Bolivian Express

8/3/2019 Bolivian Express

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MagazineBolivianExpressFree Distribution Issue 14

TIPNISSPECIAL EDITION


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CONTENTS p.6Tipnis

p.10United front

p.12Marchers Story

p. 14The Culture of Protest

By Xenia Elsaesser

EDITORIAL

N.B.Several Spanish and Aymara words are marked in bold throughout this issue.Their meanings can be found in our glossay

The Bolivian TIPNIS, denoting Isiboro Secure National Park and Indigenous Territory, is named forits two primary rivers: Isiboro and Secure. Within the park the two rivers meet and converge. And just like these two vigorous bodies of water, in recent months the people of Bolivia have be-come unied in their defence of the TIPNIS against imminent invasion by a government plannedmotorway.

In the issue we mark the pitch of Bolivian TIPNIS fever: Georgiana Keate opens by exploring thepolitical and historical context of the protests. On p10 Omari Eccleston-Brown considers howthe affair reects upon unity and division in Bolivian society, and gives us a taste of the emotionsafoot when the indigenous protesters arrived in La Paz. We also hear the story of Nazareth FloresCabajo (p12), a seless leader who lost her unborn child in the struggle to protect her territory.Finally, on p14 we place the TIPNIS furore within thewider context of Bolivias protest culture.

But what does this culture imply for Bolivias future? One response is to worry at its capricious-ness: it was the protests of 2003 that brought incumbent president Evo Morales to power; yettoday the people dissent again, but with no alternative substitution or credible opposition. Thisvigorous form of political participation can at times seem to condemn the country to perpetualdiscontent and paralysis.

Nevertheless, within certain spheres, Bolivian discontent has proved to be an effective recipe.To give one example, in a recent article for the Harvard Journal Revista, Elisabeth Rhyne, re-counts her outrage when the 2003 protesters ransacked a leading Bolivian micro-nance bank.At the time it had seemed to her contradictory and tragic that the people should turn on aninstitution whose micro-nance initiatives had been so effectively invested in the interests of thepoor. Yet she goes on to relate how the aftermath of that popular action has forced her to reas-sess her romantic perspective on institutions work. Now in 2011, she can admit that the protestsultimately achieved a higher standard of micro-nance service and at a lower cost. Today Bo -livia is often cited as a micro-nance success story. Far from destroying the initiatives, the protestculture cemented their success.

We can hope that the same is true for the peoples relationship with their president: protestsmight serve less as unconstructive deance than as formative steps to inuence policy. The role

of protests can then become central within an unconventional list of checks and balances. Ina state where there is widespread mistrust of media and democratic institutions they becometrue measures of public opinion.

The values that these protests express are certainly inspiring: the people of Bolivia are prioritisingtheir indigenous cultures and rights of self-determination over the economic development andgain promised by a highway. Where previously Morales himself symbolised indigenous powerand protection of the environment, now a new symbol has taken root in the Bolivian nationalpsyche: TIPNIS. As such, it is not surpri sing that the ancient rainforest might strike a more profoundchord than any politician ever could. These are mighty roots that shared by all Bolivians: withinTIPNIS territory diverse rivers and ecosystems, Andes, Amazon, and now sentiments, merge intoone. Recent developments have given rise to many more questions than answers, yet one thingis certain: Bolivias policy makers must prepare to negotiate a literal as well as gurative jungle,because the TIPNIS is here to stay.

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Paceo/a

Masista

Pachamama

Marchistas

Cocaleros

Gente del TIPNIS

Vivir bien

Plurinacional

Historias

Guerra del Pacfco

Guerra del Chaco

Guerra del agua

Guerra del gas

Octubre negro

Movimiento alSocialismo

someone from La Paz.

A supporter of the MAS (Movement for Socialism) party.

usually translated as Mother Earth, but more literally as Mother World, incorporating the cosmos.a particular view on the nature of the world, particularly time and space, and their ritual representation.

marchers

coca leaf growers in Bolivia. Morales was a leader of the cocalero movement and still heads their union. Depend-ing on who you ask, a revolutionary, insurgent or terrorist female warrior.

people of TIPNIS

to live wellas opposed to better which is more associated with exploitative capitalist politics and policies.

Bolivia was renamed from Republicto Plurinationalwhich recognised the myriad of differentgroups in the Bolivian polity.

stories.

War of the Pacific

Chaco War

Water war

Gas war

Black October

Movement for Socialism


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TEXT: GEORGIANAKEATE PHOTOS: MARIO LANDIVAR, IVAN RODRIGUEZ PETKOVIC

In August, the government announceda plan to build an industrial highwayright through the middle of the IsiboroScure National Park and IndigenousTerritory, known by its Spanish acronymTIPNIS. To be nanced by Brazil, the high-way was central to Morales procesode cambio, a concept used widely bythe government and its supporters, andwhich amalgamated a new approachto economic and social developmentthrough nationalisation, industrialisationand the protection of indigenous ways

of life. The government argued theroad would boost Bolivias economy byconnecting agricultural and commer-cial areas whilst also improving publicservices for inhabitants of the park.As the rst indigenous president, Moraleshas made an interesting gure on boththe national and international stage,producing both smiles and scowls fromdifferent quarters. While his promotionof coca production, nationalisationof natural resources and opposition to

transnational corporations have pro-voked unfavourable reactions from theUS and business elites, his unique ap-proach to climate change and devel-

opment has won him the title of WorldHero of Mother Earth by the UN Gen-eral Assembly, and he is recognised asa celebrated protector of indigenousrights at home.In the last few months, however, thetenuous balance between rights, en-vironmentalism and development hascome close to collapse, rocking theentire nation and exposing Moralesoften contradictory policies. In fear ofincreased drug trafcking, deforesta-tion and damage to their ora andfauna, over one thousand people fromthe TIPNIS area set off in mid-August toprotect not only their way of life buttheir very survival. Once the spectre of


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olice repression raised its ugly head inte September, the marchistas foundverwhelming support from the Bolivianublic, 45% of whom sabotaged theirallots in defence of the TIPNIS duringe judicial elections in mid-October.

the heart of the storm, there ap-eared to be a schizm between Mo-es as an indigenous leader and so-

alist leader. Part of the controversyver TIPNIS has been the colonisationthe area by working class cocaleros

ho make up a signicant proportionMorales support-base. Speculationthe media ranged from claims of the

xistence of oil reserves in the region, toebates around Brazils manipulation ofe situation, and allegations that thead would disproportionately benet

oca commerce.

week before the arrival of the mar-histas, pro-government movementsame out in support of the highwaynd the process of change, bringing

e two factions close to conict as Laaz teetered on the brink of chaos.owever, public support was over-helmingly in favour of the TIPNIS

ommunities, which soon became aational symbol, forcing Morales to de-nd his environmental credentials ine face of overwhelming pressure. Bye time they arrived in La Paz, tens ofousands of protesters from all sectionsBolivian society poured out onto theeets to greet the weary marchistase heroes. At the welcome ceremonythe Plaza de San Francisco, the lead-s referred back to the landmark in-genous march in 1990 which securedhts for their communities for the rst

me. Many claimed this was only theircond-ever march, this time demand-g that the rights they had already wone respected.

ne leader of the march, Fernandoargas, held up Bolivias emerging soli-arity for environmental concern. Hed me that even if their own President

as going to go back on his word, theyould not be accomplices of worldestruction. When asked what this is-e really meant to one marcher, Josedivav of CONAMAQ replied: TIPNISeans history. From ancestry, we havehosen to live with Mother Earth. It is

who we are. He acknowledged theimpact of the marchistas bravery onenvironmentalists and minority cul-tures alike all over the world. I thinkwe have set an example. This will al-ways be worth ghting for.

The gente del TIPNIS have success-ful challenged the government tostand by his commitment to thesuma qamaa, known in Span-ish as Vivir Bien, or to live well in

English a concept that Morales him-self has proposed to the UN. It givesMother Nature, life, consensus andrespect for differences a priority andmost of all, seeks to discover a bal-ance, standing in opposition to thelive better philosophies of capital-ism. As the marchistas return home,the people of La Paz thanked themfor their courage and bravery. Theyhave ensured that Bolivia remains toset an example.

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eres a certain legend here thatoes Bolivia doesnt exist. Its a fan-stical story which Ive heard sev-al times, but never told in quite theme way. But more or less it goese this: after a drunken state affairrned sour, President Malgarejo, oneBolivias most notorious dictators,

araded the English Ambassadoround the main square in La Paz ondonkey and then threw him out ofe country. Upon hearing the news,th one fell stroke of her royal pen an

nraged Queen Victoria scratched

olivia from the world map forever.any Bolivians believe this amazingory to be true. Speak to them andey will swear that Bolivia is still lan-uishing from that one indiscretionthis day. Nevertheless, talk to most

olivians and youll most likely hearat the countrys purported

on-existence takes a different, morebtle form. Bolivia isnt unied.stly, because its many indigenous

peoples, who actually make up themajority, were excluded and mar-ginalized for years, said GonzaloColque, the director of FundacinTierra in La Paz.

Secondly, because theres a lot ofhistorical social conicts. The relation-ship between Bolivias different na-tive communities has always beencomplex and strained, he added.Ofcially, Bolivia is made up of 36separate indigenous communities.In 2009, President Evo Morales com-

pletely rewrote the constitution andrechristened the country the Plurina-tional State to embrace them all.Despite this show of oneness, manyBolivians still dont believe the coun-try pulls together as a whole. Manydont even accept the term Boliv-ian. Bolivia does exist, but its a na-tion divided alonginvisible lines: east and west; looseborders that separate one ancestral

community from the next; and per-haps most strongly, the breach be-tween the tropical lowlands and thecold and blustery highlands.

However, a recent indigenous anti-road march that trekked the 500kmfrom the heart of Bolivias Amazonbasin to its capital high in theAndean mountains challenged boththe government and these age-oldperceptions. The march was suc-cessful: Evo Morales governmentwas forced to U-turn and cancel a

planned highway through the IsiboroScure Indigenous Territory and Na-tional Park (TIPNIS), theprotestors ancestral home. But italso had an important by-product aswell it united Bolivians in a sense ofjoint purpose. On the 25 September,about ve weeks after they set out,the marchers way wasblocked by 500 police ofcers andthey were gagged, beaten and

bound.That was a Sunday. By theMonday a nationwide strike hadbeen calledin outrage at their treatment. Greatswathes of the country were galva-nized overnight. Despite their differ-ences, one thing that unquestionablybinds Bolivians is their intolerance ofviolence against their own. Stay herelong enough and youll discover thatno-one needs to die for them to crymassacre, as they have done inthis case. The TIPNIS cause has turnedinto more than just a defence of theenvironment, its become a rallyingpoint for disparate groupsacross the

length and breadth of the countrywho demand self-determination andgreater respect from the govern-ment. When the marchers nally ar-rived in La Paz after 65 long days tensof thousands of jubilant Bolivians wel-comed them into the city as heroes.Citizens gathered into a long, snakinghuman corridor guiding the wearymen, women and children all theway to the Presidents doorstep. Itsa day that will stay with me for manyyears. I suspect itll staywith the marchers for the rest of theirlives. In the middle of the cheeringcrowds I asked one of them, Javier

Collar, how he felt. The black aghed carried the whole way in honourof his leader whod died in a planecrash at the beginning of the marchstill sat heavy on his shoulder.

Many of us did probably think thatwe were divided. But what we gothrough in the lowlands is the same asthey go through here in thehighlands. The virtue of this march hasbeen that its reminded us ofthat reality, that Bolivia is one Bolivia,one heart, he said,smiling through the tears building inhis eyes.

TEXT:OMARI ECCLESTON-BROWN

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werent going quietly, our march waspeaceful, and they were violating ourconstitutional right.

They grabbed me. They knew I was oneof the leaders because they orderedme to be taken rst. First they took awayour mobile phones, then I was takento the roadside and told to sit down.When I didnt listen they kicked me inthe stomach. There were other peoplelying there, and the police were stand-ing over them with their boots on theirnecks. After that they picked us up andthrew us into the van. We were tied-uplike animals, and fell in there on top ofeach other. It was terrible: there werechildren separated from their familiesand crying for their mothers. They saidyou could hear the sobbing from far. Itwas after that fear and stress that I be-gan to feel the rst pains in my stomach.But we continued our march.

I realised I was going to lose my babywhen we got to Chuspipata. They weresupposed to take me in an ambulance,but there was a whole group of sickwomen and children there, so I saidId let them go instead. But when wegot to Chuspipata I fainted. After thatI cant remember much more, I thinkit was foggy, and raining. I couldntgo to the doctor because there wereso many sick people already.then Ihad this meeting I had to go to. Finally itwas three in the morning, I was alone in

my tent, and I realised I was suffering ahaemorrhage. Butthere was nothing I could do.

All I could think was that my baby de-nitely wasnt there, because of theamount of blood everywhere. There areno words for what I felt then. Losing yourbaby is a terrible thing. I hope that thissacrice I made as a human being, andas a woman, will come to something.

I decided to carry on marching, anddid not relinquish my position. The pub-lic were very benevolent to us on themarch, but even that could be prob-lematic, because then we had to trans-port what they gave us. Caritas helpedus out with transport for some time, butthere were so many of us that it wasnever going to be enough. And thepeople were often dissatised despitethe fact that the committee was tryingour hardest. But they had no idea whatwe were doing, and what had to bedone in order to get the bare minimumof support. We were running around allthe time trying to get things done. Dur-ing the day we never got any rest be-cause donations would arrive until latein the night. Then wed often had to beup at ve or six in the morning to sortout logistics and share out what foodwe had.

Once I had to stay behind with a wom-an whose arm had been broken. We

managed to nd some transport andeventually caught up again. When wereached the other marchers we sawthat there was no water. But everyonewas crying out for water. So when wegot the next camp I had to direct theleaders to get water immediately, andwe went and found some to give out. Itwas such a painful experience for me,seeing all my companions marchingon and crying out for water. I think thatthereception we received in La Paz waslike a consolation for all the sufferingwed had on the road, the hunger, thethirst. Id heard that Paceos are allmasistas, that people wouldnt receiveus well here.But I think that people were outragedat what had had been done to usen route, to practically defencelessmarchers.

From this experience, Ive learnt thatyou have to ght for your rights. The in -digenous people are conservationists.We wont tolerate colonisers or anyoneelse coming in here to tear down ourforests.Otherwise wed have nothing left. Ifnecessary I would do it again. AndId say to anyone else whose humanrights are being violated that you haveto ght. As human beings we have toght for a heritagethats not just aboutus Bolivians, but about the inheritanceof the earth.

We began planning the march in April.As soon as we found out that they weregoing to build the road we began ourcommunity meetings to gure out howwe could stop it. No one paid any atten-tion to us. So we organised our meetingsand soon signed our rst document: adeclaration that the highway shouldnot cross the TIPNIS.

The TIPNIS is the last green lung in theworld left to us. Its not that as indige-nous communities we dont want roadsor communication. We do. Wevebeen waiting for years to become bet-ter connected to the outside world. Butbuilding that road would be like break-ing the heart of the TIPNIS in two.

I left my family behind to march, andthat caused my mother a lot of pain.Shes diabetic, and during the march

she had to be hospitalised. She was soupset, she called me up in tears andwanted me to come homebut howcould I when Im one of the main lead-ers? I had to behere.

I dont have any children, but I wasgoing to have my rst baby during thecourse of the march. I lost him.

I think things rst started going badlyfor my pregnancy when the policeclamped down on us. It was at the be-ginning of the march: they grabbedeveryone, and made no allowancesfor the old, women, children, no one.They said horrible things to us. If wedidnt give in we were beaten, but asthe leaders we had to defend whatwe were doing. We shouted that we

Nazareth Flores Cabao is theVice president of

CEPIB, Central de pueblosindigenas de Beni. She is ofItaloma heritage and comesfrom Magdalena, a town inBeni near the Brazilian border.

She recently arrived in LaPaz with the TIPNIS marchers.

Here she tells us her story.TEXT: SHAROLL FERNADEZ - XENIA ELSAESSER

PHOTOS: MATTIA CABITZA

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ou leave your house and homeehind, taking nothing but theothes you are wearing, yourhildren and a bundle of posses-ons you hope might sustain you.en you walk for two months. You

ave little idea where you mightd food or shelter but you doow the road will be difficult and

ng. The air is humid and hot, you

encounter police violence on theway and then you climb up andup and up, suffering from exhaus-tion, altitude sickness and hungeruntil you see a bustling city whereyou hope your prayers might beanswered. Why?

The history of protest in Bolivia isan illustrious one you could even

say it is one of the many nationalsymbols of the new Plurinacionalstate. The recent TIPNIS march onLa Paz has gone down as one ofthe countrys most important pro-tests in recent history yet it is farfrom being an anomaly. Barelya day passes without one andeveryone in Bolivia are witness tohow the power of social protests

can change everything from oneday to the next: from overturn-ing legislation and bringing downthe Head of State. So what is thisforce that drives the people poli-tics on the streets?To understand protest as the heartof Bolivias evolution, it is useful torefer back to two of the countrys

THE CULTUREOF PROTESTTEXT: GEORGIANA KEATEPHOTOS: MICHAEL DUNNCACERES

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The working lunch menu seems tobe much more of a common prac-tice here in South America than theother continents. Some countries arestarting to be inltrated by westerncustoms and cutting lunch breaksto an hour or so, but here in La Paztwo easy going hours still seems to bethe custom for most companies. Andso arises the lunch time set menu atmany of the Zona Central eateries. Aplanned menu that can be quicklyordered and produced quickly forthe worker who wants to enjoy aproper set of courses, but doesnthave the lounging time enjoyed af-ter an evening meal. There are sev-eral different price ranges, startingfrom just 12 Bs. The one we picked,upon recommendation, was La Ca-sonas menu for 30 Bs, perhaps a

price aimed at the executive lunch-

er, but reasonable all the same.

It is a cavernous little venue; plentyof exposed brick and arched cel-lar ceilings give a rustic feel, whilesharply dressed staff reinforces acosmopolitan aura. It was evidentthat there were two types of dinerspresent: those enjoying a long meal,and those on a working lunch choos-ing the set menu. After falling int o thesecond group the service becomesrapid, but not hurried. We are in-structed to browse the salad bar forour starter. It is a mix of potato, pasta,coleslaw, plantain and barley. It wasslightly tepid in temperature (gener-ally expected for salad bar) but nice-ly herbed. No sooner had we nishedthe last piece of pasta the plate waswhisked away and we were given a

chowder de choclo (white corn). It

was deliciously creamy and packedwith vegetables. Perhaps slightly tooheavy for the delicate appetite, butin Bolivia the words delicate andappetite rarely come together. Themain was a choice of four platters;I opted for medallions of Llama. Itwas twice the size of what I was ex-pecting. The llama was served inblue cheese sauce, which I was alsonot really expecting, but it actuallyworked quite well with the meatyavor of the llama. Chips and boiledvegetable complimented the meatto make what seemed like a SouthAmerican avoured roast dinner.Lastly was a perhaps the most errati-cally decorated fruit salad I had everseen. A small bowl of fruit placed ona huge plate garnished with choco-late mousse, icing sugar and cocoa

powder.

Monthly

The

Review

TEXT: ROBBIE MACDONALD

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ost critical historical events theuerra del Pacfico and La Guer- del Chaco. In the first, againsthile, Bolivia lost its Pacific coast;the second, against Paraguay,

e Bolivian army (in some caseserally) died of thirst due to thenforgiving climate of the regionnd their unfamiliarity with the ge-graphy, surrendering the Chacogion in the process. These twoars stand among countless othersses of territory and natural re-urces, ingraining a sense of loss

nd anguish deep within the na-onal psyche (not to mention thepanish conquest, in which theountry lost vast mineral resourc-

and countless lives). Bolivia haseen defeated in every war itsver fought in, and indigenousommunities have traditionallyeen those whove incurred theeatest losses.

was out of the ashes of the Chacoar that the Bolivian National Rev-ution in 1952 arose, and with it,construction of Bolivias nation-

ood that attempted to incorpo-te the Aymara and Quechua

ommunities that made up over5% of the countrys population. Itat this juncture we can start toe the emergence of a form of

olitical participation rooted in theassertion of sovereignty and in-genous identity.

e years following the Revolutionere just as turbulent, both socially

nd politically. Coups, counter-

coups and transitory rebellionsmarked the path to democracyin the 1980s, followed by a grow-ing national sentiment against theprivatisation policies of the 1990s.However, it was the 2000s that de-fined Bolivia in terms of protest thenow-infamous Guerra del Agua andGuerra del Gas are ingrained in thecontemporary national conscious-ness; the common thread runningthrough them based around self-determination and control over ba-sic natural resources.

The UN states that access to wa-ter is a basic human right. Whathappens, then, when this element

of survival is under threat? For theBolivians who found water was nolonger running in their taps in 2000,they took to the street, ultimatelyforcing the government to rescindconcessions to the foreign firmAguas de Tunari. Three years later,a government plan to export gasreserves via Chile to the US sparkedthe re of protest once more,spreading through most of BoliviasAndean cities. And this time, the re-sult was even more drastic.

Octubre Negro, in 2003, is one ofBolivias darkest memories in re-cent times. As protesters in El Altoblocked access to a petrol plantthat provided for the entire area,police opened re leaving over 60lifeless bodies on the streets. Theoutcry was enough to send the thenPresident, Gonzalo Sanchez de Lo-

zada, eeing to the United States.

Again, the plan was reversed andon the wave of continued protests,Evo Morales, the rst indigenousPresident, and his party, Movimientoal Socialismo (MAS) was elected in2005.

However, it is clear that this progres-sion of Bolivian politics is not simplya tussle over capitalist or socialistpolicies; it is more about survival,the right for self-determination, andcontrol over the countrys lifelines.From the defeat in the Guerra dePacico, loss has been a recurrenttrope in Bolivias history and protesthas become a national method ofprotection. When it comes to life-lines, the most important road con-necting the country to the ports ofPeru and Chile goes through El Alto,meaning that it takes only a singleroad block to cut off the seat ofgovernment in La Paz from the out-side world and hence from foodand energy supplies.

Only last December, as the gov-ernment announced petrol priceswould almost double, protests es-calated so intensely that the resig-nation of Morales was called. As nostranger to the power of the peoplehimself, he was forced to reconsid-er. And of course, TIPNIS, last month,was another reminder that the spiritof protest is as alive as ever in Bo-livia. In a sense, protest has come toresemble a form of popular directdemocracy where the people takepart in referendums by ling outonto the streets, instead of by bal-loting votes at polling stations.

What is striking about the historicalprotests such as those over waterand gas (and recently the TIPNIS), isthe transition from localised to na-tional protests. They become morea symbol of the meaning of citizen-ship and what they want Boliviaas a nation to be a respecter ofrights, the environment, ownership,political participation and most of

all, survival.

The history of protest in Bolivia is an

llustrious one you could

even say it is one of the many national

symbols of the new

Plurinacional state

LACASONAAv. Mariscal Santa Cruz, next to WalisumaLa Paz, Bolivia


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CASA DE LA CULTURA (CULTURE HOUSE)Ballet: Criso Del Ande (The Crucible of the Andes)

After three years of constant training,

the cast, led by Robert Moruno, will be a tributeto the Bolivian dance cueca with choreogra-phy from various regions in the country. Nearly50 students will appear on stage. 72514018 Inf.

Saturday 26 - Hrs. 19:30

BALLET: ENCANTOS DE MI TERRA(CHARMS OF MY LAND)

The band, Los Canarios del Chaco and thesinger Esther Marisol will perform under a ama-

teur cast. The audience can experience variousfolk dances led by Max Canqui. 65598024 Inf.

Sunday 27 - Hrs. 19:30

YO BAILO EN EL MUSEF (I DANCE IN THE MUSEF)is the name of the festival which is part of the

Multicultural Dance Workshop, organised by themuseum. The experience of Shirley De La Torre as

director provides an attractive spectacle.Information 2408640.

Monday 28 - Hrs. 19:30

DANCE: ORIGENES (ORIGINS)Gider Beltran, former member of renowned folkballets, displays his knowledge in the show Ori-genes (Origens), celebrating the rst year of its

creation. Dances for all tastes. 70594522 Inf.Tuesday 29 - Hrs. 19:30

ESTUDIO INTEGRAL DE LA DANZA

(COMPREHENSIVE STUDY OF DANCE)John Guibarra directs the adaptation of choreo-graphed works, Enchanted Garden and Holy

Esmeralda with fragments of the Inti Raymi story,based on the legend of Antonio Diaz Villamil.

76242806 Inf.

MUNICIPAL THEATRETHURSDAY 24 AND FRIDAY 25 - HRS. 19:30

Festival Lationoamericano de la Clase Obrera(Latin American Festival of the Working Class)The ninth international production comes with

blockbuster movies, music, painting, photographyand other expressions of the arts under the organi-

sation of Marcos Loayza. The event will feature

representatives of organisations and social move-ments. 71305666 Inf.Tuesday 29 - Hrs. 19:30

DUO DE GUITARRAS CRIOLLAS

(CREOLE GUITAR DUO)In honour of his native Potosi, Eduardo Yanez andAlfredo Harriague will offer a concert of instrumen-tal music that includes the countrys folk themes.

72536988 Inf.

ESPACIO SIMON I. PATINOExhibition of reproductions of works by Andy Warhol,the Pop Art icon. Sponsored by the US Embassy as

part of the Internacional del Cartel BICeB.Av. Ecuador 2503, esq. Belisario Salinas. Inf.

2410329.

MUSEO NACIONAL DE ARTE (NATIONAL ART MUSEUM)Photography exhibition of the artist Paula Mod-ershon. Sponsored by the Goethe Institute. Tem-porary room. Commerce Street esq. Socabaya.

Information 2408600.

MUSEO NACIONAL DE ARTE(NATIONAL ART MUSEUM)

Exhibition of the iconography and imagery in the19th century. An approach to ve works from thecollections of the Casa de la Libertad (House ofLiberty). Dec 22nd, 19.00 lecture on the subject

of Michela Pentimalli.

SIMON I. SPACE PATIO, HOUSEFreedom and National Art Museum.

Socabaya esq Calle Comercio.

MUSEO DE ARTE CONTEMPORANEO PLAZA(MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART SQUARE)

The artist from Sucre, Manuel Molina, arrived inLa Paz for the exhibition of his works in oil paint-ing, drawing and watercolour. July 16, 1698 Av.

Information 2335905.Thursday 24 to 23 Dec.

MUSEO TAMBIO QUIRQUINCHORetrospective of the work of the master, Juan de DiosMealla Diaz. Evaristo Valle Street esq.Plaza Alonso de

Mendoza. Information 2390969

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