Bringing a global perspective to community, work and family

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Bringing a global perspective tocommunity, work and familyJody Heymann , Alison Earle & Amresh HanchatePublished online: 22 Oct 2010.

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Jody Heymann, Alison Earle &Amresh Hanchate

BRINGING A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE TO

COMMUNITY, WORK AND FAMILY

An examination of extended work hours in

families in four countries

To date, much of the research on the interaction between work and family has focusedon single countries or comparative studies on OECD countries. The goal of this paper isto demonstrate the feasibility of bringing a truly global perspective to comparativeresearch on work, family, and community questions. We conducted an examination ofextended-hour work in four countries in Latin America, Africa, and Asia. This paperhighlights two facts: first, the feasibility of using existing data sources to carry outcomparative research on a more diverse range of countries than has generally beenconducted to date, and second, the importance of conducting such analyses because of thecritical insights that are gained for improving public policies and services.

Keywords working conditions; extended work hours; high work hours;unpaid work hours; global comparative research; international labour standards;parental time availability

Hasta este momento, la mayoria del la investigacion cumplido sobre la interaccion entreel trabajo y la familia se ha enfocado en paises individuales o en estudios de comparacionentre los paises de la OCED. El proposito de este articulo es demostrar la viabilidad dellevar una perspectiva realmente global a las investigaciones comparativas de asuntos deltrabajo, la familia y la comunidad. Llevamos a cabo un analisis sobre las horas detrabajo extendidas en cuatro paises en Latino America, Africa y Asia. Este articulo hacehincapie en dos hechos: primero en la posibilidad de usar datos ya existentes para cumplirinvestigaciones comparativas en un gama mas diversa de naciones que se suele hacer, y,segundo, la importancia de llevar a cabo tales analisis por la informacion critica queofrecen sobre la mejoraza de las politicas publicas y los servios publicos.

Palabras clave condiciones laborales; horario laboral extendido; horariolaboral largo; horas trabajadas sin remuneracion; investigacion mundial com-parada; international labor standards; estandares laborales internacionales; dis-ponibilidad de tiempo de los padres

Community, Work & Family Vol. 7, No. 2, August 2004, pp. 247–272ISSN 1366-8803 print/ISSN 1469-3615 online © 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltdhttp://www.tandf.co.uk/journals DOI: 10.1080/1366880042000245506

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2 4 8 C O M M U N I T Y , W O R K & F A M I L Y

To date, much of the research on the interaction between work and family hasfocused on single countries (for example, Chaturvedi, Srivastava, Singh, & Prasad,1987; Elloy, 2001; Fadayomi, 1991; Gignac, Kelloway, & Gottlieb, 1996; Kinnunen& Mauno, 1998; Leach & Siddall, 1990; Nettelbladt, 1983; Presser & Cox, 1997;Schofield, Herrman, Bloch, Howe, & Singh, 1997; Thorburn, 1999; Yimyam &Morrow, 2003). When comparative research has been conducted, it has typicallybeen limited to Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)countries in North America, Europe, and advanced Asian and Pacific economies (forexample, Bradshaw, Ditch, Holmes, & Whiteford, 1993; Gauthier, 1996; Gordon,1988; Gornick, Meyers, & Ross, 1997; Kamerman & Kahn, 1997; Organization forEconomic Development, 1995; Waldfogel, 1994). This approach has often allowedcountries with readily apparent similarities in economic and political systems to becompared and has enabled researchers to take advantage of the most readily accessibledata. Not only is more data collected in OECD nations, but specific data sources havebeen put together to facilitate comparative work in OECD nations including, amongothers, the Luxembourg Income Survey and the Luxembourg Employment Survey.1

While these studies have yielded important findings, they do not on their ownallow readers or policy makers to examine the breadth of experiences of workingfamilies globally. By definition, they are limited not only in their geographic coveragebut in the socio-economic, political, and cultural contexts of the nations they include.Importantly, studies of North America, Europe, and advanced Asian and Pacificeconomies alone will not allow researchers to address the full range of questionsraised by phenomena such as economic globalization, urbanization, and demographicshifts that affect working families worldwide.

The same demographic transformations that have revolutionized the workforceand families in North America and Europe are occurring in every region of theworld. In Latin America, Africa, Asia and the Pacific, and the Middle East, first menand then women moved out of home-based and land-based labour occurring neartheir home into industrial and post-industrial labour forces. Longitudinal data onmany developing countries are not available for enough decades to delineate thehistory of the first part of this transformation — the movement of men into theindustrial and post-industrial labour forces — but data are available to quantify thesecond part of this transformation — the parallel movement of women into paidwork away from home and family lands.

The increases in women’s participation in the paid labour force between 1960and 2000 have been marked in many regions. The percentage of the labour forcewhich is made up of women has increased from 26 to 38 per cent in the Caribbean,from 16 to 33 per cent in Central America, from 17 to 25 per cent in the MiddleEast, from 23 to 31 per cent in North Africa, from 31 to 46 per cent in NorthAmerica, from 27 to 43 per cent in Oceania, from 32 to 41 per cent in WesternEurope, and from 21 to 35 per cent in South America (International LabourOrganization, 1999; World Bank Group, 2000). In every region except the MiddleEast and North Africa, at least one third of the labour force is now made up ofwomen. Even in the Middle East and North Africa, women currently account for 25and 31 per cent of the labour force, respectively. More than 40 per cent of the labourforce is female in Central Africa, East Africa, East Asia, Oceania, Western Europe,and Southern Africa. In North America, the Baltic republics, the Caucasus and

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A G L O B A L P E R S P E C T I V E T O C O M M U N I T Y , W O R K A N D F A M I L Y 2 4 9

Western republics, the Central Asian republics, and Eastern Europe more than 45per cent of the labour force is female (World Bank Group, 2000).

Accompanying the dramatic changes in the labour force have been markedchanges in urbanization. The United Nations estimates that by the year 2030, morethan 60 per cent of the developing world’s population will live in cities (UnitedNations Population Division, n.d.). Only 18 per cent of the world’s population livedin urban areas at the beginning of the twentieth century. But by the century’s closenearly half of the world’s population did (Brockerhoff, 2000; McNeill, 2000). Thegreatest changes in the developing world happened in the second half of the twentiethcentury with the percentage of the population living in cities more than doublingfrom 18 to 40 per cent. Over the same period, the percentage of the populationliving in cities in the industrialized world increased from 55 to 75 per cent (UnitedNations Population Division, n.d.).

Urbanization plays a key role in the changes that are occurring in community,work, and family life for several reasons. When individuals migrate to urban areas,they often move away from their extended family (Aja, 2001; Bolak, 1997;Holmes-Eber, 1997; Salaff & Wong, 1982). Even when extended family migratetogether to urban areas, the available housing often restricts the ability of largeextended families to reside in one location. Families living in urban areas often needto have a larger number of adults in the paid workforce in order to subsist, andinformal as well as formal work in urban areas is often designed in ways that makeit hazardous, if not impossible, for children and other dependants to accompanyadults to this work.

Together, these globally occurring transformations in labour and residence makeit every bit as important to understand the experiences of and conditions faced byworking families in Latin America, Africa, and Asia and the Pacific as in NorthAmerica and Europe. Earlier cross-national studies often focused on comparingseveral high-income countries. While this focus may have made sense in the past, theglobalization of economies profoundly linking industrialized and industrializing coun-tries demands studies that explore countries distributed worldwide with more widelyvarying contexts.

Research on the experiences of working families from countries around theworld that represent the full range of economic, political, social, and culturalcircumstances can provide a unique opportunity to understand the extent to whichdifferent public and private policies, and social, economic, and political structures,lead to different outcomes for working families. More specifically, examining thevariation that is present in diverse countries will provide an important opportunityto understand how different conditions impact on the health, development, andwelfare of children; the health and well-being of adults dependent on family membersfor care; the ability of caregivers to get, keep, and succeed at work; and the natureof life in the communities in which they reside. Because studies using a globalperspective involve countries with wide variation in terms of social and economiccharacteristics, researchers will be able to better pinpoint the factors that support orhinder working families’ health and well-being, to test hypotheses on the impact ofdifferent institutional structures, and therefore assess the potential consequences ofcurrent and future policies.

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Not only can studies that have a broader global range provide key researchinsights, but we believe they will also be increasingly critical to our ability to improvethe conditions working families face at both the global and national level. Whilemuch labour policy continues to be made at the national level, increasingly labourpolicy is influenced by global conditions. With the lowered barriers to internationaltrade and investment, companies now decide where to place plants or otheroperations based on the relative labour costs and regulations in countries all aroundthe world, and the question of whether global and regional agreements for free tradeshould include criteria for labour standards becomes increasingly central. Because ofthe rising globalization of decisions relevant to labour conditions, it has becomeessential for all those interested in improving the conditions faced by working familiesto understand the standards not only in their own country but in the wide range ofcountries with whom their government forms trade agreements, and the full rangeof countries in which local companies have multinational branches. In particular, weneed to understand the similarities and differences in the working conditions — suchas hours, schedules, flexibility, and paid leave — working families face acrossborders.

Furthermore, the pressures of globalization are affecting public sector services aswell as private sector policies. For example, across Eastern Europe and throughoutmany parts of the developing world, economic systems have undergone — as a resultof pressure from global economic institutions — fundamental changes thatsignificantly affect the infrastructural and financial resources of governments, while atthe same time increasing the share of the labour force operating in private labourmarkets. In a number of nations, public institutions, including subsidized childcareand elderly long-term care that previously cushioned the effects of high caregivingand work burdens, were cut due to shrinking governmental resources and pressuresfrom international monetary institutions. At the same time, in other nations, theavailability of these services has been increasing because of the increased need anddemand driven by changing demographics.

The goal of this paper is to demonstrate the feasibility of bringing a truly globalperspective to comparative research on work, family, and community questions. Weconduct an examination of extended-hour work in families in four countries in LatinAmerica, Africa, and Asia. Work hours can affect families in a number of waysdepending on the mediating factors. Work hours affect the availability of parents tospend time with children and other adult family members. The nature of the impactof extended parental work hours on children is likely to be mediated by the extentto which other adults are available in the household, as well as by the availability ofsocial services and community supports for childcare and rearing.

In this paper, we look at the experiences of households in which all adults areworking. We focus on households in which all adults are employed because ofthe particular challenges and opportunities they may face in balancing paid employ-ment and caregiving responsibilities. Specifically, we use large household surveysfrom Brazil, Mexico, South Africa, and Vietnam to estimate the percentage ofhouseholds in which adults average over 60 paid work hours per week. Sixty hourswas chosen because it clearly raises dilemmas — when it represents average adultwork hours, not the highest adult work hours — as to whether workers can meettheir family caregiving needs. For adults working five days per week, a workweek of60 or more hours represents a 12-hour workday even before transportation is

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A G L O B A L P E R S P E C T I V E T O C O M M U N I T Y , W O R K A N D F A M I L Y 2 51

included. For parents working six- or seven-day workweeks, a dilemma arisesregarding how to provide care for children on days when formal childcare centres andschools are closed.

While we believe that 60 paid hours clearly represents a high enough number ofaverage paid work hours to raise critical issues, we are not seeking to define anappropriate target number of work hours with this research. Rather, we seek todemonstrate that by any viable definition there is an important fraction of familiesaveraging exceptionally high hours that are likely to have important consequences.

While there are likely important impacts on an individual and relationships withinthe family when he or she works extended hours, in this paper, our focus is extendedwork hours at the household level. We focus on households in which all the adultswho are working average 60 or more hours per week because of the particularconcerns these households face. From a family well-being perspective, the concernis the sum total availability of adults to meet caregiving needs. With all parents andadults in extended families averaging 60 or more hours, by definition, the parentaland adult family member hours available to provide care are markedly limited. Thesehouseholds are likely to face particularly difficult challenges in balancing work andfamily demands.

To better understand which families are facing extended work hours, weanalysed the available data to try to answer a series of questions. These include: Whatdo we know about the demographics of households in which all adults work extendedhours? How often are all parents working extended hours when they have preschoolchildren? How often are all parents or all adults in extended-family householdsworking extended work hours when they have school-age children to care for? Howoften are single parents — who have fewer adults in the household to provide carefor children — working extended hours? How often are low-income parents oradults — who have fewer resources to pay for substitute care — working over 60hours per week?

Methods

The Project on Global Working Families, led by Heymann, is the first programmedevoted to understanding and improving the relationship between working conditionsand family health and well-being globally.2 Research has been conducted in regionsaround the globe: North America, Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia. TheProject on Global Working Families has conducted and analysed over 1,000 in-depthinterviews of working families in Mexico, Botswana, Vietnam, the USA, Honduras,and Russia, and has analysed large, nationally representative, closed-ended surveys ofmore than 55,000 households in Botswana, Brazil, Mexico, Russia, South Africa, theUSA, and Vietnam. In addition, public policies and demographic trends relevant towork and families have been examined in over 150 countries.

Data sources

For the analysis presented in this paper, household-level surveys from Brazil, Mexico,South Africa, and Vietnam were analysed to examine work hours in families in four

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developing economies to complement what is already known about the subject inindustrialized economies. These four countries were selected based on two criteria.First, they represent a broad range of geographic, political, and social conditions.Specifically, the countries come from different regions of the world, representdifferent national income levels, they have economies driven variously by naturalresource extraction, manufacturing, services, and agriculture, and they include bothcapitalist and socialist economies. Second, all four countries exhibit the demographicconditions and transitions which make understanding the conditions faced by workingfamilies crucial.

Brazil. Brazil has a population of 170 million with 49 million children aged 15or younger (World Bank Group, 2000). Women have been rapidly entering theworkforce, with 57 per cent of adult women in the formal labour market in 1998,compared to 32 per cent in 1980 (International Labour Organization, 2002). From1960 to 2000, the percentage of Brazilians living in urban areas increased from 45to 81 per cent (World Bank Group, 2000), while the percentage of the labour forceworking in agriculture fell from 29 to 23 per cent (International Labour Organiza-tion, 2002). Services make up the largest sector of the labour force (56 per cent ofemployed persons), with agriculture occupying the second largest portion of thelabour force with 23 per cent of employed persons (International Labour Organiza-tion, 2002).

Data on work and family conditions from the Brazilian Living Standards Measure-ment Survey 1996/97 (Pesquisa Sobre Padroes De Vida) were analysed. Sponsoredby the World Bank and the Brazilian Geographical and Statistical Foundation (IBGE),the survey sampled 19,409 individuals in 4,940 households representing the north-east and south-east regions of Brazil.3 As of 1996, these two regions made up 71 percent of the national population, and included both the most and least developed areasas indicated by income, literacy, and infant mortality levels (World Bank Group,1998). This survey offers a rich array of work and caregiving measures. See table 1for a description of the demographic characteristics of the households surveyed.

Mexico. Mexico, with a population of 97.4 million in 1999, is one of the largesteconomies in the developing world. Mexico has 33 million children aged 15 oryounger (World Bank Group, 2000). Women have been entering the workforcerapidly, with 41 per cent of adult women in the formal labour market in 1997,compared to 31 per cent in 1980. These figures understate the extent to whichwomen work, because they do not include informal employment, which is estimatedto have been 26 per cent of female urban employment in 1996 (International LabourOrganization, 1999). From 1960 to 1998, the percentage of Mexicans living in urbanareas increased from 51 to 74 per cent, while the percentage of the labour forceworking in agriculture fell from 55 to 28 per cent (World Bank Group, 2000).Services make up the largest sector of the economy (67 per cent of gross domesticproduct [GDP]) and of the labour force (37 per cent of employed persons), withindustry occupying the second largest portion of the economy (28 per cent of GDP)and 19 per cent of employed persons. While most Mexicans consider themselvesmestiza, or of mixed race, 5.5 million are members of indigenous minorities andretain their native languages. Indigenous Mexicans are disadvantaged in educationaland work opportunities, income, and assets (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica,Geografia e Informatica, 2000).

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TABLE 1 Demographic characteristics, Brazilian Living Standards Measurement Survey

1996/97

adults children

(17 or younger)(18 and older)

Age (years)

Mean 39.6 8.8

Range 18–96 0–17

Highest education level (%)

16.4Preschool or no education 25.1

71.0Primary and lower secondary (eight years) 55.3

19.6Higher secondary (12 years) 3.9

0College and above 8.7

Race (%)

42.6White 48.2

Black 7.0 5.7

Mixed 44.6 51.5

0.2Indian 0.3

Number of under 18 children in household (%)

00 30.9

25.51 16.5

30.82 22.6

3 10.8 22.0

30.74 or more 10.3

Marital status (%)

Never married 39.8 —

—Married 48.8

3.5Separated —

—Divorced 1.1

6.8Widowed —

Per capita household income (%)

Below median 51.5 68.7

Above median 31.348.5

Note: Racial categories refer to those specified in the survey.

Data on work and family conditions from the 1996 round of the National Surveyof Household Income and Expenditure (ENIGH) were analysed.4 Sponsored by theInstituto Nacional de Estadistica, Geografia e Informatica (INEGI), the surveysampled 64,916 individuals in 14,402 households. The survey is nationally represen-tative covering all of Mexico’s 31 states and the Federal District, and it containsdemographic, education, employment, and socio-economic data on all householdmembers. Data from the 1996 round were examined instead of the 2000 roundbecause the 1996 round also includes a detailed time-use module administered to

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TABLE 2 Demographic characteristics, Mexico National Survey of Household Income and

Expenditure 1996

adults children

(18 and older) (17 or younger)

Age (years)

Mean 38.2 8.5

0–17Range 18–97


11.7Preschool or no education 13.5

46.1Primary (six years) 62.9

21.2Lower secondary (nine years) 21.8

Higher secondary (12 years) 9.8 4.2



0 23 0

9.81 20.2

21.72 22.1

24.83 16.2

18.94 or more 43.3

Marital status (%)

23.6Never married —

—Married 57.8

8.7Free union —

—Separated 3.5

Divorced —1.0

—Widowed 5.4


67.0Below median 51.2


4,985 of the surveyed households. See table 2 for a description of the demographiccharacteristics of the households surveyed.

South Africa. South Africa has a population of 42.8 million with 14.6 millionchildren under age 15. Female share of the labour force has increased from 29 percent in 1960 to 38 per cent in 2000. Fifty-five per cent of the South Africanpopulation lived in urban areas in 2000 up from 46.6 per cent in 1960 (World BankGroup, 2000). The percentage of the labour force working in agriculture fell from17 per cent in 1980 to 13.5 per cent in 1990 (International Labour Organization,2002). Services make up the largest sector of the labour force, with industryoccupying the second largest portion. The rise of the AIDS epidemic is confrontingSouth Africa with particularly difficult work and caregiving challenges. A total of 20.1

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TABLE 3 Demographic characteristics, South Africa Integrated Household Survey 1994

childrenadults


Age (years)

8.9Mean 38.2

18–110Range 0–17


Preschool or no education 14.315.8

70.8Primary (five years) 28.0

29.5Lower secondary (eight years) 13.7

1.3Higher secondary (10 years) 24.0

College and above 2.8 0

Race of survey respondent (%)

White 70.1 —

Black 8.6 —

—Mixed 3.4

17.9Indian —


25.50 0

9.21 16.7

2 19.3 20.1

20.83 14.3

4 or more 24.2 49.9

Marital status (%)

—Never married or divorced 31.9

58.8 —Married or separated

—Widowed 9.3




Notes: 1. Data on race is available only for the household member who was the survey respondent.

2. Survey questions do not differentiate unmarried from the divorced, and the married from the

separated. 3. The survey question, to obtain age asks for age at next birthday.

per cent of South African adults of reproductive age are HIV positive (UNAIDS/WHO, 2002).

Data on work and family conditions from the South Africa Integrated HouseholdSurvey 1994 were analysed. The Survey was conducted by the South Africa LabourDevelopment Research Unit (University of Cape Town) in collaboration with theWorld Bank, and sampled 43,687 individuals in 8,809 households.5 The survey wasconducted from August 1993 to April 1994, during the months leading up to thecountry’s first democratic elections at the end of April 1994. While the original

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survey design included respondents from all of South Africa, including the home-lands, practical difficulties resulted in an actual coverage of 95 per cent of theestimated 1993 population of 40.1 million. See table 3 for a description of thedemographic characteristics of the households surveyed.

Vietnam. Vietnam has a population of 76.5 million, 35 per cent of whom arechildren (World Bank Group, 2000). In recent years, women’s participation in thelabour market has continued to increase from already high levels, rising from 75 percent in 1980 to 79 per cent in 1995 (International Labour Organization, 1999). Ofthe four countries, Vietnam has the highest proportion of population in rural areas(80 per cent). While a majority of Vietnam’s population remains rural, increasingnumbers of rural residents are migrating to cities in search of higher-wage jobs —and the actual numbers are probably higher than official statistics because ‘unregis-tered’ citizens are overrepresented in urban areas (Bui, 1996; Wong, 1999). The UNestimates that by 2025 the percentage of Vietnam’s population living in cities will bedouble what it is today (United Nations, 1995). In the late 1980s, the governmentof Vietnam initiated a series of far-reaching economic reforms. These reforms,involving increased economic freedoms and reduced government spending, arewidely credited with having spurred Vietnam’s high economic growth rate of 7.8 percent in the 1990s. Accompanying Vietnam’s economic transformation has been thegrowth of industry, which nearly doubled as a percentage of GDP from 1989 to 1999(World Bank Group, 2000).

In recent years, however, numerous studies have raised questions aboutworking conditions in rapidly industrializing countries (Chen & Chan, 1999;Deyo, 1993). In Vietnam, working hours in many industries range from 10 to 12hours per day, six days per week (Noerlund, 1998). Another element of Vietnam’seconomic transition that potentially threatens working families is the reduction ingovernment spending on services such as healthcare, education, and childcare, leadingto the reduction in availability or the imposition of user fees for these services(Chandrasiri & de Silva, 1995; World Bank Group, Asian Development Bank, &UNDP, 2001).

Data on work and family conditions from the Vietnam Household LivingStandards Survey 1997/98 were analysed. The Survey, conducted by the GeneralStatistics Office in collaboration with the World Bank, sampled 28,633 individuals in6,022 households.6 Households surveyed were selected from throughout the country,and the sampling frame was nationally representative with the exception of the smallpercentage of individuals living on the country’s islands who, for logistical reasons,were not included (Phong, 1998). See table 4 for a description of the demographiccharacteristics of the survey samples that were analysed.

Analyses conducted

We conducted analyses of working families with dependent children in which alladults worked for pay.7 Families with dependent children were defined as families inwhich there was at least one child under age 15. This age cut-off was used becauseof the higher number of youth aged 15 and older in low- and middle-incomecountries who have already left school. Adults were defined as working if they had

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TABLE 4 Demographic characteristics, Vietnam Household Living Standards Survey 1997/98

adults children


Age (years)

Mean 40.5 9.7

Range 18–99 0–17


Preschool or no education 10.6 6.3

52.4Primary (five years) 33.5

Lower secondary (nine years) 34.9 33.9

Higher secondary (12 years) 16.2 7.4


Ethnicity of household head (%)

—Kinh 86.0

Tay 1.7 —

Thai 0.9 —

—Chinese 2.2

Khmer —1.6

7.5Other —


20.3 00

11.31 23.7

2 28.726.1

27.93 16.8

4 or more 13.1 32.2

Marital status (%)

—Never married 23.6

Married —66.0

—Separated 0.9

Divorced 1.1 —

Widowed 8.5 —

Per capita household expenditure (%)



Note: Data on ethnicity is available only for the household head.

a job or were actively looking for work (the most commonly used definition of labourforce participation). We defined the household-level measure of hours worked as theaverage number of hours spent in employed work across all parents (and in the caseof extended families, across all adult household members) working at the time of thesurvey interview or who had a job.8

We examined households in which all parents present averaged 60 or more hoursof paid work. We did this for two reasons. First, in households where all adults are

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working and where the average hours worked by adults surpasses 60 per week, it isclear that hours of work will significantly restrict the availability of parents, and inthe case of extended families, of other co-resident family adults, to care for and helpmeet children’s needs. Second, in few locales are affordable services available toprovide care for preschool and school-age children during such extended hours.

We conducted three groups of analyses comparing households in which parents(and all adults in extended families) averaged over 60 work hours with householdswhere parents (and all adults in extended families) averaged fewer. First, weexamined the frequency of extended work hours by two family characteristics: familystructure and age of children. Second, we examined the distribution of extendedwork hours by socio-economic status (SES) and gender. Third, we analysed theextent of extended work hours among families who had limited resources — bothin terms of number of adults and economic resources available — to providesubstitute care.

Analyses by family characteristic

First, we examined the prevalence of extended work hours in three family structuresin which all adults present worked: working single-parent families, dual-earnerfamilies, and extended families in which all adults worked. Extended-family house-holds were defined as households containing a nuclear family (a household head,spouse, and child or children9) and at least one other family member. Second, wecompared the prevalence of extended work hours among parents and all adults inextended families in which there was at least one preschool-age child with that amongfamilies which had only school-age children.

Analyses by SES and gender

We analysed the impact of SES on the likelihood of extended work hours. For theseanalyses, education level was defined as the highest educational achievement amongall working adults in the household. A binary variable indicating whether or not allworking adults have completed more than lower-secondary level, the approximateequivalent of middle-school in North America, was used in the analyses.10 Educa-tional attainment was used to measure SES because education is a less endogenousmeasure of the relationship between social class and hours worked than income.11

We then analysed the impact of gender on the likelihood of extended workhours. In particular, we first examined the distribution of extended paid work hoursby gender in each of the different family structures — single-parent, dual-earner, andextended family. We then went on to examine the distribution by gender of totalwork hours — including both paid work and unpaid household and caregiving work— in the two countries that provided data on unpaid as well as paid work. In theMexico survey, total work hours was the sum of paid work hours, time spent caringfor children, and the time spent on household work. As the Brazil survey did notcontain time spent on caring for children, total work hours was the sum of paid workhours and time spent on household work.

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Analyses of families with limited resources

Extended parental work hours may bring risks as well as benefits in all familiesbecause of the decreases in parental availability. However, it is likely that the netimpact of extended parental work hours is mediated to a degree by the availabilityof affordable, high quality, substitute care. As a result, families with fewer economicresources with which to pay for substitute care and fewer adult family membersavailable who might provide the care for free are likely to be at higher risk. Becauseof this, we examined the extent of extended-hour work in families whose incomewas below the median.12

Comparability of the sampled households and sample weighting

In order to make the samples comparable across countries, we only examinehouseholds in which the head of the household and, where relevant, his or her spouseor partner live in the household. This was done because not all countries collectinformation on work hours of parents, household heads, and partners of heads whoare not in residence. Excluding households with non-resident heads or spousesresulted in the omission of less than three per cent of the working households in allcountries except South Africa where 15 per cent of the sample were not included.13

All four surveys were stratified random samples (typically with villages or urbanblocks selected in the first stage and then the household selected in the second stage).In all four surveys, a fixed number of households was randomly selected from eachprimary sampling unit regardless of its population, thereby making the sampledhouseholds non-self-weighted.14 Household-level weights, available for all the sur-veys, were used to obtain statistics that accurately reflect the population representedby the sampled households.15

Results

Prevalence and description of extended-hour working households

The percentage of working households in which all adults worked 60 hours or morevaried across the countries studied, from eight per cent in South Africa to 16 per centin Vietnam, with an average of 11 per cent across the four countries. In Mexico, 12per cent of working households were extended-hour households, while in Brazil nineper cent were.

Single-parent households were consistently found to be at highest risk ofaveraging 60 or more hours per week when compared with dual-earner andextended-family households. In Vietnam, 24 per cent of all single working house-holds averaged 60 or more hours per week compared with 17 per cent of dual-earnerworking households and nine per cent of extended-family households. The relativepercentages for the other countries were: 13, eight and six per cent for Brazil; 19,12 and 10 per cent for Mexico; 12, six and seven per cent for South Africa.Extended-family households — which are also most likely to have adult support for

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FIGURE 1 Percentage of households with 0- to 14-year-old children in which parents (all

adults, in the case of extended families) averaged 60 or more hours of paid work weekly, by

household type.

caregiving — were the least likely to have all working adults averaging more than60 hours per week in all countries except South Africa (see figure 1).

Extended work hours and family characteristics

There were important similarities but also notable differences in extended-hour workacross the countries we studied. In every country we studied, adults in single-parentworking households were more likely to work 60 or more hours a week for pay ifthey had children between six and 14 years old than if they had children betweenzero and five (see figure 2). However, the number of single parents working

FIGURE 2 Percentage of single working parent households with 0- to 14-year-old children in

which parent averaged 60 or more hours of paid work weekly, by age of child.

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FIGURE 3 Percentage of single working parent households in which parent averaged 60 or

more hours of paid work weekly, by education.

extended hours varied significantly between countries. In Vietnam, 26 per cent ofsingle parents with school-age children worked 60 or more hours compared to 18 percent of parents of preschool-age children. The relative numbers for the othercountries were: South Africa 13 per cent vs. 12 per cent, for Mexico 21 per centvs. 13 per cent, and for Brazil 14 per cent vs. 13 per cent.

In contrast, when more adults were available, in dual-earner families andextended families, there was no consistent relationship between children’s age andparents hours worked; this varied by country. In Vietnam, 16 per cent of dual-earnerparents with school-age children averaged 60 or more paid work hours compared to17 per cent of parents of preschool-age children. The relative numbers for the othercountries were: South Africa five per cent vs. seven per cent, for Mexico 11 per centvs. 12 per cent, and for Brazil 10 per cent vs. six per cent.

Extended work hours by SES and gender

Work hours and education. The countries we studied varied with regard to whethersingle and dual-earner parents who had less education were more or less likely thanthose who had more education to work more than 60 hours per week (see figures3 and 4). In Mexico, it was parents with less education who were more likely towork extended hours. In contrast, in Brazil and Vietnam, it was those parents withhigher education who worked extended hours. In South Africa, it differed betweensingle and dual-earner households.

In Mexico, 22 per cent of the single working parent households with lowereducation averaged work hours of 60 or more per week. Among single working

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FIGURE 4 Percentage of dual-earner working parent households in which parents averaged 60

or more hours of paid work weekly, by education.

parent households with greater education, the percentage of adults averaging 60 ormore hours of work per week was 30 per cent in Vietnam and 18 per cent in Brazil.

The diversity in experience across countries here is an important finding giventhat past single-country studies on number of work hours have made generalizationsabout the extent to which high- vs. low-SES workers are more likely to be workingextended hours.

Work hours and gender. The degree of gender disparity in work hours varied markedlyacross countries. Brazil and Mexico had sharp differences in the percentages of adultmales and females averaging 60 or more paid hours per week. In contrast, thenumbers of men and women in Vietnam working extended hours for pay were moresimilar in dual-earner households (see figures 5 and 6). In dual-earner households inBrazil, 27 per cent of males worked extended hours as compared to six per cent offemales. In Mexico, the comparable numbers were 33 per cent of males comparedto 11 per cent of females. The disparities for adults in extended families weresimilarly large, with 18 per cent of males in extended-family households in Brazilworking extended weeks compared to four per cent of females; the comparablenumbers from Mexico were 25 per cent vs. 10 per cent. In contrast, in Vietnam, thesame fraction of men and women in dual-earner households worked 60 or morehours per week, 21 per cent.

While men were significantly more likely to work 60 or more hours for pay inBrazil and Mexico, when unpaid household and caregiving work were included,women were significantly more likely to work extended hours (see figures 7 and 8).In Mexico, 51 per cent of adult males in dual-earner households worked 60 or morehours of paid and unpaid work compared to 84 per cent of adult females indual-earner households. In Brazil, the relative numbers were 36 per cent for men and

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FIGURE 5 Percentage of households with 0- to 14-year-old children in which fathers (all adult

men, in the case of extended families) averaged 60 or more hours of paid work weekly, by

household type.

69 per cent for women. The disparity was also marked between men and women insingle-parent households. In Mexico, 53 per cent of single fathers compared to 78per cent of single mothers had 60 or more hours of paid and unpaid work; in Brazilthe relative numbers were 43 per cent among single fathers and 65 per cent among

FIGURE 6 Percentage of households with 0- to 14-year-old children in which mothers (all adult

women, in the case of extended families) averaged 60 or more hours of paid work weekly, by

household type.

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FIGURE 7 Mexico: Percentage of households with 0- to 14-year-old children in which parents

(all adults, in the case of extended families) averaged 60 or more hours of paid and household

work and caregiving weekly, by household type and gender.

single mothers. Disparities were similarly large in extended-family households. InMexico, 33 per cent of men vs. 81 per cent of women in extended working familieshad 60 or more hours of paid and unpaid work. In Brazil, the relative numbers were29 per cent among men and 52 per cent among women in extended workingfamilies.

FIGURE 8 Brazil: Percentage of households with 0- to 14-year-old children in which parents (all

adults, in the case of extended families) averaged 60 or more hours of paid and household work

weekly, by household type and gender.

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FIGURE 9 Percentage of below-median income households in which parents (all adults, in the

case of extended families) averaged 60 or more hours of paid work weekly.

Extended work hours among families who had limited resources

While the relationship among hours worked and income was varied, it is importantto note that in every country we studied there were a critical number of householdsthat were at particularly high risk in caring for children because they had both limitedtime and income (see figure 9). In Vietnam, 20 per cent of single-parent householdshad both limited time and income, with the parents working over 60 hours per weekyet earning below-median income. The comparable percentages for single parentswere 13 per cent in South Africa, 21 per cent in Mexico, and six per cent in Brazil.While for most settings, the number of dual-earner families that were both time andincome limited was lower, nonetheless there was a critical minority of families thatwere both. In Vietnam, 16 per cent of dual-earner households had the two parentsaveraging over 60 hours of paid work per week while family income was below themedian. The comparable percentages for dual-earner households were 13 per cent inSouth Africa, 10 per cent in Mexico, and five per cent in Brazil.

Discussion

Several important observations about extended-hour work can be made based on theabove analyses. First, the prevalence of extended work hours is substantial amongthose families for whom extended hours are likely to be most costly — low-incomefamilies that cannot afford to pay for quality substitute care for their children andother dependants. Second, those families who have the fewest available adults to carefor children — single-parent families — are the families with the highest percentageof adults averaging over 60 hours of paid work per week. Third, there are important

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gender disparities. In all four countries we studied, men are much more likely towork extended hours for pay with the exception of dual-earner households inVietnam where the percentage of men working extended hours for pay is the sameas that of women. However, when unpaid work is included as well, women are muchmore likely to be working extended hours than men. Finally, the association betweeneducation and extended hours varies by country. While workers with more educationaverage longer hours in Brazil and Vietnam, they average shorter hours in Mexico andvary by family structure in South Africa.

When adults spend 60 hours per week at their paid work, their time away fromhome may exceed 70 with transportation time included. These extended hoursindicate over 12-hour workdays or six- or seven-day workweeks. As a consequenceof these extended work hours, families too often face untenable choices as to howto meet their families’ needs. Who will be home to supervise their school-agechildren if they arrive home after dark? Who will care for their children on aSaturday or Sunday when alternative care is not available? While one parent’sextended hours can place stress on family well-being, if all adults average 60 or morehours, the concern is not whether one caregiver can manage, but whether an adultcaregiver will be available at all. It is households in this most tenuous of circum-stances that we examined in this paper.

The findings regarding extended hours have implications for children’s andadults’ health, and for social inequalities. The absence of adult caregivers because ofparents’ need to work extended hours can place children at risk. When parents’work schedules mean they have to leave children alone or in the care of otherchildren, children may be exposed to injury, illness, violence, and other hazards.Moreover, research has shown that parental involvement is critical to both emotionaland physical development of children, and parental involvement may be severelyconstrained by these extended hours. Low-income parents are caught in a difficultbind. They need to work to provide the basic necessities for their families and yettheir children need adults to care for them. Without affordable substitute care orsupports to reduce the need for extended hours, existing class inequalities are likelyto be exacerbated.

Consistently, across the countries we examined, it was single parents who weremost likely to have 60 or more hours of paid employment per week. This findingraises particular concerns for families because at the same time that these single-par-ent households have the highest percentage of parents working extended hours forpay, they also have the least adult availability for children — as the single parents lackpartners, spouses, and extended families in the household. That extended hours wasfound most prevalent among single parents, who are at higher risk of being inpoverty and without extended family in the home or nearby, has serious implicationsfor their children’s health and development in the short and long term.

The extent of extended work hours among adults and particularly long hoursamong women has implication for women’s health and well-being as well. In dual-and single-parent households, a majority of women worked 60 or more hours of paidand unpaid work.

Beyond beginning to broaden the dialogue on family work hours, the researchdetailed in this paper highlights two facts: first, the feasibility of using existing datasources to conduct comparative research on a more diverse range of countries than

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has generally been conducted in the work–family research field, and second, theextent to which this research can bring to light important cross-national similaritiesand differences. Our own ongoing research is in three areas that we believe arecritical next steps. These include an analysis of a greater number and range ofcountries, an examination of the extent to which public policy, sociocultural,economic, and political differences can explain the disparate conditions, and anexamination of the consequences of these conditions.

Conducting analyses on a truly global level will be important both for betterunderstanding national-level policy and for all efforts to address global policy.Hypotheses regarding national policy in individual countries can often best be testedby comparing nations with a range of policy models. For example, in the USA,professionals have been found to work longer hours on average than non-profession-als (Jacobs & Gerson, 1998). The hypothesis is that this differential stems fromdifferences in the application of the Fair Labor Standards Act in the USA toprofessional and non-professionals. This hypothesis could be tested by comparingwork hours in nations whose labour codes treat professionals differently than otherwage and salary workers with nations whose labour codes do not. Alternativehypotheses could be generated by investigating why in some countries, such asMexico in this study, those with less education are more likely to have extendedhours of work while in other countries, like Brazil and Vietnam, it is those with moreeducation.

Conducting analyses on a truly global level is essential to the formulation ofglobal policy. We will need to know whether the occurrence of extended work hoursis pervasive or varies widely between countries, the extent to which extended hoursare on the rise or decreasing, as well as what factors are contributing to these trends.For example, many employers have argued that markedly increased work hours arenecessary as a way to keep jobs from fleeing to another country. The extent to whichglobal competition is really the cause of these extended work hours can only beassessed by looking at data from a wide range of nations. Moreover, if the markedlyincreased work hours are, in fact, due to global competition, global policy solutionswill be necessary to address them.

The salience of work–family issues to families living in every region of the world,the many lessons that nations can learn from one another, and the increasedintegration of the global economy highlight the clear and growing importance ofexamining work–family issues on a global scale. However, it is important to note thatthere are currently significant obstacles to truly global research which need to beaddressed. First, there is no data-set equivalent to the Luxembourg Income Surveyor Luxembourg Employment Survey which facilitates comparability for developingcountries. Second, many low- and middle-income countries that have conductedsurveys have not had the ability or resources to conduct them as recently or asregularly as affluent nations. Because of this, it may be necessary to analyse data usingsurveys from different years (as in this study). Third, while efforts have been madeto increase the number of common questions asked across different national surveys,instruments are not always comparable. This may be inevitable given the cross-na-tional differences in public policies and institutions, such as differently structurededucational systems, or demographic differences, such as in ethnic groups that arerelevant in a particular national context. Other cases, such as the choice of which

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questions are asked about household membership, could be better addressed whenmore global research leads to greater efforts to design sections of national surveyswhich facilitate comparison.

Ultimately, we believe global research has the particular ability:

• to quantify the global population facing work and caregiving conflicts;• to assess the differences in populations at risk across countries and thereby isolate

critical factors that either exacerbate or attenuate the risk;• to analyse how differences in the populations at risk across countries impact the

outcomes for children and other dependants;• to go beyond documenting outward structural differences in social institutions and

modes of behaviour and explore the common underlying forces that contribute todetermining the scale and impact of particular work and family challenges, and;

• to use this enhanced understanding to improve services and policies at bothnational and global levels.

Acknowledgements

This research was supported by the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research and theNational Institute of Child Health and Human Development. We are indebted to NoaWalsky and Stephanie Simmons for staff assistance, to Karen Bogen for her assistancewith statistical programming, and to Divya Rajaraman and Francisco Flores for theirassistance with data acquisition and translation.

Notes

1 For more information on LIS, see: http://www.lisproject.org (accessed: January29, 2004). For more information on LES, see: http://www.lisproject.org/lestech-doc.htm (accessed: January 29, 2004).

2 For more information on the Project on Global Working Families, see: http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/globalworkingfamilies (accessed: January 29, 2004).

3 For more information on the Brazilian Living Standards Measurement Survey1996/97, see: http://www.worldbank.org/lsms/country/brazil/br97home.html(accessed: January 29, 2004).

4 For more information on the Mexico National Survey of Household Income andExpenditure 1996, see: www.inegi.gob.mx (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica,Geografia e Informatica, accessed: January 29, 2004).

5 For more information on the South Africa Integrated Household Survey, see:http://www.worldbank.org/lsms/country/za94/docs/za94ovr.txt (accessed: Jan-uary 29, 2004).

6 For more information on the Vietnam Living Standards Survey, 1997/98, see:http://www.worldbank.org/html/prdph/lsms/country/vn98/vn98docs.html (ac-cessed: January 29, 2004).

7 We defined paid work to include work for which any form of economicremuneration was received.

8 For those with multiple jobs, hours from all jobs are included. In the Vietnamsurvey, work hours for those working on farms were collected for the last 12

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months (to avoid bias due to seasonality). Therefore, these hours were transformedto weekly rates.

9 We include own children as well as step/foster/adopted children depending ondata availability for each country.

10 In Brazil and South Africa lower secondary is completed after eight years ofschooling and in Mexico and Vietnam after nine years.

11 For income, at the same hourly wage, those who work longer hours will havehigher incomes. However, those who earn less per hour are more likely to needto work long hours to survive. In contrast, for education it is not the case thatmore work leads directly to more education, although it may or may not be thecase that people who have a propensity to work longer hours have a propensityto stay in school for more years of education, many factors other than work effortdetermine educational opportunity and outcome.

12 Household income was used in all data-sets except for Vietnam where householdincome was not feasible to calculate since wage and salary data were not collectedon the 75 per cent of self-employed workers and employers in the survey.However, we believe expenditures are likely to be a reasonable proxy for income.

13 The rate of reported attrition includes households that were not surveyed becausethe spouse or head did not meet the criterion for being a household member,living ‘under this roof for more than 15 days of the last 30 days’.

14 In addition, in the first stage some geographical regions are either intentionally orunintentionally non-randomly selected. In the Vietnam survey urban areas wereintentionally over-sampled for more accurate representation, while in South Africa,two of the 360 primary sampling units were not surveyed due to political violence.

15 This applies also to the chi-square tests performed to test for uniformity indistribution across categories. We have used the svytab command in Stata Release8 to perform these tests (StataCorp, 2003).

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World Bank Group, Asian Development Bank, & UNDP. (2001). Vietnam 2010: Enteringthe twenty-first century. Washington, DC: World Bank Group.

Yimyam, S., & Morrow, M. (2003). Maternal labor, breast-feeding, and infant health.In J. Heymann (Ed.), Global inequalities at work: Work’s impact on the health ofindividuals, families and societies. New York: Oxford University Press.

Jody Heymann, MD, PhD, is founder and director of the Project on Global WorkingFamilies. Dr Heymann is an Associate Professor at the Harvard School of PublicHealth and Harvard Medical School. She is founding chair of the Initiative on Work,Family, and Democracy, and is the Director of Policy at the Harvard Center for Societyand Health. For more than a decade, Dr Heymann has been involved in research onworking families in the USA and globally. Address: Harvard School of Public Health,Department of Society, Human Development and Health, 677 Huntington Avenue, 7thFloor, Boston, MA 02115, USA.

Alison Earle received her PhD in Public Policy from the Kennedy School ofGovernment at Harvard University. Dr Earle’s research has focused on how public

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policies affect the needs of working families in the USA and worldwide. She iscurrently an instructor at the Harvard School of Public Health, and the project directorfor the Initiative on Work, Family, and Democracy. Address: Harvard School of PublicHealth, Department of Society, Human Development and Health, 1637 Tremont Street,Room 202, Boston, MA 02120, USA.

Amresh Hanchate received his PhD in economics from the University of Wiscon-sin, Madison specializing in the application of econometric techniques for analysingindividual decision-making models. His research has spanned the fields of healtheconomics and labour economics with particular interest focus on the disparities inhealth and income. Address: Boston University Medical School, Department of Gen-eral Internal Medicine, 720 Harrison Dob 1108, 715 Albany Street, Boston, MA 02118,USA.

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Bringing a global perspective to community, work and family

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