Berdyaev on Russian Marxism

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    N. A. BERDYAEV (BERDIAEV)

    Regarding the History and the Psychology

    of Russian ar!is"

    (#$%& ' #&)

    It is of interest for us to trace the fate of the ideas of Marxism, a fate woeful and

    strange, since these ideas with their seeming triumph ultimately have gotten lost. Our

    Marxism not so long ago was a trend in ideas, full of vigour and youth, it gave an

    upsurge to mental inquiries, it prompted a respect for knowledge, it called forth a

    social science for deciding the fates of Russia ,and seemingly introduced a certain

    cultural aspect into the barbaric norm of our intelligentsia, it fought against the old

    stereotypes, all the stuck in a rut aspect. ack then it was a struggle of ideas. ut the

    god of historical irony transformed Marxism into a struggle of powers, gave it a grip

    on life, when the ideas of Marxism began to decay and unravel, when the two souls,

    alive within classical Marxism !! the scientifico!realist and the religio!utopian !!

    separated and rose up in revolt each against the other. In this distancing off of

    scientific realism from the religious utopianism must be seen the essence of the

    crisis of Marxism, its inner decay, whereof Russian social democracy, as a mighty

    struggle of powers, attempts to preserve within it the two souls, an inner concord,

    completely bereft of the idea of Marxism, forgetful of its cultural conquests.

    In the year "#$$, %. %autsky wrote to me& '(he Russians are called to further

    develope theoretical Marxism. (hanks to the absolutism, the Russians have time for

    this. In Russia the social movement is still all a struggle for cognition, and not forpower'." (hese were welcome words for us, being then Russian Marxists, and they

    received unique a commentary in the furthermost developement of Russian thought

    and the societal aspect. )ithin Russia were made attempts at the utmost theoretical

    developement of Marxism, and without boasting it can be said, that the Russian

    critical Marxists displayed great strength of thought and greater an audacity, than the

    *erman ernsteinists +duard ernstein, Marxist Revisionism-, but the result as

    obtained for %autskys expectations and for Marxism was ruinous. It showed, that

    there could not be a furthermost theoretical developement of Marxism, that every

    effort of free thought leads to a decisive crisis and dissolution of doctrine. /ritical

    Marxism was soon transformed into an already total non!Marxism and even into an

    anti!Marxism as regards an insurmountable inner logic and psychology.

    (he utmost searchings and creative attempts transpired along two distinct paths

    !! the scientific and realistic, and the religious and idealistic, since the system of

    classical Marxism was simultaneously both a system scientific and a system religious,

    was both a real politics and an eschatological vision.

    (hus it was in the realm of ideas, but in life was produced a grievous struggle

    with that selfsame absolutism, which according to the paradoxical opinion of

    %autsky, gave us time to develope further the ideas of Marxism. (he intelligentsia

    began a struggle for power with the ideational capital of the old Marxist apperception.

    0nd with social democracy in fatal a manner there ceased all mental life, any critique.(he sacredness of dogma was safeguarded, since with it easily and sweetly one could

    "

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    struggle for power, since with it as it were the realism of life could be blended with

    religion , and in the irrational mystique of revolution it is not easy to distinguish the

    real evil of the day from the eschatological expectations. (he social democratic ideas

    began to reign, they took hold the hearts of the masses, although obscured by the

    trappings of the widescale revolution happening in Russia. 1ocial democracy became

    as it were the expresser of Russian revolution, and the tragedy of the position herein isin this, that from its realistic point in Russia is happening however not a socialistic

    revolution, but rather a political liberation of the people, in which the working class

    plays a visible, but subordinate role.

    0nd herein the realistic and scientific ideas of Marxism are consigned to

    oblivion, and there instead triumphs only the mystique of 'the class point of view'

    and social revolutionism. In former times the Marxists heatedly and brusquely came

    out against populism and the old revolutionary utopianism, they pointed out this truth,

    that in Russia is developing and would further develope a capitalistic production, that

    there is no overleaping nor skipping the 'bourgeois' order, that the most immediate

    political tasks can only be a 'bourgeois' revolution, guaranteeing rights and freedom for the ultimate struggle. In contrast to the populists and the old 'insurgents', the

    Marxists were constitutionalists and social evolutionists. (he basic scientifico!realist

    idea of Marxism was the principle of the developement of the 'material forces of

    production' !! this was the basis of all social developement and all social

    arrangement, and from hence was deduced the class struggle and class perspective.

    2or scientific Marxism absurd and utopian would be the thought, that amidst whatever

    the condition of the productive forces of a land it is possible to get in the # hour

    working day, and that the social power of the working class can grow in non!

    conformity with the economic position of a land, merely as the result of the political

    efforts of the social democrats. (he realist spirit of Marxism !! is in the idea of

    productivity, an incessant victory over nature, and thereof is thus to be deduced a

    distributive 3ustice. ut in Russian Marxism imperceptibly there has occurred a

    populist!utopian regeneration, the realist ideas got choked out under the onrush of

    revolutionary emotions. (here appeared instead the inclination to overleap and skip

    the 'capitalist' order with its social!political forms, to disdain political freedom, as a

    good which is merely 'bourgeois', and imperceptibly to substitute in place of a

    revolution 'bourgeois' instead a revolution 'social', to which at present they consider

    it possible to enter upon. (he subjectiveclass psychology won out on top of the

    objective idea of social evolution. In 'bourgeois' revolution exclusive dominance

    would have to belong to the socialistic proletariat, and the 'bourgeoise', to which is

    consigned everything not social democratic, ought not however to play any sort ofrole !! herein is the paradoxical deduction from this 'class psychology'. Only

    4lekhanov, the most intelligent and cultured of the Russian social democrats, did not

    ultimately lose his Marxist head and he appealed to the Marxist conscience. 0ll the

    victory!telling arguments of Marxism against 'insurrectionism', against the old

    revolutionism, against the ignorance of governing the material culture, were forgotten.

    (here remained only the eschatology of Marxism, the faith in a near!off kingdom of

    truth upon earth, the proletariat!socialistic righteous 3udgement, a faith, sundered off

    from its material basis with social developement. )ho, however, is the culprit of the

    mental decadence of Russian social democracy, the forgetting of Marxist ideas in the

    struggle of revolutionary forces5 (his culprit is obvious !! the autocracy and its

    fanaticism, defining the character of the Russian revolution. (he reactionary outragesby the government systematically have cultivated the idea of a social revolution and

    6

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    have fed that psychology, in which passions political pass over into passions religious,

    and politicians are transformed into fanatics. 0midst such tenseness, in such

    obfuscation it is impossible to hold grip upon human souls without requital. (he idea

    of a social revolution is included within the system of Marxism. ut in the Russian

    actuality it ultimately became distorted, and the social democrats blindly hold dear

    this distortion.

    (hat history is full of every sort of 'revolution', this !! is a fact, and it would be

    absurd to speak about the possibility or impossibility of suchlike a fact. (he textbooks

    of history relate about these 'revolutions', and suchlike a sort of 'revolution' tends to

    be happening before our very eyes. (his !! is the traditional understanding of the word

    revolution, nowise containing within it any sort of sociological world!view, not

    presupposing any sort of theory of social developement.

    0ltogether different is the matter of a social revolution within the understanding

    of Marxism. (he social revolution, which the social democrats await, rests upon a

    definite sociological theory of social developement and outside of this theory itpossesses no sort of meaning. (his Marxist social revolution is not a fact, which can

    be wished for or not wished, this !! is a false theory, an optical illusion. 0 'social

    revolution' there never was and never will be, although every revolution has its own

    social side .(he system of Marxism is to the highest degree a fanciful and uncritical

    intertwining of the sociological understanding of the word revolution together with a

    police mentality view, and this is rooted down into the basic twofold aspect of

    Marxism. (his was shown in the well!known dispute of ernstein and %autsky. 0nd

    4. . 1truve has well written about this in the '+7einrich- raun 0rchive'. ut this

    problem has remained obscured within the social democrat consciousness.

    It is not difficult to define the outward signs of revolution in the traditional sense

    of this word, and they are purely negative. )hen the prisons get filled up, when there

    are demonstrations on the streets, when one part of the populace is battling against the

    soldiers and the other part, when there occur various excited events, prompting

    government repression, then ordinarily it is said, that there is a revolutionary

    movement in the land. )hat is revolution, and what is not revolution, is set by the

    police of the state, as the gauge for determining revolutionism.

    0nd it has become an indubitable historical truth, that revolutions are created by

    reaction, and independent of reaction they possess no sort of content, as such, i.e. as

    revolutions. Revolutions are characterised not by a radical end, not by a profoundregeneration of societal existence and the nature of man, but rather by passion in

    reaction against the evil of the past, against oppression, against reaction. (he content

    of revolution therefore is very difficult to characterise in creative definitions, in a

    forward orientation. (he revolutionary, as a psychological type, always is oriented

    backwards, only with his negative attachment rooted in the past, from which his

    consciousness cannot tear itself away, only the oppression, stirred up in him by forces

    of the past, the old, and they render him a revolutionary.

    (he psychology of revolutionism in its essence is negative, oriented backwards,

    without upsurge, its pathos fed by the hypnotic grip of the evil of the past, and

    creative taking wing is impeded by whatever manner fond hatred towards the past.

    8

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    reformatory socialism, by which construct can a social crash be averted. ut the social

    democratic faith in a social revolution is an anti!scientific and even anti!Marxist

    utopia, it is a religious thirsting and eschatological hoping. 2or the social democrats,

    connected with a social turnabout is a faith in the onset of a kingdom of *od upon

    earth, as it were the end of history with a struggle of contraries, as it were the

    principle of some supra!historical process.

    In *ermany the faith in a social :usammenbruch +crash- underlies the

    reactionary politics of the government and the reactionary outlook of the bourgeois

    classes. 1ocial democracy indeed !! is the sole liberal party in *ermany, and it

    happens to wage the struggle for freedom and rights, for which all liberals ought to

    be struggling. In this tense, oppressive political atmosphere grow the intimations of

    possible political revolutions, and with them in fated a manner gets blended in an

    enormous social cataclysm. (here could occur still ten revolutions, but with this

    ultimate social revolution, which the believers await, these other revolutions will have

    nothing in common with it. 0nd still to a greater degree this can be said for Russia.

    )ith us the hopes for a social revolution are fed by a reactionary regime, an unbridleddespotism, by a constant awaiting of a clash with those holding power, of that feverish

    atmosphere, by that vexation, which is created by searches, arrests, banishments,

    executions, by the inexcusable economic oppression of the people. (he course of

    Russian history, characterised by the progressive aspirations of society and by the

    stubborn reactionism of the authorities, has raised us into a spirit of extremes. 2or us

    everything seems, that it is either sink or swim, either all or nothing, either autocracy

    and an utmost degree of economic oppression, or a republic and socialism.

    In the elements of revolution the whole historical perspective gets lost sight of.

    (he penchant for rights, for the benefits of freedom , have not been worked out

    among us. (he aspect of being accustomed to oppression was so great, that the

    foundation, the social creativity, they tended to leave out of the building plan, and it

    seemed sufficient but to abolish the exploiters, in order to become rich and in order

    for social 3ustice to obtain. (hey thought to attain moreso, than what there is in

    )estern urope, and everything because that we had so little, we were so miserable

    and downcast, so that out of gloom and terror the dreams bla;ed up. 7ere is why the

    dreamy side of Marxism won out among us, and its realistic ideas were forgotten.

    (he chief service of Russian social democracy has been primarily the cultural

    enlightening. It was in the developing of awareness in the working masses,

    enlightening them, the implanting of socio!evolutionary ideas. Marxism has beenquite insistent upon this, that the fundamental regeneration of the societal fabric is

    dependent upon the developing of the productive powers of the land and of the

    awareness of the masses. ut then the brutal tactics of 4leve and the 3acobinism of the

    bureaucracy inspired in the intelligentsia a 3acobin mindset of societal change. (he

    enlightening of awareness was substituted for by agitation alone, which never indeed

    gets down to the depth of things.

    0gainst the idea of social revolution can be advanced two sorts of ob3ections,

    with various ends. 2irst of all, social revolution is contradictory to the evolutionary

    understanding of social developement, is contradictory to the very nature of the

    economic process.

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    (his is a purely scientific, realist argument, included also within Marxism itself.

    ut social revolution is contradictory also to the idea of a constructive societal

    creativity. 2aith in creative freedom, in the constructive efforts of people is

    incompatible with an elemental sort of constructing a new societal aspect by way of

    externalistic and fatal catastrophes, by way of accretal of evil, as somehow passing

    over into its opposite= this faith desires to regenerate society by a changing of theconsciousness of people, wants incessantly to renew the societal fabric and by this as

    such to render unnecessary a fatal cataclysm. )ithin Marxism indeed there is also a

    large anti!3acobin part, there is the teaching about change of consciousness of societal

    classes, as the sole path towards freedom. It should not be a bother for us now to

    remember both truths& either the realist thought concerning societal evolution, in

    which it is impossible to simply overleap entire periods and impossible also to

    transform social poverty into social wealth, or the realistic thought concerning the

    changing of the consciousness of people, concerning the regeneration of society by

    efforts of free a spirit. I am somewhat apart from the ideas of Marxism, but a certain

    dose of Marxism I would consider useful for prescribing to our social movement.

    (hey will grasp all this, when the socio!economic problems are consciously posited inall their alacrity and thus force back onto a secondary level plane the problems

    political, and this will quickly happen, since it will be needful for us to eat.

    ut by my critique of 'social revolution' I have not the intent of saying, that not

    in any instance and not in any sense is it impossible. 0 totally non!constructive, a

    purely destructive 'social revolution' is possible, to it people can be led, but this

    would transpire already upon a religio!mystical, and not socio!positivist, plane. I

    know only, that a new sociability aspect is never created by a social revolution, but

    rather that the mystical side of social democracy inclines it towards a social

    revolution, and herein begins a chiliasm, opposite the /hristian, an illusory dream

    about a thousand year kingdom upon earth, but already not with /hrist , rather with

    another god. 0gainst this are possible neither any scientific, nor political arguments,

    this is of an altogether different plane, and to converse here necessitate different a

    language.

    )e desire a neutral social developement, a neutral social medium,8 the feeding

    of mankind and leading it out of a beastly condition, but not the transforming of social

    passions and illusory dreams into a religion , since only with a neutral human

    medium are we able to concur as regards our own religion.

    >. 0. erdyaev

    "$?@

    A 6?"8 by 2r. 1. Banos

    C"$?@ ! "6@C8,"$D ! enD

    % I1(ORII I 41I%7OEO*II RF11%O*O M0R%1I:M0. (he article was first

    published in weekly socio!political culturo!philosophic 3ournal '4olarnaya ;ve;da',

    "$?@, >o. "?, p. @G#!@#@. Eater incorporated by erdyaev within his "$?G book, '1ub

    1pecie 0eternitatis', /hapter "$ Cp.96G!98@D in year 6??6 Moscow %anon reprintedition.

    @

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    " (he correspondence with %autsky transpired with regard to my articles,

    published in '>eue :eit'.

    6In the psychological sense.

    8 )ith the concept of a neutral social medium is connected for me an entire

    socio!religious system. 0gainst purely the human medium and human process, the

    transition from a natural and beastly condition, I contrast with the issuing!forth of

    supra!human religious principles. In social democracy there are elements human, with

    which I am in sympathy, but there is also the underpinnings of a supra!human

    religion, with which I cannot sympathise.

    G

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