Boaventura de Sousa Santos. Two Democracies, Two Legalities Pp. 310-338

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    L W ND

    GLO LIZ TION

    FROM

    LOW

    Towards a osmopolitan egality

    dited

    oaventura de ousa

    antos

    University of Coimbra and University of Wisconsin Madison

    nd

    esar

    Rodriguez Garavito

    University of the ndes and University of Wisconsin Madison

    UC M RIDGE

    ;

    UN V RS TY PR SS

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    CHAPTER13

    TWO DEMOCRACIES T\ \ O LEGALITIES

    PARTICIPATORY BUDGETING

    IN

    PORTO

    ALEGRE BRAZIL

    [ oaventura

    l

    Sousa Santos

    Today, two forms of globalization

    confront cach

    olhc ,-:

    th e

    hegemonic

    neolibcral globalization driven

    by th e

    interests of glob:: 1 capitalism, and

    the counter-hegemonic globalizatioll, or globalizaLion from below,

    driven hy th e transn

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    SI\NTOS

    p ~ l r t i c i j l 8 t i 0 l 1

    in lllul1icipal government.

    This

    political OPI,ollunity

    was

    (

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    :: 1\ I\i105

    sl,ecial

    concern [o r the

    definitiun of l,ricmtles fur the distribution

    of

    inve,tmcllt resources.

    PB

    and its ins\-itutio lal framework have no

    fllrtl1

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    S \NTOS

    TIlt i n s t i t l ~ i o n a l organs of

    community

    partlcil ation are then con

    s t l t u t , ~ c 1 ;

    the

    Fora of Delegates (sixteen regional

    and

    six thematic

    delegates)

    and

    the COP.

    The Fora

    of Delcg3tes are collegiate organs

    with consulting, controlling, ancl-tnobilizing functiom. The Fora meet

    unce

    d

    month

    and

    the two major tasb of the d e l e g t e ~

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    SAN-lOS

    i n t he

    lnvestment

    Pbn of

    a global

    expenditure

    i tem for street

    l aving

    Cl

    1

    rrespondin.[(

    1:0

    20km

    of

    streets to be paved. The dismbution

    of

    this

    amount

    by

    the different

    regions was

    the

    result

    of

    rhe

    app\icltion

    of the

    criteria, their weight, and the

    grade

    of the region in each

    crilerion.

    The

    grJc\e received by

    each

    r eg ion in each criterion

    is

    l11u1:ip\ ied by

    the

    general criterion s

    weight.

    Th e sum

    of the

    partial

    ~ l o i m

    (gr

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    S N T O ~

    cornplexiry. The increase ami diversity of p \ r t i c i p ~ t i o n together with

    the incre'lsing inrensity and

    differentiation of

    demands, h,ls also con

    rributcd decisively to rn::llcing c

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    SANTOS

    concerning a work, i ts posit ion was

    eXl laiw:d

    to d,e cllllllnunity

    by

    its

    tcchniGll staff ,lnd the comlllunity

    cndcdllp

    :lgreeing,

    The cUllsenslis-buiklillg process is cl1lnplex because

    the

    problems

    under diSCUSSion

    as

    well as the decisions taken often have, beSides the

    political climellsicn, a stron,g technical dimension. Mon>Jver, techni

    cal criteria constitute one of the limits of pnrticip,ltlon 11l1d are rhem

    se Ives sLlIll.etimcs

    the object

    of

    debate

    and cOllnict,

    The

    internal rules of

    PI) include the technical criteria established by the v,lrif US depart

    ments of

    the

    cxecutive. Some of the technicCil criteria currently in force

    rire: all community claims and

    demands

    round technically nlll1vi:lble by

    the city s ;)clministratioll are cancelled; preference is givcll

    to

    works-in

    progress; ::mcl

    the

    pluvial

    network

    will no t be inst llled in streets

    without

    p;wemellts becriuse

    the

    network, beinp; open to allowfor

    he

    collection

    of

    rain

    wmer, might be blocked by sand and rubbish,

    In such a sys tem of co-govern\uenl:, the executive docs have ZI very

    ~ c t i v e role, if

    only

    because it conLru]s technical

    k n o w l ( ~ d ~ e Cine

    ;llso

    because it either gl ncmtes

    the

    relevant: information

    or

    has privileged

    Llccess to

    it. Its presence

    in

    PI)

    is

    quite strong by

    rCZlson

    of its coordinat

    ing functions

    both

    in

    the

    COP

    through iLs

    IWO

    represent8tives, even

    though

    they

    do

    no t have

    the

    r ight to vote, Clml in the re,;innal assem

    blics through the CRC delegate in the region. Furthermore, the execu

    tive itseJ.f forwards

    autonomous

    investrnent

    pro[ osZlls

    to dlC COP, the

    so-called institutiond\ demands, which have their origin in executive

    departments and which usually concern the

    m : l i n t e n a n c ~

    PI improve

    ment of urban. infwstructures.

    In additioll t l technical limits, there are financial limits, which are no t

    always duly considered by the ;Jssclllblies, Suf(ice it to mention that, Cur

    Cinallcial rcasons, ollly 30 percent of the demands originally fmmulatecl

    loy the cOlnmunity CLln be taken care of. SometlLnes, the

    W,1\

    the clelllmlds

    ZI

    n.d

    pr ioritics are formul::ltecl docs

    not

    take

    inw

    ;lCCOUllt

    cerlai

    technical

    conditions that: increase

    the

    cost beyond

    what

    til( COlUlllunitles them

    selves consider reasonable. For example, the f ~ c t tha.t street raving lllllSt

    inc]lI,k street lighting incre:lses its cost by a large :-lmount.l ,;uwadays, the

    p e r c e n t a ~ c

    1)1 investments included in the budget v,ll ies

    ben\

    een

    ,lllci

    20 I CrCl llt, which is high by Brazilian sLmd,lIds,

    The credihility ofthe political

    conrract

    that constitutes pI resides in

    w ellL ct lvem:ss eli rhe decisions and in the llccount;lbih: y

    hOlh

    or the

    cxcclltiv( and of [-he representatives

    If

    the civi Isoc iety ill rh,:COl (see

    I\bers

    199[-;,

    2(00). The

    fCict that ollly

    30

    pel cent of tlle

    ,-leJn;1Ilds

    may

    he cOllsidercd is less illll)ortant

    tkm

    the el(ecrive S ~ l i s { l l i u n

    of

    the

    126

    PARTICIPATORY BUDGETING IN

    BRAZIL

    demands sel ec ted for i nc lu si on in the Investment Plan. Several

    mechanisms guarantee effectiveness and account:ability. First, the poli

    tical will of the

    executive

    must be mentioned. The basic

    principle

    of

    the

    municipal

    government is to fulfi ll as rigorously

    as

    possible the

    Investment Plan and to justify what is left unfulfilled.

    Secondly,

    there

    are

    committees

    - c reated withinthe Fora of Delegates- whose function

    is

    to

    supervise

    the

    works.

    In the

    case

    of

    delays

    or alterations, the

    delegates have direct access to the Mayor s Off ice to ask for explana

    tions. Thirdly, the

    velY

    structures of PB strongly

    encourage

    account

    ability. The two institutions of regular

    functioning

    - the COP and the

    Forum

    of

    Delegat es - are bound to the grassroots institutions:

    the

    Region::tl Assemblies

    and the

    Thematic Plenaries.

    The latter

    two

    organs, because

    they

    are open to the individual and collective

    partici

    pat ion of a ll c it izens , exerc ise a double

    popular

    comrol,

    upon

    the

    performance

    of

    the executive a nd upon community representation

    itself.

    practice, the exercise of control is sometimes problematic, as

    witness the debates about t he quality of r ep re sent at ion and about

    transparency

    and

    accountability.

    As I have indicated , the close linkage of participation to resource

    distribution and to the effectiveness of decisions is on e o f the

    core

    features

    ofPB.

    This alone explains why, for five

    months,

    PB

    councilors

    meet at least once a week, often twice

    or

    thrice a week, with no

    remuneration,

    even

    travel expenses.

    This

    linking of

    participation to

    distribution

    is, no

    doubt,

    one

    of

    the

    virtues of PB,

    but perhaps

    also a

    limitation. According to Tarso Genro , i t is common f or a r eg ion or

    micro-region to stop participating in the

    meetings

    and assemblies :Jfter

    their demands have been met.

    They

    usually begin participating again,

    once they realize

    that

    in the year

    in

    which they d id

    no t

    participate

    there was no investment made in their region or micro-region.

    The

    close binding articlllation of participation, distribution, and the

    effectiveness of decisions may eventually

    provoke

    some addition::d

    tension in the a lready tense f ie ld of co-govemment that

    constitutes

    the political contract

    between

    the executive

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    ~ ; \ N T O :

    btlth the

    elected

    mayor ;md the popular l11lWCmenr becomes ;11l111tU:11ly

    rebtive

    autonomy.

    Th e

    question

    is: whose

    autonomy is

    more relati-

    vized by entering th e contr:lct? PH is ;m initiative the PT populm

    adlllinistrHtil1n of 1 \)rto Alegre, and its

    bC1slc

    instinttiom:l outline has

    been designed over th e years by

    the

    execlltive.

    t

    is p ar t o f a political

    l rogrClI1l or

    redistribution

    of public resources and det1locrtltiwtion of

    dI e

    st:1te.

    This

    politiC:11 program

    is

    also

    \:bc

    m e e t i n ~

    grmmd

    oJ

    a

    demand

    with

    a similar pl1liticall)rientation

    advanced

    hy

    th e

    pllpU

    h r movement

    ,md sust;lined over the years by

    much

    struggle. Th e issue is, then how

    this convergence of politic1l will has b o ~ c n carried out, on \ vh.ose terms

    an d timetables,

    an d

    wi th wh at outcomes.

    Without ;111)

    doubt popular participation in 1 13 is

    VCi Y

    active. Is

    it:

    also

    autollumous?

    What

    docs

    i t m ea n t o

    be

    ,1uton0l110us? Auto

    i

    10rny cmnot

    be conceived

    ilS

    popular s p o n t n ~ i t y as

    native c:1jx\citv to organize

    poor people In degraded communities without

    th e

    SU[lport or influence of

    external,

    org::ll1ized

    political forces. Autonomy rather must be conceived

    IS the popular capacity to channel external support :lnc\ put it

    at

    th e

    service

    of

    objectives, demands,

    an d

    agendas generatecl

    i n t he

    commu-

    l l i t i e ~ . in the Bra7.i\ian

    context autonomy is

    measured

    by

    the capacity to

    clevelup organizational strel1gth

    an d

    eerectiveness

    by

    m::meuvering

    among competmg external political influences, using such competition

    to impose

    dem::ll1ds

    that however important fnr the communltYI (10

    no t

    represent;) [)riorily

    for

    any of the political rorces in cornpe:itlon.

    Since 1 13 is

    no t a popubr moven ent

    b ut a n

    institution;}l con:stella-

    tion designed to

    operate

    as a sustained, regularly functioning meeting

    pbce ror th e popular movement

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    ~ ; m o s

    increClsingly

    been suhmitted

    to a proCound

    k ~ l r n i n g

    process

    concerning

    cOllll\1unication ,1l1d argumentation with l,ly pOI,ulations. Thell ' tech

    L1icl1 reco111ll1enchtions must be

    conveyed

    in clccessihle language to

    people who

    llo llot

    master

    technical know leclge;

    their

    reasonability

    musr be c1eI110nstnltec1 in a persuasive w:'y, rrt ther thr111 1ll1posed in an

    auLhnnl:etri;:1I1

    fclshion;

    no

    altern:1tive hypothesIs

    or solut ion

    may

    be

    CxclLLlled wIthout :;howing Its 1I1wi;1hility. Wlwl'C emlil;1

    a

    Lechllobur-

    ~ d l l c r , 1 \ i c culLure prcv;,ilecl, gradually : teclmoclemocratlc culture has

    Cll1C l 1ecl.

    This tr,msfonnation

    has 110t

    been easy. AccOflling t u Tarso Genro,

    during the l,eriocl

    hetween

    1992 1l1d 1996, there W: 5 nlllrc progress in

    c11anging the bnguC1ge and discourse of the engineers when addressing

    the peopl e i n the communit ies than in changing their dismissive

    atutucles V i S - ~ l - v i s what people had to S8Y. In

    orher

    w o r d ~

    the

    cap:1city

    to make him

    or herself

    understood

    has

    il

    f

    1

    wved

    more

    thell1 the

    capa-

    cil:y to listen. When Raul Pont initiated his

    mandate

    (19 -2000), he

    became

    pmticubrly

    sensitive

    to th e

    bct : t ha t t he

    structure :lnd process

    of 1 13 were very

    little

    known :1L1longthe m I l l 1 l c i ~ , a l workel's and st

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    S i \ h T J ~

    \addition

    to

    a form of dual power, lhis

    situatiun

    also comprises a

    ronn

    of con(runwtionallegc1l pluralityat the city level: (In ,me side, the

    offici;l legality, o n t he ot her , t he u n o f I c i a l q ~ a H t y , which,

    to

    lHelke

    thinglcde.1 Democrariem

    c

    l\edcI l\ibUcil5: TCJldcnci(is it [\ClliWCU;c llLl eWl ] ,ClI,d. S{t/wldor. PhD

    Dissen;lrilm, UI\iversidade Feder;ll d;l

    13;,hin.

    S:\llII'S,

    BO;wCIHur,\

    de Sousa. 1998. 'T;lI'ticip;llory BlIllgC'ing ill l\nto Alegre:

    TllW;\rd

    a

    Red

    iotributive

    Dcmocr;ley. Plilities

    d

    SDcice\'

    26:461-510.

    2.002. Towanl

    Ncw Legal

    ComliHIll .scme. L\lndon: elll'lt'rworlhs.

    (ELL).,

    {' nilel)111

    ing.

    Democrati,ing Delilucrete)': 13c)'nllclllteUhernl

    DemDcmtic

    CUllIn\. LIll1l1ull:

    Versn.

    VilLts-Bn:is, I\Cn:1r:1 (Ed.). 1999. lJLlIIOl\(J c/ IS EX/leri[ncirl.1 de OT\ClI lWlto

    r u.rlici/lClt;I o

    nos GIJI,eTllOS Lumi,. S li l) [ ) ;l l l lu:

    [nslit:lIl{)

    PI',lis.

    HS