Bolshevism And Imperial SeditionNovember 4, 1920. United Wards Club Luncheon, Cannon Street Hotel, London

I am accustomed at the present time rather to judge world

events and world tendencies from the point of view of

whether they are Bolshevist or anti-Bolshevist, and I saw

in the vote of the American nation in the Presidential

election a great repulsion by both the great parties in the

United States of the doctrine of world-wide revolution as

preached and practised by Lenin and Trotsky. I think we

say what sentiment repeated in the municipal elections

here. Indeed, the truth of the words which I uttered at the

beginning of the year, that the Labour Party -or the

Socialist Party, which is a better name in its present state

of development was unfit to govern the country [cheers]

have not been diminished by what has since taken place.

All these strikes and rumours of strikes and threats of

strikes and loss and suffering caused by them; all this talk

of revolution and "direct action" have deeply offended

most of the British people. [Cheers.] There is a growing

feeling that a considerable section of organized Labour is

trying to tyrannize over the whole public and to bully them

into submission, not by argument, not by recognized

political measures, but by brute force.

I think that the trade unions will have to review their

position very carefully in the next few years if they are to

preserve the great and, on the whole, beneficent influence

which they have exercised for so long in British public and

industrial life. There is an active and very voluble minority

which is always trying to grab the control of the

organization, and this minority has a perfectly definite and

avowed intention of trying to wreck the whole system of

society, and to wreck it by any means, however violent

and however wicked, that may be within their reach.

The responsible leaders of trade unions have very great

difficulty in standing up to these hotheads. We must make

all allowance for the difficult position in which leaders of

the Labour movement are placed in these circumstances,

but at the same time, when assertions are made which

deserve to be criticized, I do not see why they should not

be criticised, even if they are made by Labour leaders.

[Cheers.] Mr. J. H. Thomas, a man who plays a very good

part on many occasions, and not quite so good a part on

some others, but still a responsible reputable leader of

British Labour, thought it right to say, when the councils of

action were set up: "We regard them as a definite

challenge to the constitution of the country." That was a

very remarkable and improper statement. The fact that so

many of the Labour or Socialist Party said they were

challenging the constitution was in itself an admission, not

only that they had not got. but that they had no

immediate expectation of getting, the majority of their

fellow-countrymen on their side. [Cheers.]

It is quite true that the doctrines which have been given

credit among those violent circles boldly affirm that there

is no need to obtain majorities. They want to have the

power to rule, whether they have a majority or not,

whether the people wish it or not. As Lenin put it the other

day, "Fifteen per cent, ought to be enough to dominate

Great Britain, provided they are all out-and-out

Communists."  [Laughter.] All the other 85 per cent, have

got to be disfranchised somehow or other in order that

this 15 per cent, of out-and-out Communists may be able

to confer their blessings on mankind. [Laughter.]

A new witness has just come from Russia whose words

always command attention—Mr. H. G. Wells. Nothing can

exceed the appalling character of the conditions which Mr.

Wells has described. According to him, the whole

apparatus of civilization has collapsed. Cities are dying,

and dying fast: railways are breaking up: manufactures

and commerce of all kinds are at a standstill. Mr. Wells

said:

“I find an irreparable breakdown of the great monarchy

that was here in 1914. The administrative, social,

financial, commercial systems connected with it have

fallen down under the strain of war. and are smashed

utterly. Never has there been so great a debacle before.”

Of course Mr. Wells has to vindicate his theories. He

suggests that this irreparable catastrophe is not the fault

of the Bolshevists. But I submit as a most unchallengable

conviction that those disasters in Russia are solely due to

the Bolshevists, and are solely due to a very few men. to a

revolutionary and terrible sect of fanatics, whose

devastating doctrines have laid Russia low. and will lay

every nation low in which they obtain ascendancy.

Mr. Wells attributes Russia's downfall to the inherent

rottenness of Capitalism, Imperialism, and the war. What

arrant nonsense! The Bolshevists did it. and they alone to

the utmost generation of mankind will feel this fearful

responsibility. No doubt the war struck Russia a heavy

blow, but none from which she could not have survived. It

was a deadly and paralysing sect that destroyed Russia

and plunged it deep into unspeakable misery. We must

never cease proclaiming this fact as a warning to other

nations in the world, and for the preservation of our own

country. The Bolshevists are responsible for the

catastrophe.

For Russia we can do little. The fearful series of events

must run their course. One can only hope that some day in

our own time deliverance will come to the Russian people

and that they will stand again on their own feet and be

masters in their own house.

But if we can do little for Russia, we can do much for

Britain. We do not want any of these experiments here.

[Cheers.] Any such experiments in this country would be

followed by the destruction of the great majority of the

persons dwelling in these islands. We can at any rate

make sure that in our life and time the deadly disease

which has struck down Russia should not be allowed to

spring up here and poison us as it is poisoning them.

In every city there are small bands of eager men and

women, watching with hungry eyes any chance to make a

general overturn in the hopes of profiting themselves in

the confusion, and these miscreants are fed by Bolshevist

money. [Cheers.] They are ceaselessly endeavouring by

propagating the doctrines of communism, by preaching

violent revolution, by inflaming discontent, to infect us

with their disease. If there is no danger it is only because

we have an enlightened, active political life in Britain,

because we have a considered, instructed, organized

public opinion, and because we have a free Constitution

which we are determined to make an instrument of

continuous and progressive reform. In order that that

condition shall be maintained, ceaseless political exertion

must be made in all parts of the country by citizens in

every class, each using to the full his political rights.

The danger at the present time does not exist only, or

even mainly, in these islands. What of India, Egypt, and

Ireland? Do you not think it possible that there is some

connection between all the revolutionary and subversive

elements by which we are now being assailed? When we

see all these movements from so many different quarters

springing up simultaneously, does it not look as though

there is a dead set being made against the British Empire?

Why, for instance, should the Egyptian extremists give

money to the Daily Herald?' [Cheers.] Why does Lenin

send them money, too? Why does he also send money to

Sinn Fein? We know that intense efforts are being made to

disturb India, and that similar efforts are being made to

cause a great breakdown of trade and industry at home in

the hopes of creating unemployment and consequently

suffering and discontent.

It is becoming increasingly clear that all these factions are

in touch with one another, and that they are acting in

concert. In fact there is developing a world-wide

conspiracy against our country, designed to deprive us of

our place in the world and to rob us of the fruits of victory.

[Cheers.] They will not succeed. They will fail. We must be

ready: we must be on our guard to recognize every

symptom of danger, and to act with strong conviction

against it. Having beaten the most powerful military

empire in the world, having emerged triumphantly from

the fearful ordeal of Armageddon, we will not allow

ourselves to be pulled down and have our Empire

disrupted by a malevolent and subversive force, the

rascals and rapscallions of mankind who are now on the

move against us. [Loud cheers.]

Whether it is the Irish murder gang or the Egyptian vengeance society, or the seditious extremists in India, or the arch-traitors we have at home, they will feel the

weight of the British arm. It was strong enough to break the Hindenburg Line, it will be strong enough to defend the main interests of the British people, to carry us through these stormy times into calmer and brighter days. [Cheers.]