Blackwater - Warriors for Hire

8/9/2019 Blackwater - Warriors for Hire

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WARRIORS

FOR HIREMark Hemingwayon Blackwater USA and

the rise of

private militarycontractors

DECEMBER 18, 2006 $3.95


2/7The Weekly STandard / 23December 18, 2006

Warriorsfor Hire

Blackwater USA and the rise of private military contractors

Moyock, N.C.

F

or obvious reasons, the location o the headquar-

ters o Blackwater USA isnt well-publicized.

Ocially, the only public trace o the worlds

largest private military training acility is a postoce box in Moyock, North Carolina, an unre-

markable rib-shack pit-stop on the way to the Outer Banks.

But the place isnt hard to nd. From Washington, D.C.,

head south. As soon as you cross the state line, ollow the

sound o gunre until you nd an armed compound hal

the size o Manhattan. Which is not to say the place sticks

outits just very, very big. Blackwater is a company most

Americans rst heard o when our o its contractors were

murdered in Falluja, Iraq, in March 2004, and their bod-

ies desecrated on camera. It is the most prominent o the

private security contractors in Iraq. You might think o the

North Carolina acility as Blackwaters Fort Benning orQuantico.

Still largely subsumed by the swampland it occupies, the

compound is mostly au naturel except or odd aircrat lying

around. The company name sounds mysterious, but its just

the name o the region. I you dig a ew eet underground,

the hole will quickly ll with the thick, dark peat water just

under the surace. The only building o any real size houses

the companys brand new 60,000-square-oot corporate

oces, a low prole building with a massive stone entry-

way that blends into the surroundings nicely. (The massive

double-door handles made rom .50 caliber machine gunbarrels get noticed, however.) In act, the company logoa

target sight superimposed over a bear clawisnt entirely

gurative. Black bearsat least one o which tops 800

poundsroam reely all over the property.

O course, running into a bear is probably the least o

your saety concerns at Blackwater. Firing ranges abound on

the property. For years, the companys bread and butter was

its multimillion-dollar business designing and manuactur-

ing targets and shooting ranges. From its original product

a patented, reactive, reinorced steel targetthe company

now makes everything rom modular, endlessly congu-

rable shoothouses, with doors and rooms that simulate

urban combat, to concrete, reinorced shipping containers

that can be set up anywhere in the world as sel-contained

ranges. (A personal avorite is the Dueling Treeanupright stand with three targets on each side. Hit the target

and it gets knocked over to your opponents side where he

can knock it back. The rst shooter with all six targets on

his side loses. Think o it as tetherball with guns.)

But were only scratching the surace. Though the com-

pany is less than ten years old, its already become the alpha

and omega o military outsourcing. The target systems

remain a multimillion-dollar business, but now the corpo-

rate fagship is just one part o a very large feet. Indeed, it

would be hard to understate Blackwaters capabilities:

A burgeoning logistics operation that can deliver 100-

or 200-ton sel-contained humanitarian relie responsepackages aster than the Red Cross.

A Florida aviation division with 26 dierent platorms,

rom helicopter gunships to a massive Boeing 767. The

company even has a Zeppelin.

The countrys largest tactical driving track, with multi-

surace, multi-elevation positive and negative cambered

turns, a skid pad, and a ram pad or drivers learning how to

escape ambushes.

A 20-acre manmade lake with shipping containers that

have been mocked up with ship rails and portholes, foating

on pontoons, used to teach how to board a hostile ship. A K-9 training acility that currently has 80 dog teams

deployed around the world. Ever wondered how to rappel

down the side o nine stacked shipping containers with a

bomb-sning German shepherd dog strapped to your

chest? Blackwater can teach you.

A 1,200-yard-long ring range or sniper training.

A sizable private armory. The one gun locker I saw

contained close to 100 9mm handgunsmostly mili-

tary issue Beretta M9s, law enorcement avorite Austrian

Glocks, and Sig Sauers.

ByMarkHeMingway

Mark Hemingway is a writer in Washington.


3/724 / The Weekly STandard December 18, 2006

An armored vehicle still in develop-

ment called the Grizzly; the prototypes

angular steel plates are erocious-look-

ing. The suspension is being built by one

o Blackwaters North Carolina neigh-

borsDennis Anderson, monster truck

champion and the man responsible or the

Grave Digger (the ne plus ultra o mon-ster trucks).

And theres much, much more. Sitting

in his second-story oce with expansive

views o the grounds, Blackwater vice pres-

ident or strategic initiatives and ormer

recon Marine Chris Taylor makes a sound

business case or the Blackwater acil-

ity. One o the single greatest actors that

makes us who we are today is, one, we are

always complete, correct, and on time with

our services and, two, this acilitythis isthe greatest barrier to entry in the market

o doing training and security operations; nobody else has

this. Taylor continues: To build this acility today$40

or $50 million, and nobodys got that kind o coin. Nobody

wants to invest that, especially i you are going into a mar-

ket where there already is a big dog.

Still, at a certain point touring their acilities, the

immensity o the place seems like, well, overkill. O all the

curiosities littered throughout the gargantuan property, its

hard not to be taken aback by R U Ready Higha ring

range modeled ater a high school, as well as an old school

bus used or training in tactical hostage situations.Taylor patiently explains that the company built it

immediately ater Columbine and that local police orces

and SWAT teams oten have woeully inadequate training

or such situations even to this day. Sure enough, shortly

ater my tour o the acilities, there were two school hostage

situations within days o each other, again in Colorado and

in Pennsylvania. Neither ended well.

It may seem callous that Blackwater is making a buck

preparing police to deal with such horric events. But

somebody has to be in the business o worst case scenar-

ios. Its not their ault that everywhererom Colorado toIraqbusiness is so good.

While Blackwaters training and logistics operations

might be the heart o their operation, thats not

the reason the company is on the verge o becom-

ing a household name. Among its initial government con-

tracts was one or antiterrorist training in the wake o the

USS Cole bombing. A single marksman could have taken

out the approaching bomb-laden boat, but most soldiers on

deck werent even carrying loaded weapons at the time. Rec-

ognizing a major weakness, the Navy awarded an urgent

and compelling need contract to Blackwater to train

20,000 sailors in orce protection. The company still exe-

cutes that contract to this day. And rom that start, it gradu-

ally expanded its roster o services available to the military.

Enter the war on terror, and the military began looking or

something beyond training and support servicesactual

manpower.

Blackwater is now one o the largest and most respected

suppliers o private military contractors in Iraq. The

company has carried out high-prole assignmentssuchas their exclusive contract to guard Ambassador L. Paul

Bremer when he was the top U.S. civilian in Iraqwhose

perormance by a private company would once have been

unthinkable.

The companys work in Iraq has not been with-

out incident. The our American contractors killed in

Falluja in March 2004 were providing transport security

or a Kuwaiti ood service company under a Blackwater

Security Consulting contract. Their bodies were dragged

through the streets and the disgured corpses were even-

tually strung rom a bridge with an electrical cord. Theamilies o the our menone o them a revered ormer

SEAL instructorare suing Blackwater, alleging that they

were rushed out on the mission without adequate prepara-

tion or protection.

Aside rom providing one o the most demoralizing

images o the war, the killing o the our Blackwater employ-

ees did two major things. It was the catalyst or the Battle o

Falluja, a brutal but ultimately successul attempt to reclaim

the city rom insurgents, which resulted in 83 additional

U.S. troops killed in action. And it drew national attention

Firing ranges were Blackwaters original business.

The

Virginian-Pilot/Polaris



to the use o private contractorsmercenaries to their

more vehement detractorsin Iraq.

In the rst Gul war, the ratio o private contractors to

military personnel was one to sixty. This time its approach-

ing one to one. The Washington Post last week reported that

the Pentagon counts about 100,000 contractors in Iraq. Pri-

vate contractors are being used to supply everything rom

pizzas to porta-potties; still the decidedly larger ratio is nodoubt the result o the 20,000 or so serving in a quasi-mili-

tary rolealmost three times the number o British mili-

tary orces currently in Iraq.

Blackwater objects to the use o the m-word or its

employees, preerring the term private military contrac-

tors. For one thing, mercenary is not accurate. Private

military contractors in Iraq do not execute oensive opera-

tionsthey only provide security, and their rules o engage-

ment are to use proportionate orce only when attacked.

Nonetheless, private military contractors in Iraq are known

or their aggressive behavior. Retired Marine colonelThomas X. Hammes is a vocal critic o Blackwater, having

seen them guarding Bremer. The problem is, in protect-

ing the principal they had to be very aggressive, and each

time they went out, they had to oend locals, orcing them

to the side o the road, being overpowering and intimidat-

ing, at times running vehicles o the road, making enemies

each time they went out, Hammes said in a PBS interview.

However, Hammes noted, Blackwaters an extraordinarily

proessional organization, and they were doing exactly what

they were tasked to do.

In act, Blackwater objects to its personnel being tarred

as mercenaries mainly because they regard it as an assaulton their character and their proessionalism. Were in

nine dierent countries, says Chris Taylor, probably have

about 2,300 people deployed today, another 21,000 in our

database, and these are people the majority o whom have

already had a career in public service, either military or law

enorcement, who are honorably discharged, who have any

number o medals or heroism. Yet we still have to ace crit-

ics who say everybody is a mercenarytheyre only out or

a buck.

Blackwater insists the money is exaggerated. Thething that gets all the attention is that its a business,

a going concern. But there are nowhere near the

prots that everybody thinks, Taylor says. They are quite

serious about the moral importance o their work, a mes-

sage that starts at the top. Blackwater CEO Erik Prince, the

companys ounder, believes to his core that this is his lies

work, says Taylor. I youre not willing to drink the Black-

water Kool-aid and be committed to supporting humane

democracy around the world, then theres probably a better

place to go work, because thats all we do.

Though his military career was brie, as a ormer Navy

SEAL platoon commander, Prince is no dilettante. He

attended ocer candidate school ater nishing college in

1992, and the next year he joined SEAL Team 8 based out

o Norolk. Prince eventually deployed to Haiti, the Middle

East, and Bosnia, among other assignments. He is blond,

handsome, and ridiculously all-American looking. His pos-

ture is ramrod straight, and his clipped sentences are trueto his martial roots. At only 37, he remains in impeccable

shape and looks as ready to step onto the battleeld as into

a boardroom.

He hardly ts the soldier o ortune archetype. He is a

staunch Christianhis ather helped James Dobson ound

Focus on the Familyand his politically conservative views

are well known in Washington, where Prince supports a

number o religious and right-leaning causes. He attended

Hillsdale College in Michigan, a ont o conservative ideol-

ogy, where he is remembered or being the rst undergradu-

ate at the small liberal arts school to serve on the local vol-unteer re department. (The only book on the shel in the

boardroom o Blackwaters Northern Virginia oces is a

copy o the eminent conservative historian Paul Johnsons

A History O The American People.)

Nobody can say Prince is in it or the money, either. His

ather Edgar started a small die-cast shop in Holland, Mich-

igan, in 1965. Along the way he patented the now-ubiqui-

tous lighted vanity mirror in automobile visors; a year ater

his 1995 death, the amily company sold or over $1 billion,

an enormous inheritance or Erik and his sisters.

The next year Erik let the Navy and ounded Black-

water. It was the end o the Cold War. The Clinton admin-istration and Congress had been eagerly downsizing mili-

tary acilities and trainingmuch to the consternation o

many ocers, Prince included. Prince knew there would

be a market or the kind o training Blackwater would pro-

vide; his initial purchase o 6,000 acres in Moyock does not

suggest his vision or the company was modest. (Its cur-

rently 7,500 acres; the company has plans to relocate the

Florida aviation division to North Carolina near its head-

quarters, as well as open training acilities in Caliornia and

the Philippines.)

Regardless o his inheritance, Princes subsequent shep-herding o Blackwater has proved him as adept a business-

man as his ather. And there you have it. Erik Princemer-

cenary mogul and liberal Americas worst nightmare. Not

only can he buy and sell you, he can kill you beore you

even know hes in the room.

For a conservative like Prince, you cant make the

world a better place without harnessing the power

o ree markets. He sounds more like an MBA than

a mercenary. Prince believes that an entrepreneurial spirit



and the military go naturally together: This goes back to

our corporate mantra: Were trying to do or the national

security apparatus what Fed Ex did or the postal service,

Prince says. They did many o the same services that the

Postal Service did, better, cheaper, smarter, and aster by

innovating, [which] the private sector can do much more

eectively.

O all the charges leveled at Blackwater, one o the mostdamning is that they are war proteers. And its a charge

the company is eager to deend against, especially in light o

the act that it has been awarded numerous CIA and other

no-bid urgent and compelling need contracts by the gov-

ernment, the terms o which are oten shrouded in secrecy.

Blackwater prides itsel on its cost-eectiveness. The

DoD has lots o great people trapped in it. They are trapped

in between stratied layers o bureaucracy that destroy

innovation and eciency. The private sector can do many

o those things, whether its training or logistics or airlit

a lot o those kinds o peripheral issues. And we do it in amarket-based manner and drive those eciencies. So when

they say Ah, we need about 100 guys to do that job, we say,

Actually, you only need about 10 to do that job, Prince

explains.

Proving cost-eectiveness is nearly impossible as there

are no comprehensive data on private military contractors

and institutional savings. It is not clear that outsourcing

always saves money, Brookings Institution scholar Peter

Singer states in his book Corporate Warriors: The Rise o the

Privatized Military Industry. In act, as Singer pointed out in

a cover story inForeign Aairs, military contracts are seldom

set up to achieve cost-eectiveness. Too oten, the costplus arrangement has become the deault orm or all con-

tracts. But this setup, in eect, gives companies more prot

i they spend more. When combined with inadequate over-

sight, it creates a system ripe or ineciency and abuse,

Singer says.

Blackwaters position on expensive military contracts

seems to be that they didnt start the re. It seems that strat-

ied layers o bureaucracy in military contracts are ound

both within and outside the DoD. A cursory examination

o the circumstances surrounding Blackwaters inamous

Falluja casualties shows why. On the surace, it looked likea simple contract to protect a Kuwaiti ood service company

transporting ood and kitchen supplies. But as outlined

in journalist Robert Young Peltons thorough new book

Licensed to Kill: Hired Guns in the War on Terror, heres how

the nancial arrangement really worked.

Blackwater was contracted to provide transport secu-

rity or Regency Hotel and Hospitality. The Kuwaiti ood

service company itsel was a subcontractor o a German

company, Eurest Support Services. ESS in turn was a sub-

contractor o Kellogg, Brown and Root, which is itsel a

subsidiary o Halliburton. KBR has an exclusive $7.2 bil-

lion contract with the military or managing the Logistics

Civil Augmentation Program, or LOGCAP, which han-

dles global support unctions or the military, e.g., ood.

How much anyone gets paid at any point along this long

and winding paper trail is unknown, as KBR considers

all LOGCAP billing condential, something each o its

subcontractors must agree to in writing. Violation o thisprivacy clause is punishable by $250,000 in nes. However,

it can be saely assumed that at each level o subcontract-

ing, the companies mark up their costs, bloating the price

to the taxpayer. These massive contracts are easier or the

government to manage than multiple smaller ones. Prince

says thats a problem.

One o the best ways the U.S. government overall, par-

ticularly the DOD, can get better value or the taxpayers

is by improving the training, standards, and competence

o their own contracting ocers, he says. When you go

to sell to a Fortune 500 company, their purchasing ocerknows more about your process than you dothey really

drill down; they know the best value and they expect execu-

tion complete, correct, and on time. With government con-

tracting ocers thats not always the case; thats seldom the

case. Theres a lot more shortcomings that are allowed that

go unpunished.

So i private military contractors are considered cost

eective, thats no doubt partly because theyre being graded

on a curve set by the Department o Deensehome o the

$200 hammer and $500 toilet seat. Blackwater has earned

$505 million in publicly identiable contracts since 2000

its no wonder private military contractors jokingly reer tothemselves as the Coalition o the Billing.

As or the individual contractors on the ground, pay

varies, but $600-$700 a day would not be out o line or a

qualied armed guard, and higher gures are commonplace,

depending on qualications and experience. The good pay

is a bit o a joke within the industry. Circulating on the mes-

sage boards and email lists o contractors or some time has

been this tongue-in-cheek but nonetheless revealing Con-

tractors Creed:I care not or ribbons and awards or valor. I do

this job or the opportunity to kill the enemies o my country, and

to fnally get that boat Ive always wanted. In any combat zone, Iwill always locate the swimming pool, beer, and women, because I

can. I will deploy on my terms, and i it ever gets too stupid, I will

simply fnd another company that pays me more.

Despite the ethical perils inherent in such work,

Prince insists not just that the uture o warare

depends on private companies driving market e-

ciencies, but that this is the way o the world. I would go

back to a deeper view o history. The idea o private contrac-

tors doing this kind o work is not a recent phenomenon,



he says. He can rattle o any number o examples o merce-

naries being used throughout historymany o whom were

beloved gures in U.S. history, rom Revolutionary hero

Laayette to the Flying Tigers in World War II.

That may be the deeper view o historybut it glosses

over the recent history o mercenaries, which is horriy-

ing. Blackwater is trying to emerge as a credible and ethi-

cal company in an industry with a reputation o being any-thing but. Most notorious in this respect is Executive Out-

comes, a mercenary company that started in South Arica in

1989, drawing personnel rom the remnants o the outgoing

apartheid regimes shady military and internal intelligence

operations.

Clients included Texaco and DeBeers, but Executive

Outcomes wasnt exactly discriminating about whose money

it took. In 1996, one o EOs principals, Simon Mann, a or-

mer SAS ocer and heir to a substantial brewing ortune,

created a subsidiary called Sandline. Mann recruited a or-

mer lieutenant colonel in the Scots Guards, Tim Spicer, tohead up the operation. Creating a subsidiary with a dier-

ent name was also an attempt in part to remove the stink

that Executive Outcomes had acquired in its seven years o

existence. It was Spicer and Mann who came up with the

term Private Military Company and began rebranding mer-

cenaries in earnest.

Sandlines rst big contract came in January 1997$36

million rom the government o Papua New Guinea, to help

it regain control o a copper mine that had been seized by

rebels. This did not go well; Spicer was arrested as soon as

Sandline orces attempted to enter the country and reed

only ater the British government intervened. Public outcryover Sandlines contract very nearly destabilized the Pap-

uan government, orcing the prime minister to resign.

I Spicer and Mann were chastened by the incident, they

didnt show it. By 1998 Sandline was embroiled in a much

bigger scandalallegedly violating a U.N. arms embargo

in Sierra Leone on behal o an Indian client accused o

embezzling millions rom a Thai bank. Executive Out-

comes dissolved in 1999 in response to anti-mercenary leg-

islation introduced in South Arica, but Sandline operated

until 2004.

Sandlines closing in 2004 was not incidental. That

same year, Mann was sentenced to seven years

imprisonment in Zimbabwe. He had been arrested

along with a planeload o mercenaries and ormer EO and

Sandline colleagues en route to oment a coup in Equatorial

Guinea, a tiny despotic country in the armpit o Arica that

happens to have substantial oil reserves o the coast.

Manns ailed coup made a huge splash internationally,

in part because one o the people allegedly bankrolling the

operation was Mark Thatcher, son o the ormer British

prime minister. Weirder still, the coup attempt was likely

inspired by Frederick Forsyths 1974 bestseller The Dogs oWar, about a band o mercenaries who attempt to overthrow

the government o a ctional Arican country clearly mod-

eled ater Equatorial Guinea. As i that werent enough, it is

quite credibly reputed that Forsyth himsel bankrolled an

unsuccessul 1972 coup attempt in the same country with

unds rom his rst novel, The Day o the Jackal, and that

Forsyths real-lie exploits were the basis o his allegedly c-

tionalDogs o War published two years later. The pice de

rsistance to this whole saga? Forsyth is one o a small num-

ber o private investors in the current business venture

o Manns good riend and ormer business partner, TimSpicer.

While Mann began rotting in jail, Spicer was busy posi-

tioning himsel and his new company, Aegis Deense Ser-

vices. Despite the act that he was called in or questioning

by the British government and suspected o being involved

in some capacity with Manns 2004 coup attempt, in May

o that year Aegis was awarded a $293 million contract

rom the U.S. government to provide security or the Army

Corps o Engineers and the Iraq Project and Contracting

Oce, the two U.S. agencies most directly responsible or

Blackwater parachuting demo at a military trade show in JordanPolaris



Iraqi reconstruction. This despite the act that the com-

pany had no previous experience in Iraq and clearly didnt

have the resources to ulll the contract. The contract is

shrouded in controversy; as head o security or the Project

Management Oce (precursor to the Project and Contract-

ing Oce), British Brigadier General Tony Hunter-Choat

wrote the terms o the contract. Hunter-Choat and Spicer

were contemporaries in the British military and are knownto have worked together previously in the Balkans. Another

British general, James Ellery, who worked with Hunter-

Choat at the Project Management Oce and on the con-

tract specications, now works or Aegis.

The Aegis contract got the attention o Congress, and

eventually the Pentagon admitted that its contracting o-

cer was completely unaware o Spicers background. Aegiss

rst DOD audit in 2005 was damning, including the charge

that the company was trying to ramp up so ast to meet the

contract requirements they were hiring poorly vetted Iraqis

and giving them passes to the Green Zone. The companyalso came under scrutiny when videos o Aegis contrac-

tors indiscriminately ring at civilian cars suraced on the

Internet. Despite this, Aegis is carrying out extensive con-

tracting operations in Iraq to this day.

The larger question or Erik Prince and Blackwater

has to be: How to remove the stink that clings to

their industry? How can they convince the world

that they are committed to supporting humane democracy

when everyone else in their industry has been eager to sell

it out? With a Democratic Congress and talk o withdrawal

rom Iraq, most private military contractors are wonderingwhats next.

Blackwater thinks it has the answer. I just got back rom

Darur, says Chris Taylor, the vice president or strategic

initiatives. I called Erik on my sat phone and said, I was in

Juba; theres 300 U.N. vehicles in a motor pool, theres any

number o NGOs driving within a one-mile radius within

Juba, and nothings getting done. The only time you see

people in their vehicles is when they were going to the tent

cities, because theres a bar in every tent city.

Prince and other key Blackwater leaders have also vis-

ited war-torn Darur. While there may be other private mili-tary contractors that are larger, most o them support and

conduct operations through a patchwork o subcontracts.

By contrast, Blackwater can oer every conceivable service

its people might need, so when they go into an area their

resources are entirely sel-contained, making them ideally

suited to humanitarian work in dicult conditionsthey

have the resources to provide both supplies and security

with military precision. Were not big outsourcers, which

is kind o ironic because we play a big role in the outsourc-

ing market. The more layers o subcontracting, the harder

it is or you to get a straight answer and get something cor-

rected, Taylor says.

Blackwater vice-chairman Coer Black, a or-

mer CIA agent and State Department coordinator or

counterterrorism, made waves at a conerence in Amman,

Jordan, earlier this year saying the company is ready to pro-

vide brigade-size orces (1,500-3,000 soldiers) or peacekeep-

ing missions around the world. Refecting on his experiencein Darur, Taylor says the solution to the situation is obvi-

ous. Im not really good at math but it seems like a pretty

simple equation to solve. Get more people, skilled people, in

there. Even in Darur today, [there are only] 7,000 Arican

Union troops in a place the size o France, Taylor says. So

why not send us?

Well, or one thing, the humanitarian world has seen

the ravages o mercenary activities in Arica or decades,

and they have reason to be suspicious. Even Sandline hid

behind the excuse o humanitarian work. When it was shut-

tered in 2004, the ocial reason given was that, owing toa lack o governmental support, the ability o Sandline

to make a positive dierence in countries where there is

widespread brutality and genocidal behaviour is materially

diminished.

Blackwater insists it is dierent. Prince and Black-

water have been involved in charities on the margins o the

humanitarian world or some time now. But the resistance

is erce. Coer and I have been speaking about our abil-

ity to help in Darur ad innitum, and that just pisses o

the humanitarian world, Taylor says. They have prob-

lems with private security companies, not because o peror-

mance but because they think that in some cases it removestheir ability to cross borders, to talk to both sides, to be neu-

tral. And thats great, but the age-old questionis neutral-

ity greater than saving one more lie? Whats the marginal

utility on one more lie?

It would also require the humanitarian world to come

to terms with one o its greatest ailings. Time and again

humanitarian eorts are oiled and set back because o the

inability to provide the security that enables relie eorts to

go orward in dangerous areas.

Currently the U.N. Department o Peacekeeping Opera-

tions has an annual budget o $7 billion, to say nothing othe billions in private charities and oreign aid pouring in

to the worlds worst places. Even those suspicious o Black-

waters motives must realize it makes good business sense

that they would be interested in the work. Why chase ater

shady corporate clients when the mother lode is in helping

people?

Its true there may be no good way to calculate the mar-

ginal utility o one more lie. But just in case the world

needs them, in the swamps o North Carolina, a ew thou-

sand rough men stand readyor a price. t

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