Francis Bacon’s

EssaysAn Analysis of its Religious Features

Doctoraalscriptie Engelse Taal en Cultuur

Christel Veldhuijzen (9800727)Supervisors: dr. P.J.C.M. Franssen, dr. A.J. Hoenselaars

Utrecht, August 2008

Francis Bacon’sEssays

An Analysis of its Religious Features

Doctoraalscriptie Engelse Taal en CultuurChristel Veldhuijzen (9800727)

Supervisors: dr. P.J.C.M. Franssen, dr. A.J. HoenselaarsUtrecht, August 2008

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Table of Contents

Foreword 6

INTRODUCTION 7-9

CHAPTER 1 FRANCIS BACON AND HIS TIMEA biography of Francis Bacon 10

Puritan educationLoyalty to the queen and the Protestant causeBacon’s careerBacon’s works

The Religious Situation in Early-Modern England 14History of the Church of England vis-à-vis Roman CatholicismNon-Conformists or PuritansDifferent phases and groups in Puritanism

Bacon’s position 19PuritansBishops of the Church of EnglandRoman Catholics

CHAPTER 2 BACON’S RELIGIOUS THOUGHTIntroduction 23McKnight’s The Religious Foundations of Francis Bacon’s Thought 23

First motif: instauration; a reform of nature and religionSecond motif: providenceThird motif: vocationFourth motif: charity and piety

The Confession of Faith 29Uniqueness in structure and contentsGeneral Christian ideasCalvinist ideasAnglican ideasNatural philosophyConclusion

CHAPTER 3 THE ESSAYS, AN ANALYSISBacon and the essay as a literary genre 41

Classical predecessors of the essayBacon and English Renaissance essayistsBacon and MontaigneRelation of the essay form to its contentsUse of the Bible as a source

Introduction to The Essays 47Three main editionsThe Essays and The Advancement of LearningChoice of essays to be analysed

Analysis of the religious features of The Essays 52

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“Of Atheism” 52Unorthodox view on atheismThe role of natural philosophyHigh esteem for classical philosophyUnique use of ScripturesLink with contemporary religious situationReligion conditional for human nobility and a healthy stateConclusion

“Of Unity in Religion” 61The importance of unity in religion in generalFruits of unityBoundaries of unityMeans of procuring unityConclusion

“Of Truth” 68Theological truth; critical towards scepticsCalvinist ideas combined with classical inspirationCharity and providence“Truth of civil business” inspired by Christian faithConclusion

“Of Goodness and Goodness of Nature” 72Goodness and Christian charityGoodness and the important role of naturePragmatic approach to goodnessPragmatic approach and the ScripturesConclusion

“Of Envy” 78Christian and Renaissance inspirationDescription of envious people mainly inspired by classicsDescription of people who tend to be envied; four notions: virtue, pride, pityand pragmatismConclusion

“Of Love” 84Pragmatic approach to love inspired by classicsChristian inspiration: laws of nature, vocation and truthConclusion

FINAL CONCLUSION 89

Bibiliography 92

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PSALM 90

O Lord, thou art our home, to whom we fly

And so hast always been from age to age

Before the hills did intercept the eye

Or that the frame was up of earthly stage

One God thou wert, and art, and still shall be

The line of Time it doth not measure thee

Return unto us, Lord, and balance now

With days of joy our days of misery

Help us right soon, our knees to thee we bow

Depending wholly on thy clemency

Then shall thy servants both with heart and voice

All the days of their life in thee rejoice

Francis Bacon, The Translation of Certain Psalms

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Foreword

After a long period of thinking and reading and writing, I finally present this thesis on The

Essays of Francis Bacon. Though it was a hard job, I would not like to have missed it.

This thesis started with my interest in Montaigne’s Essais and then I got the idea to compare

Montaigne to Bacon’s Essays. This soon turned out to be too broad a subject matter. And out

of my personal interest in religion and theology I decided to examine the religious aspects of

Bacon’s Essays. It is interesting to see how in the Renaissance period religious ideas have

developed and how Christian ideas are influenced by the classics.

I really want to thank all the people that helped me to get through this period of thesis

writing. In the first place I want to thank my first supervisor Paul Franssen for all his patience

and advice and support: I learned a lot from your critical notes and I am very grateful for your

confidence in me; it helped me to re-enter the academic world. I also want to thank my family

for their support during the past years of my studies.

And thanks to Marieke: I spent a lot of hours at your lovely place in Groenekan, fully

equipped with wallpaper (to write my thesis on) and pencils. Above all, I should and will not

forget this summer: I had a wonderful time behind the desk of the age-old building of the

publishing company of my friend Ringer, a few streets from Trans 10. It was a great place to

write my thesis, chatting with “colleagues” and doing some gardening making it even more

wonderful. And a special thanks to all my dear friends for all their support and

encouragement. Thanks be to God!

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INTRODUCTION

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The most recent study on Bacon that focuses on religion was published in 2006 and is entitled

The Religious Foundations of Francis Bacon’s Thought. In this book Stephen A. McKnight

“attempts to correct the persistent misconception of Bacon as a secular modern who dismissed

religion in order to promote the human advancement of knowledge,”1 by demonstrating that

religion and modernity cannot be separated in Bacon’s work. It examines the New Atlantis,

two of Bacon’s major philosophical works entitled The Great Instauration and The New

Organon, and five of his early published and unpublished works, including The Advancement

of Learning.

With a close reading of those texts, McKnight provides an extensive study of the place

of religion in Bacon’s thought. In his introduction McKnight precisely explains why he has

chosen the above mentioned works of Bacon as material for his argument. He does not

explain why he left out the remaining works of Bacon. The reason for leaving out the Essays

might be that McKnight’s research is primarily science-oriented, whereas the Essays do not

explicitly refer to Bacon’s natural philosophy. Though I do not doubt that the argument of The

Religious Foundations of Francis Bacon’s Thought is complete in itself, the Essays of Bacon,

his first published work2, may also serve as a valuable source of religious ideas.

1 Stephen A. McKnight, The Religious Foundations of Francis Bacon’s Thought (Columbia and London: University of Missouri Press, 2006) covertext.2 It was published in 1597 for the first time and was then several times expanded and reprinted.

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The Essays, its full title being The Essays or Councels Civill and Morall, cover a

whole range of moral and civil topics, serving as advice for the king. The work can also be

seen as a part of Bacon’s Instauration Program in which he a.o. aimed at acquiring true

knowledge, the Essays serving to fulfil desiderata in the existing knowledge. As will become

clear in this thesis Bacon’s Program of Instauration is based on his Christian ideals. And thus,

it can be said that in a broad sense The Essays are also religiously inspired. The interesting

question is whether this religious inspiration also features in the individual essays. An

analysis of its religious features might demonstrate how religious ideas underlie the practical

advice that is given.

Before starting with an analysis of the Essays, it is necessary to have an idea of

Bacon’s religious ideas. For this I was able to draw on McKnight’s book, and I will certainly

use his findings as a starting point. However, I will also discuss another work of Bacon,

entitled Confession of Faith, serving as an introduction to Bacon’s religious ideas and adding

to what McKnight has already found out. In this text, as Vickers points out, “Bacon set out his

complete system of belief in a highly compressed form” and, moreover, he notes that this

“remarkable document has received very little discussion so far” (xxxvi). In his annotation of

the Confession of Faith Brian Vickers notes that

[t]his is at one level a digest of Calvinist thought, at times drawing closely on Calvin’s

Christiana Religionist Institution. Yet it is also a highly original work, conforming to

none of the standard patterns within the confessional genre, and expressing a distinctly

individual attitude on several key issues. (xxxvi)

It is also useful to have an indication of the religious atmosphere of 16th century

England, thus being able to situate Bacon’s religious ideas. Therefore I will provide a brief

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sketch (in chapter 1) of the various Christian groups that can be distinguished: Roman-

Catholics, Anglicans and Puritans. Prior to this sketch of the religious situation I will give

some biographical information, paying attention to religious influences in his life.

The third chapter deals with the Essays themselves. I will start with a short

introduction to the essay as a Renaissance literary genre, including a discussion of

contemporary essay writers. This will be followed by a general introduction to the Essays

themselves, paying special attention to the classical and Christian sources of the Essays. Then

the core part of this thesis follows: an analysis of Bacon’s Essays on religious features. In this

analysis I will try to demonstrate how Bacon’s religious ideas – which were discussed in the

previous chapter – appear in The Essays. The analysis itself will be a close reading of the

essays, discussing their religious references or ideas and connecting those findings with the

religious ideas as discussed in the first chapter, as to find out how Bacon’s religious ideas

feature in practice in his Essays. These findings might provide valuable insights in the

religious nature of Bacon’s Essays, which might lead to a better understanding of Bacon’s

religious thought and which might show that Bacon is indeed religious and not secular.

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CHAPTER 1

FRANCIS BACON AND HIS TIME

In this chapter will be examined how Bacon was influenced by religion during his life. This

will be done by a sketch of Bacon’s life in which special attention will be paid to those

elements that may have shaped his religious thought. Subsequently I will discuss the religious

situation in Early Modern England, which is indispensable for a good understanding of

Bacon’s religious ideas. Important is the final discussion of Bacon’s own position.

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1.1 A Biography of Francis Bacon

Puritan education

Francis Bacon was born on 22 January 1561 in London, as the son of Sir Nicholas Bacon

(1509-79) and Ann Cooke (1528-1601). James Spedding, a nineteenth-century biographer of

Bacon says about Bacon’s mother that she was the second daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke, an

accomplished lady and sister-in-law to the secretary of state, Sir William Cecil.3 Furthermore

Spedding notes: “We know that his mother was a learned, eloquent, and religious woman, full

of affection and puritanical fervour, deeply interested in the condition of the Church, and

perfectly believing that the cause of the Nonconformists was the whole cause of Christ” (2/3).

His mother’s religiousness must have influenced Bacon, as Spedding writes: “He could not

have been bred under such a mother without imbibing some portion of her zeal in the cause of

the reformed religion” (5). Though Spedding is sometimes somewhat romantic in his

biography of Bacon, the style of his work having the characteristics of a novel, yet also

modern sources confirm Bacon’s mother’s Puritan orientation.

Bacon’s father’s loyalty to the Queen and the Protestant cause

Bacon’s father, Sir Nicholas Bacon (1509-79), dwelt in higher circles, having the position of

Lord Keeper of the Great Seal to Queen Elisabeth I. With Ann Cooke, Nicholas’ second wife,

he had two sons: Anthony (1558-1601) and Francis.

Bacon’s father has influenced Bacon’s life in several ways. For most of his life,

Bacon’s father had served the Queen and Francis Bacon had been brought up with this loyalty

to the monarchy. Bacon would also stay faithful to the Queen during his whole life. This also

has religious implications. For in those days religion and politics cannot be separated. Being

on the side of the Queen, implied fighting for the Protestant cause. Thus it was most natural

3 Francis Bacon, The Letters and the Life of Francis Bacon [etc.], ed. James Spedding, vol. 1 (London: Longman, Green, and Roberts [etc.], 1861) 1.

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for Bacon to be committed to the cause of the reformed religion. Brian Vickers says that

Bacon’s father “had not only served the Queen for most of his life, but was actively involved

in several educational reforms […].”4 Obviously, this must have influenced Bacon. There is at

least a close connection between Bacon’s own works and his father’s reformatory efforts.5

Bacon’s career

Francis Bacon and his brother received a private education and in 1573 consequently went to

Trinity College in Cambridge. In 1573 Bacon (together with his brother) continued his studies

at Gray’s Inn, which is “the inns of court which formed England’s ‘third university’.” These

studies were interrupted when his father sent him to France with Elizabeth’s ambassador Sir

Amyas Paulet. This was the beginning of a career in public service “which his father had

designed for him.” 6

Spedding writes about Bacon’s father’s motivation: “Bacon’s father was probably

deeply impressed with the perilous condition in which England and therefore the Protestant

religion –the religion, as he would have called it—was , [so that he] wished to draw him away

from the pursuits of shadows by placing him face to face with the realities of life”(6).

This stay in France will have had influence on Bacon’s career in public service. Also

with respect to religion this stay has been of importance, as Spedding writes: “Both countries

[England and France] possessed great natural advantages: in both the material of trouble

abounded, arising in both from the same cause—divisions in religion. Yet in England all

functions of the State proceeded in healthy, vigorous and united an action, while in France7 44 These reforms included: “a scheme worked out in the late 1530s to found a fifth Inn of Court to provide for the systematic training of statesmen and diplomats, including proficiency in foreign languages, knowledge of the Greek and Latin classes on politics and statecraft, and practical experience as apprentices to English ambassadors abroad,” (Francis Bacon, The Essays or Councels Civil and Moral, ed. Brian Vickers (Oxford [etc.]: Oxford U.P., 1999) xii). 5 “Studying under John Whitgift, Master of Trinity and subsequently Archbishop of Canterbury,” (Francis Bacon, The Essays or Councels Civil and Moral, Ed. Brian Vickers (Oxford [etc.]: Oxford UP, 1999) xi).6 Francis Bacon, The Essays, xi.5

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7 The beginning and end of the sixth civil war.

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everything was in misery and disorder” (6). Bacon obtained a good reputation in France and

when he returned to England in 1579 (because of his father’s sudden death), Ambassador

Paulet reported to the Queen that he was “of great hope, endued with many good and singular

parts,” and one who, “if God gave him life, would prove a very able and sufficient subject to

do her Highness good and acceptable service.”8

Back in England, Bacon returned to Gray’s Inn and began his studies as a lawyer.

Bacon’s father had not left any patrimony to his son Francis, so that Bacon had to earn his

own money as a “lawyer, counsellor and public servant.”9 At the same time Bacon

participated in parliamentary committees, and earned more and more respect. Without any

powerful patrons, Bacon subsequently achieved the position of Solicitor-General (1607),

Attorney-General (1613), Lord Keeper of the Seal (1617), Lord Chancellor (1618), Baron

Verulam, and Viscount St Alban (1621).

It was not easy for Bacon to rise to high office. Though he was highly esteemed for his

great intellectual abilities, especially his early parliamentary years were turbulent. In 1593 the

queen “blocked [him] from obtaining the government legal positions to which he aspired.”10

Also in his later career Bacon became involved in political conflicts, especially under the

reign of King James. As Vickers writes in his introduction to The Essays, King James “was

becoming increasingly absolutist in his dealings with parliament, expecting their submissive

co-operation. Bacon, already known as a supporter of parliamentary prerogative, found

himself identified in the eyes of militant parliamentarians with James’s autocratic rule” (xiii).

Bacon’s public career ended tragically, as he finally fell from office, being “convicted by the

8 The Letters and Life of Francis Bacon [etc], ed. James Spedding, 8. Spedding notes that he quotes from State Paper Office: French Correspondence.9 Francis Bacon, The Essays, xi.10 Francis Bacon, The Essays, xii. The reason for this was that he was he had, after his duty, outlined that would follow if Queen Elizabeth’s demands for extraordinary taxes were met, which incurred the Queen’s displeasure. As a test of his loyalty to her, she made Bacon “one of the prosecuting counsels in the two trials of his former patron, the Earl of Essex.”

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House of Lords of bribery” (xiv). Bacon died in 1626, “having caught a chill experimenting

with the effect of refrigeration on preserving food” (xlvii).11

Bacon’s works

Apart from The Essays, Bacon wrote many other works. The Essays was his first published

work (1597, and expanded and reprinted several times). It was published together with

Colours of Good and Evil and Religious Meditations. The most important works I will briefly

mention here and a complete survey of his published works can be found at the end of this

chapter. In 1603 A Brief Discourse, touching the Happie Union of the Kingdomes of England,

and Scotland was published, followed by a religious-oriented work: Certain Considerations

touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England (1604).

Bacon’s famous work The Advancement of Learning, fully entitled The Twoo Bookes of

Francis Bacon. Of the proficience and advancement of Learning, diuine and human, was

published in 1605, being expanded to nine books and translated to Latin in 1623. This book is

closely connected to his Essays, as I will show later on.

Another important work, published in 1620, is his Instauratio Magna, or Great Instauration,

including Novum Organum, which was completed a few years later. After his dismissal from

office, Bacon published some more literary, historical and scientific projects. In 1622 his

History of Henry VII was published, followed by his collection of Apophthegms and his

Translation of Certain Psalms (1624).

1.2 The Religious Situation in Early Modern England

I will give a brief sketch of the religious situation in the sixteenth century in England and

describe the position of Bacon with respect to religion. There were three groups to be

distinguished: Roman Catholics, Protestants and Puritans. Firstly I will discuss the history of

11 Brian Vickers, ed., The Oxford Authors: Francis Bacon (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1996) xlvii.

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the Church of England vis-à-vis Roman Catholicism; consequently the Puritan movement will

be described to finally depict Bacon’s position.

History of the Church of England vis-à-vis Roman Catholicism

The Church of England has a special history, in which politics and religion cannot be

separated. The Church had developed into an independent Church, separated from Rome, the

monarch being the head of the church.12 This had not happened without turbulence and also in

Bacon’s time there was still strife between the Protestant Church of England and the Roman

Catholics, adherents of the Pope.

A heavy time for Protestants in Bacon’s time was when Catholics tried to bring Mary

Stuart (1542-1587) to the English throne. Mary was reared in France as a Roman Catholic and

came to Scotland in 1561, as the successor of the Scottish throne. A few years later she flew

to England and there “she became the centre of Roman Catholic intrigue.” Fulton H.

Anderson writes about this period:

Elizabeth was to be destroyed; English heretics were to be reconverted to Roman faith;

revolts were to be engineered; Spanish forces were to support rebellion in Ireland; and

the Spanish Armada was to set sail for the subjugation of England. Jesuit agents in

disguise roamed over the country and persuaded subjects, who earlier had been the

religious adherents of Rome under Mary Tudor, against the acceptance of the English

Prayer Book and the Rule of the Established Church.13

12 In 1534 Henry VIII declares himself Supreme Head of the English Church. Under the reign of Mary Tudor (1553-1558) the church rejoined the Roman Catholic Church. In 1559 the Church of England became definitely independent under Elizabeth I.13 Fulton H. Anderson, Francis Bacon; His Career and Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996) 94.

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Meanwhile the Pope had excommunicated Elizabeth in 1570, thus trying to bring the throne to

Mary Stuart. After a lot of strife, Mary was finally beheaded in 1587, being accused of treason

against Elizabeth I. The traditional view is that the execution of Mary was the immediate

cause for Spain to send the Armada the next year. The destroy of the Armada by a violent

storm was seen by the English as “an act of God.”14 Now the Protestants had defeated the

Catholics, at least from the outward threats of Roman Catholicism through Spanish armed

force, as Anderson writes: “England was no longer in danger of attack by arms from without,

but her sovereign had still to contend with the undermining from within of the unity and

stability of the kingdom by determined and resourceful papal agents” (94). Thus the Church

still was threatened by Roman Catholicism from within. Another threat was the Puritan

movement, which will be discussed later on.

Against the Roman Catholic and Puritan threats the Church of England had three Acts:

the Act of Supremacy (which has already been mentioned), the Act of Uniformity, and the

Court of High Commission. Anderson explains about this:

[t]hrough the use of these Queen Elizabeth and her Privy Council were bent on

enforcing uniformity in a church far removed in organization and rule from that of

Geneva. The Sovereign of England had determined on having both a unified state and a

unified church. The civil organization of the nation included several estates; so did the

Established Church, with its bishops, priests, deacons, and laity. In this church, as it now

stood, there could be no ‘democratic’ rule by elders and a Genevan Consistory of

laymen and ministers. (73)

14 M. H. Abrams et al., eds., The Norton Anthology of English Literature, 6th ed., vol. 1 (New York and London: W.W. Norton & Company, 1993) 400.

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Non-conformists or Puritans

The term “Puritans” was officially used for the first time about 1564 and included “[t]hose

adherents of Geneva who refused to accept the Anglican rule and rite on principle, even when

they yielded in passive obedience […]” (76).

But the history of the Puritan movement goes back a decade earlier, as Anderson

writes: “Members of the English clergy who had fled to the Continent during the persecutions

of the Protestants under Mary Tudor (1553-1558) acquired in Geneva a doctrine of salvation,

and saw in operation a fully regimented ‘godly discipline’ under the rule of a Consistory”

(72). Those Puritans had new convictions with respect to theology and the organisation of the

church and wanted to reform the Church of England according to their new ideas. The core of

their theology consisted of an emphasis on the Scriptures, as the most important means of

God’s revelation and an emphasis on God’s grace as the only motive for salvation.15 As far as

their ideas about the organization of the church are concerned, they aimed at a democratically

reigned church, according to the church of the Apostles, with elected elders and deacons, as

opposed to the hierarchical system of the Roman Catholic and Anglican Church with bishops,

priests, deacons and laity. Anderson points out:

[t]heir stress on the Scriptures, as God’s Revealed Word and wisdom, their opposition to

Rome, their professed return to the practises of the original Church, their theology,

which depended utterly on God’s grace without the interposition of ‘sinful priests,’ the

strictness of their self-sacrificing lives, their endurance of suffering at the hands of

prelates and magistrates, all these things won them compassion and support throughout

the kingdom. (83)15 A Puritan pamphlet from 1572 “brought under condemnation ‘Romanist survivals within the Church of England: the regarding of the Apocrypha as Scripture, saints’ days, kneeling to receive Communion, private Communion, the title ‘priest,’ private baptism, baptism by women, the sign of the Cross, questions to sponsors in the rite of baptism, the use of the ring in marriage, confirmation, prayers for the dead, prayers that all men might be saved, ‘organs and curious singing,’ the orders of the bishops, archbishops, archdeacons, and chancellors, canon law, episcopal authority, cathedral churches, and bishop’s courts” (Anderson, 82).

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Thus the Puritan movement became more and more influential. In the Church of England as

well as in Parliament, there was an increasingly large number of Puritans.

Different phases and groups in Puritanism

Anderson points out that Puritanism went through several phases. In the first phase the

Puritans did not necessarily want to separate from the Church, but they considered it their

mission to reform the established Church, as Anderson quotes: “[t]hat we may altogether

teach and practise the true knowledge of God’s Word, which we have learned in this our

banishment, and by God’s merciful providence seen in the best reformed Churches” (77).

Anderson also notes that “[t]he Puritans at first concentrated on their dislike of certain abuses,

such as ‘Romanist’ ceremonies and the idleness of some among the Universities’ clergy” (88).

The second phase started after the publication of the Queen’s Advertisements “for

bringing order into the service of the Church” (78). The Puritans found it necessary to

separate from the Church, as Anderson quotes:

[s]ince they could not have the word of God preached, nor the Sacraments administered

without idolatrous gear . . . it was their duty . . . to break off from the publick Churches,

and as to assemble, as they had the opportunity, in private houses, or elsewhere, to

worship God in a manner that might not offend against the light of their consciences.

(78)

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Subsequently some Puritans adopted more extraordinary practices16: they relied on direct

knowledge from God, rather than academic knowledge, or “other secular learning as part of

the training of preachers” (80). The Puritans became more and more organized and “prepared

contentious ‘admonitions’ for Parliament and the public, as well as ‘loyal petitions’ to the

Queen and the Commons” (80). The Puritans condemned the government of the Established

church and Anderson points out that “[n]ext the aim of the sect became nothing less than the

establishment by the magistrate of ‘an only and perpetual form of policy in the Church’ to

their liking” (89).

As I have pointed out, Puritanism knew different phases. During each of these phases

the group of Puritans can be divided into different groups, varying from moderate to fanatic,

as Anderson points out there were “those who connived at the rule of Presbytery within the

Established Church and hoped that this rule would ultimately be imposed on the whole

ecclesiastical system.” The second group were “those who awaited the day, in passive

conformity to what the law required, when a Presbyterian body independent of the national

church would be countenanced.” Another group was known as ‘Enthusiasts’ “who, placing

their trust in the ‘wisdom of God’ immediately vouchsafed to them as ‘prophets,’ disapproved

of all rule in matters of religion” (80). Other smaller groups are the Brownists, the Barrowists,

Hacket, the Family of Love, and the Anabaptists.

1.3 Bacon’s position

Bacon was a supporter of the Queen and an adherent of the Anglican Church. As such, Bacon

criticized Roman Catholics, Puritan extremists and also too extreme critics of the Puritans. In

his An Advertisement, Touching the Controversies of the Church of England (1589), his

16 Anderson notes that about 1573 there was an assembly, the “Protestation of the Puritans.” “Each member […] took the following vow: ‘I have now joined myself to the Church of Christ. Wherein I have yielded myself subject to the discipline of God’s Word, as I promised at my Baptism. Which if I should now again forsake, and join myself with their Traditions, I should forsake the Union, wherin I am knit to the body of Christ, and join myself to the Discipline of the Antichrist’ ” (79).

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second advice to the Queen, Bacon describes four “occasions of present controversy” in

which he criticizes both the bishops of the Established Church and the Puritans17:

misbehaviour of bishops and other leading figures in the Church, the Puritan opinion that

“‘anything is good which differs widely from the Church of Rome, and necessarily polluted if

it does not,’” and the “‘affection and imitation of foreign churches’” (88).

Bacon’s position towards the Puritans

At first, Bacon’s attitude towards the Puritans is very mild. Anderson says that Bacon “sees

no real danger to the unity of the state in the claims and contentions of the Puritans,

notwithstanding the fact that they have won many sympathizers” (84). Furthermore he

emphasises that both the state and the church may profit from the Puritans in that they are an

ally against Rome and the Pope.

This tolerant attitude towards the Puritans changes into a more critical attitude.

Bacon writes in his Advertisement, Touching the Controversies of the Church of England

about the Puritans that they are “the enemy of unity, sobriety and peace” in the Church and

the kingdom. Like the Puritans, Bacon also wants a purification of the Church from abuses,

but he does not approve of the “ecclesiastical republicanism extolled by the Puritans” (88).

Bacon does not only criticize the Puritans with respect to their ideas about church

government, but he also criticizes their theological convictions, as Anderson points out:

Bacon, with an emphasis on godly ‘works,’ detaches himself doctrinally from the

Calvinist contention that ethical criteria have nothing to do with the wisdom or the

rating of the merits of a Christian. […] While Bacon agrees in the opinion that Christian

conduct is not ultimately to be governed by knowledge attained through human powers,

but by what is given in revelation through the faith, he rates the life of a Christian by a

17 Bacon does not use explicitly the name “Puritans” or “Precisions” (Anderson, 86).

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practical subscription in deeds and works to those moral principles which through

natural human knowledge are derived from the places given in Revelation. (90)

Later on, Bacon again becomes milder towards the Puritans, as appears from his

Observations Upon a Libel (1592). Bacon distinguishes between the main body of

Nonconformists and several smaller eccentric groups: the Brownists, the Barrowists, Hacket,

the Family of Love, “and other fanatics among the Puritans (in 1616 he separates specifically

the Anabaptists also)” (95). Bacon defends the main body of Nonconformists when he says

that they have tried to “bring in an alteration in the external rites and policy of the Church,”

but in no occasion “have the grounds of the controversies extended unto any point of faith”

(96). A factor of importance here is the representation towards other countries, as Anderson

notes “through controversies kept alive by the two parties, an exaggerated report of faction

and disorder in the kingdom has gone abroad, as if civil government in England ‘were ready

to enter into some convulsion’” (86).

Bacon’s position towards bishops of the Church of England

Bacon does not only criticize the Puritans, but also their critics and thus appears to be

typically Anglican. Both Puritans and their persecutors were not conveyed to the real truth,

but were quarrelling about ‘things indifferent’. Anderson writes: “If the Puritans have

defamed the governors of the Church, the bishops by their attacks on Puritan preachers have

disgraced religion” (86). “[…] of late the ecclesiastical authorities have been regarding every

critic of the Established Church as an infamous outlaw” (90). Bacon thinks that the “present

bishops deserve censure for their ‘standing so precisely upon altering nothing,’ because laws,

wherever found, when not refreshed with new laws wax sour” (91) and he says that they have

unrightly “sought truth in ‘the external face and representation of the Church’” (86).

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About ‘things indifferent’ Bacon says: “If we would but remember that the

ancient and true bonds of unity are ‘one faith, one baptism,’ and not one ceremony, one

policy; if we would observe the league amongst Christians that is penned by our Saviour, ‘he

that is not against us is with us’; if we could but comprehend that . . . religion hath parts which

belong to eternity, and parts which pertain to time; and if we did but know the virtue of

silence and slowness to speak, commended by St. James, our controversies of themselves

would close up and grow together” (87). Bacon talks about “immodest and deformed”

writings, in which the “matter of religion is handled in the style of the stage” (87).

Bacon’s position towards Roman Catholics

The Roman Catholics in England were those who wanted to stay faithful to the Pope and

refused to see the monarch as the head of the Church of England. Bacon’s approach to

Catholics is featured by a basic attitude of tolerance and not forcing consciences. This can be

deduced from his Observations Upon a Libel in which he defends Elisabeth’s policy. He

depicts the Queen as being very tolerant towards Catholics: “[t]he Queen’s acts, he explains,

have form the beginning been grounded in two principles: that consciences are not to be

forced, and that contempt and faction are to be punished even if ‘coloured with the pretences

of conscience and religion’” (94). Persecution is only permitted in cases where Catholics

undermine the state’s safety. In his tolerant attitude and unwillingness to force consciences

Bacon appears to be really Anglican.

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CHAPTER 2

BACON’S RELIGIOUS THOUGHT

Introduction

In this chapter I will briefly explore Bacon’s religious ideas, which will prepare the context

for the examination of Bacon’s Essays on its religious features. It must be clear that the

findings of this chapter will not be used to be applied mechanically to the Essays, but it will

serve as a framework within which The Essays can be analysed. I will compare the analysis of

the Essays to my findings on Bacon’s religious thought in general, thus finding out how

Bacon’s religious ideas feature in practice. McKnight’s findings will be used as a starting

point, his work being the most recent study on Bacon with respect to religion. It provides a

good indication of his most important religious ideas.

In addition to McKnight’s findings, I will discuss an important religious work of

Bacon: his Confession of Faith, which sets out a complete system of belief. McKnight’s

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study does not include this work, whereas I think it they might be a valuable source to draw

on. This work becomes even more interesting when realizing that it has received very little

discussion so far.18 Furthermore I will briefly refer to two other religious works of Bacon: his

Translation of Certain Psalms into English Verse and his Religious Meditations.

McKnight’s The Religious Foundations of Francis Bacon’s Thought

In his work The Religious Foundations of Francis Bacon’s Thought, McKnight wants to shed

light upon Bacon’s religious views. For his investigation, McKnight is primarily interested in

Bacon’s Instauration Program, which can be defined as “a program for reforming and

advancing learning in order to bring ‘relief to man’s estate’” (cover text). The cause of his

focus on Bacon’s religious views in this study and his aim to “[investigate] the relation of

Francis Bacon’s views to his ‘instauration’”(cover text) is his conviction that Bacon has been

unrightly portrayed as a secular and modern thinker. McKnight points out that both recent and

earlier scholarship have contributed to this one-sided interpretation of Bacon’s ideas, as he

puts it:

[m]any scholars treat Bacon as a visionary advocate of the social and political benefits

to be derived from science and technology (…). The Enlightenment, for example,

valorized Bacon as the heroic promoter of human rational action over passive faith in

divine Providence and portrayed him as a secular humanitarian, who realized that “relief

of man’s estate” depended on human action and not on God’s saving acts in history. (1)

And in the conclusion of his book McKnight says:

18 Brian Vickers, ed., The Oxford Authors: Francis Bacon (Oxford: Oxford U.P., 1996) xxxvi.

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[s]cholars repeatedly assert that Bacon is one of the primary sources for the modern

view of human nature as dominated by materialism, secularism, and ambition. This

predominant point of view fails to take account of Bacon’s frequent references to

overcoming pride and the importance of charitable concern for the welfare of others.

(153)

Thus McKnight points out that both earlier and recent interpreters “associate Bacon with

empiricism, rationality and secularisation” (1).

In his book McKnight shows that more attention should be paid to Bacon’s religious

themes, images and motifs (1). He goes on to say that most studies “dismiss Bacon’s religious

references as disingenuous” (2), but he also mentions the few studies which approached

Bacon’s thought from a religious perspective.19 Yet McKnight’s conviction is that there is still

“much left to be done with regard to the investigation of Bacon’s religious views and the

influence of religion on his program of instauration” (2). McKnight notes that

[f]or the most part, studies of Bacon’s religion have attempted to situate his views

within a particular belief system, e.g. Puritanism or in relation to an influential

doctrine or belief, such as millenarianism. […Yet] [t]here is still no book-length

analysis of Bacon’s use of religious images and themes in his major works, and

there is no systematic development of Bacon’s religious outlook. (2)

“The method used involves close textual analysis to establish the themes and issues that

consistently recur in Bacon’s work from 1603 to 1626,” as McKnight points out (2). The 19“Perez Zagorin and John C. Briggs, for example, make convincing arguments that Bacon’s use of religious terms and images is a genuine reflection of his belief, not a cynical manipulation of prevailing religious sentiment” (2). McKnight speaks about “the beginning of the new critical edition of Bacon’s collected works’, and explains that ‘[t]hese volumes provide detailed textual analyses of Bacon’s writings in relation to contemporary politics, philosophy and religion” (2).

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following works of Bacon are discussed: the New Atlantis, two of Bacon’s major philosophical

works entitled The Great Instauration and The New Organon, and five of his early published

and unpublished works, including the Advancement of Learning. In the concluding part of his

study, McKnight demonstrates that Bacon’s writings contain four predominating religious

motifs: the motif of instauration, providential intervention, vocation and Christian charity. The

motif of instauration, being the central motif, is “an apocalyptic concept, which refers

ultimately to the restoration of humanity to its prelapsarian condition” (2).

First motif: instauration; a reform of nature and religion

McKnight explains that Bacon’s instauration program involves two areas: a reform of natural

philosophy and a reform of religion. The program of instauration is usually solely associated

with the above-mentioned reform of natural philosophy, and McKnight however emphasizes

that a reform of religion is also an essential part of the instauration program. And he shows that

an “exclusive focus” on the reform of natural philosophy “distorts the nature of the

instauration” (152). Bacon’s program of instauration involves a broad apocalyptic vision: “a

complete instauration requires the rebuilding and renewal of natural philosophy as well as

religion” (152).20

McKnight points out that religion is not only an essential part of the instauration

program, but that “religious and spiritual renewal are the precondition for the instauration to the

understanding of nature” (153). Furthermore he demonstrates what exactly encompasses the

religious and spiritual renewal. Firstly he notes that Bacon believes that the religious renewal

20 This vision mainly focuses on England. An important fact is that in those days there was “a widespread apocalyptic sentiment that identified James I as the new Solomon and identified England as the new Zion or the New Jerusalem” (152). This identification of England with the biblical Jerusalem is a theme Bacon often uses in his instauration program. However, as McKnight points out, “Bacon’s vision of instauration goes beyond his own country to encompass the restitution of humanity’s relation to God and nature” (153).

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has already begun.21 Secondly he makes clear that the religious renewal involves “both a

recovery of scriptural truth and a recovery of correct church practices” (154). The Word of God

plays a central role in this, for, as McKnight points out: “Restoration of Scripture will restore

church rituals and practices to those practices found in Scriptures and the early church and will

eliminate doctrines and practises added by medieval theologians and ecclesiastics”(154).

The Word of God is however not restricted to the Scriptures, but God also speaks to us

through the book of nature, as McKnight explains. Bacon emphasizes that it is important to stay

close to God’s words, i.e. close to the original meaning of the Bible and close to nature, as he

says in The Advancement of Learning: “as in nature the more you remove yourself from

particulars the greater peril of error you do incur, so much more in divinity the more you recede

from the Scriptures by inferences and consequences, the more weak and dilute are your

positions” (154).

Thus Bacon’s “Instauration Program” is very broad, encompassing a restoration of

religion and nature. McKnight points out that Bacon’s own “contribution to the instauration”

was primarily nature-oriented, aimed at the instauration of the book of nature. However, this

does not mean that Bacon did not contribute to the restoration of the Scriptures.

Second motif: Providence

The second motif that McKnight deals with in his conclusion is that of Providential Action and

Apocalyptic History. McKnight notes: “[Bacon believed] that there were abundant signs of

God’s providential action that had precipitated and was leading both the reform of religion and

the reform of natural philosophy” (155). Those signs were “technological developments, the

opening of the terrestrial world, the restoration of scriptural truth, and the reform of church

21 McKnight quotes from The Advancement of Learning: “For I am persuaded . . . that if the choice and best of those observations upon texts of Scriptures which have been made dispersedly in sermons within this your Majesty’s island of Britain by the space of these forty years and more . . . had been set down in a continuance, it had been the best work I divinity which had been written since the apostles’ times” (153).

28

practice” (155). And Bacon has a special apocalyptic view for England and king James (as I

pointed out above). God and man again play an important role in Bacon’s concept of

Providence. Man has responsibility to work, “that is carry out extensive empirical investigations

into nature, in order to discipline the mind and bring it back to a proper investigation of nature”

(155). However, God’s providential action is indispensable: “Providence [is] actively involved

in guiding human effort in the proper direction” in order to “accomplish the instauration.”

Bacon’s view on God’s Providential Action is embedded in his “apocalyptic

understanding of history.” This understanding of history encompasses “a linear history and

leads to a final result” (156). With the final result is meant “the age in which humanity’s

redemption is complete.” In this process towards the apocalyptic age it is God’s providence that

guides human effort. It is Bacon’s concern that “the opportunity could be lost because of the

failure to recognize providential signs and to understand their meaning.”

McKnight points out that Bacon’s ideas about providential action and apocalyptic

history are inextricably bound: “without realizing the apocalyptic thrust of Bacon’s view of his

providential age it is not possible to understand his extraordinary optimism that the long history

of human ignorance error and suffering is coming to an end and that humanity will live in

peace, harmony, and prosperity as Adam lived in Eden” (156). Thus the apocalyptic view of

history is a key concept, and I think the most important of all, for it is the basis of the notion of

human redemption, as McKnight points out: “this context is the only way to fathom how Bacon

can believe that human pride can be overcome and that humanity will devote itself to charitable

acts that will improve the human condition” (156).

Third motif: vocation

Inextricably bound to Bacon’s apocalyptic sense of history is his “sense of vocation” (156).

With vocation Bacon means “being called by God for a special purpose,” which is a “biblical

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concept seen repeatedly in the Old and the New Testaments” (156,157). Bacon’s personal

calling was “ to be both a prophet and a ‘priest of nature’” (157). His vocation as a prophet

encompassed his task “to speak God’s word and lead God’s people to the truth” (157). Being a

priest of nature meant for him to be “God’s voice pointing the way toward the true reading of

God’s divine plan as revealed in his Creation” (157).

In practice this means that it is Bacon’s vocation to first attack human pride and

arrogance “that have alienated humanity from God and His Creation”(157). Consequently

Bacon will point to “signs of hope”, which are “the extraordinary opening of the world to

exploration” and “unanticipated technological breakthroughs.” McKnight points out that Bacon

recognizes those developments as “providential breakthroughs (…) pointing the way of a true

understanding of nature (…).” It is exactly the concept of vocation by God that “stands stark in

contrast to the scholarly characterization of him as the first modern, secular rebel against

religion” (158).

Fourth motif: charity and piety

The fourth key concept is that of “charity and piety,” these virtues being characteristics of the

restoration of religion, being as indispensable as the other characteristic: “true knowledge.”

Piety would “clear away idols of the mind and open it to accepting God’s truth, and an

instauration of charity would eradicate human selfishness, pride, and materialism” (158).

McKnight explains that this connection between piety, charity and right knowledge exists

because they are all part of the image of God. If charity and piety are overlooked and scholars

primarily focus on the restoration of knowledge, “the nature of Bacon’s instauration is

distorted” (158). Charity and piety are means for the restoration of humanity, leading to “a

realization of a true Christian self, who seeks to obey the divine commandment to love God and

one’s neighbour as oneself” (158).

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2.2 The Confession of Faith

In the sixteenth-century Reformation the Confession of Faith was an important document,

“embodying the principles of Faith of a Protestant Church, as it became an urgent necessity to

define Protestantism against Rome” and it also had a legal force.22

Some of the major confessional statements in existence are The Augsburg Confession

(Lutheran, mainly written by Melanchton), the First Helvetic Confession of 1536 (Zwinglian),

the Second Helvetic Confession (under Calvinist influence), and Calvin’s Gallican Confession,

also called the Confession of La Rochelle. These are all from the continent. Soon there appeared

English confessions of faith, being merely translations, such as A confession of fayth, made by

common consent of divers reformed churches beyonde the seas. When such a confession of

faith was adopted by a state to declare its religious beliefs, it meant a theological as well as a

political act, as Vickers points out (561). It is however not known what “provoked Bacon to set

down his personal Confession of Faith” (561).

Uniqueness in structure and contents

In his introduction to The Oxford Authors Brian Vickers notes the following about the

Confession of Faith: “Bacon set out a complete system of belief in highly compressed form.”

Furthermore he notes that it is “a remarkable document that has received very little discussion

so far” (xxxvi). In his annotation he shows both its Calvinistic characteristics and its originality:

[t]his is at one level a digest of Calvinist thought, at times drawing closely on

Calvin’s Christianae Religionis Institutio. Yet it is also a highly original work,

conforming to none of the standard patterns within the confessional genre, and

expressing a distinctly individual attitude on several key issues. (xxxvi)

22 Vickers, The Oxford Authors, 560.

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Vickers quotes Professor Basil Hall to show the uniqueness of Bacon’s Confession of Faith:

“I cannot think of anyone writing a Confession as Bacon did. Men left papers with an account

or even summary of their religious ideas but did not call them a Confession that I know of.

Bacon here is to my mind unique” (561).

Both its structure and its contents are unique. As far as its structure is concerned,

Vickers points out that “Bacon borrows almost nothing from previous models, and rearranges

doctrinal themes in a very personal way.” (561) In a very accomplished manner Bacon

introduces the several doctrines of the Christian belief.

A clear example of Bacon writing in a unique way is his treatment of the doctrine of

Christ as a Mediator. After having described God as the only One without beginning, and as

the Creator of all things, Bacon immediately states God is so “holy, pure and jealous, as it is

impossible for him to be pleased in any creature, though the works of his own hands” (107).

and that Man needs a Mediator. I think it is remarkable that Bacon speaks about a Mediator

without first having mentioned the Fall of man. This shows that Bacon as it were tells his own

‘story.’ He does not automatically write in a chronological order. Furthermore one should

note that Bacon does not directly work out the whole idea of Christ as a Mediator. All the

aspects of the notion of Christ as a Mediator are treated in a natural way, subsequently

appearing in the rest of the Confession of Faith.

General Christian ideas

Neither typically Calvinist, nor Anglican or Roman Catholic is Bacon’s belief in God as the

Creator of heaven and earth, being without beginning or end. Man is God’s special creation,

created in His own image. Unlike the rest of creation, the soul of Man was breathed

immediately from God, and thus the soul of Man does not belong to the laws of Nature, but is

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of a different order, as Bacon puts it: “the ways and proceedings of God with spirits (…) are

reserved to the law of his secret will and grace”(108).

Also Bacon’s conception of God’s providence can be called general. Bacon believes

that God’s only purpose with everything is to express the riches of his glory in his elected

people, his Saints. He puts it like this: “all the ministration of angels, damnation of devils and

reprobate, and universal administration of all creatures, and dispensation of all times, having

no other end, but as the ways and ambages [roundabout paths] of God to be further glorified

in his Saints”(108). Vickers explains that Bacon “prefers to emphasize that all nature, all

creatures, angels and devils, all temporal evolving, is under the counsel of God; all this

redounds to the majesty of his being, and to his merciful bringing order and justice to

reign” (567).

What is also important is Bacon’s belief in an active God. Bacon’s use of the words

“ministration” and “administration”, meaning “management”, indicates his belief in an active

God; as Vickers puts it: “God as perpetually active in governing the world, especially by

contrast with Epicurus’ notion of an idle and indifferent God” (567).

Bacon believes that the Church is universal or catholic, though dispersed over the

earth. He uses the ancient metaphors of the church as a bride and as the body of Christ. This

church consists of “the fathers of the old world, the Church of the Jews, the faithful dissolved

[i.e. Christians who have died], the faithful militant [Christians on earth warring against evil]

and the names yet to be born.” I think that Bacon’s use of the word “militant” reveals his view

of Christian mankind; a Christian has to fight against evil.

Calvinist ideas

As Vickers points out, Bacon “followed Calvin on a number of central doctrines,” [y]et,

“Bacon went his own way on many issues, not wanting to tie himself too closely to doctrinal

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positions, and being equally reluctant to get involved in current controversies, such as those

concerning the covenant of grace, and the sacraments” (562). In his unwillingness to bind

himself too closely to certain doctrines, and thus using the via media, Bacon turns out to be

really Anglican.

The most important Calvinist themes are the “mediation of Christ” and the corruption

of man and nature by the Fall. After having introduced God as Creator, Bacon immediately

speaks about Christ as a Mediator: a Mediator is needed for man in order to be able to face

God. This is also a central concern in Calvin’s Institutio. To explain Christ’s work as a

Mediator, Bacon uses the image of a ladder: Christ is a ladder, “whereby God might descend

to his creatures, and his creatures might ascend to God” (107).

Thus the state of the world is that God, “by the reconcilement of the Mediator,” turned

His countenance towards his creatures again and thus “made way unto the dispensation of his

most holy and secret will.” Bacon considers Christ as the centre of the universe, calling Him

“the centre of all God’s ways.”(107) This “Christocentric theology was common to Reformers

of many kinds,” as Vickers notes (566).

When Bacon describes the meaning of the suffering of Christ he uses the word

“merits.” This is an important word, emphasizing that it is only Christ’s merits and not our

own earnings that wash our sins away. Thus here becomes clear, as Vickers points out, that

“Bacon agrees with the common Protestant doctrine that God gives us salvation through

Christ alone” (571). Bacon explains how it is possible that Christ takes the sins of man and

gives life in return: “[…] so that Christ having man’s flesh and man having Christ’s spirit,

there is an open passage and mutual imputation; whereby sin and wrath is conveyed to Christ

from man, and merit and life is conveyed to man from Christ”(111).

The consequence of the Fall was that the image of God in man was destroyed, and that

heaven and earth were subdued to corruption. This is very Calvinistic, as Vickers notes in his

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annotation: “one of the most powerful emphases in Calvin’s Institutio is on the miseries of

human ignorance, vanity, poverty, infirmity, and – what is more – depravity and corruption,

resulting from Adam’s original sin which affects the whole of nature”(109).

Bacon believes that man’s fault was pride. Adam and Eve presumed that “the commandments

and prohibitions of God were not the rules of Good and Evil, but that Good and Evil had their

own principles and beginnings.” However, Bacon adds an extra consequence: “man’s proud

self-assertion led not only to disobedience but to making himself the master of good and evil

by deciding for himself how they are to be understood.”

Another difference with Calvin with respect to the Fall, as Vickers points out, is that

“Calvin sees the Fall primarily as man’s fault,” whereas Bacon “attributes more responsibility

to Satan, seeing the devil as an instrument to incite man to the denial of God.” Bacon says that

“this sin was not originally moved by the malice of man, but was insinuated by the suggestion

and instigation of the devil, who was the first defected creature and fell of malice and not by

temptation” (109).

What is also very much Calvinist is Bacon’s idea about the law of God’s secret will

and grace (which he distinguishes from the laws of nature and also called the law of God’s

promise). Unlike the rest of creation, the soul of Man was breathed immediately from God,

and thus the soul of Man does not belong to the laws of Nature, but is of a different order, as

Bacon puts it: “the ways and proceedings of God with spirits (…) are reserved to the law of

his secret will and grace” (108).

Bacon’s idea about the stages in God’s Revelation to Man is also Calvinistic. Bacon

explains how both God’s law and God’s promise have been revealed in several different

stages. I will give a short summary. This is also important with regard to the discussion of the

Essays, for it shows Bacon’s view of the way in which God reveals himself to mankind.

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As for the law of God, Bacon distinguishes between four stages. In the first stage

God’s law was present in the “remnant light of nature,” the part of light that still remained

with man after the Fall. Then the law was “more manifestly expressed in the written law,”

being the law that God gave to Moses. Thirdly the law was “more opened by the prophets,”

the prophets of the Old Testament. In the last stage Jesus Christ, as Son of God, most clearly

interpreted the law.

The word of promise, which is the message of salvation, has also been revealed in

different stages, beginning with God’s immediate revelation, followed by revelation through

ceremonies and prophets. The fourth stage is the revelation of God’s promise through his Son

Jesus Christ, being the Redeemer himself. The fifth and last stage is the revelation by the

Holy Ghost, “which illuminates the Church to the end of the world.”

As for the Scriptures and its interpretation, Bacon’s ideas can be called predominantly

Calvinist, yet also slightly Roman Catholic. Bacon is Calvinist in his emphasis on the Bible as

the most important way of God’s revelation. In His Word, God has revealed His will, Bacon

believes. Till Moses, God spoke through revelations. God’s written word, the Scriptures

developed from Moses to the times of the Apostles and Evangelists.

Bacon adheres to the Protestant belief that after the coming of the Holy Ghost, nothing

can be added to the Scriptures. But Bacon appears to be rather unCalvinist when saying that

“the Church has no power over the Scriptures to teach or command anything contrary to the

written word (…) that is to say, the Church hath only the custody and delivery over of the

Scriptures committed unto the same; together with the interpretation of them”(111). In

ascribing the interpretation of God’s Word to the Church, Bacon is rather Roman-Catholic,

the Protestant view being that the Scriptures were to be freely interpreted not only by

theologians, but also laymen.

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Finally there is Bacon’s conception of the notion of vocation, which can be called

Calvinist. Bacon emphasizes the importance of inward anointing, meaning that the clergy

must have a true vocation, as opposed to the Catholic Church, which only knows the external

consecration of the anointment.

The final part of The Confession of Faith deals with the life hereafter, and appears to

be Calvinist: He believes that the “souls of those that die in the Lord are blessed and rest from

their labours.” On the last day “all flesh of man shall arise and be changed and shall receive

from Jesus Christ his eternal judgement” and then “the glory of the saints shall be full, and the

kingdom shall be given up to God the Father, from which time all things shall continue for

ever (…)” (112).

Anglican ideas

In some respects Bacon is typically Anglican. As Vickers points out “Bacon went his own

way on many issues, not wanting to tie himself too closely to doctrinal positions, and being

equally reluctant to get involved in current controversies, such as those concerning the

covenant of grace, and the sacraments” (562). In Bacon’s time the number of sacraments was

a “highly controversial issue, affecting the Church of England” (Vickers, 571). Calvin and

other reformers recognized two sacraments, Baptism and the Eucharist, as opposed to the

seven sacraments of the Roman Catholics. Bacon only speaks about the sacraments when he

mentions the means that God uses for the vocation and conversion of His elect;23 he “refrains

from making any detailed statement about the sacraments” (571). Similarly, Bacon did not get

involved in the theological discussion about the covenant introduced by the Puritans.

23 Bacon describes how the Holy Ghost works, and mentions the means He uses for the vocation and conversion of His elect: “the preaching of the word, the administration of the sacraments, the covenant of the fathers upon the children, prayer, reading, the censures of the Church, the society of the godly, the cross and afflictions, God’s benefits, his judgements upon others, miracles and the contemplation of his creatures.”

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Another important point in this case is that Bacon does not so much see God as the

Creator of evil, but rather as the beginner of restoration. Bacon believes that God has not

created any evil things. He states that “He made all things in their first estate good, and

removed from himself the beginning of all evil and vanity into the liberty of the creature.” As

Vickers notes in his annotation, Bacon agrees with Calvin in this point, but he is clearer about

the origin of evil. Vickers explains that “Bacon is trying to meet in this way the Catholic

Church’s criticism that Calvinism made God the author of evil” (567).

Natural philosophy

Another important characteristic of the Confession of Faith is Bacon’s attention for the role of

nature, as Vickers notes: “[t]he particular individuality of Bacon’s Confession is its concern

with the laws of nature, and the extent to which they, too, were affected by the Fall” (563)

Vickers points out that “[Bacon’s] interest in natural philosophy informs his theology, as [he]

begins to entertain the new idea, which was to be developed by Kepler and Galileo, of the

laws of nature as physical regularities which can be established by observation and

experiment” (564).

What makes it even more unique is that Bacon does not follow the current

Renaissance concept of natural law, in which “the concept of physical laws had been freed

from the notion of divine legislation” (564). Thus Bacon keeps the orthodox belief in

accepting the divine creation of the universe. As Vickers points out, Bacon does take the

biblical accounts of creation literally as well as the effect of the Fall on the laws of nature:

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Bacon reasons, since God’s curse on Adam included nature, the laws of nature,

like the rest of creation must have received a reduction in energy and efficacy. The

only exception to this general falling off is God’s power to work a miracle, which

Bacon sees as a ‘new creation’ but only partly and indirectly, not violating Nature,

which is his own law upon the creature. (564)

As I have already noted the laws of nature play an important role in Bacon’s religious ideas.

When Bacon speaks about Nature, he means the laws of the creation, the “constant and

everlasting laws” of “heaven and earth, and all their armies and generations” (108).

Furthermore he explains that those laws have had three “changes or times” and that in future

they will have a fourth and last change. The first stage that he discerns is the stage wherein the

matter of heaven and earth was created without forms.

The second stage is called the interim, the days of creation, which is followed by the

third stage, the stage after the Fall of Adam and Eve, in which the creation is partly deprived

of its original virtue. The fourth stage will take place at the end of the world. Here there is

again a difference with Calvin, as Vickers shows in his annotation: “where Calvin

demonstrates how the Day of Judgement will be revealed, Bacon’s belief that ‘the manner

whereof is not yet revealed’ implies that a new creation will take place at the end of the

world” (568). Bacon says that the laws of Nature govern till the end of the world, but that they

“received revocation in part by the curse,” which means that after the Fall they are partly

deprived of their original virtue.

Having described Christ as a unity of God and man, Bacon gives a further description

of who Christ really is: a meriter of glory and the kingdom, a pattern of all righteousness, a

preacher of the word, a finisher of the ceremony, a cornerstone, an intercessor, a Lord of

Nature in his miracles, a conqueror of death in his resurrection, superior to the angels (Cf.

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Calvin, opposing the excessive importance given to the angels in the Catholic Church).

Vickers notes that “Lord of Nature” is “an unusual epithet for Christ.” Here Bacon’s

adherence to the laws of nature becomes clear again: for it indicates that he considers Christ’s

miracles as new creations, belonging to the laws of nature and not being of another order.

The role of nature also evidently appears when Bacon emphasizes that God is the

beginning of all restitution. With this restitution or restoration Bacon means the restoration of

nature from the consequences of the Fall. In his annotation Vickers notes that “Bacon implies

by restitution more than mercy [the Calvinist emphasis], namely the restoring of that order of

Nature that makes things go reasonably and smoothly, over against man’s foolish, evil and

vain choices, causing corruption. Again Bacon is concerned about something that the god-

oriented Calvin by-passed and again he shifts the focus to his own concern for the laws of

nature and how they order the universe” (567).

Conclusion

An important concept is God’s providence: everything is under the counsel and administration

of God, and it is God’s purpose to express the riches of His glory in His saints. Bacon

believes in a universal Church, which is dispersed over the entire earth. In his use of the

words “faithful militant” Bacon stresses the “fighting” aspect of Christian faith: a Christian

has to fight against evil.

Typically Calvinist is Bacon’s Christocentric theology in emphasizing the

reconcilement of mankind by Christ as the Mediator. Another important notion, which is also

Calvinist, is the corruption of mankind through the Fall, pride being the main fault. Unlike

Calvin, Bacon attributes more responsibility to the Satan.

Bacon’s idea about the revelation of God to mankind is another important concept.

Bacon distinguishes between the laws of nature and the law of God’s secret will and grace.

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Unlike the rest of nature, the soul of man, being immediately breathed from God, belongs to

the law of God’s secret will and and grace.

Bacon’s conception of the Scriptures is predominantly Calvinist in that the Bible is

seen as the means in which God has revealed His will. But in ascribing the interpretation of

the Bible to the Church Bacon turns out to be rather Roman Catholic.

Bacon speaks about vocation when he deals with the anointing. Bacon emphasizes that

an inward anointing is needed, with which he meant that the clergy must have a true vocation.

This insufficiency of outward anointment is typically Calvinist.

The role of nature and the laws of nature turned out to be important. Bacon sees God

above everything as the beginner of restitution (whereas Calvin would emphasize God as the

Giver of grace and mercy). An important part of Bacon’s theology is dedicated to the

restitution of the laws of nature, which were partly destroyed after the Fall.

Finally, it has become clear that Bacon is Anglican in not expressing himself too

precisely about contemporary controversial issues. Another example in this case is Bacon’s

emphasis on God as the beginner of restoration, with which he meets the “Catholic church’s

criticism that Calvinism made God the author of Evil.”

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CHAPTER 3

THE ESSAYS, AN ANALYSIS

This chapter deals with the actual theme of this thesis: the question how Bacon’s religious

ideas feature in practice in the Essays. It consists of an introduction to the Essays, followed by

an analysis of its religious features.

The introduction begins with a discussion of the essay as a literary genre, trying to find

out its origins and paying attention to its style and contents, with a focus on religion. Then I

will briefly discuss the function of the Essays themselves in the sixteenth century, again

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focussing on religion. I will also pay some attention to the Essays’ religious sources. The

analysis of the Essays will be a close reading of a selected number of essays.

3.1 Bacon and the essay as a literary genre

Before analysing the religious features of Bacon’s Essays, one should have an idea of the

literary tradition in which they can be placed: the tradition of essay writing. An interesting

question here is whether the essay as a form contributes to the communication of religious

ideas. Bacon has English predecessors and contemporaries, and his French contemporary

Montaigne also played an important role. Bacon also drew on classical sources. I will

examine whether those other essay writers have influenced the (religious) contents of Bacon’s

Essays and how with these essay writers the form of the essay relates to its contents.

Classical predecessors of the essay

Bacon draws on classical sources for his Essays. It is interesting to find out how the classical

works influenced Bacon’s Essays both in form and contents; special attention will be paid to

religion.

The most convincing evidence that Bacon drew on classical sources for his literary

form are his own words from his foreword to the second edition of his Essays: “the word

[essay] is late, but the thing is ancient: for Seneca’s Epistles to Lucilius . . . are Essaies, that is

dispersed Meditacions.”24 Most evident is the stylistic heritage from the classics: with respect

to structure and rhetoric the Essays draw on i.e. Cicero and Plato. However, more important

are those classical authors who contributed to the contents of Bacon’s Essays. Michael Kieran

puts it as follows: “While Plato and Cicero and Horace have contributed to the spirit and

sometimes to the form of the modern essay, the classical prototypes are the moral works of

24 Francis Bacon, The Essays or Counsels, Civill and Morall, ed. Michael Kiernan (Cambridge, and Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1985) 344.

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Seneca and Plutarch.” Seneca and Plutarch are mentioned here for their influence as moral

works. This is an important notion for it sheds more light upon their influence on Bacon with

respect to religion, religion being part of morals.

Bacon himself also referred to the stoic Seneca as far as the origin of the Essays is

concerned. In his dedication to prince Henry, Bacon called Seneca’s Epistles to Lucius “but

Essaies, -That is dispersed Meditacions, thoughe conveyed in the form of Epistles” (xlvii).

However, Kiernan points out that, though Bacon indeed had been influenced by Seneca,

Plutarch’s Moralia are closer in form and style than Seneca’s Epistles, and he refers to the

“varied topics and use of anecdote and quotation” and their “interest in observing conduct.”

Yet Kiernan notes that “Bacon’s secular tone is quite different.” Unfortunately, however, he

does not make clear what exactly he means with this “secular tone.” Probably Kiernan means

with “secular” the humanist Renaissance influence. However, I think he is not completely

right in using the label “secular.” For, though in a different manner, Bacon was really

religious, and so were his Essays, as will be demonstrated in this thesis.

Bacon and English Renaissance essayists

Bacon may be called the inventor of the English essay in that he was the first English author

to entitle his work Essays and in that after the first publication of the Essays there followed a

number of other English essay-writers who also used the word essay in their titles. However,

the notion of the English essay itself is slightly older; from twenty years before the first

publication of Bacon’s Essays there were authors who published their work in essay-form.

Most of the contemporary works published after the first publication of Bacon’s

Essays have much common with Bacon’s Essays, as Kiernan points out in his introduction to

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Bacon’s Essays. Kiernan mentions four authors: Breton, Johnson, Tuvill and Cornwallis, the

former being the best-known and influential English contemporary essayist, apart from

Bacon. It is interesting to see that Robert Jonson’s and Cornwallis’ Essays and Florio’s

translation of Montaigne were all published soon after Bacon’s first edition (xxxii).

Nicholas Breton wrote Characters upon Essays (1615), in which he praised Bacon for

being the innovator of the Essays. Robert Johnson’s Essaies or rather imperfect offers (1601)

is “at times reminiscent of Bacon,” as Kiernan points out. Daniel Tuvill wrote his Essaies

Politicke, and Morall (1608) and Essayes Morall and Theologicall (1609). Kiernan notes that

Tuvill “drew consistently upon Bacon’s thought.” Sir William Cornwallis published his

Essayes (1600) and A Second Part of Essayes (1601). Unlike the other contemporary

essayists, Cornwallis did not so much draw on Bacon, but, as Kiernan points out, he differs

from Bacon “in both aim and accomplishment.” Cornwallis’ style and subject are more

informal and personal than Bacon’s. Kiernan points out that “Bacon and Cornwallis stand not

only as the innovators but also as the chief exponents of the early seventeenth-century essay”

(li).

Bacon and Montaigne

The first to entitle his work Essais was Bacon’s French contemporary Montaigne; he

published them in 1580, seventeen years earlier than Bacon. There is no doubt that Bacon

must have known Montaigne’s work, though he only refers to Montaigne in his final edition,

as Kiernan points out in his Introduction to Bacon’s Essays, noting that Bacon must have been

acquainted with “the French version at first hand, though he does not mention Montaigne until

25 [the final version of the Essays, published in 1625]” (xlviii). Kiernan also notes that their

contents differ greatly. Whereas for the sceptic Montaigne truth is a subjective notion,

Bacon’s idea of truth is “an empirically identifiable reality.” And whereas the sceptic

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Montaigne preserves a theoretical openness to all religions, Bacon has outlined ideas about

religion, as appears from the former chapter in which I discussed his ideas of the Instauration

Program. From that discussion it became clear that Bacon had a linear vision on history and

that he was very much result oriented: he focussed on the restoration of humanity and the

restoration of religion forms an important part of that. All his ideas about religion serve the

aim of the instauration of humanity, the instauration of the Kingdom of God.

Relation of the essay form to its contents

For both Montaigne and Bacon the literary form of the essay suits its contents. It is clear that

Bacon uses the essay as a literary genre, referring to its classical roots. He himself writes in

his foreword to the second edition of his Essays: “the word [essay] is late, but the thing is

ancient: for Seneca’s Epistles to Lucilius . . . are Essaies, that is dispersed Meditacions.”25

Also Hugo Friedrich emphasizes that Bacon’s Essays are very different from Montaigne’s

work and that only for Montaigne the essay was a medium to form his sceptical ideas.

Friedrich explains that the form of the essay suited Montaigne’s way of thinking, leaving

space to the contradictory nature of his Essais. The essay did not need to be a logical unity

and thus left space for the contradictions that are inherent to his view of truth as a subjective

notion. He needed the essay as a medium to create his message.26

Vickers makes clear, however, that the literary genre of the essay did contribute to the

contents of Bacon’s Essays. The aphorism –a figure of speech belonging to the essay— is an

appropriate vehicle for the message of Bacon. The form of The Essays is mainly aphoristic:

the essays are short, consisting of compact aphoristic utterances. The observations from

experience are conveyed in the plainest and most functional form. Bacon’s own comment on

the form of the 1597 essays: “this delivering of knowledge in distinct and disjoint aphorisms

25 Hugo Friedrich, Montaigne, Trans Robert Rovini (Paris: Gallimard, 1991) 344.26 Friedrich, Montaigne, 345-351.

46

doth leave the wit of man more free to turn and toss.” Vickers points out that “the main value

of the aphorism for Bacon was not so much its brevity as the fact that it could contain original

observations of nature or human life in separate uncoordinated units. This meant that they

could not be prematurely forced into a system, which could then close down further

development.”

This combination of pregnant utterance and free form meant that the aphorism could

be an appropriate vehicle for quite different areas of knowledge, from Bacon’s works in

natural philosophy to his treatment of politics and ethics, subjects where it was vital to

preserve detail of observation without subsuming into restricting categories. Thus the form of

the essay left space for development and differences in thought and clearly suits Bacon’s

ideas. Development of knowledge and religious knowledge was important for Bacon, as has

been shown in the first chapter. And with respect to religion, it was for Bacon, as an Anglican

using the via media, also important not to create restricting categories. And thus it can be

concluded that the essay as a form suited the religious contents of The Essays.

Use of the Bible as a source

An important source is the Bible, as Kiernan points out:

by 25 edition [the edition of 1625] the number [of sources] was over eighty works,

chiefly the classics and the Bible, but numerous Renaissance works as well, including

Montaigne, […], Machiavelli, […]. Bacon did not only quote those sentences, but

made them his own. […] Especially in case of the Bible, Bacon often draws imagery

from his reading which he incorporates into his argument. (xlii)

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The quotation above shows that Bacon’s use of sources was often by way of quotation.

Furthermore Kiernan points out that Bacon made those quotations his own, especially biblical

quotations: biblical phrases or images are integrated into the essays in a natural way. One

should be aware that this way of using quotations is typical for Renaissance scholars, and

cannot be compared to our modern use of sources, as Vickers points out in The Oxford

Authors: “Any quotation enjoyed the same status, in illustration or argument, as any other,”

and he goes on:

It is indeed a strange paradox that Renaissance scholars, who by their great skills in

historical philology were the first people to be able to distinguish original Latin texts

from later forgeries, and could give a reliable chronology of ancient history, in their

actual writings simultaneously jumped up all authors into one vast sea of quotations, to

be used on any occasion, for any purpose. (xli)

Vickers consequently explains the cause of the above-mentioned paradox. It has to do with

“the great importance Renaissance humanism attached to the notebook” (xli). Vickers points

out that “[t]he notebook played a crucial role in the transmission of knowledge”(xlii). When

reading or studying, scholars were expected to make notes. All these notes together form the

notebook, which was reused by the scholars in their own writing. Bacon also kept a notebook.

Conclusion

It has become clear that The Essays are part of a tradition. The essay as a literary form finds

its origin in classical literature; Renaissance essay-writers drew on classical sources, both in

form and contents. The Essays themselves are not a religious writing, and religion is not

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necessarily inherent to the genre of the essay. But the form of the essay has appeared to be a

suitable vehicle for transferring religious ideas.

3.2 Introduction to The Essays

Three main editions

The Essays were published several times during Bacon’s lifetime, and each edition was

substantively revised.27 There are three main editions to be distinguished, ranging from 1597

to 1625, each edition reflecting Bacon’s personal development.

The development of the Essays is primarily characterized by stylistic revisions. There

is a development from an aphoristic style towards a more discursive form. Existing essays

were often enlarged with quotations, the average length increasing per edition.28 The number

of essays also increased: from ten essays in 1597 to fifty-eight essays in 1625; and thus the

range of topics was also extended. The development of the Essays can also be characterised

by an increasing emphasis on its main focus: civil and moral knowledge.

The edition of 1597 contained ten essays.29 They were published together with

“Religious Meditations” and the “Places of perswasion and disswasion, or “Of the Colours of

good and evil, a fragment.” This combined publication was in order to produce a saleable

book. It was Bacon’s first attempt to systematize his “observations on human behaviour,

especially the interplay between private life and political area” (Vickers). The form is mainly

27 “Rewriting a book […] was quite common in the Renaissance.” “Montaigne’s Essais appeared in 1580, and were enlarged in 1588 […]. Erasmus’ Praise of Folly went through no less than seven revisions […] Bacon’s revisions of his book were unusual in that he claimed to have also enlarged them ‘in weight’, that is, seriousness,” (The Oxford Authors: Francis Bacon, ed. Brian Vickers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996) 712).28 Introduction to: Francis Bacon, The Essays or Councels Civil and Moral, ed. Brian Vickers (Oxford [etc.]: Oxford UP, 1999). 1597: 10 essays. Essentially aphoristic, average length 325 words. 1612: 400 words. 1625: 550 words.1612: 38 (29 new, rest corrected or enlarged in varying degrees). New essays, being already more discursive: 490 words originally, rising to 980 in 1625. 1625: 58 (20 new, remainder enlarged or corrected). Average length: 950 words.29 Of Studies, Of Discourse, Of Ceremonies and Respects, Of Followers and Friends, Of Suitors, Of Expense, Of Regiment of Health, Of Honour and Reputation, Of Faction, Of Negotiating.

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aphoristic: the essays are short, consisting of compact aphoristic utterances. Bacon’s own

comment on the form of the 1597 Essays: “this delivering of knowledge in distinct and

disjoint aphorisms doth leave the wit of man more free to turn and toss.” The edition was

dedicated to Bacon’s brother Anthony, where he describes The Essays as “fragments of my

conceit, which had passed long ago from my pen, in order to prevent stealing.”

The edition of 1612 was an enlarged edition, the essays already in existence being

rewritten, and a substantial number of essays being added. The aphoristic style still formed

the basis, yet the style became more discursive. An indication of how Bacon conceived his

work can be found in his dedication of the edition to Prince Henry – who died before the

publication. Bacon speaks here about The Essays as “brief notes,” “dispersed meditations,”

and “observations drawn from life.”

From the final edition appears most clearly the focus on moral and civil business, its

full title being The Essays or Counsels, Civill and Morall. The 1625 Essays dealt with moral

and civil life and function as counsels. Vickers notes that Bacon’s Essays belong to the

literature of advice (conduct books) .30 The edition was dedicated to the Duke of Buckingham,

a favourite of King James I. Vickers remarks about this: “[t]he dedication to Buckingham was

appropriate in that, as the courtier closest to the monarch, he was the best in position to

influence James towards responsible government.”31 Thus The Essays served as advice for the

monarch, king James I in this case. And Bacon tried to influence the government of James I in

this way. Apart form the monarch and his advisors the book also “attracted many readers bent

on self improvement.”

From these counsels can be deduced Bacon’s own ideas and convictions, as Vickers

points out “[t]he crucial point about these works is that Bacon, in advising others, reveals and 30 “By describing them as ‘Counsels,’ writings giving advice, Bacon aligned himself with an important Renaissance literary genre, the ‘Advice to Princes’, what we would call today political science. Issues that largely concern those living at the upper levels of society” (Vickers, The Essays).

31 Introduction to Francis Bacon, The Essays or Councels Civil and Moral, ed. Brian Vickers (Oxford [etc.]: Oxford UP, 1999) xxv.

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defines his own attitudes and values” (The Oxford Authors, xxxiv). As for the contents of The

Essays, they thus deal with moral and civil life, and are not only a literary work, but “they

should also be seen as a contribution to the study of human life from what we would describe

as a psychological and sociological view point” (Vickers, xxi). Vickers says that “[m]uch of

the advice given touches on issues important to all men and women, in particular that

perennial problem in classical and Christian ethics, how to live” (xxi).

The Essays and the Advancement of Learning

The Essays are religiously inspired in that they form a part of Bacon’s Instauration Program.

In an article about this relation between The Essays and The Advancement of Learning, R.S.

Crane shows correspondences between the Instauration Program and the later Essays.32 The

aim of The Avancement of Learning was to shed light upon “any public designation” and “to

excite voluntary endeavours.” Knowledge is a central theme here. The perambulation of

learning knows two stages: moral knowledge and civil knowledge. These stages are worked

out and desiderata, or deficiencies are indicated.

The deficiencies that are described in The Advancement of Learning are actually

worked out in The Essays. Five of the ten essays of the 1597 edition already dealt with topics

that Bacon later marked in The Advancement as needing discussion. And the editions of 1612

and 1625 showed an even clearer relation to the The Advancement, as Vickers puts it in The

Oxford Authors: “[t]he true significance of The Essays is “to provide treatments of the lacunae

in moral and civil knowledge, a discipline that should prescribe how to subdue, apply and

accommodate the will of man to the nature of good” (711-717).

As for moral knowledge, this consists of descriptions of several characters and tempers

of men’s natures and dispositions, descriptions of the passions, and studies of the most

32 Ronald S. Crane, “The Relation of Bacon’s Essays to his Program for the Advancement of Learning,” Essential Articles for the Study of Francis Bacon, ed. Brian Vickers (Oxford: Oxford UP 1996).

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appropriate means of reducing the mind unto virtue and good estate. Vickers and Crane

divided the essays between these three categories. To the category of “descriptions of several

characters and tempers of men’s natures and dispositions” can be counted: “‘Of Youth and

Age,’ ‘of Beauty,’ ‘of Deformity,’ ‘of Nobility,’ ‘of Great Place,’ ‘Of Riches,’ ‘Of

Adversity,’ and ‘Of Fortune.’ They have were all expanded in the final edition of 1625; ‘Of

Adversity’ was added new in 1625. To the descriptions of the passions belong the following

essays: “Of Love,” “Of Envy” and “Of Anger.” To the category of “means of reducing the

mind unto virtue and good estate” belong the following essays: “Of Custom and Education,”

“Of Praise,” “Of Nature in Men,” “Of Friendship” and “Of Fame.”

As for civil knowledge, there were deficiencies in three areas: “wisdom of behaviour

or conversation,” “wisdom of business or negotiation,” “and wisdom of state, or government.”

Vickers and Crane have indicated which essays belong to these categories.33

Choice of essays to be analysed

There are three topics which deal explicitly with religion: the second main edition contained

three essays with specific religious topics: “Of Unity of Religion,” “Of Atheism” and “Of

Superstition.” They include sections on the implications of each of these for the state (xxii).

These essays do not specifically belong to the categories of moral or civil knowledge. I have

chosen to discuss “Of Atheism” and “Of Unity of Religion,” since “Superstition” is already

implicitly dealt with in the essay “Of Atheism.”

Furthermore there are two other essays which do not specifically belong to the

categories of moral and civil knowledge, but which yet are important for this thesis: the

33 First category: “ Of Discourse,” “Of Ceremonies and Respects,” “Of Negotiating,” “Of Followers and Friends,” and “Of Faction” (5 of the 1597 essays). Second category: “Of Vain-Glory,” “Of Dispatch,” “Of Boldness,” “Of Delays,” “Of Simulation and Dissimulation.” Third category: “Of Seditions and Troubles,” “Of True Greatness of Kingdoms and Estates,” “Of Empire,” “Of Plantations.”

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essays “Of Truth” and “Of Goodness and Goodness of Nature.” Both essays directly deal with

the core of Bacon’s philosophy and correspond to the proper aims of life, being the pursuit of

knowledge and philantropia, as they have been described in Bacon’s Instauration Program.

As for the categories of civil and moral knowledge discussed above, it can be said that

in a broad sense both categories are religiously inspired in that they closely relate to The

Advancement of Learning. And one should take notice that also both categories deal with

morals and ethics in that they give advice on conduct. Bacon’s distinction between the

categories of “civil” and “moral” does not mean that the civil part does not deal with moral

issues. It rather indicates a division between individual (moral) and social (civil) life. And

since morals and ethics are in a way related to religion --as I have shown above--all essays

can be considered as relevant to be analysed on religious features.

Yet I have chosen not to analyse the essays dealing with civil knowledge. The reason

for this is that the essays “Of Unity of Religion,” “Of Atheism,” “Of Truth,” and “Of

Goodness and Goodness of Nature,” which I will also discuss, already cover the area of civil

life. From the essays dealing with moral knowledge, I have chosen two essays: “Of Envy” and

“Of Love” because these form a close link to the most important commandment of Christian

faith: the commandment of love. The essay “Of Love” deals with the passion of love and not

with charity.

3.3. Analysis of the religious features of the Essays

“Of Atheism”

As has been shown in the introduction, Bacon’s scientific ideas are often seen as secular. Also

by his contemporaries Bacon may have been accused of atheism because of his natural

philosophical ideas. For, in Bacon’s time the notion of atheism denoted any form of

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heterodoxy within Christian faith,34 rather than the modern significance of an absolute denial

of the existence of God. The theme of atheism thus had actual relevance and has much to do

with Bacon’s natural philosophy. With respect to politics, the topic of atheism also had

become relevant because of Bacon’s position at the court. Atheism (as a form of heresy) was

topical and was undesirable for the state. Bacon, as an advisor of the king/queen, had a direct

personal interest in writing about atheism. This explains why the essay “Of Atheism” was not

part of the first edition of The Essays (1597), but was added as a new essay in the edition of

1612. For, both Bacon’s scientific career and his political career only really started after 1597.

Bacon’s argumentation can be roughly divided into three parts. The first and largest

part explaining the barbarism and hypocrisy of atheism; the second and smallest part dealing

with its causes; the last part discussing the worst aspect of atheism: the destruction of man’s

nobility. This last part can be considered as the core part of the essay. From Bacon’s

argumentation much information can be derived about his religious ideas: in disapproving of

atheism, Bacon shows more clearly than ever the legitimate foundation of religion.

It will firstly become clear that Bacon uses the notion of atheism in an unorthodox

way: atheism being the absolute denial of the existence of a higher power. Secondly I will

show the central role Bacon gives to natural philosophy with respect to religion here. In

connection with this importance of natural philosophy I will discuss Bacon’s high esteem for

classical philosophy, to finally discuss his unique way of interpretation of the Scriptures. As

for the second part of the essay, dealing with the causes of atheism, I will show that Bacon

approaches atheism in a more practical way. An interesting link can be made to Bacon’s view

on the contemporary religious situation. The last part of the essay shows the implications of

religion for the individual and the state. 34 Bacon’s contemporary De Mornay wrote De la Verite de la Chretienne Religion (1581), which was translated into English in 1587. Bullough writes about this book in his article “Bacon and the Defence of Learning”: “De Mornay’s book was written against infidels and atheists. Nothing at the end of the century served so much to excite hostility to learning as the growth of religious speculation. The word “atheist” covered most forms of heterodoxy, from political heresy to blasphemy, pantheism, the denial of immortality, or ultimate disbelief,” (Essential Articles for the Study of Francis Bacon, ed. Vickers, 97).

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Bacon’s unorthodox view on atheism

In the first part of the essay, Bacon does not seem to define atheism as a form of heterodoxy,

but rather as the purest form of atheism, the denial of the existence of any higher power. This

can be derived from the way in which Bacon treats classical philosophy. He mentions various

classical philosophers who are known for their atheism and he shows that their philosophy

does not deny any higher powers, but on the contrary leads to belief in the existence of God.

Bacon’s use of classical philosophers will be discussed later on. For now it is important to

conclude that Bacon appears to be a real Renaissance author here: he uses classical

philosophers to sustain his argument that real atheism does not exist. And at the same time he

was unconventional in his broad definition of atheism.

The Role of natural philosophy

The red thread is Bacon’s conviction that God reveals Himself through nature, his ordinary

works. What Bacon basically is doing is condemning atheism, by emphasizing the

impossibility and ridiculousness of not believing in a God. The way in which he condemns

atheism shows a lot about the importance Bacon attaches to nature, and more specifically to

the study of nature. The knowledge of God is evidently connected with the study of nature.

For Bacon, the existence of God does not need to be proved, as he says in the opening

sentence: “I had rather believe all the fables in the Legend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran,

than that this universal frame is without a mind.” Bacon continues to say: “[…] therefore God

never wrought miracle to convince atheism, because his ordinary works convince it.” God

reveals Himself through his ordinary works. This shows the great importance Bacon attached

to the laws of nature.

Bacon does not only attach importance to nature, but especially to the study thereof, as

appears from the following sentence: “It is true that a little philosophy bringeth men’s mind to

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atheism; but depth in philosophy bringeth men’s minds about to religion […].” Apparently

human effort is indispensable with respect to the discovery of God; it demands philosophy.

With respect to this philosophy, Bacon remarkably distinguishes between “a little philosophy”

and “depth of philosophy,” only depth in philosophy leading to true knowledge. This clearly

corresponds with Bacon’s ideas about the importance of learning, being the core of his

philosophy. As I have shown in the introduction, Bacon’s Advancement of Learning

emphasized the importance of a new method. It was not so much the notion of learning in

itself that was new, but it was the new method. This thorough philosophy encompasses

studying “causes”: superficial philosophy does not lead to God, since it only examines

“second causes scattered,” whereas thorough philosophy examines the “chain of causes,”35

and thus leads to “Providence and Deity.” Bacon’s use of the term “cause” here refers to the

classical idea of God being the first cause or prime mover of everything. Bacon’s use of the

notion of Providence here should also be noted, Providence being a key concept in Bacon’s

religious thought.

High esteem for classical philosophy

This central role of natural philosophy becomes even clearer when Bacon refers to classical

philosophers. He points out that it is especially their natural philosophy which proves them to

be religious despite their atheistic image. The many examples from the classics show Bacon’s

high esteem for their philosophy. The school of Leucippus, Democritus and Epicurus proves

to be religious: its atomist theory36 actually led to faith, as Bacon writes: “[…] it is a thousand

35 The notion of the “Great Chain of Being” finds its origin in the ideas Plato and Aristotle and was also a medieval conception of the order of the universe.36 “the doctrine of atoms and the void is derived directly from that of Democritus. The universe is said to consist of bodies and the space (void) in which they move. These elements are indivisible (atoma, atoms) and unchangeable. The number of atoms, the extent of the void, and the universe itself are all regarded as infinite. […] They are in perpetual motion, moving all with the same velocity, swift as thought. Because of an inherent “swerve” (this, of course is a necessary postulate) the atoms collide and rebound to a lesser or greater distance, thus forming compound bodies of greater or lesser density,” (“Epicurianism,” The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed. 1990).

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times more credible, that four mutable elements, and one immutable fifth essence, duly and

eternally placed, need no God, than that an army of infinite portions or seeds unplaced, should

have produced this order and beauty without a divine marshal.”

In another example Bacon again mentions Epicurus, who was commonly believed to

be an atheist, because of the random role he ascribed to the gods. Bacon explains that though

people acknowledged that he could not be accused of denying the existence of God, they yet

thought that his belief in gods was just a form of adaptation to the prevailing view of that

time.37 Then Bacon calls the following words of Epicurus “noble and divine”: “[n]on deos

vulgi negare profanum, sed vulgi opiniones diis applicare profanum”; which means: “it is not

profane to deny the gods of the vulgar, but it is profane to apply the opinions of the vulgar to

the gods.” Epicurus is actually saying that having wrong ideas about God is worse than not

believing in God at all.38 Though Bacon would not have agreed with Epicurus saying that

denying the existence of God is less bad than having “false opinions” about the gods, the fact

that Bacon calls these words noble and divine suggests that this is precisely what is important

for himself, having the right ideas about God.

In the same line Bacon also calls it a virtue that Plato did not deny the existence of

gods, though he did not believe in the administration of the gods. As has been shown in

Chapter 1 of this thesis, Bacon believed in God’s active administration: Bacon “prefers to

emphasize that all nature, all creatures, angels and devils, all temporal evolving, is under the

counsel of God; all this redounds to the majesty of his being, and to his merciful bringing

order and justice to reign” (Vickers, 567). From a Christian point of view Plato and Epicurus

are badly wrong and it is remarkable that Bacon praises them and uses them to make a point

for Christianity. However, it should be kept in mind that Bacon refers to these classics 37 Bacon’s own words: “Epicurus is charged that he did but dissemble for his credit’s sake, when he affirmed there were blessed natures, but such as enjoyed themselves without having respect to the government of the world. Wherein they say he did temporize, though in secret he thought there was no God.” 38 These words should be understood in the following context: Epicurus believed that the gods “dwell afar in the intermundial spaces, neither troubling human affairs nor troubled by them.” The vulgi, i.e. the crowd, believed that the gods were directly involved in earthly matters, (note from Vickers, The Essays [etc.]).

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especially in order to make his point that real atheism does not exist. Bacon uses the classics

here in so far as they fit in Christian faith. That Bacon does not accept all Epicurean and

Platonic ideas also becomes clear when he equates them with the “savages,” when he says

that even the Indians of the West (“barbarous people”) have their particular gods, though their

language does not contain a word for God in general. And he concludes: “against atheists the

very savages take part with the subtilest philosophers.”

Having shown that real atheism is rare through all these examples, Bacon concludes

with saying that “great atheists are indeed hypocrites.” He explains why he calls them

hypocrites: they “are ever handling holy things, but without feeling.” A great atheist, someone

who openly proclaims not to believe in God, cannot but be hypocritical. The existence of God

is so obvious that people who deny it willingly deny their inner convictions.

Bacon shows that classical atheists are not that atheist as they are believed to be. From

this it could be concluded that Bacon overtly sympathises with the classics to show that they

are not dangerous. He Christianises them as it were. He uses them to defend the Christian

religion. He picks out their good elements. He tries to oppose the general opinion, the general

distrust towards the classics on a very crucial point: the existence of God.

The above-mentioned defence of classical philosophy may also have another motive.

It is not unthinkable that Bacon tries to defend his own natural philosophical ideas here. This

needs some further explanation: Bacon’s own natural philosophical ideas have obvious

correspondences with the ideas of classical philosophers that are discussed. And in his time

Bacon’s natural philosophy could have been accused of atheism. Thus in defending the

classical philosophers against the accusation of atheism, he also defends his own natural

philosophy. In showing that classical philosophy rather leads to religion than to atheism, he

advocates the necessity of philosophy and especially natural philosophy.

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Unique use of Scriptures

Bacon explicitly quotes from the Scriptures only once, giving a peculiar interpretation of this

Bible verse, thus appearing to be typically Renaissance.39 Bacon quotes the following from

the Scriptures “the fool hath said in his heart, there is no God.” In his interpretation of this

Bible verse, he concentrates on the verb “to say”. It indicates that an atheist needs to speak out

loud his denial of God, because in the depth of his heart he must be convinced of the existence

of a God. Bacon continues to say that the fact that “atheists will ever be talking of that their

opinion” and that there are atheists that strive to get disciples” only shows their own

insecurity. For, “if they did truly think that there were no such thing as a God, why should

they trouble themselves?”40

The fact that there is only one clear quote from the Bible does not mean that Christian

faith is not important. The entire argumentation is embedded in the Christian thought, that

God is the Creator and administrator of the universe. Yet it is interesting to see that examples

from the classics fill a large part of the essay, which shows the importance of classical

philosophy.

Link with contemporary religious situation

After this discussion of the hypocrisy of atheism, Bacon proceeds with mentioning the causes

of atheism, starting with “many divisions in religion.” He explains that one main division in

religion is not a problem, for it “adds zeal to both sides.” It is remarkable that Bacon mentions

this. The nature of this remark is practical and suits the contemporary religious situation. Too

many divisions about minor point have led to all kinds of heretical sects and thus to atheism.

What should be noted is that Bacon uses a wider definition of atheism here, atheism as any

form of heresy within Christian faith.

39 Free interpretation and use of the Scriptures was common in Bacon’s time.40 Kiernan quotes a paraphrase from Religious Meditations “he who is very anxious to approve his opinion to another, himself distrusts it.”

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The second cause that Bacon mentions is “scandal of priests” and he quotes from St.

Bernard, “Non est jam dicere, ut populus, sic sacerdos; quia nec sic populus, ut sacerdos;”

“One can no longer say the priest is as [bad as] the people, for the people are not [so bad] as

the priests.”41

The third cause is the “custom of profane scoffing in holy matters, which doth little by

little deface the reverence of religion.” Bacon must have aimed at heretics in his time. And

finally he mentions “learned times, specially with peace and prosperity.” Bacon says that

“troubles and adversities do bow men’s minds to religion.” This latter cause is rather strange,

for it does not seem logical that “learned times” do automatically lead to atheism. It also

seems to be contrary to Bacon’s optimistic ideas about true learning, serving the relief of the

human estate, being a part of his Instauration Program.

Religion conditional for human nobility and a healthy state

When Bacon says that atheists destroy man’s nobility, he reaches the core of the issue. Bacon

does not only condemn the atheist because of his stupidity in not recognizing God’s

providence behind the universe; he condemns them because this denial of God’s providence

brings forth a destruction of man’s nobility.42 This also has consequences for the society as a

whole, as Bacon continues to say: “it [atheism] destroys likewise magnanimity, and the

raising of human nature.” Man needs to be led by a better nature. Bacon illustrates this by

giving the example of a dog. A dog, kept by a man, being of a better nature than the dog itself,

will develop into a noble creature. The same goes for man: “man, when he resteth and

assureth himself upon divine protection and favour, gathereth a force and faith which human

nature itself could not obtain.” Bacon himself summarizes as follows: “[…] as atheism is in

all respects hateful, so in this, that it depriveth human nature of the means to exalt itself above

41 Pseudo-St Bernard (Vickers, The Oxford Authors, 736).42 Here Bacon uses atheism in a more narrow sense, as disbelief in the existence of a God, as opposed to the wider sense of atheism as any form of heresy.

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human frailty.” From this it appears that Bacon considers the nobility of human nature as the

most important reason for condemning atheism. This is very closely related to The

Advancement of Learning, its aim being freeing mankind from human frailty.

After having explained the notion of human nobility, Bacon uses the final paragraph of

the essay to extend the idea of human nobility from particular persons to nations, and he

quotes from Cicero in Latin:

Rate ourselves as highly as we may, Conscript Fathers, yet we cannot match the

Spaniards in numbers, the Gauls in bodily strength, the Carthaginians in craft, the

Greeks in art, nor our own Italians and Latins in the home-bred and native patriotism

characteristic of this land and nation. But our piety, our religion, and our recognition

of the one great truth of the Divine government of all things – these are the points

wherein we have surpassed all nations and peoples.43

Here we see clearly Bacon’s orientation towards the state. And for this political “aim” Bacon

again uses a classical source as we have seen before.

Conclusion

The essay of atheism clearly shows Bacon’s ideas about the value of religion.

These ideas have been strongly informed by Renaissance and classical ideas. And in

connection with this classical influence, Bacon’s natural philosophy is also a source of

inspiration.

As for the Renaissance influence: Bacon is a real Renaissance author in (implicitly)

defining atheism as any form of heresy, thus applying the notion of atheism to the

contemporarary religious situation. Bacon’s use of the Scriptures is also in a Renaissance

43 Cicero, De Haruspicum Responsis, ix.19, (quoted in The Oxford Authors, 736).

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manner: he uses his own free interpretation. However, Bacon is really un-Renaissance or

unorthodox when he uses the notion of atheism in its broadest sense, defining it as “utterly

disbelief in the existence and administration of a God.

As for influence from the classics: Bacon uses the classics to show that real atheism

does not exist. In pointing out that classical atheists are not that atheist as they are commonly

believed to be, he overtly sympathises with the classics and christianises them as it were. Yet,

to a certain degree, for (in i.e. equating Epicurus with the savages) Bacon remains critical and

only picks out their good elements to defend the importance of (Christian) religion.

Bacon’s idea of religion is also inspired by his ideas about philosophy and especially

natural philosophy, what becomes clear from his references to the philosophy of classical

philosophers: it is their ‘thorough’ studying of nature which leads to a belief in God and His

providence. This need of ‘depth in philosophy’ corresponds with Bacon’s own ideas about

studying nature as being described in The Advancement of Learning. Interesting to note is that

Bacon might have been willing to defend his own natural philosophy here. Bacon might have

been accused of atheism by his contemporaries because of his natural philosophy and in

freeing the classical natural philosophy from the accusation of atheism he frees himself from

the same accusation.

Finally, the value of religion is determined by its being conditional for a worthy

existence of mankind and for a healthy state. That religion provides human beings with

nobility in that it raises them above human frailty is evidently a Christian notion (and

connected to his natural philosophy of which the aim is the relief of human estate). The

importance of religion for the state is not explicitly inspired by Christianity (in that Bacon

quotes Cicero here).

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“Of Unity in Religion”

The essay ‘Of Unity in Religion’ was published for the first time in the second edition of The

Essays in 1612. Unity in religion was a highly topical issue in the 16th and 17th centuries.

When dealing with this subject, it is especially the unity of the Church of England vis-à-vis

the Catholics and vis-à-vis Protestant sects that seems to be at the back of Bacon’s mind.

What is interesting to note is that while the essay deals with the importance of unity within the

church,44 it was the Anglican Church that caused a breach with the Roman Catholic Church.

For a modern reader Bacon’s magnanimous pursuit takes on a different aspect.

I will show that Bacon’s approach to religion is mainly pragmatic in this essay, in that

it focuses on the benefit of religion for the state. Secondly I will show that this pragmatic

approach is embedded in Bacon’s theological ideas. In connection with this it will appear that

Bacon Christianises classical ideas.

Bacon starts with emphasizing the importance of unity in religion, to subsequently

deal with different aspects of unity: consequences for people within and without the church;

the boundaries of unity (focussing on the limits of tolerance); and the various ways in which

unity can be achieved. In each of these parts Bacon’s pragmatism and religious inspiration go

hand in hand.

The importance of unity in religion in general

As for the pragmatic approach to religion, this appears directly from the opening sentence,

where Bacon shows the direct relation between unity of religion and a stable society:

“Religion being the chief band of human society, it is a happy thing when itself is well

contained within the true band of unity.” What strikes the reader in the following sentences is

44 That Bacon means unity within the church, becomes clear when he starts discussing the fruits of unity.

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Bacon’s direct reference to the “heathen” to make a point about Christianity. For Bacon

continues: “[t]he quarrels and divisions about religion were evils unknown to the heathen,”

the reason being that “the religion of the heathen consisted rather in rites and ceremonies, than

in any constant belief.”45 Bacon mentioning the fact that paganism did not know any divisions

[i.e. quarrels] shows that he is used to consulting classical literature when writing about

important issues, even Christianity.

That Bacon’s pragmatic approach is embedded in theological ideas becomes at first

clear when Bacon explains why he actually needs to speak about unity of religion: the need

for unity is implied by the Christian religion, where the single God does not endure division.

Bacon says in this case: “[…] the true God hath this attribute, that he is a jealous God; and

therefore his worship and religion will endure no mixture nor partner.” And he continues:

“We shall therefore speak a few words concerning the unity of the church.” Bacon’s motive to

write about unity of religion thus appears to be informed by theological motives.

Fruits of unity

In Bacon’s discussion of the fruits of unity, it becomes clear that pragmatic and religious

motives cannot be separated. Before he starts discussing the two fruits of unity, Bacon

mentions a different fruit: “pleasing God,” which he calls “all in all.” Bacon appears to be

really committed to the God of the Bible here. In view of the nature of The Essays, it is logical

that Bacon does not work out this idea any further. Yet it shows the obviousness of Bacon’s

dedication to God.

When Bacon distinguishes between two categories of fruits, for “those who are

without” and “those who are within the church,” he seems to aim at Anglicans on the one

45Bacon continues: “For you may imagine what kind of faith theirs was, when the chief doctors and fathers of their church were the poets.”

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hand and Roman Catholics and Puritan sects on the other hand, assuming that Bacon defines

“the church” as the Church of England.

The “fruits” for those who are without the church are mentioned first. In fact Bacon

does not speak about the fruits of unity, but rather about the consequences of divisions;

discord is considered as the greatest scandal.46 These divisions “keep” and “drive men out of

the church.” Bacon’s motive appears to be mainly pragmatic in that his speaking about

divisions fits in with the contemporary religious and political situation. This becomes even

clearer from his interpretation of the words of Jesus, Who warned people against false

prophets. Bacon freely quotes from the Scriptures here, inserting his own explanation: “And

therefore, whensoever it comes to that pass, that one saith Ecce in deserto, another saith Ecce

in penetralibus; that is, when some men seek Christ in the conventicles of heretics, and others

in an outward face of a church, that voice had need continually to sound in men’s ears Nolite

exire, --Go not out.” Bacon directly applies the words of Christ (that refer to the time of His

second coming) to the contemporary situation. The choice of this Bible verse could be better

understood when taking into account Bacon’s expectations of an imminent coming of the

Kingdom of Christ.47

Another example of Bacon directly applying a verse from the Scriptures to his own

situation is his quotation of the following words of Paul: “If an heathen come in, and hear you

speak with several tongues, will he not say that you are mad?”48 Paul wants to make clear

here that it is important that the Christians should translate their message, when speaking with

several tongues [i.e. in several languages]; otherwise it would cause non-believers to mock the

Christian faith. Bacon seems to connect these words to the contemporary situation, when he

comments: “And certainly it is a little better, when atheists and profane persons do hear of so

46 Bacon says: “[…] it is certain that heresies and schisms are of all others the greatest scandals; yea more than corruption of manners.”47 Bacon’s Instauration Program is characterized by his expectations of an imminent return of Christ to earth.48 Cf. 1 Cor. 14: 25, (note from Vickers, The Oxford Authors).

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many discordant and contrary opinions in religion; it doth avert them from the church, and

maketh them to sit down in the chair of scorners.” 49 Furthermore Bacon says about heretics:

“for indeed every sect of them hath a diverse posture or cringe by themselves, which cannot

but move derision in worldlings [non-believers, Vickers] and depraved politics [corrupt

politicians, Vickers] who are apt to contemn holy things.”50 Bacon’s pragmatic orientation

again becomes clear here.

The fruit of unity for “those who are within” is peace. Bacon works this out: “it

[peace] establisheth faith; it kindleth charity; the outward peace of the church distilleth into

peace of conscience; and it turns labours of writing and reading of controversies into treaties

of mortification and devotion.” What can be seen here is that Bacon pays attention both to the

state and the individual. Furthermore these words show a direct connection with the

contemporary situation and it can be said that Bacon criticizes controversial writings. In this

sense these words of Bacon again show a pragmatical approach to religion. Absence of

controversy within the church would bring about stability. Yet Bacon’s motives are not solely

pragmatic: in using the notions of charity and faith he appears to be have pure religious

interests.

Boundaries of unity

When discussing the boundaries of unity, it becomes clear that Bacon chooses the via media.

He clearly unmasks two wrong ideas of unity. On the one hand there are “certain zelants [to

whom] all speech of pacification is odious;” for those people the only thing that counts is

obsessively adhering to a certain group, diversity is not part of their vocabulary. The other

49 “to sit down in the chair of scorners”, Cf. Psalm 1:1, (note from Vickers, The Oxford Authors).50 Bacon says this after first having mentioned the (fictional) work The morris dance of heretics: “There is a master of scoffing [Rabelais, Vickers], that in his catalogue of books [Pantagruel, ch.7] of a feigned library sets down [lists, Vickers] this title of a book, The morris dance of heretics [morris dance: a grotesque dance performed on feast-days, Vickers]”

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extreme is covering any division with the cloak of charity, and thus making concessions

towards the essential truths of the Christian faith, as he puts it: “certain Laodiceans and

lukewarm persons think they may accommodate points of religion by middle ways […] as if

they would make an arbitrement between God and man.”

Both extremes need to be avoided. What is important is to clearly distinguish between

essential issues and things indifferent or adiaphora. There is an interesting link here between

the Anglican Church and Bacon’s advocacy of the via media. As has already been discussed

in the introduction, it is in the nature of the Church of England to choose an intermediate

position, having to defend her position against the power of the Roman-Catholic Church on

the one hand, and the dissenters or Puritans on the other hand. In distinguishing between

things indifferent and essential issues Bacon advocates the via media. As has been described

in the first chapter, Bacon thought that the conflict between Roman Catholics and Puritan

sects was often about indifferent things. Both parties needed to leave their extremities and

focus on essential things.

Bacon clearly has pragmatic motives here, but this political engagement goes hand in

hand with his heart for the Christian faith. For he points at the key being the words of “Our

Saviour Himself”: “He that is not with us is against us; and again, He that is not against us is

with us.” Bacon explains that it is essential that the words of Jesus assume a right judgement

with respect to “the points fundamental and of substance” and “points not merely of faith, but

of opinion, order, or good intention.”

Bacon further develops the above-mentioned “extremes to be avoided”. When he goes

on to discuss two kinds of false controversies and two sorts of false unity, he again quotes

from the Scriptures and St. Augustine, thus sustaining his undeniable political plea for the via

media with religious arguments.

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Means of procuring unity

The third part of the essay deals with the means of procuring unity. What draws the attention

here is that the striving for unity may not go past the laws of charity and of human society.

Bacon uses the image of the sword as a means to protect religion and he says: “there be two

swords amongst Christians, the spiritual and the temporal.” The third sword (which he calls

Mahomet’s sword51) is reprehensible, encompassing the use of violence. Bacon says that

violence is only allowed “in cases of overt scandal, blasphemy, or intermixture against the

state.” This indicates again the importance of the state in religious affairs. Bacon mentions St.

Bartholomew’s Massacre and the gun powder plot as examples of Catholics using the third

sword. He also refers to Anabaptists, extreme Protestants causing a lot of tumult.

Again Bacon’s political motives go hand in hand with religious arguments. For Bacon

continues to explain why violence may not be used, being “but to dash the first table against

the second; and so to consider men as Christians, as we forget that they are men.”52

Furthermore he compares these murderous activities to “bringing down the Holy Ghost

instead of the likeness of a dove in the shape of a vulture or raven.” Bacon also quotes from

classical authors here, such as the poet Lucretius.

Bacon concludes his essay by saying that the church and other Christian “learnings”

should “damn and send to hell forever” those murderous activities done in the name of

Christianity. He again uses biblical quotes and a quote from a church father to underline the

uselessness and wrong motives of violence. It is interesting that Bacon allotted the prince and

the church each a different task, serving the same aim of procuring unity of religion. Whereas

the church was responsible for education, the prince had to use his sword53 and learnings, both

Christian and moral.

51 Bacon specifies: “that is, to propagate religion by wars or by sanguinary persecutions to force consciences.”52 I.e. the first table of the Ten Commandments dealing with the love towards God, the second table dealing with charity, love towards other people.53 Only in case of overt threatening of the state, as Bacon says: “[…] except it be in cases of overt scandal, blasphemy, or intermixture of practice against the state.”

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Conclusion

As I have shown, pragmatic motives seem to be the red thread of this essay, in that Bacon

focuses on the benefit of unity of religion for the state. However, Bacon’s motives were not

solely pragmatic. Bacon’s argument is mostly twofold: his practical approach to the issue of

unity of religion is sustained by his religious convictions. Especially when Bacon deals with

the fruits of unity and the boundaries of unity he is mainly directed at the state and he makes a

clear connection with the contemporary religious situation. It has also appeared that Bacon’s

ideas about religion can be defined as typically Anglican.

One could object and say that Bacon’s references to the Christian faith serve merely as

means of persuasion, but this interpretation would do no justice to Bacon as a believer.

Bacon’s Christian and political motives go hand in hand. This idea fits in with the rest of

Bacon’s work. And it is also characteristic of Renaissance thought.

So far, the essay has been analysed on the relation between religious and political

motives. As already mentioned in the beginning, the paradox of this essay is that Bacon’s

arduous plea for unity in the Church is at least peculiar. Considering the fact that it was the

Church of England which had caused division, by breaking with the Roman Catholic Church,

Bacon’s religious arguments tend to lose their credibility.

“Of Truth”

The pursuit of knowledge or truth was one of the two aims of Bacon’s Instauration Program,

the other being philantropia or charity. This Instauration Program being religiously inspired,

it can be said that the essay “Of Truth” is also religiously inspired in a broad sense. Unlike

most of the essays, “Of Truth” cannot be put into the category either of civil or moral advice,

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but has a position of its own in that it is closely related to the core of Bacon’s Instauration

Program.

Bacon himself explicitly distinguishes between three kinds of truth: theological,

philosophical and the truth of civil business. In defining truth as a theological virtue he links

truth to Christian values. Bacon becomes more pragmatical when explaining the use of a lie in

every-day life. What is interesting here is that theological truth is informed by (classical)

philosophy and vice versa. Philosophy plays an important role in Bacon’s religious ideas.

Theological truth; critical towards sceptics

Bacon’s starting point is his conviction that in practice a lie is preferred to truth and he tries to

explain why it is like that. The opening sentence of the essay directly contains a reference to

faith, as it begins with a famous biblical quotation, the question of Pilate: What is truth?54

Then he goes on to say that Pilate “would not stay for an answer,” so as to introduce his

critique on the philosophical school of the Sceptics.55 He makes clear that the ancients already

knew those “sects of philosophers” and that there still “remain certain discoursing wits.”56

With this critical attitude towards sceptical philosophy Bacon shows that he himself is in

favour of having “a fixed belief.” Bacon’s perception of truth here is clearly religiously

inspired, as is his critique on the philosophical school of the Sceptics.

54 John 18: 38, after Pilate has delivered up Christ fro execution. ‘Jesus answered . . . for this cause came I into the world, that I should bear witness unto the truth . . . . Pilate said unto him, What is truth?’ (Vickers, The Oxford Authors, 717).55 […] founded by Pyrrhon of Ellis (c.360-c.270 BC), who asserted that the nature of things makes them unknowable, and his successors in the New Academy, who admitted only degrees of probability. See the critique in Nov. Org. iv. 69 (i. 178-9), (Kiernan, 179).56 Some critics suggest that Bacon means Montaigne (Kiernan, 179), Kiernan himself says that “Bacon appears to be speaking of such contemporaries such as Raleigh, Fulke Greville, and Robert Burton,” (Kiernan, 179).

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Calvinist ideas combined with classical inspiration

Bacon continues with discussing the philosophical question why men have a “natural though

corrupt love of the lie itself.”57 It almost seems that Bacon himself agrees with telling lies,

when vividly describing the function of lies in every-day life. He says about the pleasure of

lying: “truth may perhaps come to the price of a pearl, that sheweth best by day; but it will not

rise to the price of a diamond or carbuncle, that sheweth best in varied lights. A mixture of lie

doth ever add pleasure.” However, it becomes most clear that Bacon does not approve of lies,

for which he draws from religious sources, and he thus again provides the notion of truth with

Christian connotations.

Bacon firstly refers to “one of the fathers”58 who called poesy vinum daemonum

“because it filleth the imagination, and yet it is but the shadow of a lie.” Furthermore he refers

to the Scriptures to explain that truth is “the sovereign good of human nature.” Bacon

describes truth as being autonomous, judging itself, as opposed to “men’s depraved

judgements and affections.” This view of man’s judgement and affections is very Calvinistic,

as I have shown in the first chapter. As a consequence of the Fall, man’s judgement and

affections were partly destroyed. Truth is connected with God’s creation of light, which

knows three different stages: “the first creature of God, in the works of the days, was the light

of the sense; the last was the light of reason; and his sabbath work, ever since, is the

illumination of his Spirit.” Also here biblical arguments go hand in hand with references to

the classics. Bacon illustrates his ideas with words from an Epicurean poet: no pleasure is

comparable to the standing upon the vantage ground of truth, and to see the errors and

wanderings, and mists, and tempests, in the vale below. The poet is Lucretius. It is interesting

57 This question is from the school of the Sceptics, as Bacon notes. Vickers notes that it is Lucian of Samosata (c. AD 120-80). 58 Vickers notes in The Essays that this quote is a fusion of remarks by St Augustine on the ‘vinum erroris’ in Terence (Confessions, I. xvi. 26), and St Jerome, that ‘Deamonum cibis est carmina poetarum’ (‘the song of the poets is the food of demons’: Epist. 146). Vickers further notes that “Bacon probable source is Henry Cornelius Agrippa, De incertitudine et vanitate scientarum at artium declamatio (1530),” which work was translated in English in 1569.

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to observe how Bacon describes this poet: “the poet that beautified the sect that was otherwise

inferior to the rest, said yet excellently well: […].” Thus Bacon points out that his quoting

from an Epicurean does not involve his approval of the Epicurean ideas in general. This is an

illustration of Bacon’s use of classical sources with respect to his religious ideas. He only uses

their moral ideas in so far as they fit in with his Christian faith.

Charity and providence

It is also interesting to see that Bacon inserts the ideas of charity and providence here. He

explains that knowing the truth must not lead to pride and therefore the knowledge of truth

must be accompanied with “pity and not with swelling or pride,” as Bacon puts it: “certainly,

it is heaven upon earth, to have man’s mind move in charity, rest in providence, and turn upon

the poles of truth.”59 The notions of providence and charity are important themes in Bacon’s

Great Instauration, as I have shown in the introduction. Furthermore we see again a mixture

of classical and Christian ideas. As Kiernan points out in a footnote, Bacon’s metaphor

“employs the Ptolemaic concept of the premium mobile or First Mover (‘Charitie’), which

carries the inferior planet (‘Mans Minde’) in an orbit round the earth (‘Rest in Providence’),

while the planet turns upon its axis (‘Poles of Truth’)” (180).

“Truth of civil business” inspired by Christian faith

Having discussed theological and philosophical truth, Bacon continues with discussing a more

practical aspect of truth: the truth60 of civil business. Whereas the benefit of philosophical and

theological truth left space for discussion, the necessity of truth in civil business has been

generally accepted: “it will be acknowledged, even by those that practise it not, that clear and

59 Kiernan notes the following: the metaphor employs the Ptolemaic concept of the primum mobile or First Mover (‘Charitie’), which carries the inferior planet (‘Mans Minde’) in an orbit round the earth (‘Rest in Providence’), while the planet turns upon its axis (‘Poles of Truth’). 60 Kiernan notes that in Latin Bacon also used the word “truthfulness.”

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round dealing is the honour of man’s nature.” There are references to the Bible and the

classics. When talking about the most shameful vice of being “false and perfidious” Bacon

refers to the “goings of the serpent; which goes basely upon the belly, and not upon the feet.”

Bacon concludes with quoting from Montaigne, who in his turn quotes from Plutarch, so as to

illustrate the wickedness of lying: “(…) to say that a man lieth, is as much to say, as that he is

brave61 towards God and a coward towards men.” These words from Plutarch clearly refer to

God. This idea of man being a boaster towards God when lying is worked out further with

words from the Bible about the second coming of Christ: He shall not find faith upon the

earth. According to Bacon, falsehood will be “the last peal to call the judgements of God

upon the generations of men.” The text quoted here deals with “faith” and not with “truth.”

From this it can be concluded again that Bacon’s conception of truth is closely related to the

Christian faith.

Conclusion

It has thus appeared that faith plays an important role in this essay. Bacon’s conception of the

notion of truth is clearly religiously inspired. Not only theological truth, but also philosophical

truth and truth of civil business are placed in a Christian context. Bacon seems to become a bit

pragmatical when he explains why a lie is preferred to truth in every-day life: he goes far in

describing the advantages of all sorts of lies, and says that a mixture of a lie doth ever add

pleasure. Though Bacon only aims at trying to understand why a lie is so much loved here, it

does not become completely clear whether he really disapproves of the “softer” forms of

falsehood (he mentions “vain opinions, flattering hopes etc.”). In this respect Bacon’s

approach to truth could be considered pragmatical. In the greatest part of the essay however,

truth is connected with Christian religion. The use of classical philosophers does not

contradict the Christian values here, for the classics are only used in so far as they fit in with

61 Plutarch in Lives speaks about “a boaster” towards God, (Kiernan, 180).

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the Christian faith. Also the notions of charity and providence, key concepts in Bacon’s

religious thought, get explicit attention. Charity and providence are indeed presented as key

concepts here: charity and providence should accompany the knowledge of truth in order to

prevent pride.

“Of Goodness and Goodness of Nature”

The essay “Of Goodness and Goodness of Nature” deals with ideas which are at the core of

Bacon’s philosophy. Together with the essay “Of Truth” it corresponds to the aims of Bacon’s

Program of Instauration: the proper aims of life being ‘knowledge’ and philantropia, “Of

Truth” dealing with the pursuit of knowledge and “Of Goodness and Goodness of Nature”

dealing with philantropia or charity. The essay thus concurring with an essential part of the

religiously inspired Instauration Program, is in that way religiously inspired in a broad sense.

I will show how this religious inspiration features in practice in this essay. It will appear that

Bacon is indeed religiously inspired, yet in his interpretation of the biblical commandments

concerning charity he turns out to be rather pragmatic, even where this involves straining the

meaning of the biblical text.

Goodness and Christian charity

Bacon explicitly links ‘goodness’ to Christian values in the beginning of the essay. He starts

with defining the notion of ‘goodness’ as “the affecting of the weal [well-being] of men” and

refers to the Greek word philantropia here. “Goodness I call the habit, and goodness of nature

the inclination.” The reference to religion is made immediately, when he continues: “[t]his of

all virtues and dignities of the mind, is the greatest, being the character of the Deity; and

without it man is a busy mischievous, wretched thing, no better than a kind of vermin.”

Consequently Bacon explicitly links goodness to Christian values when he says: “[g]oodness

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answers to the theological virtue charity.” Goodness is here thus an “answer” to the virtue of

charity; goodness is not charity itself, but a way of bringing the virtue of charity into practice,

which corresponds with Bacon’s definition of “goodness” as a habit.

Bacon continues to link charity to Christian virtues when he points out its

exclusiveness by comparing it to the virtues of knowledge and power. Charity is superior

because it has no limits, as he says: “[t]he desire of power in excess caused the angels to fall;

the desire of knowledge in excess caused man to fall; but in charity there is no excess; neither

can angel nor men come in danger by it.” Bacon uses a clear biblical context here in referring

to the fall of men and the fall of the angels, thus defining charity as a Christian virtue.

Goodness and the important role of nature

Though Bacon clearly interprets goodness or charity as a Christian virtue and his notion of

charity thus can be said to be religiously inspired, goodness is not exclusive to Christianity.

Bacon defines it as something inherent to the nature of man: “the inclination to goodness is

imprinted deeply in the nature of man; insomuch that if it is issued not towards men, it will

take unto other living creatures.” Bacon illustrates this by referring to the Turks –for a modern

reader in a rather strange way. He depicts the Turks as an inhumane people, who yet can be

good in some sense: “as it is seen in the Turks, a cruel people, who nevertheless are kind to

the beasts, and give alms to dogs and birds […].”62 Goodness is thus not only seen as a

specific Christian virtue by Bacon, but also as something inherent to humanity. This special

attention for human nature here corresponds with the important role of nature and the laws of

nature in Bacon’s religious ideas, and thus confirms what has been discussed in an earlier

chapter about the importance of the laws of nature in Bacon’s religious thought.

62 Bacon continues: “insomuch as Busbechius reporteth, a Christian boy in Constantinople had like to have been stoned for gagging in a waggishness [mischievous game] a long-billed fowl.” Vickers notes that “in the Middle Ages and Renaissance they [the Turks] were major opponents of the Church, and thus proverbial for inhumanity,” (Vickers, The Oxford Authors, 731).

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The importance of nature also becomes clear when Bacon points out that goodness is

not only a habit, but that there is also a natural inclination towards goodness: “[n]either is

there only a habit of goodness, directed by right reason; but there is in some men, even in

nature a natural disposition towards it […].” Two things draw the attention here. Firstly,

Bacon introduces the notion of “right reason” here. Vickers notes that “[i]n Renaissance

ethics [reason] was the faculty that should control human behaviour.” Bacon is here thus

evidently a man of his time. The other thing is that his referring to the natural inclination

towards goodness corresponds with the important role of nature in Bacon’s religious ideas.

Pragmatic approach to goodness

Though Bacon’s dealing with the notion of charity is clearly religiously inspired, he shows

himself very pragmatic when saying that charity has its weaknesses by quoting from

Machiavelli: “[…] the Christian faith had given up good men in prey to those that are

tyrannical and unjust” and comments that Machiavelli said so “because indeed there was

never law, or sect, or opinion, did so much magnify goodness as the Christian religion doth.”

Bacon here thus (mis)represents Machiavelli as an admirer of the Christian faith. About this

passage, Kiernan says that “[b]oth Bacon and Machiavelli stress that Christian virtues

(goodness in the former, humility in the latter) make Christians vulnerable to less restrained

philosophies.” Vickers comments that “Bacon distorts Machiavelli’s point, which is that

Christianity makes men indifferent to wordly affairs by proposing more worthy goals” (731).

Whether Bacon really distorts Machiavelli’s point here or not, the crucial issue is that

Bacon uses Machiavelli’s words to introduce his pragmatic point that the notion of goodness

in Christianity indeed knows errors or weaknesses: being “too” good may make people

vulnerable in worldly affairs. In the same line Bacon quotes the Italian proverb (prior to his

Machiavellian quote) Tanto buon che val niente: So good that he is good for nothing, words

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of similar meaning in denoting that the pursuit of the virtue of goodness may have its flaws,

wherefore, “to avoid the scandal and the danger both, it is good to take knowledge of the

errors of an habit so excellent.”

Pragmatic approach and the Scriptures

Bacon works out this pragmatic warning against too much goodness by referring to biblical

texts and a classical fable.63 The main point is that goodness towards others should be

encouraged, but it should not be at the cost of oneself, “not in bondage to their [other

people’s] faces or fancies.” This he calls “facility or softness; which taketh an honest mind

prisoner.” As for the biblical references, he shows that God also uses charity with care: “He

sendeth rain and maketh his sun shine upon the just and the unjust,” but, Bacon himself adds,

“he doth not rain wealth nor shine honour and virtues, upon men equally. Common benefits

are to be communicate with all, but peculiar benefits with choice.”

Another example from the Scriptures used by Bacon to show that goodness

presupposes taking care of one's self is the reference to the biblical commandment of loving

one’s neighbour as oneself. He comments on it: “beware how in making the portraiture thou

breakest the pattern; for divinity makes the love of ourselves the pattern, the love of our

neighbours but the portraiture.” The last Scriptural reference is Bacon’s explanation of Jesus’

words: Sell all thou hast, and give it to the poor, and follow me. From Bacon’s interpretation

of these words it again becomes clear that in taking care of others, one should also take care

of oneself. Bacon comments on Christ’s words so as to almost invert their ostensible meaning:

“[…] sell not all thou hast, except thou come and follow me.” This means that one should

only obey the commandment of selling everything, when also following Jesus. This following

of Jesus Bacon defines here as “having a vocation wherein thou mayest do as much good with

63 “Neither give thou Aesop’s cock a gem, who would be better pleased and happier if he had a barley-corn.” In a fable by Phaedrus, (Vickers, the Oxford Authors, 731).

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little means as with great.” This qualification is important for charity, e.g., as in helping the

poor, “for, otherwise in feeding the streams thou driest the fountain.” What can be noted here

furthermore is that Bacon speaks about vocation here. Charity, as a religious virtue being

linked with vocation corresponds with the importance of vocation in Bacon’s religious ideas.

What finally can be noted about this pragmatic approach is that it so much focuses on the

importance of the individual. The limits of charity are determined by the well being of the

“self,” charity may not be at the cost of oneself. Of course, Christian faith leaves space for

loving oneself, but paying so much attention to the importance of the self may do short to the

unselfish character of charity and seems to be rather pragmatic and humanistic inspired.

The essay is concluded with an enumeration of a few signs of goodness: being

“gracious and courteous to strangers,” compassion “towards the afflictions of others,”

pardoning easily, being thankful for small benefits, and “weighing men’s minds and not their

trash.” These signs are not particularly religiously inspired, yet there is no sign of pragmatism

either. The last sign of goodness mentioned in the essay is evidently religiously inspired:

Bacon refers to a text from the New Testament to indicate the ultimate form of goodness,

which is Paul’s wish to “be an anathema [doom] from Christ for the salvation of his brethren

[…],” which means so much as being willing to suffer and give everything of yourself in

order to bring salvation to non-Christians. Bacon says that this “shews much of a divine

nature and a kind of conformity with Christ Himself.”

Conclusion

What can be concluded is that Bacon has been clearly religiously inspired with respect to his

ideas about charity. When defining the notion of charity he places it in a Christian context.

Yet Bacon shows himself pragmatic in working out the ideas about charity: he makes clear

that too much goodness makes men vulnerable in worldly affairs and quotes from Montaigne.

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He also uses biblical arguments to show that charity should not be at the cost of one’s self,

even when it involves straining the meaning of the biblical text. This is pragmatical because it

may be in conflict with the unselfishness of the Christian virtue of charity. This focus on the

self may also bear humanist influences.

Other, smaller issues that appeared are the notion of vocation and the importance of the role

of nature, forming part of Bacon’s religious thought.

“Of Envy”

“Of Envy” is one of the essays belonging to the category of moral knowledge, more

specifically to the descriptions of the passions. In a broad sense it can be said that this essay is

religiously inspired in that the description of the passions is part of Bacon’s Instauration

Program, one of its aims being acquiring knowledge about every aspect of life, in order to

relieve the estate of mankind.

It is not a surprise that Bacon clearly disapproves of the passion of envy. As Moody E.

Prior points out, “activities or passions which are inimical with the proper aims of life and

their realization, Bacon treats with suspicion or contempt.”64 This disapproval of envy is

religiously inspired, but the classics also play an important role and in some parts Bacon turns

out to be pragmatic. The conclusion of the essay, where Bacon explicitly refers to the Bible,

best shows his religious inspiration. The introduction is inspired by the classics, and the single

biblical reference is entirely embedded in the classical ideas. The body part of the essay, in

which Bacon points out what persons are likely to be envious and envied, contains both

64 Moody E. Prior, “Bacon’s Man of Science,” The Essential Articles for the Study of Francis Bacon, ed. Brian Vickers (Hamden, Connecticut: Archon Books, 1968).

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classical and Christian references or ideas, the references to the classics being embedded in

his Christian faith; he uses the classics in so far as they support his Christian ideas.

Christian and Renaissance inspiration

At the beginning of the essay Bacon states that envy is one of the two affections (the other

being love) that “have been known to fascinate or bewitch.”(24) Thus right in the beginning

Bacon clearly disapproves of envy. This disapproval of envy fits in with the Christian faith,

envy or jealousy being a sin against the commandment of love. Yet Bacon seems to gather his

inspiration from the classics, which appears from the following words, where he says that

love and envy

[b]oth have vehement wishes; they frame themselves readily into the imaginations and

suggestions [temptations, Vickers]; and they come easily into the eye, especially upon

the presence of the objects; which are the points [characteristics, Vickers] that conduce

to fascination, if any such thing there be.

Vickers makes clear in which way these ideas draw on Renaissance and classical thought and

notes that this idea about fascination comes from the “tradition in Renaissance occultism for

‘fascination’ as beginning through the eye and overpowering the imagination.” Likewise

Vickers makes clear that the idea of an “evil eye” can be related to Plutarch’s Moralia, where

he writes about people who are said to cast a spell and to have an evil eye and subsequently

explains that this power derives from “effluences”, the “most active stream of such

emanations” deriving from the eye.65 65 Vickers continues: For “vision, being of an enormous swiftness and carried by essence [pneuma] that gives off a flame-like brilliance, diffuses a wondrous influence […].” The power of vision is active, as well as passive, for “the body is sympathetically affected when the mind is subject to any influence.” So “envy, which naturally roots itself more deeply in the mind than any other passion, contaminates the body too with evil. . . . When those possessed by envy to this degree let their glance fall upon a person, their eyes, which are close to the mind and draw from it the evil influence of the passion, then assail that person as if with poisoned arrows,” (The Oxford

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Thus Bacon’s connection of ‘envy’ with an ‘evil eye’ is evidently based on

Renaissance and classical ideas. Bacon continues to refer to Renaissance astrological ideas

and the single reference to the Scriptures is embedded in these Renaissance ideas. He says:

“Likewise the Scripture calleth envy an ‘evil eye’ [Mark. 7: 22]; and the astrologers call the

evil influences [streams, Vickers] of the stars ‘evil aspects’; so that still [always, Vickers]

there seemeth to be acknowledged, in the act of envy, an ejaculation or irradiation of the

eye.”66

Bacon’s conclusion of the essay is most clearly inspired by Christian religion. After

his general remark that envy is the most “importune and continual” affection, he remarks that

envy is the “vilest […] and most depraved affection”, and the “proper attribute of the devil.”

Bacon refers here to a passage from the Bible, Matthew 13: 25, which says that “the enemy

soweth tares amongst the wheat”, replacing the word “enemy” by “envious man.”

Description of envious people mainly inspired by classics

Bacon describes a number of factors determining the chance of being envious and he

elaborately works out the several situations and circumstances in which man is apt to envy or

be envied, giving a clear insight in the passion of envy. The overall line that can be discovered

in this essay is that envy is roused by unearned fortune. Bacon emphasizes the importance of

virtue and appears to have been influenced by classical philosophy. He says: “People who are

apt to envy are people that have no virtue in themselves: “A man that hath no virtue in himself

ever envieth virtue in others. For men’s minds will either feed upon their own good, or upon

other’s evil; and who wanteth the one will prey upon the other; and whoso is out of hope to

attain to another’s virtue will seek to come at even hand by depressing another’s fortune.”

Authors, 726).66 Note from Vickers: “Renaissance optics and psychology believed that the eye perceived by emitting beams of light; so here envy is thought of as being physically transmitted,” (The Oxford Authors, 726).

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Bacon gives some more examples of envious people. I will show that these examples

are predominantly inspired by the classics, only once does Bacon use the Bible as a source.

Bacon says: “A man that is busy and inquisitive is commonly envious.” In pointing out that

the desire to know much of other men’s matters cannot be but informed by envy and he refers

to Plautus: Non est curiosus, quin idem sit malevolus [No one is inquisitive without wishing

for the worst, Vickers].

Another sort of envious people are “men of noble birth”: they are “envious towards

new men when they rise.” Here Bacon does not refer to classics or religion nor any other

explicit source, but draws from his public experience.

Also envious are “[d]eformed persons, and eunuchs, and old men, and bastards.” And

Bacon continues: “[t]he same is the case of men that rise after calamities and misfortunes.”

Bacon evidently draws on the classics here; when Bacon explains that “he that cannot

possibly mend his own case will do what he can to impair another’s,” Vickers points at the

resemblance to Aristotle’s words: “we also envy those who have what we ought to have, or

have got what we did have once. Hence old men envy younger men.” Furthermore Bacon

mentions some persons from the classics to illustrate his argument.

Another category is “[t]hey that desire to excell in too many matters, out of levity and

vain glory.” This idea of Bacon is again based on a classical source, as Vickers points out that

it was Aristotle who said “Ambitious men are more envious than those who are not. . . .

Indeed, generally, those who aim at a reputation for anything are envious on this particular

point.”

The last category of people who are likely to be envious consists of “near kinsfolks,

and fellows in office, and those that have been bred together,” who are “more apt to envy their

equals when they are raised.” This echoes again a classical phrase from Aristotle: “We feel

[envy] towards equals. . . . in birth, relationship, age, disposition, distinction or wealth”; we

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envy those who are near us in time, place, age, or reputation. Hence the line ‘Ay, kin can even

be jealous of their kin’” (Vickers, 727). Bacon uses a Biblical example to illustrate that “envy

ever redoubleth [increases] from speech and fame,” i.e. those people who receive overt

admiration from other people bring about much envy. Bacon here refers to the biblical story

of Cain and Abel,67 and notes that Cain’s envy was “the more vile and malignant towards his

brother Abel” because there were no other people who admired Abel.

Description of people who tend to be envied; four notions: virtue, pride, pity; pragmatism

When discussing those who are “apt” to be envied there is again the Renaissance emphasis on

virtue. Christian themes that appear are “pride” and “pity.” But Bacon also turns out to be

pragmatic here.

Firstly, Bacon mentions that “persons of eminent virtue, when they are advanced

[promoted], are less envied.” He explains the reason why: “their fortune seemeth but due unto

them; and no man envieth the payment of a debt, but rewards and liberality rather.” The

emphasis on virtue here is typically Renaissance. Bacon makes clear that virtue is a

determining characteristic with respect to envy in that virtuous people are thought to deserve

fortune, but Bacon nuances this in pointing out that virtue does not always guarantee an

absence of envy. Bacon says here: “unworthy persons are most envied at their first coming in,

and afterwards overcome it better; whereas, contrariwise, persons of worth and merit are most

envied when their fortune continueth long.”

Secondly, Bacon mentions “[p]ersons of noble blood.” They are “less envied in their

rising; for it seemeth but right done to their birth.” This clearly fits in with sixteenth century

society in which the difference in rank was fully accepted.

67 Cain envied his brother Abel and killed him because God only accepted Abel’s sacrifice and not Cain’s.

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The notion of pity is mentioned when Bacon says: “Those that have joined with their

honour great travails, cares or perils, are less subject to envy. For men think that they earn

their honours hardly, and pity them sometimes; and pity ever healeth envy.” In a pragmatical

way Bacon explains how this notion of pity can be used in politics: “Wherefore you shall

observe that the more deep and sober sort of politic persons, in their greatness, are ever

bemoaning themselves, what a life they lead; chanting a quanta patimur. Not that they feel it

so, but only to abate [beat down] the edge of envy.” This “sober sort of politic persons” thus

is feigning misfortune in order to receive pity instead of envy. It is not entirely clear whether

Bacon approves of this tactic here, but in calling those political persons sober and deep, he

does not seem to criticize them and thus it could be said that Bacon is pragmatic here in

approving of feigning misfortune to avoid envy.

The notion of pride appears once in the essay, when Bacon says: “those are most

subject to envy, which carry the greatness of their fortunes in an insolent and proud manner;

being never well but while they are shewing how great they are, either by outward pomp, or

by triumphing over all opposition or competition.” Bacon explains how this knowledge can be

used in politics: “whereas wise men will rather do sacrifice to envy, in suffering themselves

sometimes of purpose to be crossed and overborne in things that do not much concern them.”

Bacon turns out to be pragmatic here. Actually he says that in order to avoid being envied on

things that really matter, wise men should mislead people by giving up (and thus seem to

suffer) in unimportant matters. This is an example of using corrupt means in order to reach

one’s aim.

We have seen two examples of pragmatism above. Bacon’s pragmatism becomes

clearer when he summarizes how envy should be dealt with: “there is no other cure of envy

but the cure of witchcraft;68 and that is, to remove the ‘lot’ (as they call it) and to lay it upon

68 Vickers notes that “[a]ccording to Renaissance witchcraft theory, a maleficent spell could only be removed by being transferred to some other person or animal,” (The Oxford Authors, 727).

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another. ” In order to avoid the risk of being envied, one should make other people the subject

of envy, as Bacon says: “For which purpose, the wiser sort of great persons bring in ever upon

the stage somebody upon whom to derive the envy that would come upon themselves;

sometimes upon ministers and servants; sometimes upon colleagues and associates; and the

like […].” In his advice here Bacon actually approves of using wrong means in order to

produce good, and turns out to be in favour of the Machiavellian idea of the aim sanctioning

the means. He is not so Christian at all here.

A small part of the essay is dedicated to another sort of envy: “public envy”. Public

envy is not so much envy but rather a public feeling of “discontentment,” as Bacon points out.

Bacon says about the difference with private envy: “There is yet some good in public envy,

whereas in private there is none. For public envy is an ostracism that eclipseth men when they

grow too great. And therefore it is a bridle also to great ones to keep them within bounds.” In

most cases Bacon also condemns public envy and gives some practical advice. Bacon’s

position is neutral here, not being religiously inspired nor being pragmatical.

Conclusion

It has become clear that the essay is inspired both by religion and the classical thought and in

some points Bacon turns out to be pragmatic. Bacon refers more often to the classics and

classical philosophy than to the Bible. But, taking into account that envy is clearly seen as a

sin in the Christian faith, there is no doubt that Bacon’s disapproval of envy and his emphasis

on virtue is in the first place influenced by the Christian faith. The many examples from the

classics --he quotes side by side Plutarch, Aristotle and the Bible – are thus embedded in

Christian faith. The ideas from the classics never contradict Christian faith and are only used

as long as they support it.

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As clear Christian notions can be mentioned “pride” and “pity.” However, these

notions have been used in a pragmatic way, when Bacon explains that misfortune could be

feigned in order to rouse pity and that one should only be proud of unimportant things in order

to prevent being envied for things that really matter. In the same line pragmatism appears

from Bacon’s remark that envy can only be ‘cured’ by envy, where he consents to use bad

means in order to attain a good aim.

“Of Love”

The essay “Of Love,” a rather short essay, belongs to the category of moral essays, more

specifically to the essays that describe the passions. With “love” Bacon means the passion of

love here and not love in general, in the sense of charity,69 which explains why “love” is dealt

with in a negative way. It is considered here merely as a “weak passion” rather than a form of

charity. In his article “Bacon’s Man of Science” Moody E. Prior says about this that

“activities or passions which are inimical with the proper aims of life and their realization,

Bacon treats with suspicion or contempt.”70 This corresponds with Bacon’s own remark at the

beginning of the essay “Of Envy”, where he states that envy is one of the two affections (the

other being love) that “have been known to fascinate or bewitch.”

Bacon’s negative attitude towards the passion of love is inspired by religion, yet he

also turns out to be pragmatic. Christian inspiration, though implicit, appears from the body

part of the essay. When Bacon works out his disapproval of “exaggeration,” a characteristic

inherent to the passion of love, one can discover key concepts from Bacon’s religious thought:

his shunning of pride and the importance of the laws of nature. Bacon is rather pragmatic in

the beginning and end of the essay in pointing out that love endangers fortune. Classical

69 The final part of the essay says: When one is not directed towards only one or a few persons, one becomes “humane and charitable; as is seen sometimes in friars.” Nuptial love is good, “because it maketh mankind.” “Friendly love perfecteth mankind,” but, as Bacon concludes, “wanton love corrupteth and embaseth [degrades] it.”70 In: The Essential Articles for the Study of Francis Bacon.

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examples are used as support here, except for one example in which he criticises Epicurus.

The final part contains both pragmatic and religious motives; as passionate love endangers

riches (pragmatic) and truth (religious).

Pragmatic approach to love inspired by the classics

Bacon’s pragmatic approach appears directly in the beginning when he points out that being

great and worthy does not allow the passion of love. Bacon’s scepticism towards passion is

supported by examples of classical persons whose virtue consists in abstaining from the

passion of love. Bacon says that

[a]mongst all the great and worthy persons (whereof the memory remaineth, either

ancient or recent) there is not one that hath been transported to the mad degree of love;

which shows that great spirits and great business do keep out this weak passion.

Bacon attaches much importance to virtue here; in saying that “great spirits, and great

business, do keep out this weak passion” he shows the importance he attaches to “great and

worthy persons.” By way of exception, Bacon mentions two wise and great men who yet were

passionate lovers: Marcus Antonius and Appius Claudius, in order to teach that “it seems

(though rarely) that love can find entrance not only into an open heart, but also in a heart well

fortified, if watch be not well kept.” So far Bacon uses the classics to show the dangers of the

passion of love here. In referring to great and worthy persons, Bacon is a typically

Renaissance writer, emphasizing the importance of virtue. Also in the end Bacon mentions

that passion leads to a loss of fortune and he refers to the Greek myth of Paris, who “quitteth

both riches and wisdom.”

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Christian inspiration: laws of nature, vocation and truth

Yet Bacon is not only pragmatic and appears to be inspired by Christianity when he refutes

the words of Epicure: Satis magnum alter alteri theatrum sumus [each of us is enough of an

audience for the other]. Bacon interprets this as follows: as if man “should do nothing but

kneel before a little idol, and make himself subject, though not of the mouth (as beasts are),

yet of the eye, which was given them for higher purposes.” This mentioning of the higher

purpose of the eyes is evidently informed by his Christian ideas. The use of the term “idol”

reinforces this association with the Christian faith.

More of religious inspiration, though implicit, appears from the body part of the essay.

When Bacon works out his disapproval of “exaggeration,” a characteristic inherent to the

passion of love, one can discover key concepts from Bacon’s religious thought. Bacon says

that love “braves [distorts, Vickers] the nature and value of things” because it exaggerates

things in “speaking in a perpetual hyperbole” and in being extremely passionate. Bacon

compares the lover to a flatterer and he says that a lover loves someone else even more than a

flatterer loves himself:71 “[f]or there was never proud man, thought so absurdly well of

himself, as the lover doth of the person loved.” And he continues: “[a]nd therefore it was well

said that it is impossible to love and to be wise.” Bacon turns out here to prefer realism and

disapproves of exaggeration. This is not specifically Christian, yet a connection can be made

to two motives in Bacon’s religious thought. When he says that love distorts the nature and

value of things, a link can be made to the importance Bacon attaches to the laws of nature.

Bacon’s abhorrence of the proud flatterer here may be connected with his motif of vocation. It

was Bacon’s vocation to attack human pride and arrogance (and to point to signs of hope).

An important reason for abstaining from passionate love was its exaggerating

characteristic, as has been made clear above. Nest to religious ideas this sceptical attitude

towards passion and plea for realism contains also evident Stoical elements.

71 Bacon quotes from Plutarch here, (Vickers, The Oxford Authors, 728).

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In the final part Bacon again discusses the losses that are caused by love. And he adds

to the already mentioned loss of riches the loss of wisdom: love “troubleth men’s fortunes,

and maketh men that they can no ways be true to their own ends.” This being “true to your

own ends” can be connected to Bacon’s religious zeal for truth or knowledge.

Conclusion

It can be concluded that Bacon is both pragmatically and religiously inspired. His pragmatism

is mainly supported by the classics and consists of his emphasis on the loss of fortune.

Christian elements are his disapproval of pride, his paying attention to the laws of nature and

the importance of being true to your own ends. Overall it can be said that the essay clearly

bears traces of Stoicism in its negative approach towards passion.

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FINAL CONCLUSION

I have shown that The Essays are religiously inspired in a broad sense, in that they fit in with

Bacon’s Instauration Program, which in its turn is also religiously inspired (as McKnight has

shown in his The Religious Foundations of Francis Bacon’s Thought).

The key concepts in Bacon’s religious thought, as they have appeared from the

discussion of Mcknight’s book and the analysis of the Confession of Faith, all appeared in the

individual essays. Bacon’s religious inspiration appears throughout all the essays. I have

shown the explicit or implicit references to the Bible and Christian faith. Nature and the laws

of nature play a substantive role. The motif of God’s Providence is also evidently present. The

notions of charity and piety have appeared. Bacon is Calvinist in his idea about the

consequences of the fall, as they appeared in the essay “Of Truth.” Bacon describes men’s

judgement and affections as being corrupted. He connects real truth with God´s light and the

illumination of His Spirit.

Furthermore, Bacon appeared to be typically Anglican. This became clear from the

essay “Of Unity in Religion” where he advocated the via media.

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What became especially clear from the analysis of Essays are two things: the

important role of the classics in Bacon’s religious thought and Bacon’s pragmatism. Though

The Essays are religiously inspired in a broad sense, and also the individual essays appeared

to be inspired by the Christian faith, Bacon regularly has pragmatic motives. Bacon’s

pragmatic motives are sometimes even supported with Biblical arguments, Bacon thus

misusing the Scriptures.

Influence of the classics

Bacon’s Christian religious thought is often supported by the classics. However, the classical

ideas are always embedded in his Christian thought. He picks out their good elements and

Christianises the classical ideas.

A good example is the essay “Of Atheism.” Bacon refers to classical philosophy to

show that this philosophy, here a thorough study of nature, leads to belief in a God, and in

Providence. Bacon mentions the school of Leucippus, Democritus and Epicurus and their

atomist theory. Providence, belief in God’s administration, is important for Bacon. Though

Epicurus and Plato do not believe in Providence, Bacon yet uses and even praises them to

make his point about atheism. Similarly the essay “Of Truth” can be mentioned, where Bacon

uses words from the poet Lucretius to sustain his Calvinist ideas about the corruption of men

after the Fall. In the essay “Of Envy” Bacon’s emphasis on virtue is primarily inspired by

classical writers.

pragmatism

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Bacon’s pragmatism firstly appeared in his focus on the benefit of religion for the state (in the

essay “Of Unity of Religion”). Unity in religion was thus not only considered as a theological

virtue, but mainly as a means to bring stability to the state. Also Bacon could have a personal

pragmatic motive here; Bacon’s Anglican orientation should then also be taken into account.

In explaining that unity of religion was of great advantage to the state and actually meant the

use of the Anglican via media, Bacon may have tried to gain favour with the Queen, who was

the head of the Anglican Church. For, we know that Bacon, as an advisor to the Queen,

eagerly searched for promotion in his political career.

More pragmatism appears when Bacon deals with the notion of truth. The religious

inspiration of the essay “Of Truth” is evident, but Bacon tends to neglect his Christian

principles in his practical discussion of the function of the lie in every day life.

Also with respect to charity Bacon turns out to be partly pragmatic, as appears from

the essay “Of Goodness and Goodness of Nature.” In his emphasizing that charity should not

be at the cost of one’s self and that too much goodness makes people vulnerable in worldly

affairs, Bacon tends to deviate from the Christian notion of charity.

In the essay “Of Envy” Bacon becomes pragmatic in giving some practical advice. He

explains that misfortune could be feigned in order to rouse pity and thus to prevent envy. He

also says that being proud of unimportant things may keep people from being envied for

things that really matter. In the same line pragmatism appears when Bacon remarks that envy

can only be cured by envy, thus consenting to use bad means in order to attain a good aim.

The essay “Of Love” shows pragmatism in its emphasis on the main disadvantage of

passionate love: the loss of fortune. Bacon’s pragmatism is clearly inspired by the classics

here.

Finally it can be noted, as has been discussed in chapter 3, that “the essay” as a literary

genre created the possibility to transfer knowledge in a special way. The aphoristic style, with

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short pregnant utterances, left space for a development of knowledge and did not create

restrictions. This suits Bacon´s own religiously inspired ideas concerning the advancement of

learning. True knowledge which has to be acquired for “the relief of man’s estate” needs

development and cannot be presented as static.

Bibliography

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New York: Univ. of Southern California Press, 1962.

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