accordance with state policies.

Especially in geographically limited areas,participatory democracy is most likely to bringabout changes. Applying the approach to awhole country brings the difficulty of greateradministrative challenges. The lesson gave the

Amsterdam

During their visit tothe City Council of Amsterdam, the tourparticipants wereintroduced to the

work of the council.Special emphasis wasput on the activitiesrequired formanaging a liberalcity like Amsterdamwith a multi-cultural



37

HamburgParticipants visited the Leadershipacademy of the German armedforces (IFSH). They discussedregional, European and

International options for militaryinterventions in case of security

Madrid The attendees visited the Institute of Studies on Conflicts and HumanitarianAction (IECAH). IECAH is a private initiativeuniting experts on conflict research andresolution. The main activities areresearch, consulting, as well as thedistribution of information and training. The members dispose of good knowledgeon conflict-producing dynamics all over theworld with special focus on Spain.

The IECAH staff introduced the example of Basque country in Spain as a case similarto the situation in Southern Thailand. Thisregion also suffers from repeated violentincidences by the Euskadi Ta Askatasuna(ETA). Since more than 30 years, ETA hastried to pursue full autonomy for theBasque region. In recent times, aremarkable reduction in the frequency of incidences could be achieved throughsome political concessions by the Spanishgovernment.

The ETA and the Spanish centralgovernment agreed on a tentativeceasefire in 2006. The Basque country



38

University of Passau - Seminar on “Conflict,Religion and Security Policy”

For the case of South Thailand, this interrelation ishighly important. Religion and especially religiousdifferences often are instrumented for conflict justification. When it comes to conflict resolution theseparation between the public and the private sphereof religion needs to receive special attention.

It is important for all state members to understandthe dangers of religious instrumentation for politicalaction. That this is not widely understood in Thaisociety finds its visible expression in the destruction

Berlin

The overall topic of the Berlin visit was thesituation of the Muslim community in Germany.Berlin is a good example as it is worldwide one of the three largest cities with Muslim residents in anon-Islamic country.

Meeting with the Young Liberals of Germany. The YoungLiberals represent the youth wing of the liberal FreeDemocrat Party (FDP) party of the country. With morethan 10.000 members, they are actively involved inshaping the political landscape of Germany. Specialemphasis is put on advocating needs and rights of youngpeople. Central ideas and concepts of the FDP Partyhave been developed by the Young Liberals.

Meeting with the European Youth Parliament (EYP). EYPis among the largest European youth platform forpolitical debate, intercultural encounters, politicaleducational work and the exchange of ideas amongyoung people in Europe. 32 organisations andinstitutions form this network. The EYP encouragesindependent thinking and socio-political initiative amongyoung people. Seminars and activities are organised on

the regional, national and international level.

Visit to the “Forum for Intercultural Dialogue” (FID). TheFID is dedicated to the furthering of dialogue betweenthe Muslim community and other residents of the city.Even though Muslims and other local residents co-existrelatively peaceful in Germany, there is still a visibly highde ree of s atial and social olarisation amon ethnic

Siena/ Italy

The Mayor of Siena and the participants discussedabout sustainable community development. Theresidents of Siena are actively involved inenvironmental, economic and social communitydevelopment. The community promotes the productionof local goods and thereby contributes to economicdevelopment.

Tourism also is a major source of income in that region. The involvement in community activities creates astrong sense of loyalty with the region and contributesto a peaceful coexistence. The example of Sienademonstrated how economic development can



The tour attendees developed a better understanding of peaceful co-existence and conflict management by

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Paris II

A meeting with the chief editor of the non-profitassociation “Saphir-Médiation” was scheduled. Thisorganisation is dedicated to the interaction betweenMuslims and the French society through mediarepresentation. France has a longstanding tradition of Muslim-Islamic immigration. However, a large part of theFrench society associates Muslims with violence andinvasive immigration.

Aims and concerns of the Muslim community areremarkably underrepresented in media coverage. Saphir-

Brussels

A visit to the “Regionaal Open Jeugtcentrum” wasscheduled. The organisation is dedicated to theelimination of discrimination of youth regardless of their ethnic, religious or social background. Within thelocal community, youth with migrant background face alot of prejudices and resistance.

The work of the youth centre positively contributes to

the perception of ethnic youth within the localcommunity in a much more positive light. Moreover,the youth center organises leisure activities, volunteeractivities for the community as well as guidance onemployment opportunities for young people.



learning from European experiences. They werefamiliarised with different forms of political and socialorganisation on different levels. This knowledge can beshared within the participants’ organisations,communities and with the local population in Thailand’ssouthern border provinces.

The participants realized that change is possible. Theylearnt from peaceful conflict resolution in other countries

formerly struggling with similar problems as the DeepSouth of Thailand. Summarizing, the study tours haveequipped the participants with theoretical and practicalknowledge on methods to manage conflicts of interestsbetween groups and individuals from different ethnic,cultural or religious background.

Alternative media for the local population

Creating alternative media for the local people in theDeep South has been an essential part of the project.

40

The delegation of thestudy tour onAutonomy conceptsand minority rights



Media can play a significant role educating people. FNFand partners established and supported local mediadealing with issues related to the unrest. This contributedto the promotion of a better understanding of thesituation in Thailands conflict-affected Deep South.

Bhumitani Newspaper

This activity was organised and conducted by students

and staff of the Faculty of Communication Sciences of thePrince of Songkhla University (PSU). While receivinglessons on topic research, creative writing, softwareapplications, design- and publishing tools, the studentswere equipped with skills required for producing anewspaper. The title of the newspaper is “Bhumitani”which can be freely translated as “The Pride of Pattani”,referring to the location of PSU in Pattani.

The newspaper covers a wide range of subjects such aslocal politics and economics or reports about cultural andsportive events. Common about all topics is that theyconcern the region of the Southern Border Provinces.

Bhumitani Newspaper

20. 000 copies we printed and distributed altogetherwithin the project period. The major part was allocated

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among PSU students. Others were distributed at localbook stores, post offices, government organisations suchas the Tambon Administration Offices (TAO) as well as atacademic institutions. For some students, theparticipation in the newspaper production process turnedout to have an important impact on their futuredevelopment. Many of them expressed their eager tobecome professionally active in the field of journalism.

Meanwhile, Bhumitani is widely known as an independentalternative to other existing print media in Thailand. It isdesigned by and for local people in the area. The majordifference compared to other media is that local peoplefeel represented and specifically addressed by thenewspaper content. It reflects their situation and dealswith issues of local concern. Parallel to the newspaper, anassociate website was designed. Currently, the website

reaches around 600 hits a month which contributes to themultiplication of the newspapers’ success. The websitecan be visited at: http://comm-sci.pn.psu.ac.th/web_bumee

The publication of the newspaper continues beyond thetimely scope of the project. Meanwhile, the newspaper isfinanced by local donors from the private sector as well as

through advertising revenue.Radio program FM 103.0 FM - Our Homeland

One important part of the project was the initiation of anindependent radio program dealing with conflict-relatedand other issues of concern in the Deep South. The radioprogram FM 103.0 – titled “Our Homeland - was set up asan alternative media on the national level. Media can playa significant role in fighting stereotypes and

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http://comm-sci.pn.psu.ac.th/web_bumee

http://comm-sci.pn.psu.ac.th/web_bumee



discrimination. A radio programme offers the possibility of reaching a nationwide audience. Especially the promotionof non-violent approaches for conflict resolution was a keyelement of the radio program.

Topics covered through the dealt with poverty reductionin the SBP, historical and current views on the conflict andexamples of autonomy practice from other countries.Moreover, viewpoints on the conflict from Buddhist and

Muslim perspective were shared and the work of severalinstitutions who are dedicated to peaceful conflictresolution was introduced. The program made asubstantial contribution to the spread of knowledge aboutthe conflicts’ root causes, current developments andconceivable resolution approaches.

Through the radio content, a nationwide audience could

be educated on a wide range of conflict-related topics. This helped to increase awareness on minority rightsprotection mechanisms and to promote mutualunderstanding among people of different backgrounds.

Theatre plays

Theatre is a good medium to transfer messages to peoplefrom all backgrounds and social classes. The majoradvantage of theatre over other types of media is that itdoes not require any technical or educational pre-conditions. The intention behind this activity was to create

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a theatre play on the conflict theme to offer an alternativecommunication tool for advocating peaceful co-existenceamong people of all backgrounds in the Deep South.

The overall objective of the theatre play performanceswas to visualize local perspectives on the conflict. Thepeople attending the play performances conveyedknowledge and information in a lively way. The primarytarget group of this activity were children and youth, but

also the general public of the communities where theplays were performed

To prepare the youth for the play performances, acting

workshops were held on body movement, voice training,concentration practice, acting, plot writing, survey of community issues, play production and play performance.After the training sessions, the youth were assigned toconduct research on problems occurring in the SouthernBorder Provinces and to transfer the findings into theatreplay content.

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Performance of “Talard Taek”theatre play

Mutual accusation and suspicionwas the overall theme of the

theatre play designed andperformed by students of thePrince of Songkhla University inPattani. The story deals with theexplosion of a bomb at a localmarket.



46

Empowering Women

In the Muslim-dominated society in the Southern BorderProvinces women in many cases are consideredsubordinate to men. Their role often is reduced tohousehold- and childcare duties. For taking up anemployment outside the household, Muslim women oftenrequire their husbands’ permission. Due to thesecircumstances, women in the Southern Border Provincesdo not take an active role in community development. Thisleads to a mainly male-dominated society. Another bigproblem is that the conflicts’ insurgencies have mademany women become widows after their husbands gotkilled. These women face the difficult situation of beingresponsible for earning the household income while takingcare of the children.

The activities conducted here were designed to helpincrease the role of women in social, political and economicinvolvement. The activities included the creation of employmentopportunities for women, the provision of legal support, theprovision of healthcare, the organisation of skill trainings



Small scale business: Local women selling food

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Workshops for youth

Young people are an important target group of theproject activities. In many cases, the youth have notyet adopted a stable attitude towards the unrest inthe Deep South. They tend to be highly susceptive toinfluences from outside. Insurgents often addressyoung people to win them over for their purposes.

However, also positive influences can change youngpeople’s minds by educating them to take a criticalposition towards the events in their environment andto become actively involved in the peace-makingprocess. The youth represent a new generation. Therefore, changes in attitude and behaviour of

’



Localchildren

Conflict management workshop

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Cross-cultural dialogue

The participants in this series of workshops were hosts, staff and moderators of local radio stations in the provinces Yala,Narathiwat, Songkhla and Pattani.In joint evaluation sessions of the radio landscape in Thailandit became clear that most radio hosts are insecure dealingwith the Southern conflict and therefore the topic is oftenavoided. Another finding was that most radio stations areinfluenced by political interests and cannot broadcast

independently. To use the educational potential of radioprograms for a broad audience from all background, it isnecessary for the radio hosts to be informed about legal andcontent wise requirements for broadcasting a program.

The participants learnt about press freedom and how toaddress the conflict issue without the risk of being accusedbiased. This can be done for example by addressing issuesthat are not visibly, but indirectly linked to the conflict.

Examples are health issues, economic issues or reports aboutbackground, belief and customs of different religions.

Regardless of their own background, every person in theSouthern Border Provinces is in some way concerned withthose topics. The participants were also advised to be careful



49

Capacity building for conflict management

structures

The participants mainly consisted of young people fromstudent council representatives, local NGOs and thinktanks. During the workshops, they were taught onmanagerial skills that help to enhance the effectiveness of their work on conflict resolution within their organisations.Knowledge and information how to improve theorganisations’ public perception and how to function as a

mediator between different ethnic and cultural groupswere presented to the attendees.

Trainings on methods of social research, agenda-settingand PR-campaigning by using modern mass media wereheld. One visible result was the establishment of severalnetworks among the participants’ institutions.

The newly established “Student Network for Peaceful

Social Reformation” is a union of students from fouruniversities in the south and serves as a platform todiscuss options for action contributing to a peaceful conflictresolution. Another network was established among lawstudents from four universities to provide local people withknowledge for seeking legal advice.



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Training of Trainers

The workshops for trainers were aimed to enablerepresentatives of local non-government organisations toreplicate the trainings on relevant skills and knowledge inorder to maintain the sustainability of the project activities.

Capacity building for Local Government Officialsand Community Leaders

The activities were targeted towards the elimination of mistrust between the local population and governmentbodies. This mistrust derives from the often practisedabuse of power by people in higher-ranking positions.

In order to ensure a stable and sustainable communitydevelopment, it is necessary to re-establish confidencebetween local population and government officials in theDeep South. The participants were taught on differenttechniques, approaches and instruments of problemanalysis, social research, knowledge-sharing and agenda-setting. Subsequently, they were encouraged to draftproject plans for activities contributing to development in

their respective communities. Programs set up dealt forexample with:

• Unemployment reduction• Activities for the elderly citizens• Water resource conservation• A youth volunteer group for community health• A cultural restoration project• Fight against drug abuse• Community organisation for trading local goods and

products

The workshops did not only contribute to economicdevelopment but also strengthened cohesion within the



Small project fundingMost development initiatives for the rural areas of

Thailand are dominated by government agencies. Thisapplies to project selection, budgeting andimplementation. In consequence, such top-down approachdoes not respond adequately to the needs of local people.Independent grassroots activities are more likely toachieve the desired outcome by directly interacting withthe local level.

The financial and organisational support for selected smallprojects was one important project part designed for localorganisations to implement activities contributing to:

• A more gender-balanced society• Democratic developments in the Southern Border

Provinces

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• Increased involvement of women and youth insocial and economic development

• Economic development• Conflict-management• Strengthening local organisations dealing with

conflict-related issues

Muslim men at a local mosque in Pattani province

14 small projects were chosen for implementation.

The activities covered the organisation of sportive eventssuch as football matches and boat races for youth of Muslim and Buddhist background. Joint communityactivities lead to a higher degree of cohesion amongcommunity members. Furthermore, physical exercisereduces tension especially among youth and helps tokeep them away from getting involved in criminalactivities or narcotic abuse.

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Traditional boat race

A big part of the population in the Deep South suffersfrom a poor health condition. This in the first place is dueto the low economic standard of the region. Many peoplecannot afford medical treatment. Also, while people arestruggling to make their daily living, they do not take

good care of their health. The poor economic performanceand the high rate of unemployment moreover is onereason for serious problems with the abuse of narcoticsand alcohol. The consequences are serious socialproblems such as a high crime rate, robberies, domesticviolence and corruption.

To address these problems, the small project fundingssupported campaigns on public health promotion and

awareness campaigns against drug abuse.

Another activity covered software application training foryouth. Young people from selected communities in thesouthern provinces were trained on website design, theuse of PowerPoint and internet research. The acquiredskills will help the local people to promote their aims andneeds by disseminating information and knowledge on

conflict-related issues. Moreover, these skills are usefulreferences when seeking employment. The youth

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afterwards became resource persons for future trainingsto ensure multiplier effects of the action.

Software application training for youth

Other activities dealt with the organisation of social

events for the selected communities. The attendeeslearnt how to advertise for volunteer involvement andhow to mange and implement projects.

The Southern Youth Think Tank (SYTT) has organisedactivities to promote community unity in one of the mostconflict-affected districts. Kosit Takbai in Narathiwasprovince has been the staging ground of what has

become widely known as the “Takbai Incident”. In 2004,a demonstration outside a police station ended with thedeaths of at least 85 Muslim men and boys. Most of themdied from suffocation as a result of being stacked in armytrucks for transport to an army base. The Takbai incidenthas led to even more resistance among the Muslimcommunity towards the Thai military. Therefore, it isnecessary to draw special attention to this region in orderto stabilize the situation and unite the local people.

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To help reducing tensions between local governmentrepresentatives and the local population, one smallproject dealt with the education of community memberson regulations, formalities and processes regarding publicservices. This project activity was targeted towards anincreased transparency of state activities. The localpeople received lessons on legal requirements regardingbirth and death registration, immigration- as well ashouse- and land ownership regulations. Furthermore, they

were familiarized with legal procedures in cases of beingvictim or witness to a crime.

Village scene Another small project addressed the problem of religiousmisinterpretation and misunderstanding. The local people

were introduced to aims and characteristics of differentreligious beliefs. The participants gained a deeperunderstanding of their respective other which contributedto mutual understanding and an increased level of socialstability.

Altogether, more than 2.000 people from the provincesPattani, Songkla, Yala and Narathiwat could be reached

with the small project fundings. It is expected that theactivities will have sustainable impact on the future

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political, social and economic development in the selectedcommunities.

Outcomes and conclusions of the FNF – EU SouthThailand project

Regarding the outcomes for the target groups it can besummarized that the project activities

• Increased the level of youth involvement incommunity development

• Increased the role of women in communitydevelopment

• Achieved an increased rate in political participationamong the local population in the Southern BorderProvinces Pattani, Narathiwat, Yala and Songkhla

• Contributed to mutual understanding among localpeople of different ethnic and religious background

• Supported the promotion of non-violentapproaches towards conflict-resolution

• Contributed to the erase of mistrust among thelocal population in the Southern Border Provincestowards local government officials

• Contributed to development of the local economy

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• Introduced several concepts of decentralisationand autonomy

Conclusions

Although the project activities contributed to severalvisible improvements in the selected communities, theunrest in Thailands Deep South remains. Nonetheless, thereturn on investment into social-capital of the variouscommunities covered by the activities during the 18month project implementation period should not beunderestimated. The various models of minority

protection and of decentralised state organisation andmanagement which were conveyed to decision makers of the project target groups, have certainly contributed tothe understanding of possible solutions and therequirements for long-term peacemaking. Moreover, thefoundation will continue to support the radio programsdesigned to address questions of national unity, diversity,pluralism and tolerance. It is hoped that this will

contribute to peaceful conflict management. However,grassroots activities alone cannot be the key to conflictresolution. What is urgently required is a clearly definedstrategy from the national policy level on how to deal withthe problems afflicting Thailand’s southern provinces.

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“States should consider appropriate measures so

that persons belonging to minorities may participatefully in the economic

UNHCR - United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.Declaration on the Right of Persons Belonging toNational or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities,



The military approach to the conflict obviously did not domuch to address the conflicts’ root causes. As mentionedearlier, starting point of the difficulties is Thailand’s

heavily centralised state apparatus. Under the country'sexisting administrative structure, authority is delegatedfrom the capital to the region and then to local areas.Decision-making, however, is highly centralised andbureaucratic. The sub-ordinate units do not have thepower to readjust, rectify and emend any of the ordersfrom above.

The government needs to develop a long-term vision andestablish an administrative structure with clearly definedduties and responsibilities for the Southern BorderProvinces. Also essential are stricter civilian controls of the Thai security forces’ activities and the agreement onsanctions in case of the abuse of power.

No workshop or education campaign can be successful

without an adequate political framework ensuring astronger representation of Malay-Muslim interests inpolitics, economy and society. In the process of decision-making and implementation of strategies, specialemphasis must be laid on a maximum degree of participation from the local level. This also meansintegrating activities on the local level as conductedwithin this project, into a long-term development strategyfor Thailands Deep South.

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Currently, the country lacks a superior authoritycoordinating responsibilities of the countries’ differentinstitutions. Setting up such authority is highlyrecommended in order to assure that a long-termstrategy dealing with conflict resolution can beimplemented effectively. It seems that the right stepstowards such an end have been taken recently with theannouncement of the currently ruling Democrat Party of

Thailand (DP) to establish a special panel of ministers for

the Deep South. Furthermore, the government hasannounced plans to convert the current Southern BorderAdministrative Center (SBPAC) into an independent,legislative-based agency to bring about “unity” in policyframework. 8 The restructured SBPAC will be subordinateto the Thai Ministry of Interior. The current Prime Minister(PM) Abhisit Vejjajiva announced that the position of thedirector of SBPAC, formerly subordinated to the military,

would from now on be equivalent to permanent secretaryof the ministry and would report directly to the PrimeMinister. The tasks of SBPAC are supposed to focus ondevelopment programs and to offer support to the localpopulation. Furthermore, the PM promised moretransparency of security forces activities. A “PeoplesCouncil” compromised of border province local residentsis allowed to attend official meetings and give their

opinion on latest conflict developments or cases of powerabuse.

Critics from both Muslim and Buddhist side fear that theintermediate position of the Ministry of Interior betweenSBPAC and PM bears the risks of new forms of politicalclientelism, patronage and corruption. However, such anapproach marks an important acknowledgement from

8 Askew, M., The Democrats and the Southern Malaise”, In: BangkokPost 13/09/2009, p. 11

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Annex IGerman political foundations

Each of the major political parties in Germany features anaffiliate foundation. The work of the foundations isorientated along the political profile of the respectiveaffiliated party. Besides the liberal-democratic Friedrich-Naumann Foundation the Konrad Adenauer Foundation,the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, the Hans SeidelFoundation as well as the Heinrich Böll Foundation arehelping to shape the political landscape in Germany andabroad.

The foundations’ social and democratic educationprogrammes and their information and consultancy workare based on the principles of a free and democraticconstitution and on the principles of solidarity, subsidiarity

and mutual tolerance.

The activities conducted are targeted towards civiceducation and the promotion of dialogue between politics,science, the state and the economy. Political research andconsultancy, the promotion of academic education, thepromotion of art and culture and the support indeveloping and maintaining democratic developments,

the protection of minority rights are guiding principlescharacterising the work of the German foundations.

All funds for the foundations are received from theFederal and State government.

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Annex IIFriedrich Naumann Foundation International

Established in 1958, the Friedrich Naumann Foundation is

headquartered in Potsdam, eastern Germany. It runsliberal programmes in 62 countries, bringing hope,positive changes, and new-found freedoms to millions of people around the world.

Working to create a freer, liberal and democratic worldhas always been the goal and commitment of theFriedrich Naumann Foundation in all of its international

programmes. The Foundation promotes and supportsactivities that contribute to the strengthening of liberaldemocracy, respect for human rights, free-marketeconomy and rule of law so that more and more peoplecan live together peacefully in a freer, liberal anddemocratic society.

The aims of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation arepursued by political education, political dialogue withpoliticians and civil society and political consultationmeaning the transfer of knowledge, experience and skillsto liberal-minded political decision-makers.

At the international level, the Friedrich NaumannFoundation for Freedom cooperates with a wide range of partners: liberal parties, think tanks and organisations.We all pursue the same goal: to develop a free society

where all people have a chance to enjoy property,

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education and a self-determined life in a democracygoverned by the rule of law.

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Annex III The Rights of Minorities

The liberal-democratic Declaration on Minority Rights wasprepared between 1998 and 2000 by the Friedrich NaumannFoundation in cooperation with academics and internationalexperts on minorities and human rights protection.

PREAMBLE

WHEREAS there has been a growing universal consensus on theuniversality, the indivisibility and the interdependence of allhuman rightsANDwhereas the forces of globalisation and the end of the cold warhave renewed the desire for recognition and preservation of theunique identities of ethnocultural communities, national

minorities and indigenous peopleANDWhereas the recognition, protection and promotion of suchminority rights are based on internationally recognised humanrights and the establishment of liberal democratic institutions of governance to implement such rightsANDWhereas states which base their constitutional, legal andgovernance frameworks on the suppression of minority rights

and on ethnic dominance have been a source of massivehuman rights abuse, refugee outflows, regional and globalinsecurity

WE, members of 38 indigenous peoples, national andethnocultural minorities from 26 countries

• assembled at Berlin, Germany, in September of the year2000

• having considered the situation in which minorities in all

parts of the world find themselves and the problemsthey are faced with

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• being aware that there are various approaches towards

solving these problems, and welcoming debate amongproponents of different solutions

• convinced, however, that tolerance and respect for thebasic rights and freedom of all human beings areindispensable for any solution

have adopted the following Declaration. The proposals putforward therein are conceived from a liberal perspective, takinghuman dignity and individual liberty as the starting point and asthe source of all rights postulated in this Declaration. We inviteall those who are committed to the cause of minority rights to join with us in discussing these principles, and, above all, intransforming them into a living reality.

I. LIBERAL DEMOCRACY AND THE RIGHTS OF MINORITIES

FREEDOM MEANS DIVERSITY. Never was uniformity in humansociety achieved without coercion.

The simple truth is nowhere more evident, and more relevant,than with the peoples and countries that constitute today’sworld society. None of these is homogenous in ethnic, culturalor religious terms. All of them compromise minorities of variouskinds, and the state of relations between majorities andminorities provides the yardstick by which the degree of freedom can and must be measured in every one of them.

For this reason, the rights of minorities are of paramountimportance to all who cherish human freedom, No society andno country can be termed a liberal democracy that does notacknowledge, implement and respect the rights of minorities.

In defining what these rights should be, this Declaration takesas its starting point the reality as we find it on the eve of thethird millennium. World society is organised in states, the largemajority of which conceive of themselves as nation states,which form the basic units and prime actors in the international

66



system. They are, for all practical purposes, the main source of

all laws and regulations that govern the relationship betweenmajorities and minorities within their borders, and of thoseinternational covenants that have been, and hopefully will yetbe, concluded for the world-wide implementation of minorityrights. It is a common tendency of modern states to assume a"national" identity, culture, etc., and hence a "need" for unitary"national" institutions and solutions. Far too often this tendency

leads to a disregard for, or underestimation of, the multiethnic,multicultural, or multireligious diversities that exist within theboundaries of a nation state. Thus, nation states tend to be"nationalising" states, assuming uniformity where it does notexist, and far too often misuse the coercive power of statemachinery and legislation to impose such uniformity. Liberal democracy, in contrast, emphasises the rights andliberties of the individual citizen. It is because these include the

right freely to associate with others that they have a group-related dimension as well. Belonging to a community based oncommon cultural, linguistic or religious heritage is an importantfactor of identity for most people, and where they freely andvoluntarily associate on this basis, no government and no statelegislation - and no majority, however large - may deny theright of such groups to be different within the limits of internationally accepted human rights.

It is obvious that the need to protect such rights correspondsdirectly with the degree to which governments interfere withcivil society. It is where government interferes with the socialand cultural life of minorities that most assaults on suchminorities take place. The principle of subsidiarity, whichstipulates that decisions should always be made at the mostlocal level that is practically feasible, and preferably at thelevel of civil society, will always provide reliable guidance tosafeguarding the legitimate interests o f minorities and

majorities alike. The classical liberal concept of limited andstrictly subsidiary government can in itself be seen as a far-

67



from-negligible element of minority protection. While enforcing

human rights and the rule of law by itself will go a long way toprotect minorities, it must be realized that modern states arethoroughly interventionist, with a high density of regulation,and thus tilted towards uniformity. As long as this situationpersists, specific measures to safeguard minority rights arecalled for, including positive measures to progressively realiseminority rights where entrenched inequities exist.

Whenever such specific measures are discussed, it must be

clearly understood that their function will always be asubsidiary one to the very basics of every free society: the ruleof law and human rights. Unless these are firmly and reliablyestablished, every attempt at safeguarding minority rights willbe futile.

For many minorities around the world, the most urgentproblem concerns the denial of their basic human rights,including genocide, ethnic cleansing, economic discrimination,

and religious persecution, amongst others. These basic humanrights are already the subject of numerous internationalconventions, treaties and laws, and we urge that these bebetter enforced.

The provisions that are needed in addition t o the basicrequirements of classical human rights and the rule of laware the subject of the present Declaration. In de-fining whatthese provisions ought to be, we start from two sets of

premises:

In the sphere of values, we hold individual liberty supreme.Minority rights must always contribute to safeguardingindividual liberty for the members of minorities and majorityalike. To the extent that this requires rights and provisionsrelated to groups rather than individuals, it must always beunderstood that such group rights, while emphasising thedistinct identity of groups, ultimately serve the rights of their

individual members, but must in no case infringe them. Thus,minority group rights may never put individual rights at the

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which have a distinct language and/or culture or religion of their

own. Very often, they became minorities as a result of aredrawing of international borders and their settlement areachanging from the sovereignty of one country to another; orthey are ethnic groups which, for a variety of reasons, did notachieve statehood of their own and instead form part of a largercountry or several countries. Obviously, this is the "classical"minority situation with which most of the existing national andinternational instruments of minority protection deal.

Third, indigenous peoples. To them, all the characteristics of national minorities apply, but their additional anddistinguishing characteristic consists in their having beensettled in the land prior to the majority, and having become aminority by conquest and/or colonisation. Being the "firstnations" of their countries and having much older claims to theland than those who superseded and usually subjugated them,they are entitled to specific rights taking account of thesefacts.

While we find it useful to structure this Declaration according tothese three basic categories of minorities, we are aware thatreality is more varied and complex than any'compartmentalisation' can reflect. It must be borne in mind,therefore, that actual minority situations will not always fitneatly into one of these categories and that each case must be judged and solved taking into account its own specificconditions. Irrespective of all differentiation, however, there are

rights, duties and rules which apply to all or several kinds of minority situations; with these we deal first.

II. RIGHTS, DUTIES AND RULES APPLYING TO ALL MINORITYSITUATIONS

Wherever minorities exist, their being different must berespected by the majority as part and parcel of their innate andinalienable right to be free. This entails an obligation of

governments to refrain from all attempts at coercedassimilation and to protect minorities from other forms of

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coerced assimilation. All measures proposed in this Declaration

to protect this right are designed to promote harmony betweenthe various communities within a country by ensuring thatnobody is either privileged or discriminated against because heor she belongs to a certain community (be it minority ormajority).

This means that all group-specific rights postulated in thisDeclaration are designed to prevent discrimination, and in nocase to establish privileges. Even where positive discrimination

is deemed necessary (such as exemption from electoralthreshold clauses, or above-average support for minorityschools), the aim can never be to create privileges, butexclusively t o create substantial equality.

Equally, as a general rule, minority rights are not to beinterpreted as exempting members of minorities from thenormal responsibilities of citizenship.

In some cases the question who belongs to a minority canbecome politically contentious. It is not the role of governments to determine membership of minority groups. Itis a matter to be decided between the individual and theminority as a group; with self-definition of the individual as themain guideline, subject to internationally recognised humanrights standards.

While the international community must be encouraged to set

the standards of minority protection more vigorously andrigorously than hitherto, the transformation of these standardsinto national practice and law is equally important, and thiscan reasonably be done only in consultation and cooperationbetween the majority and the minority.

One of the goals of minority rights is to promote a pluralisticsociety in which the members of different groups treat each

other with mutual respect and dignity, and are willing to learnfrom and about each other. This interaction can lead to

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strengthened bonds within a diverse society and stronger

loyalty to the state.

Ill. THE RIGHTS OF ETHNOCULTURAL MINORITIES

As the term indicates, there are at least two different (albeitpotentially overlap-ping) types of minorities which arecomprised under the heading "ethnocultural":

• those who differ from the majority in ethnic terms

without being national minorities, i.e. mainlyimmigrants (including refugees) and their descendants

• those who differ from the majority in their long-standing traditional way of life, e.g. in terms of religionor in other ways such as language or cultural practices,without being national minorities.

Immigrants and refugees usually stay in their host countrieson an understanding that they will either return at some timeto their countries of origin or fully integrate into the society of the host country and become equal citizens.

The fundamental duty owed to all kinds of ethno-culturalminorities is non-discrimination. To the extent that members of such minorities are citizens of the country in which they live,they must enjoy the full and unrestricted rights that go withcitizenship, including the right of political participation; if theyare not (yet) citizens, they are at least entitled to the protectionby, and benefits of, all those civil and social rights that are notintrinsically linked to citizenship. These include, in particular:

• the right to use one's own language in non-officialcontexts

• the freedom of opinion and its expression, including

the right to publish in any language withoutrestrictions

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• the freedom to practice one's religion in any way notinfringing the rights of others.

Above all, the principle of non-discrimination is applicable toeducation. All educational opportunities must be available toall on an equal basis. As far as other cultural activities, suchas cultivating the specific tradition or heritage o f acommunity, are concerned, no general or basic right existsthat anyone be supported (financially or otherwise) in suchactivities; but here again equal treatment is called for: if themajority gets such support, then minority groups should haveit as well.

In general, host countries should accept an obligation to openup avenues of inclusion to ethnocultural minorities, amongthese assistance for cultural accommodation (e.g. languagetraining), but also by granting a right t o acquire citizen-shipafter a reasonable period of permanent residency. Some

flexibility in dealing with dual citizenship is recommended toall governments.

IV. THE RIGHTS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES

In contrast to ethnocultural minorities, national cultural orreligious minorities are historically settled communities;moreover, their inclusion in a country with a majoritypopulation different from themselves usually is the result of

developments beyond their control. While people whoimmigrate into a country can reasonably be expected to adapt,no such expectation is justified regarding people who simplycontinue to live where their ancestors lived, and who have oftenplayed a vital role in building a pluralist society. Their right tomaintain what makes them different from the majority cannotreasonably be questioned, and consequently any attempt onthe part of the majority at imposing uniformity, or any pressuretowards assimilation, is illegitimate.

The way the rights of national minorities can be organised and73



exercised depends to a large extent on the form of settlement

they live in: in the case of compact settlement areas, with fewor no members of the majority living there, territorial autonomyis the obvious answer; where minorities live dispersed amongthe majority, not forming a majority in any substantial area,other forms of institutionalising these rights are called for,which may include non-territorial, functional variants of autonomy.

From the importance the form of settlement carries for the

exercise of the rights of a minority, it follows that there must besafeguards against manipulations in this respect. While theright of free movement and settlement within a country is soimportant for all citizens that it should not be restricted exceptin favour of indigenous peoples in their hereditary lands, itsmisuse by deliberate resettlement policies aimed at subvertingthe position of minorities in their own areas is unacceptable, asis the manipulation of administrative borders aiming at thesame end.

Very often national minorities - particularly if their minorityposition in one country is the result of a redrawing of international borders - are connected by ethnic, linguisticand/or cultural or religious ties with the population of aneighbouring country. No government has a right to interfere inany way with the cross-border contacts and exchanges whichare natural in such a situation (as, indeed, no government has

the right to interfere with the normal international contacts of any of its citizens).

There are two categories of rights which constitute the absoluteminimum of any fair deal for national minorities: cultural self-determination, and full participation in the decision-making oncentral/national level. Where conditions permit, i.e. whereminorities settle in geographically contiguous areas, furtherpowers should be devolved to them: such as running their own

administration, police, social institutions, etc.

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1. Cultural self-determination

Every national minority has the right to sovereignly managethe most central factor of its identity: its culture. This includesmatters o f language, education, cultural traditions, andreligion, which is often a critical factor in their identity.

In the first place, cultural self-determination means thateverybody has the unrestricted right to his or her own nativelanguage. This includes unconditionally

• the right to learn one's own native language

• the right to use one's own language in public

• the right to use proper names in the minority languageversion and to have this version used in all officialcontexts

• total absence of restrictions on publishing orbroadcasting printed or electronic media in theminority language

• unrestricted access to such media and publications;

subject to being warranted by sufficient numbers, eithercountry-wide or in specific regions, it further includes

• the right to be taught one's own native language and itsbeing employed as the prevalent medium of instructionin schools. This right shall not prejudice the learning of the official language

• the use of minority languages in administrativeauthorities and public services, law courts, andparliaments

• the availability of laws and other important public legal75



texts in the minority language

• where publicly owned media exist, adequate space forbroadcasts etc. in the minority language or, whereapplicable, regional stations broadcasting exclusively inthe minority language

• public sign-boards, place and street names etc. usingthe minority language at least additionally to theofficial language.

The numerical requirements to warrant these rights must befixed by law. They should be defined in both percentage andabsolute figures, and meeting either requirement should besufficient. The central principle in determining the numericalrequirements should be the avoidance of pressure toassimilate.

The second essential field of cultural self-determination iseducation. Members of national minorities have a right to beeducated in their own culture. This implies:

• Primary education (including preschool educationwhere it is obligatory) in their mother-tongue must beavailable to all children.

• National minorities have the right to run primary and

secondary schools of their own, which are entitled to atleast the same public subsidies (per pupil) as theschools of the majority as long as they comply with theappropriate minimal standards. This does not prejudicethe right to run any other type of private schools.

• Where numbers warrant it, the same applies toinstitutions of tertiary education (universities); otherwiseadequate provision for teaching and research in minority

cultures must be made at at least one of the existinguniversities.

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• Where small numbers and/or dispersed settlement of anational minority renders boarding schools or otherspecialised schools (e.g., after-hour schools) the onlyfeasible form of minority schools, subsidies to helpcovering the additional costs are warranted. The sameapplies to regular schools in minority areas which areviable but more expensive per pupil because of theirinevitable smallness.

The other two areas which are essential to cultural self-determination are cultural traditions and religion. Thefundamental duty owed in these areas is non-discrimination:national minorities must enjoy the full and unrestricted rightsthat go with citizenship. Normally this only requires non-intervention on the part of government. To the extent,however, that cultural and religious institutions and activities of the majority are actively supported; non-discrimination is theobvious additional requirement.

2. Participation in decision-making at central level

Being full citizens of their country, members of nationalminorities have every right to participate fully in the politics of their country- politics which, after all, affects their lives as muchas those of the majority. If they want to do so, they obviouslyalso have the right to practice such participation as a minority,i.e. as a group with distinct common interests vis-à-vis the

majority, by, e.g., maintaining and voting for special minorityparties. Factors specific to the minority situation, such as smallnumbers or disadvantageously dispersed settlement, but alsosuch factors as regional and constituency boundaries orunfavourable electoral systems, frequently tend to adverselyaffect their chances of participating on an equal footing with themajority. It is therefore the duty of the politics and legislationon the national level t o remove, or mitigate the effect of, suchobstacles.

The measures and provisions required to secure effective77



participation of national minorities include the following:

• The easiest way to secure minority representation atcentral government level is the electoral system of Proportional Representation (PR). Where such systemsare combined with the requirement of a certainminimum electoral support ('threshold clauses'),minorities should be exempt from such clauses. Whereother electoral systems than PR are chosen, minorityrepresentation must be secured by other devices, someof which follow.

• The drawing of constituency boundaries must avoidthe inclusion of large numbers of the majoritypopulation within constituencies in minority areas("Gerrymandering").

• Where the minority population is so dispersed aroundthe country that they cannot reasonably be expectedto win any geographically defined single memberconstituency, one alternative to proportionalrepresentation could be an adequate number of special, additional designated constituencies re-servedfor the minority electorate. Adequate provision mustbe made in this case that voters who do not wish tovote on ethnic or religious lines can do so.

•

Wherever regional autonomy operates in areas of contiguous settlement, especially if this is part of ageneral system of devolution also including majorityareas (e.g., federalism), the representation of regionalpolitical institutions at the central/federal level must beorganised in a way that rules out any discriminationagainst minority regions.

• Positions in the central administration (particularly army,

police, judiciary, and intelligence services) of countriescomprising national minorities must be accessible to

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members of the minority without any discrimination,

selection being based on grounds of job-appropriatequalification. Attention should be paid to the recruitmentof national minorities into these positions andeliminating systematic barriers against theiremployment.

ReferencesAskew, M.: The Democrats and the Southern Malaise”, In: Bangkok Post13/09/2009Kittel, S.(2008): Thailands rätselhafter Terrorkrieg.

Nelson, M.H. (1998): Central Authority and LocalDemocratization in Thailand. Studies in Contemporary Thailand

No 6. White Lotus Press, Bangkok

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Ungpakorn, G. (2007): A Coup for The Rich. Thailand’s political

crisis. Workers Democracy Publishing. Bangkok; pp.14.

United Nations Development Programme: Thailand HumanDevelopment Report 2007 – Sufficiency Economy and HumanDevelopment. Bangkok

www.sources

http://www.amnesty.org/en/region/thailand/report-2009 Human

Rights in the Kingdom of Thailand. Amnesty International CountryReport 2009.

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/06/18/thailand-insurgents-target-teachers-south Human Rights Watch. Insurgents targetteachers in the South. Online at: 18/06/2009

http://thailand.ahrchk.net/docs/nrc_report_en.pdf National Reconciliation Commission (NRC) of Thailand (2001):

Overcoming violence through the power of reconciliation, pp.5Online at:


For more information on the conflict see also:

http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=3389&l=1:

Homepage of the International Crisis Group on conflictprevention

http://www.deepsouthwatch.org/: Homepage of Deep SouthWatch, an independent research group monitoring the conflict.

http://www.nida.ac.th/en/ Homepage of the National Institute of Development Administration

80“Democracy and Freedom are not just words, but life-

determining values.” Theodor Heuss former President of the Federal

http://www.amnesty.org/en/region/thailand/report-2009

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/06/18/thailand-insurgents-target-teachers-south





http://www.amnesty.org/en/region/thailand/report-2009








In view of the severity of the problems in Southern Thailand, it is surprising how little is known about theongoing unrest outside and inside the country. Thereason for that might be that the conflict is considereda local issue, as the incidences are limited to fewprovinces. Nevertheless, the conflict causes instability

for the entire region and runs the risks of expanding toother areas if no long-term solution occurs.

This publication documents an 18 month projectcontributing to more stability in the south. The projectwas funded by the European Union. The activities havebeen implemented by the Friedrich NaumannFoundation and partners.

The main objectives of the project were to raiseawareness of the conflicts’ root causes as well as tocontribute to more stability in the region.

After giving an overview of the project target area andbackground information on historical as well as currentconflict developments, the different project

components, target groups and implemented activitiesare introduced.

Brochure EU Thailand

Documents

Transcript of Brochure EU Thailand