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    Babel No1November 2012

    First issue

    FREE

    www.babelzine.com

    The language magazine

    Linguistics goes Sci-Fihow to speak Venusian!

    Language as evidenceorensic linguistics

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    Welcome

    In the Biblical story o the tower o Babel,

    God punishes his people or their prideby destroying the enormous tower they

    have been constructing as a monumentto their own greatness. And as i this

    isnt enough, he conounds their singlecommon language, breaking it up into a myriad

    o languages and dialects, presumably on thegrounds that this act will make it dificult or

    them to organise themselves to perorm suchhubristic acts in the uture. The myth o Babelis designed to explain the number and variety o

    human languages. Moreover, it suggests that, orhumans, having many thousands o languages is

    much worse than having a single shared language.One thing we do know about the Babel story, then,

    is that whoever thought it up was obviously not alinguist. The truth is that while a single common

    language might be useul or communication,theres no evidence that it would ever bring about

    the harmony that people oten assume it would.The number o Civil Wars ought over the course

    o human history is ample proo o that. More tothe point though, the variety o languages spoken

    in the world today is endlessly ascinating, so whyon earth would we wish or ewer? Language is

    interesting. And languages (plural) are absorbingand intriguing. Why, or instance, does Hungarian

    have two words that both mean red? Why doFrench, German, Italian and many other languages

    have ormal and inormal second person pronouns(e.g. tu and vous) while English doesnt? What

    makes it so apparently easy or children to learnlanguages when adults struggle to do the same

    thing? Why does your voice get higher when youreach the end o a phone call? Why do people get

    so hot under the collar about so-called correctand incorrect ways o writing? The answers to

    these questions can be ound in linguistics, otencalled the scientific study o language. One o the

    reasons that language is so ascinating is that itssomething we all share. And just as everyone uses

    language, so too does everyone have an opinion

    about it. But i we want real answers to questionsabout language then we need the insights o

    linguistics. Babel aims to provide these.

    In producing this first issue, we hope toencourage language enthusiasts rom around the

    world to subscribe or regular quarterly editions(see inside ront cover) starting rom February

    2013, in which we will maintain a mix o topicsand styles to suit all tastes. Whilst Babel is written

    in English, it will address issues relating to manydierent human languages, including those under

    threat o disappearing as well as the worlds major

    languages. There will be regular eatures, such asbiographies o inluential thinkers on language(Lives in Language) and explanations o technical

    terms (A Linguistic Lexicon) and there will also beeature articles on topics o general interest as well

    as regular quizzes and competitions.We are delighted that in this first, pilot

    edition, we have managed to persuade someimportant figures in linguistics to contribute their

    thoughts on topics close to their interests. We havenumerous contributions rom other well-known

    linguists planned or uture editions. See the insideback page or some o these orthcoming eatures

    and visit our website to subscribe to the magazine.The University o Huddersfield has providedfinancial and organisational support or this pilot

    issue o Babel. We are also very grateul to themany linguists who have supported this venture

    by contributing articles and acting as members othe Advisory Panel. Finally, we would like to thank

    David Crystal, who has agreed to act as BabelsLinguistic Consultant. David is probably the most

    well-known linguist out there in the real worldand we are great admirers o his ability to speak the

    truth about language whilst keeping it clear andaccessible enough or non-linguists to understand.

    We hope that Babel will emulate these qualities.

    Lesley Jeries and Dan McIntyre

    Editors

    Babel The Language Magazine | November 3

    Editorial

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    Contents

    FeAtures

    08 How to speak VenusianPeter Stockwell explores the possibilities o communicatingwith aliens

    12 Anything you say may be given inevidencePeter French and Louisa Stevens reveal the realities o lieas a orensic speech scientist

    16 The two faces of the dragonDniel Z. Kdr describes politeness practices in Chineseand how they vary rom those o other languages

    19 Circles of EnglishMarcus Bridle explains how English has become a globallanguage and how its norms are shiting

    reGuLArs02 Editorial

    05 Language in the news

    06 A linguistic lexicon

    22 Reviews

    24 Language games

    26 Lives in language: Siobhan Chapman

    Conac PHONe18 7831

    [email protected]

    POstBabel MagazineSchool o Music, Humanities and

    MediaWest BuildingUniversity o HuddersfieldQueensgateHuddersfield HD1 3DH, UK

    W fo BablWe welcome eature articles,shorter contributions, bookreviews and biographies.Please contact the editors i youwould like to write or Babel.

    : [email protected]

    W o We welcome your letters thoughwe reserve the right to edit themor length and content and topublish them on our website.Please include contact details(not or publication). Lettersshould not be longer than words.

    : [email protected]

    or write to: Letters, Babel,School o Music, Humanitiesand Media, University oHuddersfield, HD1 3DH, UK

    EditorsPro. Lesley Jeries

    Pro. Dan McIntyre

    Linguistic consultantDavid Crystal

    Editorial AssistantJane Lugea University o Huddersfield, UK

    DesignRichard Honey at dg3

    Advisory PanelPro David BritainUniversity o Berne, Switzerland

    Pro Michael BurkeUCRA, Utrecht University, The Netherlands

    Ben Crystal Actor and Writer

    Dr Laura Hidalgo DowningAutonomous University o Madrid, Spain

    Dr Tim Grant Aston University, UKDr Sarala KrishnamurthyPolytechnic o Namibia, Namibia

    Dr Jeremy Scott University o Kent, UK

    Pro Peter StockwellUniversity o Nottingham, UK

    Pro Peter TrudgillUniversity o Agder, Norway

    Dr Lieven VandelanotteUniversity o Namur, Belgium

    Pro Katie WalesUniversity o Nottingham, UK

    Dr Kevin WatsonUniversity o Canterbury, New Zealand

    Dr Laura WrightUniversity o Cambridge, UK

    Babel The Language Magazine | November 04

    What's inside

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    Language

    in the newsr.i.P. QueeNs eNGLisHsOCietyFounded in 1972, the Queens Eng-

    lish Society has decided to close a-

    ter only 22 people turned up to its

    annual general meeting and no one

    wanted to be on the committee.

    This, however, is not a sign that Eng-

    lish is deteriorating, according to Paul

    Kerswill, Proessor o Sociolinguisticsat the University o York, who wrote

    in The Sun newspaper on 7 June 2012

    that the QES was ull o people who

    were good at heart rather than the

    pompous caricatures they some-

    times appeared. Nevertheless, Pro.

    Kerswill does take the Society to task

    or worrying about things that dont

    matter, such as words and phrases

    that gradually change their meaning

    so that people no longer distinguishthem (e.g. owing to vs. due to). What

    matters to everyone who really cares

    about language, he suggests, is clar-

    ity and not clinging to history: The

    society is on a particularly sticky

    wicket when it says it is against or-

    eign words entering the English lan-

    guage. English has many more such

    loanwords than most languages,

    thanks to centuries o inluence rom

    Norse, Latin and Norman French.

    Lesley Jeries

    Read the original story in The Sun:

    www.thesun.co.uk/sol/homepage/

    features/4359146/Tweets-and-

    texting-dont-mean-falling-

    standardsjust-that-language-is-

    changing.html

    David Crystal writes...

    Stop Press: There has been a

    last-ditch attempt to resuscitate

    the Q.E.S. They have appointed anacting chairman and secretary, and

    hope to keep it going. We will see...

    GOverNmeNtsAPPrOACH tO tHe

    PrimAry CurriCuLumiN eNGLisH is COuNter-PrOduCtiveProessor Andrew Pollard rom the

    Institute o Education (London) was

    one o our specialists appointed to

    advise the British Governments min-

    ister or Education, Michael Gove, on

    the content and style o the primary

    school English curriculum. As his blog

    post on 6 June 2012 demonstrates, he

    does not eel he was listened to as he

    responded to the outcome o the re-

    view: the approach is atally lawed

    without parallel consideration o the

    needs o learners. His criticism rests

    on the lack o scope in the proposals

    or teachers to exercise their judg-

    ment in relation to individual pupils:

    The skill and expertise o the teacher

    lies in building on each pupils existing

    understanding and capabilities, and

    in matching tasks to extend attain-

    ment. The UK governments eortsto return to some mythical golden

    age o English education, when eve-

    ryone could spell long words and use

    the subjunctive tense is, according

    to Proessor Pollard, counter-pro-

    ductive in relation to the need to

    preserve a broad and balanced cur-

    riculum and to cater or all children:

    in the real world o classrooms the

    range o pupil needs is enormous.

    These cannot be wished away.

    Lesley JeriesRead Andrew Pollards blog post in

    full: http://ioelondonblog.wordpress.

    com/2012/06/12/proposed-primary-

    curriculum-what-about-the-pupils/

    Read the original story in The

    Guardian: www.guardian.co.uk/

    education/2012/jun/12/michael-gove-

    curriculum-attacked-adviser

    Pro. Andrew Pollard criticisesMichael Gove's wishul thinking

    Eds: We are interested to see the

    Queens English Society membersdisplaying a realistic acceptance othe changing language, despite their

    reputation as die hard traditionalists,whilst the British Government, whichshould be helping primary pupils

    succeed in the real world, is clinging tooutmoded models o what constitutes

    good English. We regret the act thatexpert panels, having been appointed,were apparently not listened to.

    Her Ladyships Guide to theQueens English by Caroline

    Taggart is published byNational Trust Books.

    www. carolinetaggart.co.uk

    Babel The Language Magazine | November

    Language news

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    The linguistic lexiconAto

    ZIn each issue well be defining

    some o the commonterminology that linguists

    use to describe language.Well start at the beginning.

    A is or

    Accent Your accent is the way that you pronounce your particular dialect. In English, orinstance, the Yorkshire accent diers rom the Birmingham accent. Your accent canindicate where you are rom, what social class you belong to, how educated you mightbe, and so on. Inevitably, people make value judgements about accents. It used to be thecase that newsreaders on the BBC all spoke Received Pronunciation (RP), the so-calledQueens English. Nowadays, its common to hear the news being read in a wide rangeo accents, rom Yorkshire to Geordie to Scouse. But although its no longer strangeto hear people on TV speaking Standard English with a regional accent, it would beunusual to hear someone speaking a regional dialect using RP. And while its still thecase that we judge people on the accent they speak, no accent is any better or worsethan another in communicative terms.

    Anaphora Anaphora describes the practice o reerring backwards in language. For example, inthe ollowing sentence, the pronoun he reers anaphorically to the noun phraseThe unhappy linguist:

    The unhappy linguistsaid that he was going to drown his sorrows.

    Anaphora is a orm o grammatical cohesion and anaphoric reerence is a cohesivedevice. The unction o cohesion is to avoid undue repetition. But anaphora is nota solely text-based phenomenon. Research in cognitive linguistics has suggestedthat anaphoric pronouns reer back not only to linguistic antecedents but to mentalrepresentations o specific entities. This makes sense. Ater all, spoken language hasbeen around or much longer than written language.

    Alveolar Put your tongue behind your ront teeth. Now move it back slightly. The lattishplatorm that your tongue is touching is your alveolar ridge. I you run your tonguerom your ront teeth backwards, you should be able to eel the alveolar ridge and thesharp corner which takes your tongue urther up into your palate (roo o the mouth).The alveolar ridge is the most common place or articulating consonants in English(/t/, /d/, /s/, /z/, /n/, /l/, /r/) and many other languages too. You make use o your alveolarridge when you produce alveolar sounds like /d/ (as in dog) and /t/ (as in ten). Try it.You should eel that your tongue is resting against your alveolar ridge when you beginto pronounce these words. It will move away rom the ridge as soon as youve madethe /t/ or /d/ sounds. Alveolar consonants are produced using the alveolar ridge asan articulator. The dierence between the sounds at the same place o articulationis achieved by doing dierent things with the tongue and other articulators i.e.

    changing the manner o articulation.

    Babel The Language Magazine | November 06

    Linguistic lexicon

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    Ambiguity Ambiguity can occur at any level o language. For instance, i we hear someone saythe nuthatch is a neckless bird, it is our knowledge o the world that tells us we cannotbe hearing the nuthatch is a necklace bird, because on the whole human beings do notwear birds around their necks. This, then, is a phonological ambiguity arising rom thesimilarity o sounds (not spelling) in the words neckless and necklace. Lexical ambiguityalso occurs at the level o the word, with homonyms like bank and wave needing theircontext to make clear which meaning is intended. I made my way over to the bankis likely to imply a river bank i the context is all about a river trip in a boat but couldimply a high street bank i the context is one o a busy city street. More interestingly,perhaps, there are ambiguities that arise out o the grammar itsel. Subordinate clausesare particularly prone to ambiguity:

    Lucy told the girl that Dave was bringing

    Here, the ambiguous section is the girl that Dave was bringing. It could be a singleelement o the sentence orming the direct object o the verb told (i.e. the girl is theperson that Dave was bringing to the event), in which case you could replace the wholething with a single pronoun: her. The other possibility is that the girl is the indirectobject o told and that Dave was bringing is the beginning o a subordinate clauseorming the direct object. The remainder o the sentence is likely to make clear whicho these interpretations is the right one:

    Lucy told the girl that Dave was bringing to wrap up warm.

    Lucy told the girl that Dave was bringing warm clothes

    Anti-language Our pockets were ull o deng, so there was no real need rom the point o view ocrasting any more pretty polly to tolchock some old veck in an alley and viddy himswim in his blood while we counted the takings and divided by our, nor to do theultra-violent on some shivering starry grey-haired ptitsa in a shop and go smeckingo with the tills guts. This is Nadsat, an anti-language spoken by Alex, the teenagenarrator o Anthony Burgesss classic novel A Clockwork Orange. Anti-languages

    are essentially extreme social dialects and arise among subcultures as a marker odierence rom mainstream society. The term was coined by the linguist M. A. K.Halliday. Anti-languages have distinct vocabularies though are usually based on thegrammar (i.e. structure) o a parent language. Nadsat is a mixture o English, Russian,some German, cockney rhyming slang and invented words, though the grammar isEnglish.

    Apposition Have you ever played the card game Happy Families, in which the first person tocomplete a set o cards with members o the same amily is the winner? This gamedefines the characters on each card by their job (or in the case o the women andchildren, by their relationship to the man o the amily this is a very old game!). So,you have Mr Bones the Butcher, Mrs Chip the Carpenters Wie, Miss Snip the Barbers

    Daughter and so on. The way that these characters are named is known as apposition.The term is used to reer to two words or phrases (usually, but not always noun phrases)which reer to the same thing or person and have the same grammatical role. So, i anewspaper reports Mr Cameron, the British Prime Minister, arrived in Washingtontoday, then the two ways o reerring to David Cameron are both the subject othe sentence and are thereore in apposition to each other. To orm a grammaticalsentence, you only need one or other o these phrases. The reason or them both beingthere is usually explanatory, in case readers dont know who Mr Cameron is or who iscurrently the British Prime Minister. Now that youre an expert, spot the apposition inthe first sentence o this definition

    Articulator Lips, teeth, tongue, alveolar ridge, hard palate, sot palate, uvula, glottis these are allarticulators. Articulators are organs o speech. We use them to obstruct the low o airthrough the vocal tract, thereby changing the manner o articulation o consonants(see the entry or alveolar or an example.

    Babel The Language Magazine | November 07

    Linguistic lexicon

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    How to speakLearning a oreign language is dificultenough but how would you manage i youhad to communicate with extra-terrestrials?P socwll explores the problems andpitalls o intergalactic communication.

    It has recently become apparent

    that there are billions o planetsorbiting stars in the universe, and

    millions o those are Earth-like,in the so-called Goldilocks zone

    where water is liquid and the landis temperate. O those millions o planets,

    a ew million will have sustained the

    conditions or lie, and o those perhapsmany thousands will have orms o liethat have begun to shape their own planet

    and maybe travelled to nearby moons and

    other worlds. In order to be able to do this,these aliens will almost certainly have

    had to develop language in some ormor another. So the question or our own

    deep uture is: are we prepared to speak tothem? How can we reassure them about

    our presence, convince them that we are

    conscious and intelligent too, and sharewith them our history and culture? Wewill need to develop a xenolinguistics.

    Babel The Language Magazine | November

    Feature How to speak Venusian

    08

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    Venusian

    The problem o aliencommunication has a long

    history in science fiction, ocourse. Mostly, the aliens

    conveniently spoke English orour benefit, claiming to have

    learned it rom receiving ourtelevision and radio broadcasts.

    I this was the case, the firstwords they would have heard

    would have been either thecoronation o George VI in 1937

    with its commentary in whatwas then only just becoming

    known as BBC English, or morelikely (because the broadcastingsignal was stronger) Adol Hitler

    addressing the Nuremburg

    rallies in 1934-5. These alienswould need to be only 77 light-years away, which means they

    could live in any o the 70 orso solar systems within that

    compass, and they are rightnow presumably trying to learn

    demagogue German. We canexpect a reply by 2089.

    SF writers have imaginedmore remote aliens too, who

    were able to speak English eitherby telepathy or by universal

    translator machines. Both othese technologies rest on the

    assumption that our consciousthought is raw and untouched bylanguage so your pure thoughts

    can be rendered into anylanguage as long as the machine

    knows the right algorithm ortransorming thought into

    vocabulary and syntax. Thoughthis idea is not a million miles

    rom some versions o theoreticallinguistics o the last 50 years,

    unortunately the universal

    translator is impossible.The machine would not

    only need to know things like

    your words or table, person,and cat, but also how you

    dierentiate these objectsrom processes like running,

    eat, jumped, and why youtreat abstractions like liberty,

    evolution, and light more like

    the first group o nouns thanthe second group o verbs. There

    are somewhere around 6600languages on our planet, and

    maybe ten times that manylanguages which have ever

    existed here, and there are manyways in which they carve upthe world in terms o objects,

    processes, circumstances, whospeaks where and when, and the

    allowable order o words. And,remember, all o this diversity

    has happened within the samespecies: we are all roughly a

    metre and a hal high, scaoldedcontainers o hot liquid under

    pressure, with most o oursensing parts at the ront and

    sides o our heads. We see in a

    small spectrum and are blind

    to inrared, ultraviolet, gammaand radio waves; we only have

    5 types o taste, very indistinctsmell capacities, crude nerve-

    bunches or touch. Most weirdly,

    we communicate using the samebody-parts with which we eatand breathe!

    In an episode o Star Trek(Darmok), Captain Jean-Luc

    Picard and an alien Tamariancaptain are marooned together

    on a barren planet wherethey are stalked by a monster.

    They find that they cannotcommunicate with each otherat all, though Picards universal

    translator machine renders theindividual words accurately:

    Darmok and Jalad at Tanagra,Shaka, when the walls ell. Ater

    much trial and error in extremecircumstances, it becomes

    apparent that the Tamarianscommunicate metaphorically

    by citing parallel instances rom

    their own cultural history, so thelatter phrase above is a metaphor

    or ailure, and the ormer phraseis the same testing situation

    that Picard and the alien findthemselves in. The universal

    translator doesnt work because itcan never know the entire history

    and culture o the alien language,even though it can decode the

    individual meaning o the wordsand syntax (somehow!).

    Even so, the sciencefictional xenolinguist has a

    relatively easy job learninglanguages like Klingon or

    Ladan, since like some oEarths languages they still

    divide perception o the worldup into objects and processes(roughly, nouns and verbs).

    In Darmok, an episode o Star Trek: TheNext Generation, Captain Jean-Luc Picardis aced with an alien who is only able tocommunicate metaphorically.

    Babel The Language Magazine | November

    Feature How to speak Venusian

    09

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    The Star Trek language oKlingon was invented by linguist

    Marc Okrand who up-ended themost common human syntax o

    subject-verb-object (SVO) intothe Klingon word-order OVS.

    However, once you have learnedthe guttural vocabulary or

    chicken ate I and worked out theparticles to attach to words to tell

    you which is which (I is subjectwhere me is object in the English

    remnants o this similar system),then you pretty much have it.

    Klingon could be a long-lostEarth-like language, and againinit is not surprising because the

    Klingons are humanoid even i

    they are unnecessarily aggressiveto the point where they arehardly likely to have survived

    as a species in the first place.Ladan is a language invented

    by Suzette Haden Elgin in hernovel Native Tongue, in which a

    uturistic group o women inventtheir own eminine language

    to express their worldviewas women. Similarly to its

    masculine opposite Klingon,Ladan alters syntactic order to

    the uncommon-Earthly VSO,and it has some interesting

    peculiarities o grammar, butotherwise it is learnable (even

    by men) and human. Klingonsounds rough and Germanic

    to English-speakers, Ladansounds euphonious like native

    American or Chinese speech; butboth exist or poetic eects or to

    mark alienness and so are at leastpartly amiliar.

    The xenolinguist acedwith languages such as these is

    in roughly the same position asgenerations o anthropologists

    living with discovered peoples,isolated communities or losttribes: you just have to work

    out the rules and words, butsince you share a human body

    and condition (and planetaryenvironment and local physics),

    your task is possible. More

    strange orms o language have

    been imagined in science fictionto stretch our capacities. Thomas

    Mores 16th century Utopianis transcribed at the end o his

    book, and a rudely englishedtranslation is supplied: the

    Utopian passage has ewer wordsand is thus more economical, but

    it still looks a bit like Latin. It isimpossible, though, to identiythe meanings o any words in

    Utopian, and the text gesturestowards the unknowable

    ideal: living in your real 1516Europe, you are too ignorant to

    understand it.Even more advanced

    versions o uturistic evolvedpost-humans (in Dan Simmons

    Ilium series or Alastair ReynoldsRevelation Space series)

    communicate in superastmachine language (which you,

    mere old-style human, alsocannot understand). In the

    galaxy-spanning Culture o IainM. Banks, you might be able to

    speak a basic orm o Marain(M1), which is nevertheless

    complex, subtle and beautiul,but altered humans, other aliens,

    and the artificial Minds that are

    embodied in Ships or Orbitals

    speak ar more complex dialectso the language right up to

    M32 which is encrypted to aninsanely paranoid level accessible

    only to the military intelligence

    Minds working in SpecialCircumstances.

    As a post-human, you mightcommunicate by combining

    traditional mouth-createdsounds with loating images

    and icons called picts (in GregBears Eon universe). These add

    shapes and colours to allow moresubtle expressions o political

    shading, commitment andemotion than we can articulate.

    Most undamentally, our bodiesdo not have the cranial implants

    or projection and perceptionequipment to be able to engage

    in this sort o language. So asa xenolinguist you are going

    to need either a lot o remedialtechnology to overcome your

    disabilities, or some serious bodymodification.

    Nevertheless, with an

    appropriate cyborgisation(Charles Stross) or a new seto body chops (L.E. Modesitt),

    you would at least be able tocommunicate with the post-

    humans. And even modifiedpost-humans presumably

    still retain some ancestralsense o their earlier physical

    condition that remains in theway their language works, justas our languages are still highly

    dependent on the things thatas early humans we needed

    the most: we understand timeand complex relationships

    still basically in terms o space(Summer is coming, Its getting

    late, My riends are very close);we understand things that are

    not there as significant absentobjects; we are provoked by

    things that are dierent aster

    than we notice things that aresimilar. We are still basicallysmart apes.

    Thomas Mores Utopia, an

    idealised republic whoseinhabitants speak Utopian,a language strangely similarto Latin.

    Feature How to speak Venusian

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    All human and post-human languages are thus

    undamentally representational.A word or a stretch o

    discourse stands or a thing ora phenomenon or a process,

    either out in the world or inyour imagination, that you

    want to package up and send

    to another person who willknow what youre talking about.

    What i a species had a non-

    representational language?Jonathan Swits academicians

    had devised such a literallanguage, but they had to carry

    every object that they wanted toreer to around with them in a

    large sack. And they would havehad a problem having an abstract

    conversation, communicating anemotion, or even just planning

    their dinner.In Embassytown, China

    Miville describes the Arieki, arace o creatures that have bodies

    but whose edges are ill-definedand in lux. However, it is in

    their extreme language distancerom the human visitors that

    the novel oers an insight orthe xenolinguist. The Arieki

    can only communicate i theyare convinced that there is an

    intention behind someonesspeech, and since they seem

    to have doubled minds and to

    speak simultaneously with theirmouths and stomachs, theysimply do not hear any human

    speaking to them in anything

    other than noises. They donteven believe we are individually

    conscious. The humans onArieka have genetically cloned

    Ambassador couples whose

    twin minds and ability to speaksimultaneously convince theArieki that they are persons.

    The Arieki have a unique

    identity between language andthought that means they cannot

    conceptualise a lie. This alsomeans that deception, fiction

    and metaphors are completelyalien to them, though they can

    eel a thrilling sensation whenconronted by a simile however,

    the simile cannot be spokenbut must be represented by a

    particular person or object. TheArieki would split a rock to create

    a particular figure o speech, orempty a house o all its urniture

    and then put it back again toexpress another. And humans or

    them become embodied similesor examples: the man who swimswith fishes every week, the boy

    who was opened and closedagain, the girl who ate what was

    given to her. O course, as soon asthe humans teach the Arieki how

    to lie, the result is catastrophic orthe Host population on the planet.

    What, though, i yourprospective conversational

    partner was not in act romsome Earth-like planet, not even

    rom somewhere cold and barren

    Peter Stockwell is Proessor oLiterary Linguistics at the University

    o Nottingham. His most recentbooks include Introducing EnglishLanguage (Routledge, 2010) and Texture:

    A Cognitive Aesthetics of Reading(Edinburgh University Press, 2009).With Sara Whiteley, he is currently

    editing The Cambridge Handbook ofStylistics (Cambridge University Press,

    orthcoming).

    Fn o o

    BooThe Poetics of Science Fiction by Peter Stockwell(Longman, 2000)

    From Elvish to Klingon: Exploring Invented Languagesedited by Michael Adams (Oxord University Press,2011)

    tvDarmok is episode 2, season 5 oStar Trek:The Next Generation (original transmission, 30September 1991)

    like Mars or hot and toxic likeVenus? What i they were not

    humanoid at all, or not bodiedlike us in any way, and thereore

    experienced their world in acompletely dierent manner?

    What would the language oloating balloon creatures in the

    upper atmosphere o a gas giantlike Jupiter or Saturn sound /

    look / eel / smell like? Whatwould the language o hive-

    mind species with no sense oindividual consciousness be like?

    Would at least all carbon-basedlieorms like us have a similar

    language eature (such as us andthem, me and other, or figure

    and ground) that is dierentrom silicon-based, hydrogen-based, gaseous or metallic orms

    o lie? Venusian is a relative walkin the carbon-dioxide park; now,

    xenolinguist, you have your workcut out.

    The Arieki have a uniqueidentity between languageand thought that meansthey cannot conceptualisea lie. This also means thatdeception, fiction andmetaphors are completely

    alien to them, though theycan eel a thrilling sensationwhen conronted by asimile.

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    The jobdescription

    orensic speechscientist

    probably meanslittle or nothing,

    even to the keenest an odetective fiction and act. This

    is largely because most o thework undertaken in a orensic

    speech laboratory is not to helpsolve live crimes. Rather, the

    point at which police oficers,prosecutors and deence lawyers

    usually enlist a orensic speechscientist is when the police

    consider the puzzle to have beensolved and their chase finished.

    In other words, the exciting partis over; the suspect has been

    arrested and charged, and wehave entered the long weeks

    and months o meticulous and

    invisible case preparation andchecking. Bundles o papers,

    lab-based analysis o exhibits,pre-trial court hearings it

    cant exactly compete withSherlock Holmes, Miss Marple

    or Lewis. Nevertheless, thework orms an important part

    o judicial process, and has beeninstrumental in securing a good

    many convictions and, indeed,acquittals. Famous cases in

    which this type o evidence hasfigured include the International

    War Crimes Tribunal trialor genocide o the ormer

    Yugoslavian President SlobodanMilosevic, the prosecution o the

    Yorkshire Ripper hoaxer JohnHumble, and that o the Who

    Wants to be a Millionaire? gameshow raudster Major Charles

    Ingram.In the UK alone orensic

    speech scientists act in around

    500 600 cases per year.These all into a number o

    categories, all o which involvethe examination o recordings

    o speech or the consideration ospeech related matters.

    The major category o workis orensic speaker comparison.

    In the UK, evidence rom thiskind o analysis has been used

    in criminal trials or around45 years, the first case having

    being heard in the WinchesterMagistrates Court as long ago as1967. The task entails comparing

    the voices in criminal recordingswith those o known suspects.

    Criminal recordings here reersto a wide and catholic array o

    material. They may be abusivemessages or death threats

    let on a victims voicemailacility, recordings o hoax

    calls made to the emergencyservices, raudulent telephone

    calls to financial institutions,or conversations between

    Anything

    you say maybe given in

    evidence It may not be as glamorous as CSI butlanguage analysis is an important parto many court cases. Peter French andLouisa Stevens describe the work othe orensic speech scientist.

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    major drugs importers, peopletrafickers or terrorists in cars,

    lats and business premises thathave been bugged by the police

    or security service. The ubiquityo mobile telephones has resulted

    in many violent crimes beingrecorded. Victims or bystander

    witnesses to robberies, rapesand murders oten dial 999

    and the voice o the criminal isrecorded over the open line in

    the background o the call. Innearly all other countries the

    criminal recordings are veryoten telephone intercepts (wiretaps). The UK, while allowing

    call interception to take place on

    a warrant rom the Home Ofice,currently restricts the use othose recordings to investigative

    purposes (Regulation oInvestigatory Powers Act, 2000).

    As they cannot be used inevidence, they are not submitted

    or speaker comparison tests.The reerence recordings

    with which the criminal voicesare compared are in most cases

    those o police interviews withthe suspects. Until the mid-

    1980s, someone suspected obeing the voice in a criminal

    recording would be asked toprovide a voluntary voice sample.

    Needless to say, many did not.However, the enactment o the

    Police and Criminal EvidenceAct (1984) required all police

    interviews to be recorded.This resulted in suspects

    automatically providing voicesamples simply as a by-product

    o the interview procedure.Almost overnight, the volume

    o orensic speaker comparisonwork rose exponentially.

    So how is it done? The mostprevalent method comprisesa combination o two types

    o tests: auditory-phonetic(analytic listening) and acoustic

    (computer-based). The auditory-phonetic tests involve intensive,

    repeated listening and draw

    heavily upon the skills and eartraining gained rom a university

    education in phonetics. Onedeconstructs the speech

    and listens selectively and

    individually to its componentparts. For example, the voicequality (timbre) is examined

    in accordance with categoriesencoded in the Vocal Profile

    Analysis Scheme developed byProessor John Laver and his

    colleagues at the Universityo Edinburgh. This involves

    checking the comparability othe criminal recording and the

    suspects recording against 38

    dierent voice quality settingsand assigning them a score oneach. Some o the settings relate

    to activity within the larynx(e.g. creaky voice, breathy voice),some to muscular tension (e.g.

    tense/lax vocal tract) and othersto supralaryngeal settings (e.g.

    tongue orientation, nasality).One also listens to intonation

    the rise and all o the pitch

    o the voice across utterances,to speech rhythm and tempo(the latter may be measured

    and averaged in terms osyllables per second), and to the

    pronunciation o consonant andvowel sounds; here one has the

    assistance o the InternationalPhonetic Alphabet, an extended

    system o symbols and diacriticalmarks that enable the analyst to

    capture the fine grained nuanceso pronunciation.

    The acoustic tests arecarried out using specialised

    sound analysis sotware. Theyinclude examinations o voice

    pitch. This is measured asundamental requency, which

    equates to the rate o vocalcord vibration. Other acoustic

    tests involve examining theresonance characteristics o

    consonants and vowels usingsound spectrograms. Here the

    analyst can visualise the speechon a computer screen and take

    detailed measurements rom theacoustic signal.

    The process o ullyanalysing and comparing

    one sample against anothermay take in the region o 15

    hours, and many people willno doubt be surprised to find

    that it is not nowadays donewholly automatically and

    with instantaneous results.Automatic speaker recognition

    (ASR) sotware is available and

    its accuracy and reliability are

    very good, though not perect,when processing high quality

    recordings. The recordings that

    arise in orensic cases, havingpoorer sound quality (televisionor music in the background,

    people distant rom themicrophones, people speakingsimultaneously, etc), pose

    particular problems or ASR.Our view is that it may be used

    in cases where the recordings areo suficient quality, but as an

    addition to the types o testingdescribed above, rather than as a

    stand-alone replacement. We arenot quite up with CSI yet!

    The way in whichthe conclusions o speaker

    comparisons should be expressedis a hotly debated matter, with

    alternative rameworks beingproposed and deended by

    dierent camps. However,experts are unanimous in the

    view that the evidence should

    never be seen as definitive, i.e.a criminal trial should not be

    th aophonc nolnn, pa lnng an awhal pon h ll an a annggan fo a n caon nphonc. On conc h pchan ln lcl an nall o coponn pa.

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    brought on the basis o orensicspeaker comparison evidence

    alone. Indeed, the proessionalassociation responsible or

    overseeing and advising on workin this area (the International

    Association or ForensicPhonetics and Acoustics) has

    in its Code o Practice a clausestipulating that members

    should make clear, both in theirreports and in giving evidence in

    court, the limitations o orensicphonetic and acoustic analysis.

    Again, the guys in CSI have theedge on us!

    One o the main

    limitations o the speaker

    comparison testing concernsthe lack o population statistics.So, although one might be able

    to say that a certain consonantpronunciation, a particular voice

    quality eature or speech habitwas ound in both the criminal

    and suspect recording, thereis a lack o demographic data

    that would allow one to say justhow many other people in the

    population might also sharethose eatures. In the UK there is

    a very high degree o social andregional accent dierentiation.

    This contrasts with countrieslike the USA and Australia where

    dierentiation is much lower.The problem high dierentiation

    causes or orensic speakercomparison is that many o the

    aspects o speech one examinesare highly accent specific, and

    or these eatures a single set ogeneral reerence population

    statistics would be o little use,and could, in act, be highly

    misleading. One would needrepresentative background data

    or each social and regionalvariety, the collection o whichwould be an impossible task,

    and the inormation would inany case have limited shel-lie

    by virtue o the act that speechpatterns are in a constant state

    o change.

    A second major area o work

    or orensic speech scientists isthe determination o the content

    o evidential recordings (whatwas said? as opposed to who said

    it?). Sometimes the task is very

    general and comprehensive andinvolves the transcription o anentire recording. Many poor

    quality recordings are initiallysubmitted or enhancement, i.e.

    digital sound processing toremove noise intererence or

    raise the level o the conversationrelative to background sound.

    Police oficers and lawyers otenhave very high expectations o

    enhancement technology (were

    back to CSI again!). However, inreality, the improvements it canbring to speech intelligibility are

    generally rather limited. Ondiscovering this, the instructingparty will oten ask that a

    transcript is prepared by theorensic speech scientist, who has

    advantages over the layperson.First, s/he can make a study rom

    the clearer areas o the recording

    o the pronunciation patterns othe people involved. This mayassist with resolving what was

    said in the less clear areas.Second, s/he has available high

    quality replay and listeningacilities. The speech analysis

    sotware rom which thematerial is played back allows the

    transcriber to delineate andzoom in on small sections o

    speech single words, syllables orjust individual consonants and

    vowels or multiple repetition.Third, s/he has time and

    patience, the importance owhich cannot be underestimated.

    For a good, clear qualityrecording (which we would be

    unlikely to be asked totranscribe) one can estimate a

    ratio o 8:1 transcription time torecording time, i.e. one minute o

    speech will take eight minutes totranscribe. For the poorestquality recordings we are asked

    to deal with, the ratio may be ashigh as 180:1. This is not work or

    those who need high levels ostimulation.

    In other cases, thedetermination o content is

    much more localised and highlyocussed. This task is reerred

    to as questioned or disputedutterance analysis. Here one

    is examining perhaps just anunclear phrase or even a single

    word, which potentially hashigh evidential significance or

    the case. It may be subject tocompeting interpretations by

    prosecution and deence. Pastcases o this kind include one

    involving a covertly recordedconsultation o a doctor who

    had a heavy Greek accent. Theissue was whether he said to a

    drug addict to whom he wasprescribing synthetic codeine

    tablets you can inject thosethings or you cant inject those

    things. In another case, a speakero Urdu/Punjabi accented

    English had been interviewed

    by police on tape about theunexpected death o his gay

    lover. He initially insisted that nosexual activity had taken place

    between them immediately priorto the death (the police eared

    sado-masochistic activitiesthat may have gone too ar) but

    then, at a later point, appearedto say that the man had gone to

    sleep and died ater wank o.I correct, this signalled a highly

    significant change o story. Wewere asked to veriy this hearing

    o the words. At first it appearedcorrect, but ater very close and

    detailed analysis they transpiredto be one cough, and thereore

    o no evidential significanceat all. In cases such as these

    one seeks clear and relevantreerence speech rom the person

    concerned. This is analysed

    phonetically and acoustically toestablish, or example, how theypronounce particular vowels

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    and consonants. The patterns

    ound are brought to bear ininterpreting the questioned

    utterance and determiningwhich o the competingalternative hearings is likely to be

    correct.Not all the work involves

    recorded speech. In a minority ocases we are asked to evaluate the

    earwitness evidence o lay people.These may involve crimes where

    the witness or victim did notseen the perpetrators ace but

    claims to have recognised him/her by voice. Masked robberies

    and rapes are cases in point. Herethe work involves assisting the

    police with setting up a voiceline-up, the auditory equivalent

    o a visual identification parade,which must be constructed in

    accordance with Home Oficeguidelines. In other cases,

    it may involve establishingwhether a witnesss claim to have

    recognised a voice is a realisticone, given the prevailing acoustic

    conditions (e.g. echoey subwaywith trafic passing overhead),

    and in the light o what is known

    rom relevant experimentalresearch studies. It may alsoinvolve carrying out sound

    propagation tests at a crime scenein order to asses the credibility o

    a witnesss claim to have heard arelevant event (Could Mrs X in

    her sitting room have heard thewords she claims to have heard

    screamed through the wall romthe lat next door?).

    Finally, one has toremember that the examinations

    and testing, whatever theirnature, are only part o the job.

    The other part involves goingto court to give expert evidence.

    This happens in around 5% o thecases in which one acts, and the

    skills required are very dierentrom the lab-based ones. One

    needs to be able to express in aclear way and without cutting

    too many corners what areoten highly complex linguisticand acoustic findings to a panel

    o jurors who have had noprevious exposure to the subjects.

    We shall always remember asenior orensic scientist who,

    when asked about where he haddeveloped his renowned skills

    at communicating with juries,replied that it was during his

    experience in a previous career.He had been a schoolteacher.

    Proessor Peter French is Chairman o JP French AssociatesForensic Speech and Acoustics Laboratory, York, and

    Honorary Proessor in the Department o Languageand Linguistic Science at the University o York wherehe undertakes postgraduate teaching and supervisesPhD research. He has analysed recordings in more than

    5,000 police investigations and legal cases rom countriesthroughout the world.Email: [email protected]

    Louisa Stevens is a Director o JP French Associates ForensicSpeech and Acoustics Laboratory, York, and a TeachingFellow in the Department o Language and Linguistic

    Science at the University o York where she lectures on theMSc course in Forensic Speech Science. She undertakesresearch on anatomical, perceptual and acoustic aspects o

    voice quality and appears as an expert witness on voice andspeech matters in major criminal trials.Email: [email protected]

    Fn o o

    Forensic speech science is one branch o the widerarea o orensic linguistics. Find out more aboutthese areas through the ollowing resources:

    Boo

    Forensic Phonetics by John Baldwin and PeterFrench (Pinter, 1990)

    The Routledge Handbook of Forensic Linguisticsedited by Malcolm Coulthard and Alison Johnson(Routledge, 2010)

    OnlnThe website o J P French Associates is atwww.jprench.com

    The website o the University o Yorks orensicspeech science research group (linked to J P French

    Associates) includes details o numerous researchprojects: www.york.ac.uk/language/research/

    orensic-speechDetails o the University o Yorks MSc course inorensic speech science can be ound atwww.york.ac.uk/language/prospective/postgraduate/taught/orensic-speech-science

    Visit the website o the International Associationor Forensic Phonetics and Acoustics to find outmore about this subject: www.iapa.net/index.htm

    Aston Universitys Centre or Forensic Linguisticscombines research and investigative practiceas well as oering training courses in orensic

    linguistic analysis: www.orensiclinguistics.netWatch Dr Tim Grant (Aston University) talk aboutorensic linguistics generally:www.youtube.com/watch?v=Foqk1uJz31I

    Louisa Stevens and Proessor Peter French

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    Politeness in everyday terms can be assimple as holding a door open for someone

    or saying please and thank you. But inlinguistics the term politeness refers to

    the language techniques involved in

    maintaining relationships,achieving goals and conveyingand negotiating identity.

    Here, Dniel Z. Kdrdiscusses and challenges

    the common view thatpoliteness practices in

    Chinese are different fromthe strategies used in other

    languages.

    Althoughlinguisticpoliteness itsel

    is a source oambiguity,

    perhaps oneo the most conusing areas

    within the field o politenessresearch is linguistic politeness

    in Chinese. When oreignersstudy the Chinese language

    they oten find themselves in asomewhat awkward situation

    as the Chinese are represented,and oten represent themselves,

    in two entirely dierentstereotypical ways: either

    traditionally polite or direct andpragmatic. And there is a certain

    truth behind this stereotype.In certain contexts the Chinese

    apply sel-denigrating and other-elevating honorific expressions

    (see box), which look akin tothe more renowned Japanese

    honorifics, as well as strongly

    ritualised and ormal language.However, in the vast majority oeveryday interactions Chinese

    language usage is not onlyvoid o old-ashioned honorific

    expressions and other traditionalorms, which might be amiliar

    to many readers rom historicaland martial art films, but also

    lacks communication strategiesthat westerners would define

    as the basic norms o politenessbehaviour. In a restaurant,

    especially when one is part o agroup o guests who are requent

    visitors to the place, one is likelyto be served as royalty. But when

    buying ood in the street, thevendor may resort to an abrupt

    What do you want?. And thisambiguity is not confined to non-

    native speakers: both oreignersand natives may be treated withextreme deerence in certain

    situations and practically ignoredas aceless entities in others.

    While it is tempting to brushaside Chinese language usage

    as simply exotic, the increasingglobal importance o China

    means that understandingChinese language usage and

    behaviour is a must, especially

    Politeness in ChineseWhen Obama hosted Hu

    Jintao in 11, he bowedsolemnly as he shook

    hands with the leader othe Chinese State. The USPresident probably imaginedthat he was being progressiveby accommodating himselto what he imagined astraditionally Chinesebehaviour, but he hadblundered badly.

    Politeness in East Asiaby Dniel Z. Kdr

    and Sara Mills.

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    i one wants to avoid blunders oexoticising East Asian people, as

    happened with the US President,Barack Obama recently.

    When Obama hosted HuJintao in 2011, he bowed solemnly

    as he shook hands with theleader o the Chinese State. The

    US President probably imaginedthat he was being progressive by

    accommodating himsel to whathe imagined as traditionally

    Chinese behaviour, but hehad blundered badly. Far rom

    eeling lattered by Obamashumble bow, the Chinese leaderis more likely to have elt a

    measure o contempt because in

    contemporary Chinese culture, inthis specific setting where leadersrepresent the aces o their

    nations, a bow is potentially not asign o neutral politeness but is

    a non-verbal communication oweakness.

    So how can we give areliable picture o the two

    aces o Dragon, withoutalling into the trap o making

    overgeneralisations? A recentresearch project by Yuling Pan

    and I has revealed, that norms opoliteness or normative politic

    behaviour as linguistic politenessresearchers would put it do

    not apply to every interactionalcontext in Chinese society. In

    order to avoid representing theChinese in an exotic light, it is

    important to clariy that this isa tendency, which is subject to

    geographical and social variation,rather than being a rule. Perhaps

    even more importantly, it isnot so much the case that the

    Chinese are polite in somecontexts and rude in others.

    Instead, as the analysis o a largeresearch database has revealed,there are at least two major

    types o normative behaviourin Chinese society. The first

    type can be described as themode o deerence. The second

    can be labeled as a normative

    lack o politeness mode, which

    is somewhat unusual roma western perspective. The

    lack o politeness in certainsettings should thereore not

    be interpreted as a breach o

    norms. Such behavior is notimpoliteness, as we mightinitially think, or the simple

    reason that it is the norm.This duality originates

    in an important gap betweenthe way in which in-group

    and out-group relationshipsare traditionally perceived by

    many Chinese. In-group (nei inChinese) settings necessitate

    the observance o the norms o

    proper language usage because

    in-group relationships arelasting ones in Chinese minds.

    As anthropological research hasillustrated, in Chinese society

    the building o networks

    (guanxi) has prevalence overindividualism: obtaining alucrative job, getting into a good

    school or being elected into aleading role all tend to happen

    through networking abilitiesrather than on the basis o purelyindividual skills. Out-group (wai)

    contexts, on the other hand,do not usually necessitate any

    attempt to orm interpersonalrelationships, and consequently

    it does not make much sense toapologise or stepping on someones ooton a crowded bus in which everyone stepson each others eet.

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    Honorifics are words or expressions used toconvey esteem when addressing or reerringto someone. They can be as simple as Mr orMrs or as complex as Your Imperial and RoyalMajesty. In Monty Pythons RereshmentRoom at Bletchley sketch, the compre, KennyLust, goes somewhat overboard with thehonorifics when introducing the entertainmentor the evening:

    You know, once in a while it is my pleasure, andmy privilege, to welcome here at the refreshmentroom, some of the truly great internationalartists of our time. And tonight we have one suchartist. Ladies and gentlemen,someone whomIve always personally admired, perhaps moredeeply, more strongly, more abjectly than everbeore. A man, well more than a man, a god, agreat god, whose personality is so totally andutterly wonderul my eeble words o welcomesound wretchedly and pathetically inadequate.Someone whose boots I would gladly lick cleanuntil holes wore through my tongue, a man whois so totally and utterly wonderul, that I wouldrather be sealed in a pit o my own filth, thandare tread on the same stage with him. Ladiesand gentlemen the incomparably superiorhuman being, Harry Fink!

    Honorifics work mainly by elevating thestatus o the person addressed (as in MyRight Honorable Friend) or by denigrating thestatus o the speaker (as in the Monty Pythonexample above). What is particularly interesting

    about Chinese is that the honorific system issocially diverse. This means that, historically,a commoner would denigrate himsel using adierent honorific than a high ranking person.For example, a commoner might use xiaoren(this worthless person) while an oficialmight use xiaoguan (this worthless oficial).And a Buddhist monk might choose pinseng(poor monk). These would not only indicatehumbleness but would also display the dierentsocial ranks o their speakers. Because o this, inhistorical hierarchical Chinese communication,

    speakers could not use the honorific vocabularyo other social classes.

    normative politeness does notapply in such settings. This is not

    surprising i one considers thelarge density o population, and

    consequently the vast numbero out-group encounters, in

    Chinese society. To illustratethis with a simple but authentic

    example, it does not make muchsense to apologise or stepping on

    someones oot on a crowded busin which everyone steps on each

    others eet.What makes the duality

    o Chinese linguistic politenessand its lack even more complexrom a western perspective

    is that even within in-group

    relationships, where the normso polite language usage apply,these norms tend to dier rom

    their western counterparts. Inwestern cultures polite language

    usage is generally associated withthe value o equality. However,

    this is not the case in Chinesesociety, which traditionally

    perceives human relationshipsas predominantly hierarchical

    ones. Because o this perception,in conversations in which there

    is a power dierence betweenthe interactants, the powerul

    party can usually aord to ignorepolite behaviour without being

    interpreted as impolite in astrict sense.

    The two aces o the Dragonraise plenty o challenges or

    uture research. Inquiries intoChinese politeness are not only

    dificult due to the large number

    o native speakers o Chinese,but also because Chinese

    politeness and impoliteness arein a complex state o ideological

    and linguistic transition. Ater

    the opening o the country inthe 1970s, the state ideologyo Communism has in recent

    decades intermingled withrevived Neo-Conucian ideals,

    as well as contemporary westernideologies which have been

    imported into China. Thisideological mixture not only

    results in a large social andgeographical diversity in the

    ways in which individuals and

    groups perceive proper Chinesepoliteness, but also inluencesactual language usage.

    The aim or uture researchis to bring us closer to the

    intriguing (non-)polite aspectso Chinese language use, hence

    making Chinese communicationmore understandable or thewestern spectator.

    Fn o o

    BooPoliteness in Historical and Contemporary Chinese by Yuling Pan andDniel Z. Kdr (Continuum, 2011)

    Politeness in East Asia edited by Dniel Z. Kdr and Sara Mills(Cambridge University Press, 2011

    Onln

    Explore the study o linguistic politeness through the website o theinternational Linguistic Politeness Research Group:http://research.shu.ac.uk/politeness

    Dniel Z. Kdr is Proessor o English

    Language and Linguistics at theUniversity o Huddersfield. His recentresearch on East Asian politeness

    includes the co-authored bookPoliteness in Historical and ContemporaryChinese (Continuum, 2011) and the

    edited volume Politeness in East Asia(Cambridge University Press, 2011).

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    Circles of EnglishAs the Englishlanguage

    continues itsglobal spread,Marcus Bridleconsiders howthe norms oEnglish areshiting.

    English is requently

    described as aglobal language,

    but perhaps weshould use the

    plural Englishesrather than the singular noun. I

    you travel rom region to regionin the USA, UK and Australia,

    you can hear shits in accentand changes in dialect which,

    whilst still being identifiablyEnglish, can sound like a oreign

    language. Now that Englishhas spread around the world,

    there are ever more varieties Englishes to be heard.

    One o the most inluentialways o describing the global

    spread o English was put

    orward in 1990 by Braj Kachru,now Jubilee Proessor oLiberal Arts and Sciences at the

    University o Illinois at Urbana-

    Champaign. Kachrus modeldescribes the global development

    o English using a series o everexpanding concentriccircles.

    The inner circle comprisesthose countries where English

    is the native language (ENL)and includes the UK, Australia,

    Canada, New Zealand and theUSA. These countries map the

    spread o the original diasporaso English speakers, taking the

    language to new lands as a resulto an expanding British Empire.

    The inner circle is seen as norm-providing, setting the boundaries

    o what counts as English. Thereare, o course, variations in

    English across these countries. In

    the USA, or example, you mightwell embarrass yoursel i you

    turned up dressed as Superman

    or a party described as ancy

    dress. Fancy dress in Americasimply means ormal clothes

    with underpants most definitelyunderneath the trousers. And

    while were on the subject opants, in the UK, walking around

    wearing nothing else would mostlikely be greeted with gasps o

    horror. In America, where pantsare trousers, you have nothingto worry about. But despite

    such minor lexical and syntacticdierences between these

    varieties there is, a large amounto overlap. British English and

    American English are not nearlyas dierent as is oten claimed.

    The second or outer circlecomprises those countries, like

    Nigeria, India and Singapore,where English is widely spoken as

    a second language (ESL). A quick

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    cross reerence between a map dated around 1920and a list o ESL countries shows that the majority

    o these were once part o Britains global empire.These are the territories in which English was

    introduced as the oficial language by the rulingpowers o the time. In these norm-developing

    countries, non-native speakers adopted (or wereorced to adopt) English in order to become

    involved with the trade and inrastructure o thecolonies. These are the countries where, today,

    English is firmly entrenched in the cultural,political and social systems o the nation. There

    are upwards o 300 million ESL speakers and they

    may soon outnumber ENL speakers. It is in thesecountries where English diverged and developed.It was a two way process: just as Standard British

    English may have undergone several local

    modifications in ESL countries, so was it enrichedby imported words khaki, pajamas, bungalow,

    bogus, jumbo, okay and zebra as well as bychanges in accent and syntax.

    Finally, there is the expanding circle. Thisis by ar the largest o the three and currently

    includes almost all the places which arent alreadyin the first two circles. These are the EFL countries,

    the countries where English is a oreign languagebut is increasingly seen as essential not just or

    survival but also or prospering in the world village.Europe. Japan. South Korea. Latin America. The

    Middle East. North Arica. China. Up and downthese countries and continents, in cities and in

    remote villages, there are thousands o EFL classesin progress. As you read this article, someone,

    somewhere is getting to grips with English or thefirst time. There are Chinese three years olds being

    sent to English Club beore they have begun tocomprehend the basics o Mandarin. There are

    Kurdish scientists, statisticians and engineersdeveloping their English in order to begin the

    development o their newly autonomous nation.Somewhere in Tokyo, there is a salary man or

    woman sitting, possibly against their will, in abusiness English class trying to prepare or an 18month branch management placement on the

    other side o the world. There are more o theseexpanding circle English speakers than there

    are o the inner and outer circles combined. A

    The second or outer circlecomprises those countries, likeNigeria, India and Singapore,where English is widely spoken as

    a second language (ESL). A quickcross reerence between a mapdated around 19 and a list o ESLcountries shows that the majorityo these were once part o theBritains global empire.

    Babel The Language Magazine | November 20

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    conservative estimate wouldplace the figure at about 1 billion.

    These expanding circlecountries are described as norm

    dependent, using the innerand outer circles to provide the

    so-called correct models oEnglish. From these circles the

    rules are laid out, the text bookswritten and the teachers sent.

    It is rom these countries thatthe pop music blares, the movies

    roll and the advertising lashes.The expanding circle looks to

    the inner and outer circles as itsrame o reerence or what good,proper English is. At least, it did.

    The norm as laid down

    by the inner and outer circlesis becoming increasingly less

    normal. The linguist H. G.Widdowson pointed to a late

    twentieth century shit romthe distribution o English to

    the spread. He saw the originaldistribution o the language as

    one which was controlled. Theinner circle handed down English

    to the outer circle, insisting

    that the grammar remaineduntampered with and the correctlexicon was studied slavishly.

    Fn o o

    BooWorld Englishes: A Resource Book for Students by Jennier Jenkins(Routledge, 2009)

    The Alchemy of English: The Spread, Functions and Models of Non-native Englishes by Braj Kachru (University o Illinois Press, 1990)

    The Handbook of World Englishes edited by Braj Kachru, YamunaKachru and Cecil Nelson (Blackwell, 2009)

    Marcus Bridleis a tutor in theEnglish Language

    Teaching Centreat the Universityo Shefield and

    a PhD student atthe University oHuddersfield. He

    has taught Englishin Spain and Japanand is currently

    researching theapplication o

    corpus linguistictechniques in EFLteaching.

    Pants or trousers? In the US pants are what the UK would call trousers.Could the hip hop style o wearing low slung trousers revealing underwearbe making a linguistic as well as a ashion statement?

    Spread, on theother hand, is

    uncontrolled. Itis English shaped

    by contact withdierent cultures,

    languages and users.It is word o mouth,

    digital, o the moment.It is not the language o the

    text book and is beyond thepedantic clutches o even the

    most zealous prescriptivist. AsEnglish spreads ever outwards,

    so the centre loses its controland we find the languagemultiplying into a range o

    Englishes. These are not creoles

    with strictly developed rules, butimprovisations on a theme.

    Consider Japan. Here,

    Jenglish, or more properly Eigo-Wasei, has been developing or

    a long time. English words areborrowed and manipulated into

    the Japanese language. Thesemutated loanwords are then

    used by the Japanese when theycome to speak English. Japanese

    speakers might say bed-town orsuburb, healthmeter or weighing

    scales, ree-size meaning onesize fits all, and the particularly

    descriptive new-hal whendescribing a transexual. Whilst

    Jenglish, Chinglish, Spanglishand the like are oten the butt o

    pejorative remarks, they work.They have meaning or their

    users. Wrong as they might seemto those rom the inner circle,

    they are adopted wholeheartedlyby the expanding circle and,

    these days, spread exponentially

    throughsocial media

    networks.Which English, then,

    should have authority in the EFL

    classroom? Is EFL the guardiano some kind o authenticityin English? Should Japanese

    students be inormed thatwhen they say baby car they

    are wrong and that they mustuse pram instead? Surely, baby

    car is just as good, i not better?In the uture, will the role o

    the English teacher be entirelyredundant as these divergent

    Englishes harmonise into one,homogenous global English?

    Or will English teachers findthemselves in a classroommediating between a babble

    o mutually unintelligibleEnglishes? Perhaps the uture o

    English lies somewhere betweenthe two, where a convenient

    global standard is underpinnedby a range o local orms and

    where Konglish and IndianEnglish have as much authority

    as norms as British andAmerican English.

    Babel The Language Magazine | November 21

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    Reviews

    tHe stOry OF eNGLisH:HOW tHe eNGLisHLANGuAGe CONQueredtHe GLOBeb Phlp GoonQuercus, 7 pages, RRP .

    Dan McIntyre on a contentiousaccount of the history of English

    Aconventional

    history oEnglish goes

    something likethis: Germanic

    dialects broughtto the British Isles by the Angles,

    Saxons and Jutes are theninluenced by the Scandinavian

    dialects spoken by the laterViking invaders. Following

    the Norman Conquest, thisledgling English language is

    then inluenced by French, thelanguage o the new nobility,

    and Latin, the language o thechurch. There ollows a period

    during which English declinesin prestige, only to rise again as

    a result o war with France andthe loss o Normandy. During the

    15th century, the language is then

    fixed as a direct consequence othe introduction o the printingpress. Early Modern English, or

    the language o Shakespeare,then becomes the basis o an

    eventual global English onceit is transerred to the New

    World and beyond by Britishcolonists and Empire builders.

    In his 2005 book, The Stories oEnglish, David Crystal begins

    with this standard history beore

    proceeding to demolish it onthe grounds that it is maniestlybiased in avour o Standard

    written English; by contrast,regional dialects and spoken

    language dont get a look in.Given that Crystals book is one

    o the ew reerenced in PhilipGoodens The Story o English, it

    is surprising that Gooden sticksso rigidly to the conventional

    history. The result is a airlylacklustre retelling o the

    standard series o events deemedto have aected the development

    o English. It is not so much thatGooden is wrong in what he

    says, more that his inability tolook beyond the conventional

    story results in some grosssimplifications and misleading

    impressions. So, or instance,Middle English is covered in

    the chapter called ChaucersEnglish while Early ModernEnglish, predictably enough, is

    dealt with in a chapter calledThe Age o Shakespeare. These

    two writers may well be themost amous exponents o the

    English o their respective timesbut to describe Middle English

    and Early Modern English solelythrough their work gives a highly

    incomplete picture o how thelanguage was developing in these

    periods. To be air, the chapter on

    Chaucers English does brielycover the work o Caxton and the

    Gawain poet. However, readingthe chapter on Shakespeare, one

    could be orgiven or thinkingthat Early Modern English was

    almost entirely his creation.Elsewhere, Gooden suggests

    that the Norman Conquest

    was the event that led to theintroduction o French intoEngland (it wasnt: French hadbeen used in the Royal Court

    during the reign o Edward theConessor). And when discussing

    English overseas, Gooden givesthe highly misleading impression

    that there is a language varietycalled Pidgin English that

    was then spread around the

    world (p.176). Perhaps the mostproblematic claim, though, isthat the pattern o Englishs

    development over time hasbeen one o simplification.

    While it is true that English hasbecome a language where word

    order rather than inlections isresponsible or meaning, this

    is a process o regularisation.Whether this means the

    language is becoming simpler isvery much a matter o point o

    view. No doubt the Anglo-Saxonswould have seen this process very

    dierently! For me, the majorissue with this book is summed

    up in the title. Despite what thedefinite article suggests, there

    is no one story o the Englishlanguage. English is ar too

    interesting or that.

    Dan McIntyre is Proessor o EnglishLanguage and Linguistics at the

    University o Huddersfield.

    For me, themajor issue

    with this bookis summed up in

    the title. Despitewhat the

    definite articlesuggests, there

    is no one storyo the English

    language.

    Babel The Language Magazine | November 22

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    HOW tO tALk Like ALOCALb s dnArrow Books, 44 pages, RRP

    7.

    Ella Jeffries on a lively accountof contemporary variation inBritish English.

    Eective as a

    reerence bookor simply to lick

    through, How toTalk Like a Local

    is a collection anddescription o regional words

    and phrases that have been orstill are in use around the UK

    today. These include words wemay consider to be old-ashioned,

    such as the endearment chuck,and also words that bear the

    markings o a 21st century ador cultural phenomena such as

    chav (a young person in trendyclothes and lashy jewellery)

    and minging (ugly). Howeverthe addition o some description

    o the history and etymology o

    the words shows that even theapparently modern dialect wordshave been around longer than

    we think (chav, derived rom aRomany word, has been around

    or over 150 years). I was struckby how many words I had not

    heard o throughout the book, atestimony to both the regional

    diversity evidently still existentand the depth o the research

    that has gone into the finding

    and choosing o these words.A useul eature o this book isound in the links between the

    words which mean roughly thesame thing in dierent dialects;

    underneath each word is a listo other similar regional words

    which can in turn be lookedup in the book. Also, scattered

    throughout are lengthierdescriptions o some common

    slang names or processes, suchas the many dierent ways tea

    making, brewing and pouringare described throughout Britain

    (brew, wet, steep, mash, teem,bide and draw). There are also

    longer descriptions o some othe specific phonetic eatures o

    certain accents, with two-pagesections on How to talk like a

    which ranges rom Cockneyto Geordie to Scot (being rom

    Yorkshire I elt a section onthis region was lacking!). Thesesections are user-riendly or

    non-specialists, providingsounded out letter examples o

    the way in which we distinguishthese accents and they include

    some words and phrases specificto the region.

    This book explores anduncovers the dialect variation

    that some people believe is dyingout but is evidently still in use

    throughout the UK. Personally I

    was particularly drawn to wordsrom my native Yorkshire and

    ound some that I have neverheard beore (e.g. gobslotch; an

    idle ellow), words that I hadntpreviously known were dialect

    specific (e.g. ginnel; alleyway)and words that I recognise but

    whose meanings I wouldnt

    have been able to pin down(e.g. blethered; tired out). Inthe introduction to the book

    the point is nicely made thatalthough many words have diedout, the constantly changing

    language relects the constantdevelopment o liestyle and

    society over the years. With thissentiment in mind, I expected

    more terms relecting young

    peoples interests and concerns.In order to relect the diversityand constant development o

    language, it would have beenuseul to document some o

    those words currently in voguetoday which may well become

    established dialect words inuture. In a similar vein (this may

    be the sociolinguist in me), somereerence to which particular

    ages/sexes/social groups usethese words would have made an

    interesting addition.

    Ella Jeries is a PhD student studying

    sociophonetics at the University o York.

    In order torelect the

    diversity andconstant

    developmento language,

    it would havebeen useul todocument some

    o those wordscurrently in

    vogue todaywhich may

    well becomeestablished

    dialect words inuture.

    Babel The Language Magazine | November 23

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    th Lngc OlpaSuering withdrawal symptoms rom London

    2012?Then why not try a dierent kind o Olympics?

    The Linguistics Olympiad movement has branches

    around the world and also holds an international

    Olympiad each year: you can find out more at

    www.ioling.org. The puzzles set or these competitionsprovide ascinating examples o the combination o

    logic and linguistic sensitivity that are required to be

    successul as a linguist. Heres one that comes rom the

    Foundation Level test o the UKs Olympiad in 2012:

    sa n AbaAbma is an Austronesian language spoken in parts o

    the South Pacific island nation o Vanuatu by around

    8,000 people. Careully study these Abma sentences

    then answer the questions below. Note that there

    is no separate word or the or he in these Abma

    sentences:Here are some new words in Abma: sesesrakan

    (teacher), mwegani (eat), bwet (taro, a kind o sweet

    potato), muhural (walk), butsukul (palm-tree).

    Mwamni sileng. He drinks water.

    Nutsu mwatbo mwamni sileng. The child keeps drinking water.

    Nutsu mwegau. The child grows.

    Nutsu mwatbo mwegalgal. The child keeps crawling.

    Mworob mwabma. He runs here.

    Mwerava Mabontare mwisib. He pulls Mabontare down.

    Mabontare mwisib. Mabontare goes down.

    Mweselkani tela mwesak. He carries the axe up.

    Mwelebte sileng mwabma. He brings water.

    Mabontare mworob mwesak. Mabontare runs up.

    Sileng mworob. The water runs.

    Now, ater that crash course, translate the ollowing

    sentences into Abma:

    . The teacher carries the water down.

    . The child keeps eating.

    3. Mabontare eats taro.

    4. The child crawls here.

    5. The teacher walks downhill.

    . The palm-tree keeps growing upwards.

    7. He goes up.

    Done it? Now try translating these Abma sentences

    into English:

    . Sesesrakan mweselkani bwet mwabma.

    . Sileng mworob mwisib.

    . Mwelebte bwet mwesak.

    Easy? Check your answers on page 25 oppoosite.

    Ludic Linguistics

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    AnwWe are grateul to the UK Linguistics Olympiad

    or permission to reproduce test materials rom

    their website.

    . Sesesrakan mweselkani sileng mwisib.

    . Nutsu mwatbo mwegani.

    3. Mabontare mwegani bwet.4. Nutsu mwegalgal mwabma.

    5. Sesesrakan muhural mwisib.

    . Butsukul mwatbo mwegau mwesak.

    7. Mwesak.

    . The/a teacher carries (the) taro here.Or: The/a teacher brings (the) taro.

    . (The) water runs down/downwards/downhill.

    . He carries (the) taro up/upwards/uphill.

    Creativity isnt just or artists.Anyone whos ever made a groan-inducing pun is being creativewith language, and creativity iscommon in language use. RobPopes book Textual Intervention:Critical and Creative Strategies

    for Literary Studies (Routledge, 199)introduced a technique or studying textswhich relies on intervention i.e. changing the text. Thistechnique is not only enlightening, its un.

    Pope discusses his success in using intervention withstudents in class using well-known statements like Ithink, thereore I am (Descartes) and Smoking candamage your health. The aim is to change one o moreo the words and then to contemplate the significanceo both the new and the original orm. Students mightwell come up with I drink, thereore I am as an ironicand playul version o the amous philosophical phrase.Some o the eects o this are to demonstrate one o theeatures o modern scholarly lie as an undergraduate and

    to make us compare this with the image o the thinkerin Descartes version. Intervening in the health warningon packets o cigarettes might lead to something likeSmoking can enhance your sex appeal, which highlightsthe tendency or cigarette producers to use this as theirmarketing strategy.

    Send us your best interventions on the ollowing phraserom Hamlet:

    to b, o no o b ha h qon

    Well reward the winner with a ree one year subscriptionto Babel. There are no restrictions on what you can dowith the phrase, except that the intervened version mustbe recognisably derived rom Shakespeares version. Youmay depart rom his version as ar as you want withinthis general rule and you may wish your version to relectdierences in your lie rom those in Hamlets or tocomment on some aspect o social or political lie.The winner will be chosen by the Editors, whosedecision is final*.

    * Babel reserves the right to change the nature o the prize or this

    competition.

    COmPetitiON

    WiNAFreeONeyeArsuBsCriPtiONtOBABeL

    Richard Burton as Hamlet: To be or not to be: can you answer the question in our special competition to win a years subscription to Babel: The LanguageMagazine?

    Babel The Language Magazine | November 25

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    We all

    knowthat

    what weliterally

    saycan be dierent rom what

    we actually mean. I anacquaintance tells you Myather-in-law is a dinosaur, you

    dont puzzle over why she issaying something blatantly alse;

    you accept it as a significant, ifigurative, description. Further,

    the dierence between whatwe say and what we mean oten

    depends on context. I you sayIts cold here while talking on

    the phone to a riend in anothercountry you may just be making

    a actual statement; i you say thesame thing while visiting him in

    his lat you may well be givinga none too subtle hint that he

    should turn up the heating. Oneimportant question in linguistics,

    particularly in the disciplineo pragmatics, is whether and

    i so how we can explain thesedierences, and here linguists

    owe a huge intellectual debt tothe philosopher H. Paul Grice.

    Born in 1913, Grice beganhis academic career at Oxord

    towards the end o the 1930sduring a major controversy about

    the nature o the philosophical

    study o language. The schoolo ideal language philosophytook seriously only artificial

    and logically perect languages.

    Natural language was messyand unruly because it could be

    used figuratively or vaguely andalso because, unlike logic, it was

    sensitive to our everyday wayso making sense o the world.

    I you are told Joan insultedher boss and was fired you are

    likely to come away believingthat the two events took place

    but also with the impressionthat the firing took place ater,

    and probably as a result o,the insulting. But in logic theconjunction o two propositions

    doesnt allow us to orm anysuch additional impressions.

    Proponents o ordinary languagephilosophy didnt disagree about

    the dierences between logic andnatural language, but argued that

    this only went to show that logicwas not an appropriate measure

    o natural language, which

    deserved serious attention romphilosophers in its own right.

    Grice was associated with

    ordinary language philosophy asit became established at Oxordater the Second World War, but

    became uneasy with what hesaw as its over-simplistic reliance

    on listing and describing theresources o everyday language.He wanted a more systematic

    account o how language works.In Meaning, written in 1947,

    he explained the meaning o

    what we say in terms o thepsychological concept o whatwe intend to communicate.

    Realising that there was stillmuch to be explained about the

    relationship between intendedand literal meaning, he worked

    during the 1960s on a serieso lectures entitled Logic and

    conversation.Grice made two bold

    claims. Firstly, both the idealand the ordinary language

    philosophers were wrong aboutthe incompatibility o logic and

    natural language because theywere ignoring the dierences

    between literal and intendedmeaning. Secondly, those

    dierences could be accountedor by a coherent set o principles.

    Grice distinguished betweenwhat is said on any particular

    occasion, something akin toliteral meaning, and what is

    implicated. Logic can explain

    Lives in language

    H. Paul Grice (3-)

    Siobhan Chapman explains her ascinationwith a philosopher o language whose workchanged the way we think about meaning.

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    what is said, but to give a ullexplanation o intended meaning

    we need also to reer to what hestyled the cooperative principle,

    a basic eature o human socialinteraction. We generally

    expect those we interact with tocooperate in whatever task we

    jointly undertake. In the caseo conversation, we interpret

    what someone says to us as acooperative contribution i we

    possibly can, and do so in relationto particular expectations

    about the quantity, quality andrelevance o the inormationwe receive and the manner in

    which it is oered. In this way

    Grice addressed the debate overlogic and language. What is saidwhen we use the word and, or

    instance, can be explained bythe logical unction o joining

    together two propositions. I weunderstand urther inormation

    to do with sequence andcausality, these can be explained

    as conversational implicatures,der