This page refers to the historical figure. For other uses, seeAvram Iancu (disambiguation)

Avram Iancu - portrait byBarbu Iscovescu

The former Piarist College ofCluj, today the Bthory Istvn LiceumAvram Iancu(Romanian pronunciation:[avram jaku]; 1824 September 10, 1872) was aTransylvanianRomanianlawyerwho played an important role in the local chapter of theAustrian Empire Revolutionsof 18481849. He was especially active in theara Moilorregion and theApuseni Mountains. The rallying of peasants around him, as well as the allegiance he paid to theHabsburggot him themonikerCriorul Munilor("The Little Prince of the Mountains").[1]Early life[edit]Avram Iancu was born inVidra de Sus(currentlyAvram Iancu,Alba County),Transylvania, then part of theAustrian Empireinto a family of peasants that had beenemancipatedfromserfdom. His father wasAlisandru Iancu(1787-1855) and his mother was Maria Gligor. He had one elder brother, Ion (born 1822), who became a priest.Avram Iancu's grandfather was Gheorghe Iancu (deceased before 1812), who had seven children (four girls and three boys): girls - Sntioana, Maria, Zamfira and Ana; boys - Alisandru (the father), Avram and Ioan.Little is known today about Avram Iancu's childhood. It is known, by local tradition, that he had a typicalmocharacter, joyful and witty and he played well the leaf, alphorn, flute and violin.Avram Iancu attended primary school in his village, in the "Trsa" hamlet. His was Mihai Gombo. After a while, he was sent by his parents at the school inNeagravillage. Further, he attended the school fromCmpeni,Alba county, his teacher being Mihai Ioanette. He graduated theCmpenischool at age 13.After this, he went to school inZlatna, where he studied in a Hungarian school, in theLatinlanguage, as Romanian schools didn't exist in this area. His teachers were Iozephus Stanken (1837-1838), Gregorius Iakabus (1838-1839) and Ludovicus Kovcs (1839-1840 and 1840-1841). He graduated at age 17.He studiedhumanitiesfrom 1841, in thePiarist CollegeofCluj, graduatinglaw school.Initial stages of 1848 Revolutions[edit]Avram Iancu became alaw clerkinTrgu Mure, and it was there that he learned about the events of March 1848 ofViennaandPest. His attitude at the time showed the nature of the conflict that was to engulfTransylvania: while Iancu welcomed the transition, he was indignant at the fact that Hungarian revolutionaries (many of whom werelandowners) refused to debate the abolition ofserfdom(which at the time was the state of the larger part of the Romanian population in Transylvania).[2]In theApusenimountains, he started rallying peasants inCmpeni. The protests he organized were recognized as peaceful by the authorities, but nevertheless worried them. Iancu and his associateIoan Buteanuquickly became the main figures of the Romanian-led actions in the area, especially after they took part in theBlajAssemblies starting in April, where over 40,000 Romanians met to protest against Transylvania becoming a part of Hungary.[3]InBlaj(formerly known asBalzsfalva/Blasendorf) both opted for the main, radical wing of the movement. Centered onAlexandru Papiu Ilarian, the group opposed the Hungarian revolutionary option of uniting Transylvania and Hungary. It got into conflict with the minority wing aroundGreek-CatholicBishopIoan Lemeni, one which chose not toboycottthe elections for theHungarian Parliament.While the union was carried of on May 30, 1848, the majority of Romanian activists looked towardsViennaand EmperorFerdinand, sharing the cause of theTransylvanian Saxons. Things became heated after July 11, when Hungary declared its independence.Austriastarted to open itself to the Romanian demands, while bloody conflicts ensued between the Hungarian nobles and their Romanianserfs. The last Assembly in Blaj saw theHabsburggovernor,Anton Freiherr von Puchner, approve of the arming of National Guards for Romanians and Saxons. On September 27, thelynchingof AustrianplenipotentiaryCount Lembergby a Pest crowd cut off any dialogue between the two centers. The new EmperorFranz Josephand the Austrian government granted the Romanians numerous liberties and rights; althoughLajos Kossuth's government abolished serfdom, this was no longer a match for the Imperial offer.Conflict[edit]Outbreak[edit]The Austrians clearly rejected the October demand that the ethnical criteria become the basis for internal borders, with the goal of creating a province for Romanians (Transylvania grouped alongsideBanatandBukovina), as they did not want to replace the threat of Hungarian nationalism with the potential of Romanianseparatism. Yet they did not declare themselves hostile to the rapid creation of Romanian administrative offices within Transylvania, one which prevented Hungary from including the region in all but name.The territory was organized inprefecturi("prefectures"), with Avram Iancu and Buteanu as two prefects in the Apuseni. Iancu's prefecture, theAuraria Gemina(a name charged withLatinsymbolism), became the most important one as it took over from bordering areas that were never really fully organized.In the same month, the administrative efforts were put to a halt, as Hungarians underJzef Bemcarried out a sweeping offensive through Transylvania. With the discreet assistance ofImperial Russiantroops, the Austrian army (except for the garrisons atAlba IuliaandDeva) and the Austrian-Romanian administration retreated toWallachiaand WallachianOltenia(both were, at the time, under Russia's occupation).Attrition[edit]Avram Iancu's remained the only resistance force: he retreated to harsh terrain, mounting aguerrilla campaignon Bem's forces, causing severe damage and blocking the route to Alba Iulia. He was, however, challenged by severe shortages himself: the Romanians had few guns and very little gunpowder. The conflict dragged on for the next months, with all Hungarian attempts to seize the mountain stronghold being overturned.[4][5]In April 1849, Iancu was approached by the Hungarian envoyHYPERLINK "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Ioan_Drago%C5%9F&action=edit&redlink=1" \o "Ioan Drago (page does not exist)" Ioan Drago(in fact, a Romanian deputy in the Hungarian Parliament). Drago appeared to have been acting out of his own desire for peace, and he worked hard to get the Romanian leaders to meet him inAbrudand listen to the Hungarian demands. Iancu's direct adversary, Hungarian commanderImre Hatvany, seems to have taken profit on the provisionalarmisticeto attack the Romanians in Abrud.[5]He did not, however, benefit from a surprise, as Iancu and his men retreated and then encircled him. In the meanwhile, Drago was lynched by the Abrud crowds, in the belief that he was part ofImre Hatvany'sruse.Hatvanyalso angered the Romanians by having Buteanu captured and murdered. While his position became weaker, he was permanently attacked by Iancu's men, until the major defeat of May 22. Hatvany and most of his armed group were massacred by their adversaries, as Iancu captured theircannons, switching the tactical advantage for the next months.[2][5]Kossuth was angered by Hatvany's gesture (an inspection of the time dismissed all of Hatvany's close collaborators), especially since it made future negotiations unlikely.However, the conflict became less harsh: Iancu's men concentrated on taking hold of local resources and supplies, opting to inflict losses only through skirmishes. The Russian intervention in June precipitated events, especially sincePolesfighting in the Hungarian revolutionary contingents wanted to see an all-out resistance to theTsaristarmies. People likeHYPERLINK "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henryk_Dembi%C5%84ski" \o "Henryk Dembiski" Henryk Dembiskimediated for an understanding between Kossuth and the Wallachianmigrrevolutionaries. The latter, understandably close to Avram Iancu (especiallyHYPERLINK "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicolae_B%C4%83lcescu" \o "Nicolae Blcescu" Nicolae Blcescu,Gheorghe Magheru,Alexandru G. Golescu, andIon Ghica) were also keen to inflict a defeat on the Russian armies that had crushed their movement in September 1848.Negotiations[edit]Blcescu and Kossuth met in May 1849, inDebrecen. The contact has for long been celebrated by RomanianMarxisthistorians and politicians:Karl Marx's condemnation of everything opposing Kossuth had led to any Romanian initiative being automatically considered "reactionary". In fact, it appears that the agreement was in no way a pact: Kossuth meant to flatter the Wallachians, by getting them to champion the idea of Iancu's armies leaving Transylvania for good, in order to help Blcescu inBucharest. While agreeing to mediate for peace, Blcescu never presented these terms to the fighters in the Apuseni. His personal documents (commented byLiviu Maior) show that the un-realistic assumptions of Kossuth had made him view the Hungarian leader as a "demagogue".[4]Even more contradictory, the only thing Avram Iancu agreed to (and which no party had asked for) was his forces' "neutrality" in the conflict between Russia and Hungary.[4]Thus, he secured his position as the Hungarian armies suffered defeats in July, culminating in theBattle of Segesvr(HYPERLINK "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sighi%C5%9Foara" \o "Sighioara" Sighioara), and then the capitulation of August 13.Later years[edit]Avram Iancu agreed to disarm as soon as the Austrians took over, and wrote a detailed report to the new governor of Transylvania, GeneralLudwig von Wohlgemuth(in 1850). In order to avoid suspicion of Romanian separatism, the document does not mention the contacts with the Wallachians. As the Austrians granted the abolition of serfdom, they also forbade all representative institutions in Transylvania. While Hungarian nationalism was slowly fitting in the pattern that would make theAusgleichacceptable for both sides involved, the Romanian option raised more and more irritation. The revolutionary zeal it had found under Iancu, although profiting the Monarchy, could also prove to be a weapon used for very different goals (the Austrians were especially fearful that theEastern Orthodoxfaith of the Romanians would accommodate itself withPan-Slavism, completing the gap betweenSerbiaand the Russian Empire).It is very possible that Iancu was not able to properly observe the changes. While decision for his initial arrest (in December 1849) was quickly overturned after local protests (and explained as an abuse), he was censored throughout his life, had his library confiscated, and was placed under surveillance. He was even arrested a second time, in 1852, after it was presumed that his presence alone served to inflame local sentiments. Soon after his release, Iancu visited Vienna and attempted to petition the Emperor. He was prevented to do so by the police, a public humiliation which provoked anervous breakdownfrom which he never recovered. Avram Iancu died on September 10, 1872 atBaia de Cri. His body was buried, according to his wish, underHorea's tree inebea(by tradition, the place where theRevolt of Horea, Cloca and Crianhad started).[1]