ATIQUE_2009_American City in Brazil

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The “American City” in Brazil:

Revealing Some Aspects of One Cultural Relationship, 1876 – 1945.

"Preparado para apresentação no Congresso de 2009 da LASA (Associação de Estudos

Latino-Americanos), no Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, de 11 a 14 de junho de 2009."



The “American City” in Brazil:

Revealing Some Aspects of One Cultural Relationship, 1876 – 1945.

This paper aims to explain the making of a relationship between Brazil and the UnitedStates between 1876 - when the Emperor Pedro de Alcantara went to the United States

to participate of the Centennial Exhibition held in Philadelphia - and 1945 - when theWorld War II was finished, and the presence of goods, equipments and the way of lifefrom the United States got the most relevant levels in the whole world. The paper’sobject can be understood like a plural one: not only the architecture, but also the wholeurban culture in that time. The Brazilian enthusiasm for the American City is analyzedby the trajectory of architects, engineers and intellectuals and prove the importance of the United States for the construction of a Modern City in Brazil, following theAmerican example.

1 – An “America” not so far from here.

“I received a magazine from SãoPaulo and I would like to thank it.The name of this magazine isKlaxon. In beginning, I thought that it was a magazine advertising for any brand of American cars. I wascertain about it, because a publication with this weird name just could be invented by Americanmerchants to sell their product.”

Lima Barreto, 1922 [2005].

As pointed by Jeffrey W. Cody in the book Exporting American Architecture: 1870 - 2000 the first milestone of the U.S. assertion in the commercial relations between thecountries of America and even Europe, was the Centennial Exposition of Independenceof the United States. The International Exhibition of Arts, Manufactures and Products of the Soil and Mine, known as The Centennial Exhibition, held in Philadelphia, from May1876 to mid-1877, is a key point for this paper. The initiative, more to celebrate theindependence of the US, had, also, the goal of exposing Americans inventions to severalcountries of the world (PESAVENTO, 1997). Imbued with the character of the"Celebration of the Progress", as pointed by Sandra Jatahy Pesavento, the Centennialwas a follower of the ideology started with the Great International Exhibition, emergedin 1850 in England. In fact, the Centennial Exposition of American Independenceshowed, with preponderance, the creations of United States and revealed theexpansionist intentions of manufacturers of that nation. The Centennial, accordingPesavento:

"Was accompanied by the publication of many works illustrative and explanatory of the nation’sdevelopment during one hundred years of its independent life. The meaning was clear laudatory,and America was presented as the land of the Promise, the greatest example of democracy on the planet, the nation that, from a modest home was able to match, after a century, with the major powers of the world. (...) According to their self-assessment, the United States not only had giventhe world a demonstration of his genius as America has proven to be a nation in the first world (...) [that exceeded the old countries of] Europe by its mass production and the ingenious

inventions that made it easier and more comfortable everyday life (PESAVENTO, 1997: 149,152).



This new range of "make the daily life easier" was exploited by the hosts with cunning.Cody showed the impressive success of the Centennial and pointed that the internationalpress helped to crystallize the idea of the United States as the land of the greatesttechnological advances of the nineteenth century (CODY, 2003: 6-7).

Brazil has also been achieved by the effects of this fair, especially with the journey of Emperor Pedro II as official guest of the American government. The presence of theBrazilian emperor at the event inaugurated a new era on several fronts in the Brazil-United States relationship. Although he stated that traveling as a “Brazilian citizen and not as the head of state,”i Pedro II aroused interest in the American press, because hewas the first monarch to travel to the U.S. before the independence" (Schwarcz, 2003:374 ). The presence of the Brazil’s imperial chief in the North America, for nearly threemonths, allowed him to the physical contact with American schools, scientificinstitutions and museums. Pedro II also was invited to participate of the inauguration of roads and factories, to visit Niagara Falls and to be closer to the legacy of one of hisfavorite intellectuals, the naturalist Louis Agassizii. It is important to show that the

presence of Dom Pedro II in the United States, as well in other foreign locations he havevisited1, put him in contact with several inventions of his century, as the photography2,the telephone3 and the electricity4, which ended up being taken and distributed in Brazil,by his action.

A trip to the Philadelphia Exhibition, although this appears in the history of relationsthat Brazil - the United States as an isolated case, should not be seen this way. Althoughit is not possible to create a genealogy of intellectual, commercial and urban relationswith the US taking, only, the presence of Dom Pedro II there, we can use the tour of theemperor as an important milestone for the start of a new relationship between the two

nations, which was successively expanded during the following decades. The presenceof the monarch in the same place of the inventions, products and in the midst of theAmerican symbols of "development and progress", crystallized the acceptance of American paradigms in Brazil. Dom Pedro II, as shown Lilia Schwarcz, granted theUnited States the epitome of a progressive land: "the great American nation" (Schwarcz,2003: 373). This statement illustrate that there was not a great distance between Braziland United States in the XIX Century. In addition, we can affirm that the Brazilianpresence in the Centennial improved the commercial partnership and the transmission of cultural references among the countries. The monarch that had desired to be a scientisttried and ordered American products, disseminating it in many Brazilian cities. Inaddition, the emperor charged respectability to the U.S. science and, consequently, to

the American scientists. It was important to understand some ways of interactionbetween Brazil and the United States from the decade of 1870.

The Brazilian participation in 1876 fair also created the idea that the South Americancountry could become closer to the United States. This Centennial not only pushed thecountry to get technology and manufactured goods in US, but forced the improvementand the expansion of its foreign market by its stand . The Brazilian intention was toincrease local sales of agricultural products such as rubber, cocoa and coffee, and, in



addition, to demonstrate the various types of industry from the provinces. Thus, in 1874,was established by imperial decree, the committee responsible for organizing theBrazilian participation in the event. The committee was allocated within the portfolio of the Ministry of Agriculture and was made by Count D'Eu (chairman), the Viscount of Jaguary (1st vice president), the Viscount of Bom Retiro (2nd vice president), the

Viscount de Souza Franco, the Comendador Antônio Joaquim de Azevedo (Members),the Director Francisco Ignacio Marcondes Homem de Mello and the Count of Bonfim(Commissioners) (ALMANAK Laemmert, 1874: 81; 1876: 91). Through the report of the Minister of Agriculture, published in Almanak Laemmert in 1875, we can not onlyunderstand the preparatory stages of the exhibition in Philadelphia as in Brazil, but alsothe concept used by the committee in that work:

"To promote and provide the preparatory work for the exhibition of Brazilian products in thecompartment, with the extension of 1851 square meters, which was designed in the palace built inFairmount Park in Philadelphia, I appointed the head of the Brazilian Legation in Washington, Director Pedro Antonio de Carvalho Borges. (...) In April of this year must be held exhibitions inthe provinces of their industrial products, and in the Court on September 7 in order to makeselection of which are to be sent to Philadelphia. (...) I had send recommendations to the presidencies of states to do their utmost in order that you obtain the best products, and inquantities that have shown the activity and progress of various branches of national industry.These recommendations have been generally observed, and it is expected that Brazil occupies a place of distinction between religious people, even in concept, although severe, the American professionals" (ALMANAK Laemmert, 1876: 92-93).

In the United States, in 1876, Pedro II with the American President Ulysses SimpsonGrant, triggered "the Corliss engine, generating force to prove that all machines" of Machinery Hall, the pavilion for the display of the technological advances of participating countries (KUHLMANN JUNIOR, 1996: 38). The generator Corliss - "big

as a house" in the language of his contemporaries - announcing the superlative characterof the American technology that would be one of the marks of the American civilizationduring the twentieth century.

After the Centennial, Brazil was contacted by some American institutions devoted toscience. These institutions were interested in exchanges with similar institutions inBrazil, as shown Heloisa Maria Bertol Domingues. Concerning this author, in 1876 theNational Museum in Rio de Janeiro received requests from the Department of Agriculture, in Washington D.C., from the Smithsonian Institution of Philadelphia andfrom the Department of Agriculture of the State of Illinois about exchange of seeds of American forests by Brazilian wood, fruits, fiber, botanical features, fossils, plants, and

some other symbols of science in the XIX Century (Domingues, 1999: 211).

But Brazil has not been represented in the United States only during the Centennial. Thestrengthening of relations between the two countries, after that event, allowed Brazil tobe invited to take part in other exhibitions promoted in the "Land of Uncle Sam". Often,the country has exposed not only their agricultural production, but also the industrialgoods produced, as the imperial report showed us. Carlos Lemos noted, for example,that for the international exhibition of Saint Louis, concluded in 1904, the Lyceum of Arts and Crafts of Sao Paulo won a prize "with a swivel stand that the President of theState Bernardino de Campos order, whose design shows kinship with the work of

Mackmurdo" (LEMOS, 1993: 53).



The effective participation of Brazil in the events hosted in the United States issystematized in Table 1, below. Through it will understand that the country respondedto several calls, almost always built their own pavilions, linked to the architecturallanguage internationally accepted in those moments. Without doubt, these spaces servedto broaden the American imagination about the country and, concomitantly, to generate

a positive image of the U.S. products in Brazil.TABLE 1:

INTERNATIONAL FAIRS IN THE UNITED STATES

WITH EFFECTIVE PARTICIPATION OF BRAZILSystematization: F. Atique

YEAR PLACE NAME WAY OF PARTICIPATION

1876 Philadelphia United States Centennial International Exhibition Pavilion

1884 New Orleans World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition “Stand”

1893 Chicago World’s Columbian Exposition Pavilion

1904 Saint Louis Louisiana Purchase Exposition Pavilion

1926 Philadelphia United States Sesquicentennial International Exposition Pavilion 1933 Chicago Century of Progress Exposition Pavilion 1939 San Francisco San Francisco Golden Gate Exposition Pavilion 1939 New York New York World’s Fair Pavilion

Than the Centennial, Brazil participated in one of the most important internationalexhibitions happened in the United States, held under the pretext of celebrating thediscovery of America by Christopher Columbus. The World's Columbian Exposition held in Chicago on the shores of Lake Michigan, in 1893, can be seen as one of the firstattempts to clarify the technological and economic power of the United States. Duringthe time of Monroe Doctrine, and under the purpose of "celebration of America" - the"New World" discovered by Columbus - the host country showed to the European

countries and to the other American countries, the power and the economic potential of the U.S. At that time, architectural identities that become symbols of the Americancontinent were revealed by the fairs, including the Chicago’s World Fair. TheRenaissance Spanish, used in the California State Pavilion, became an option of style toexpress the "American unity" through the resumption of Iberian colonial plastic-constructive.

The committee that was responsible to organize the Brazilian participation in this eventwas formed by Republicans, because the establishment of this political system in Brazil,had occurred a few years ago. The Chicago’s Fair was seen as a great chance todemonstrate to the other nations of the world the alignment of the Brazil with itsneighbors, cooperating with the idea of “America as the locus of democracy”. TheBrazilian pavilion was designed by the military engineer Francisco Marcelino de SousaAguiar, binding to the constructive trend of the fair: “the white city”, proposed byDaniel Burnham. The pavilion was decorated in its central front, with "indigenous

figures, allegorical to the Brazilian Republic", which attracted attention and approval of the hosts and showed a dose of exoticism (PESAVENTO, 1997: 214).

Marcelino Sousa Aguiar was, further, the author of the São Luiz Palace, then renamedas Monroe Palace, originally designed as a Brazilian pavilion of Saint Louis’ Fair in theexhibition, held in 1904 to commemorate the purchase of Louisiana by the Americans.With this building, Brazil was celebrated by the U.S. press, because its pavilion was

judged with an example of “harmony of lines and quality of space”. Its important to saythat this pavilion received the gold medal in Grand Prix World of Architecture, passed



parallel to the exposure (PESAVENTO, 1997). While it was in the United States for thisexhibition in 1904, Sousa Aguiar was asked to do some research for the Braziliangovernment. Among these investigations, was the request made by the Minister of Interior, the analysis of institutions for grants to encourage the design of new building-site of the National Library, in Rio, and the study of bills’ production to improve the

services of the House of Money and the American system of manufacture of cordite(www.fau.ufrj.br/brasilexpos/f2-1893.html. Accessed on 23 Apr 2007). The search forSousa Aguiar seem to have been successful, at least in regard to the implementation of the National Library, as the writer Lima Barreto, in an article published in the Correio

da Manhã of Rio de Janeiro on January 13, 1915, explained that the library was a"American Palace" that's so magnificent, chase the Rio citizen who wished to go read(BARRETO, 2005: 64).

Another person connected to the Brazilian modernization, in course in those decades,who also felt attracted by the "American news" was Delmiro Gouveia. He visited theexhibition in Chicago in 1893, knowing not only the pavilions, but also the very

concepts of urban spaces, architecture and technology showed there. As pointed byTelma Correia de Barros, "the project of the Derby’s market" - a shopping andentertainment center built by Gouveia in Recife, in 1899 - "has been deeply marked [by]architectural values of [the Fair], with particular inspiration in Fisheries Building,designed by H. Ives Cobb"(Correia, 1998: 195 -196).

Brazil was represented, again, an international fair the U.S. in 1926, in celebration of the Sesquicentennial Exposition, occurred in Philadelphia. According to the research inBrazilian journals, the country did not participate and neither built a pavilion (COSTA,1997). However, the research made in the United States showed that Brazil not onlybuilt a structure in Fairmount Park, but also had the 15th of November 1926 named asthe "Brazilian Day". In those date, the Brazilian ambassador in Washington D.C.,Gurgel do Amaral was received at the exhibition with brilliant staff (AUSTIN,HAUSER: 1929: 8, 412 - 413).

In 1939, the country participated of two of other Exhibitions in the United States: in theNew York‘s Fair - constantly studied in Brazil because the importance of Brazilianpavilion designed by Oscar Niemeyer and Lucio Costa and decorated by Paul LesterWeiner - and in San Francisco Golden Gate Exposition, whose pavilion was designedfollowing the architectural lines of Marcello Piacentini. In fact, the project of thispavilion was responsibility of the American architect Gardner Dailey, with

collaboration of Ernest Born (displays) and Berlandina Jane and Robert Howard (mural)(ARCHITECTURAL FORUM, jun 1939:492 - 493).

After 1939, the Brazilian participation in events in the United States decreased, much bythe loss of meaning of such type of exposure. The same can not be said, however, withrespect to participation in professional conferences and other meetings of political-economic content, which only increased over the decades of the twentieth century. Anexample that illustrates well the attraction by the Brazilians by the American academicworld is the professor of the Central School of Dentistry, in Rio de Janeiro, the dentistCoelho e Souza. In 1911, Coelho e Souza went, for a brief season, to the United Statesto improve his career in the Dental School of the University of Pennsylvania. In

Philadelphia, a city where the university is based, Souza Coelho took contact with hecalled the "American civilization". In 1922, Coelho e Souza was sent by the Brazilian



Society of Dentistry for Philadelphia to attend the 7th International Dental Congress.This trip, which was expanded to other locations around the U.S. nation, and, also, toCanada, resulted in the book published with name Impressões dos Esatdos Unidos (Impressions of the United States), launched in Rio de Janeiro in 1927. The aim of thebook, according to its author, was to provide his fellow, the Brazilian dentists, of

references about the U.S., facilitating the exchange of ideas and culture (SOUZA, 1927:2). In fact, we have to consider the hypothesis that this voyage of Coelho e Souza hasachieved great repercussion in Brazil, and more, that his book provide importantmaterial to stimulate the Brazilians to visit the "Land of Uncle Sam" finding andtransporting solutions of space, as described below:

"In the U.S. we can find many automatic solutions, but the most interesting that I noticed there wasthe restaurant service. It is not similar to the method adopted by the Young Women’s Christian Association in the Largo da Carioca, in Rio, which is not new to us. (...) The costumer gets his trayand cutlery. Scrolls the display and see what you want. The choice made, cast by his opening thecurrency representing the value of the dish. Immediately the door of the niche that houses the dishwith the sweet opens, the person removes it and sits at the table to consume it" (SOUZA, 1926:

55).

Coelho e Souza was, in the other hand, so critical with the indelicacy of the Americanmen, in special with the women, but it is important to say that he was explicit with thecelebration of the technology that he found there(SOUZA, 1927: 55).

Commenting on many aspects of American life, Coelho e Souza trained many readers togo to the United States to experience, on-site, everything he described. In theprofessional field of dentistry, for example, many journals were created in Brazil,producing materials with eyes in the United States. The journal Brasil Odontológico,(Brazilian Dental) for example, not only circulated throughout the Brazilian territory,

for some decades, but was sent, also, to the United States, to supply of informationprofessionals and Brazilian students living in that nation. In any case, for those unableto cross the American continent, there remained the option to purchase the products"made in USA”, in Brazil, helping to stimulate a behavior nominated by Souza as“irrevocable". In a specific understanding it means that the Brazilian must have toknow and to buy the “machines created to do everything: washing, cleanliness of thehouse etc"(SOUZA, 1927: 54).

Regarding the arrival of American products to Brazil, we discovered some aspects thatare important not only to the comprehension about what Brazilians have acquired, butalso, what the Americans sold to the tropics. Searching Almanak Laemmert, publishedin Rio de Janeiro, between 1844 and 1889, there were some "claims" that illustrate theNorth American industry sent to be sold in the former Brazilian capital, in the half of the nineteenth century. In the Almanak, the products linked to the United States wereidentified as, "American stores chairs, mats from India to quilt and bed rooms, and other items from India and North America." The distributors listed, in 1859, forexample, were Felix Antonio Vaz & Cia, and José Antonio Pedroso (AlmanakLaemmert, 1859: 409). Already around 1870, we could identify to other distributors:Manoel Olegário Abranches, whose commerce was at the Rua da Alfândega, in theheart of the imperial capital (Almanak Laemmert, 1876: 574). In this almanac waspossible to verify also the existence of a store called "The Two Americas" owned by

Generoso Estrella & Queiroz, where was possible to find products made in England,France, German, Austria, U.S., and many types of “mechanisms, agricultural objects,



Márcia Padilha, in a study on urban life of São Paulo in the 1920s, added other elementsto the list of products originating in the United States, available in Brazil's OldRepublic. Draws attention to analysis of this author on the feminine universe, widelyexploited by advertising that decade. Padilha showed that many American productswere offered to women by their key role in the decision of the expenses of the Brazilian

family, particularly because this effect, found here, was also present in the UnitedStates, facilitating in this way, not only the offer of direct goods, such as recycling of American ads, many times. Two ads cited by Padilha give the tone of how the UnitedStates were involved, little by little, the "oomph" women. The wax for skin FranckLloyd, heralded in the Cigarra Magazine, March 1926, said that "without doubt, thewoman, along with the excellent education, there should be a healthy skin" (ACIGARRA, 1926, cited by Padilha, 2001: 126).

Years before, the same journal published the importance of "Beauty Parlors" forBrazilian women, emphasizing the element as the American equivalent to Europe interms of refinement:

"The Institute of Modern Beauty set will street Libero Badaró, 49 (mezzanine) has all the modernapparelhos requiring the progress of science, for the beauty care. Office of manicure, pedicure,massages, waxing, faciaes baths, steam baths and light, washing of head, violet rays, heat, high-voltage, etc.. Directed by Professor of beauty Hygienic dra. Titania S. of Gárate, degree in Parisand Buenos Aires. Pedicure graduates by "the School of Chiropedy of New York" (A Cigarra,1926, quoted by Padilha: 126).

Its is important to say that the notion of "civility" in those times, involves the concept of cleanliness and hygiene. Aware of this effect and, to a large extent, the actors of it, theU.S. companies established in the country began to show that one of the "progress of science" in that period, was to provide healthy appearances. So to the woman, but to the

man too, the health care and the "civilized appearance" were conditions “of success” inthe modernizing city. Thus, the man should use blades "brownie" produced by "Gillett Safety Razor do Brazil", and dental creams, such as "Kolynos" (A Cigarra, 1923, quotedby Padilha, 2001: 128 - 129).

The proliferation of this type of advertisement, linked with the increasing population of Brazilian cities during the first decades of the twentieth century, facilitated theemergence of department stores, no doubt, a novelty in terms of retailing in Brazil. TheMappin Store was the retail that attracted the most public because of its pioneering spiritand its diversity of products. Founded in the eighteenth century, in the village of Sheffield, in Great Britain, by Mappin and Webb families, the store achieved fame andcharacter of its department store in the nineteenth century, in the same period when, inthe United States, this type of trade is widened (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Selfridges.Accessed on 17 Jan 2007). From Sheffield, the store moved to London and, from there,opened branches in Argentina and Brazil. The “paulista” version was founded bybrothers Walter and Hebert Mappin in the street Quinze de Novembro, in 1913. In 1919the store moved to the Praça do Patriarca, and in 1939, moved-into the Praça Ramos deAzevedo, opposite to the Municipal Theater of São Paulo. The Mappin, despite itsBritish origin, sold many products with American origin. Padilha showed that beside thetraditional tea of five, of English accent, the Mappin selling household items, books andgoods “of the most attended in Europe and the United States" (Padilha, 2001: 88). The

presence of a store of these proportions, in the heart of the city of São Paulo, justemphasized something that was already noticed in a large scale in several Braziliancities: the host of the United States as the benchmark Brazilian domestic life.



As showed by the book A vida cotidiana no Brasil moderno: a energia elétrica e asociedade brasileira (1880-1930), (everyday life in modern Brazil: the Brazilian societyand electrical power (1880-1930)), a publication of the Electricity Memory Center inBrazil, references to the United States arrived with great force not only in the Brazilian

public space, for means for businesses and offices involved with the construction of theinfrastructure of the cities, but also in the domestic space. The American reference tothe daily domestic live is showed by the book as transformed by another kind of media:the radio. Although the Italian Marconi is recognized as the official father of the radio,the transmission of stories and songs for this vehicle is due to Reginald Fessenden, aCanadian who lives in the United States. There, in 1910, a schedule of daily news andevents geared to entertainment and leisure was fixed, showing adherence to this type of programming both in the workplace, as in the house (ELETRCIDADE CENTER OFMEMORY IN BRAZIL, 2001: 215). In Brazil, in the 1920s, this way of transmittingnews and music would be introduced. In 1922, when the opening of the CentennialInternational Exhibition of Independence, in Rio de Janeiro, the first radio transmission

was made using equipment from Westinghouse Electric Company, installed on top of Corcovado. In 1923, Roquete Morize Henrique Pinto opened the first Braziliancommercial broadcaster, the Radio Society of Rio de Janeiro. In March 1923, inPernambuco, also a group of guys would broadcast systematically (ELETRCIDADECENTER OF MEMORY IN BRAZIL, 2001: 217). In 1927, on account of customsagreements, the old and few radios of galena were removed, gradually, the Brazilianmarket, and electrical appliances, from American origin, in particular, were brought.Brands such as Crosley and Zenith were sold in the country in places dedicated to thelighting, as Byington & Cia, and were advertised in several magazines, as Careta, ACasa, and others.

In the second half of the 1920s, for example, the journal A Casa (The House) in one of his subjects discussed the transformation of domestic space and the need to provide thenew homes with switch plugs intending the reception and the good use of Americanequipments. The journal pointed that the project must reserve spaces to accommodate

"All possible facilities that sooner or later, would be needed. It is embedded in the walls and cabinets in appropriate spaces, (...), dismantled tables, and the profusion of types of sockets and switch plugs at all points of the housing, to allow the placement of lamps, fans, irons and ironing,etc., in short, all that is needed today to be a civilized life" (A Casa, n. 32, dec, 1926).

The Brazilians also found other American references in their daily life, in special in

those that refers to the simplification and organization of domestic life. The major spacetransformed was the kitchen. The kitchen received the water supplies, sewage andenergy networks that came, gradually, to the Brazilian cities. Back, in fact, the first half of the nineteenth century, when Catherine Esther Beecher wrote works such as A

Treatise on Domestic Economy, for the Use of Young Ladies at Home and at school ,in 1841, which postulated rules for simplifying the work home and gave instructions forthe enhancement of women's work. Due to the work of Beecher in the United States hasdeveloped an intense reworking of the environmental services of houses, and U.S.industry began to build and develop equipment that marked the debate triggered byBeecher. Interesting example of the ancestry of Beecher and his followers for theformulation of a new spatiality for the kitchen is the “kitchen of Frankfurt”. Developed

by the team of architect Ernst May in the first period of reconstruction after war, theidea of the compact area of work supplemented by drawers and shelves designed from



the duties of cooking and food preparation has its origin in the United States. At thetime of construction of household units by the team of May, it appointed the architectGrete Shutter Lihotsky to apply the principles developed by Christine Frederick andMary Pattison, two neighbors in a company town in the United States. Lihotsky hadstudied the proposals of Frederick Pattison and through that both the books published,

names of, respectively, Household engineering: scientific management in the home and Principles of Domestic Engineering in the period 1915 to 1919. In these works,the idea of compact kitchens with appliances and plugins for many shelves for thevarious household utensils were recommended. May's team developed a proposal,applying it to several sets of Frankfurt housing. For this reason received the name,although the genesis of this proposition is the United States.

In Brazil, the principles of spatial arrangement of the "kitchen of Frankfurt" were usedin the Realengo´s housing unit, in Rio de Janeiro, designed by the architect CarlosFrederico Ferreira, in the 1930s. However, the American solutions for the kitchen werealready visible here in the early years of the twentieth century. However, we emphasize

that the great change in the design of the kitchens occurred in the 1940s, when thecountry could receive in a more systematic manner, the production of canned food. Thecans of sausage, sardines, sauces and vegetables were so visible inside the Braziliankitchens. Because of World War II, the principle of Case Study House and streamlinedkitchens came to Brazil, and seems to be rooted to the present day (IRIGOYEN, 2005).

If U.S. products were able to change many aspects of everyday life in Brazil, is time tounderstand how the theories applied in the U.S. industrial scenery also attracted theattention of Brazilians.

2 – United States: the industrial ‘locus’ of Americas

In the first part of this paper, we discussed how the Brazilians were attracted by the"American goods and equipments". Now is time to open space for comments for thereception of the modern industrial environment and technological advances peak inBrazil. In fact, when talking about the movement of ideas and products between theUnited States and Brazil, we can not fail to comment, too, as the urban environment wasmodified by the introduction of lighting, especially from the power matrix. According tothe historian Nicolau Sevcenko, the urban life in the passage of the XIX to the XXcentury emphasized the fairy lights, constant and dizzying as one of the achievements of Modernity (SEVCENKO, 2000: 18). The issue of lighting and supply of electricity to

the Brazilian cities were tied to the direct action of North American professionals andthe incorporation of patented technology or produced by that country, along with othernations such as Germany and France (MAGALHÃES, 2000: 31). Even with Brazilianprofessionals, particularly the Polytechnic School of Sao Paulo, who developed systemsof production and transmission of electric current from the nineteenth century, the lackof public investment, according to the prevailing liberalism in the period, madeimpossible the implementation of national inventions, paving the way for the entry of foreign money.

When you talk about power in the two main urban centers of that period in Brazil - Riode Janeiro and Sao Paulo - we must remember the group Light . Large-scale in thecountry, the group was formed by American, British and Canadians´capital and had



been made to the operation of transport by tram and electric lighting in Brazil. As thehistorian João Luiz Máximo da Silva points,

"The group of capitalists involved in the formation of Light had experience in the operation of transport services and the construction of electrified railways. Francisco Antonio Gualco (wholived and worked in Montreal) was the representative of this group in Brazil. His role was to

create favorable conditions and provide coverage for the installation of the group in the country,acquiring concessions services for the company. Gualco in 1897 was associated with [the] to theCommander Augusto de Souza and obtained the grant of the electrical service road for forty years. Directed by American engineer Frederick Pearson, the organization succeeded in extending theoriginal grant for new routes and additional authorization for the production and distribution of electric energy. In 1899, a group linked by Pearson founded the São Paulo Railway, Light and Power Limited, based in Toronto, but with English capital. In the same year, Sousa Gualco and transferred its privileges and concessions for the company now be called The São Paulo Tramway, Light and Power Company Limited" (SILVA, 2002: 18).

Tamás Szmereczániy showed in one article about the history of the Light group inBrazil, that, "in practice, the Light was not a Canadian company" and the fact that "its

headquarters was located in Canada", not meant that Light had a Canadian project forBrazil. This author says that the choice of Canada as the seat was due to two factors:first, the opportunity to be the next British world of investment through theCommonwealth, and, secondly, the most decisive, according Szmereczániy, "forconvenience tax and financial" offered there (SZMERECZÁNIY, 1986: 134).

In Brazil, the formed group became interested in more control of the electrification of the country. In 1900, the Light group inaugurated its first thermoelectric plants and theirfirst line of trams. In Rio de Janeiro the Light was established in 1904 with the openingof electricity in some central points of the city during the administration of PereiraPassos. Entering into conflict with Gaffrée and Guinle, a carioca company interested in

the service of public lighting and transport by tram, the Light Department of Stateappealed to the United States, the Baron of Rio Branco and the Minister for LauroMüller exclude competitors and, thus, its effective action in that city, although the nameof Candido Gaffrée and Eduardo Guinle continue working in other districts and withinthe fluminense (MAGALHÃES, 2000: 53). The trajectory of Light, in Rio de Janeiro, isanalyzed as follows by Carlos Kessel:

"The Light (...) initially secured the monopoly of supply of electricity of the Federal District, withthe acquisition of a concession owned by William Reid (which dated from 1900), and the signing of an agreement with the state of Rio de January to explore the waterfall of Ribeirão das Lages. At the same time initiating the acquisition of the controlling shareholder of The Rio de Janeiro GasCompany (parent company of Société Anonyme du Gaz, holds the concession for lighting the city's public and private) companies rails Saint Kitts, Vila Isabel, Rio and Urban Rail and the Rio de Janeiro Telephone Company, parent company of Brasilianische Elekticcitäts-Gesellschaft, theGerman concession of telephone services (KESSEL, 2001: 34).

The reformist ideal triggered by the urban reforms of Pereira Passos, in Rio de Janeiro,and by the "Urban Improvements" of Antonio da Silva Prado, in São Paulo, favored theestablishment of Anglo-Canadian Company in these locations. It should be emphasizedthat the public image of the Light , because of its field of action, and depending on whohired, supported the North American image of "progress" and "made urbansuperlatives," typical of that society. Among the North American professionals hired byLight was Frederick S. Pearson, engineer of the Metropolitan Street Railway of New

York, responsible for building the plant Itupararanga in Sorocaba - high-rankingexecutive of the group -, and the American engineer, Asa White Kenney Billings, born



in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1876, manufacturer of the tear of the plant, the plant inCubatao, and the dam in the escarpments of the Serra do Mar in 1926, named Billings,by its action in the idealization of the venture. The symbolic force of the enterpriseshown by the Light was seen as a sign of "progress" and art in Brazil. Both were oncethe Revista de Engenharia Mackenzie, in an editorial of 1926, celebrating the

"progress" brought by foreign hands,"We were a people in need of full support, experience, skill and technique from abroad, foreign friends and values, finding that on us, financial and economic sources, awakens in us and for us,so many similar interests" (Revista de Engenharia Mackenzie, quoted by Magalhães, 2000: 66).

In 1912, as shown Tamás Szmereczániy, was formed a holding company that took thename of Brazilian Traction, which is subordinated to both the Light of Sao Paulo in RioShares of the company were sold in London, checking large profits and paying slightlyBritish investors lead on the Americans, but they also continued not only in number of the company, as printed in time, business process management methods and Americans(Szmereczániy, 1986: 135). In commercial terms, to disclose the Light "Americanworld" in that matter and exposed electrical appliances in shop windows in cities thatacted as it did for the first time in 1908, in the Plaza Antonio Prado (Silva, 2002: 54).This "adviser", performed by the Light, aimed at expanding the domestic consumptionof energy, it has generated and distributed, but in small proportions, both in São Pauloand Rio, those early years of the twentieth century. In line of this initiative of the Light,other companies also imported electrical products and disclosed, such as shopsspecializing in electrification, and to illuminate house Byington - a mechanism thatmattered, the name "Standard Machina Vaccum Airgaz", focused on gas production, athome, from oil products - in addition to "The São Paulo Gas Company, which importedand marketed by gas stoves, North American, which desbancaram electric cookers sold

by Light (SILVA, 2002: 32, 42, 55 ). In Rio, in turn, was the name Guinle & Co. whosold products to companies such as General Electric, Kodak and the Victor (KESSEL,2001: 37). Also Anonyme du Gas Companies selling electrical household appliancesand of several origins, especially the United States (Center Memory of Electricity inBrazil, 2001).

In publications devoted to stakeholders in construction and improvement of domesticity- as architects, engineers or builders -, advertisements for machinery and appliances, aswell as reports on technical development, the U.S., began to appear with greaterfrequency, from 1920. The magazine The House has claimed that deserve someattention. In August 1927 a notice was published which brought sell "vacuum sweepers

for all purposes," American brand of Apex-Rotarex. These "crawlers" were electricvacuum cleaner that could be purchased at the "Casa & Cia Byington, General Camarathe street" (A Casa, n.40, 1927: 12). In the following, published in September of thatyear, a brief note contained the following:

"There has long been studying the process for the projection of light images in the sky. In theUnited States has just been built by General Electric a powerful projector, which is approximatelyhow much of the guns of warships. (...) There are currently being made equal to the other servingas the experience. Have a parabolic reflector of 1m, 50 in diameter and can project images onclouds situated 8 kilometers away "(A Casa, n.41, 1927: 34).

Despite the note does not indicate the applicability of the projector, the tone of thecelebration of the American advances in technology is very clear. This notion that the



Americans were free technical and industrial development appears in another report of the House. In February 1926 an area on the chandelier newly installed in the buildingthe headquarters of the Bank of Brazil in Rio - CCBB today - shows understanding of Brazilians on the American self-celebration in the world of technology and technology:

"A chandelier ... distinguished. The chandelier that has been installed in the new building of the Bank of Brazil is not even the 'the biggest in the world' as the Americans say, anxious to make theworld your country gaping as possessor of things great and huge, where even landslides and various rail disaster take great proportions, but in any case is the largest in South America "(ACasa, n. 22, 1926: 26).

From 1927 we can speak of another North American conglomerate focusing directly onthe energy sector: the American & Foreign Power Co., known by its acronym,AMFORP. The AMFORP was linked to the Electric Bond & Share, an arm of GeneralElectric, and came to Brazil to operate through a subsidiary - the Companhia Auxiliar deEmpresas Elétricas Brasileiras - on several fronts in this area (Magalhães, 2000: 67). TheBond & Share AMFORP through that, indeed, was a trust with offices in Mexico, Cuba,

Panama and Guatemala, "acquired concessions and services for the provision of electricity to no less than 10 Brazilian states" bring "unify these services and expandthem "through the successive increase of tariffs, which generated a discontent of otherBrazilian companies as well as the public, leading the government of Getúlio Vargas, in1934, the lower the National Water Code that abolished the clause the gold award of contracts for services of electricity, limited to 10% profit on capital invested andestablished the principle of historical cost in evaluating the capital of the utilities(Szmereczányi, 1986: 135; Singer, 1975: 388). The AMFORP was forced from the1940s to reduce its profit margin and falls in the guidelines of the federal governmentwith the policy of nationalization of the energy sector. In the 1960s, all companiesbelonging to AMFORP were nationalized (Singer, 1975: 388).

The General Electric do Brasil, in turn, understood as the meeting of its variouseconomic arms in the country, served in a systematic way between the layers urbanBrazil. Ranging from energy production to the sale of electric lamps, manufactured inits industry, assembled in 1921 in the country, going further, the distribution andregulation of energy and transport household electric, and in addition to increasingimport and sale of appliances (Magalhães, 2000: 69).

If this brief history of AMFORP forward the notion of validity of North Americaneconomic interests in Brazil, we can say that other enterprises developed, here, since theend of the nineteenth century, attest to the attraction that Brazil engaged in outside, in"Hunters of concessions”, among which the largest exponent was Percival Farquhar(Singer, 1975: 377). The multi-entrepreneur Percival Farquhar, engineer training, can beconsidered the greatest American tycoon to undertake large-scale ventures in LatinAmerica, the passage of the nineteenth century to the XX. Born into a family of entrepreneurs of agricultural machinery, Farquhar involved, since the youth, businesscoupled with the modernization of urban transport and regional, while others have indifferent branches. Its economic relationship with Brazil originated in 1904 when itacquired the Rio de Janeiro Light & Power Co., through the engineers and Frederick S.Alexander Mackenzie Pearson, as seen, related to firm São Paulo Tramway Light andPower. Farquhar took this same opportunity to share control of the services of trams in

Rio de Janeiro, service that was founded and directed from 1868-1883, also byAmericans. In 1905, Farquhar off Anonyme du Gas Companies, and the telephone



company headed by German carioca (SINGER, 1975: 379). Also in 1905, PercivalFarquhar formed business in two other regions of the country. In Bahia, through thepurchase of the tramway lines of British, Dutch and German, has the Bahia Tramway,Light & Power - which then would be acquired by AMFORP. In Pará, a region that wasof extreme importance in terms of exploitation of latex, he founded the Port of Para,

which grant you guaranteed interest of 6% on capital, plus 2% on all imports (Singer,1975: 381).

In the Amazon, the American also won the award for the completion of the RailroadMadeira - Mamoré intended to provide an exit to Bolivia to the sea, after the Treaty of Petrópolis, signed in the early twentieth century by the Baron of Rio Branco, investedafter the Bolivian Syndicate, trained by British and North Americans interested inexploring the Amazon area of border with Bolivia (Bueno, 2003). The branch of therailway, it should be emphasized, was what consumed greater investment of politicaland economic Farquhar in Brazil and neighboring countries, especially in the south.Decided to build a railroad linking it to the extreme north, Uruguay Brazil, the idea

arose after Pan American Congress of 1906, held in Rio, Farquhar came to attachrailways and actions, to be a line of name Brazil Railway (Singer, 1975: 384). This ideaof a railroad that cut the country from south to north must be understood within abroader discussion of pan-American character. The idea of a transcontinental railroadwas old idea and an important debate that processing staff in the U.S. since the lastdecade of the nineteenth century, which gained impetus with Theodore Roosevelt. Theintention to build this railway, from the U.S., was to facilitate communication in thenorth-south direction, facilitating the sale of machinery and wagons for the NorthAmerican countries articulated by Pan American Railway, as yet, encourage theexploitation of natural resources needed for industrialization of the North America. In asense, the high costs for the implementation of the contract and the nationalist sentiment

of the various American republics calm down the project. In any case, the constructionof the Panama railroad, which came to articulate the canal built in the decade of 1910,can be seen as a pronouncement effective this intention (Bueno, 2003, Green, 1942).

Another attitude that supports the idea of "Pan-American integration” is the design of the railway idealized by Farquhar. The entrepreneur founded over a decade, businessesthat impressed by the territorial distribution and the diversity of areas. ResearcherCarlos Kessel studying links between the engineer and former mayor of Rio de Janeiro,Carlos Sampaio, remained with the group Light and Farquhar, provided a list of companies under the control of the U.S.:

“Uruguay Railway Co., Parana Railway Co., Brazil Land, Cattle & Parking Co., Southern Brazil Lumber Co., E.F. Vitória Minas, Transparaguayan Railroad, Bolivian Development &Colonization Co., Compagnie Port de Rio de Janeiro, Companhia Docas do Rio de Janeiro, Assunción Tramways, Rio de Janeiro Hotel Co., Antofagasta & Bolivia Railroad Co., BoliviaCentral Railway, Compagnie Port de Rio Grande do Sul, Amazon River Steam Navigation Co., Amazon Land & Colonization Co., E.F. São Paulo-Rio Grande, Madeira-Mamoré Railway, E.F. Mogiana, E.F. Sorocabana, E.F. Paulista etc (Kessel, 2001: 35).

The Syndicate Farquhar , name given to this conglomerate of companies controlled bythis American man, has caused much controversy in Brazilian society, and was anti-taxed by different sectors of the Brazilian economy, especially by Gaffrée and Guinle,

its main competitor. As noted Paul Singer, to cite S.G. Hanson (1937), this critical partof Brazilian society in relation to the concentration of services crucial to the functioning



of cities as well as coordination of the Brazilian territory in the hands of a foreigner,caused "an extraordinary outbreak of fear of territorial expansion in the U.S. Brazil and increased the growing Latin American anxiety about the Yankee imperialism" (Hanson,quoted by Singer, 1975: 384). This analysis is fully acceptable when one takes intoaccount the broad national debate in vogue in the 1920s still cause surprise, because as

noted by the table below, reproduced from the book História Econômica do Brasil , deHeitor Ferreira Lima, the period from 1920 onwards will be marked by the massivearrival of U.S. companies, Brazil:

TABLE 2:

Selection of U.S. Companies in Brazil (1920-1929)

per year and Decree o f AuthorizationSource: LIMA, 1976: 342-343.

Year Decree number Name

1920 14.166 American Coffee Corporation

1920 14.167 Ford Motors Company

1920 14.242 The Sydney Ross Company

1920 14.244 Bethlehem Steel Company of Brazil

1921 14.887 Davis & Co. Ltd. of Brazil Inc.

1922 15.551 Atlantic Refining Company of Brazil

1923 16.056 Firestone Tire and Rubber Company

1923 17.164 Universal Pictures Corporation

1923 16.270 American Steamship Agencies Company Inc.

1924 16.585 Great American Insurance Company

1924 16.754 Armour of Brazil Corporation

1924 16.756 Parker, Davis & Company

1924 16.757 International Business Machine Co. of Delaware

1926 17.304 International Harvester Export Company

1926 17.491 Metro Coldwyn Mayer (do Brasil)

1926 17.609 Ingersoll-Rand Company of Brazil1927 17.970 Companhia Brasileira de Força Elétrica

1928 18.404 Goodrich Rubber Company of Brazil Inc.

1929 18.591 General Tire & Rubber Co. of Brazil

1929 18.592 Refinações de Milho Brazil

1929 18.648 Western Electric Company of Brazil

1929 18.664 First National Picture Brazil Incorporated

1929 18.745 Companhia Burroughs do Brasil Inc.

1929 18.768 Pan American Airways Inc.

This list of U.S. companies in Brazil led to the establishment of a branch of theAmerican Chamber of Commerce in Sao Paulo, even at the end of the decade of 1910.Known by the acronym AMCHAM, as well as by name in Portuguese, the Brazilian

Chamber of Commerce - United States, it was mounted in Sao Paulo, as electronicinformation site:

"On July 23, 1919, 18 American and Brazilian entrepreneurs [met] at a restaurant in the center of São Paulo. It [produced there] provided the combination of all firms that share the interest of AMCHAM in the development of trade between the United States and Brazil. The small group of founders included General Electric, the Singer Sewing Machine Company, the Mackenzie College,the Citybank and Brazil Packing Land and Cattle Company"(Available in www.amcham.com.br / entity / history / index_html. Accessed on 9 Dec 2006).

It aimed to encourage the disclosure of U.S. products in the country, and create asolidarity network between industry and North American institutions working in Brazil,

using the jump exporter since the United States during the First World War. In an earlylist of members of AMCHAM, the Bulletin published in September 1920, included 87



companies in 25 of the center and two streets in the neighborhoods of Belém andIpiranga. However, already in 1940s, it was possible to 6 thousand affiliates. Theexpansion of American Chamber of Commerce was not a phenomenon found only inBrazil, is a strategy of consolidation of foreign markets that reached around the world.The apex of proliferation of AMCHAMs made between the period of peace that lived

the United States and the war against Spain in 1898, and putting this country in WorldWar I in 1917. In the period after the First War, U.S. companies such as United StatesSteel Products, Armor and Standard Oil of Brazil were some of which had already beenestablished in Brazil (Available in www.amcham.com.br / entity / history / index_html .Accessed on 9 Dec 2006).

Of the companies listed by Ferreira Lima, transcribed in the table above, we can findfirms of the food, the movie and particularly the automobile sectors. Ford MotorsCompany, authorized to operate in 1920, joined to the plant of São Paulo Luiz Grasseand brothers, producing bodies for trucks, first. Another company in the automotivesector which also began its work in Brazil, in that decade, was General Motors, which is

installed in Osasco, in 1925, and is worth the same production company that Ford bodyto complete its production of vehicles in country (GUNN, 1986: 155). The presence of the car in the “paulistana landscape” was, as Nicholas Sevcenko pointed, a certificateof the metropolitanization in progress:

"In Sao Paulo, the car was ‘a cult’. The elite of the city was proud, if not to have introduced thecar in the subcontinent, which was more difficult to prove, at least to have organized the first competition of the automobile club South America The more reserved and important city,landmark reference prime area of the center and meeting point of the elite that decided the fate of the Republic, was the Automobile Club (Sevcenko, 2000: 73-74).

Márcia Padilha showed also that "the ads for car (...) were among those mobilizing

more senses of the word 'modern', in Brazil of the 1920s” (PADILHA, 2001: 115). Thecar turned to the Brazilian economic elite, the main demonstration of the limits of theancient cities were being broken not only in relation to height of buildings - withskyscrapers - but also, as related to the distances be covered - with the cars. Maria IreneSzmereczániy for the insertion of the car in the urban dynamics favored the creation of new premises for the urban planning. Greater explanation of this reference, in Brazil,was the Plan of Avenues of San Paulo, proposed by Francisco Prestes Maia, in the1930s, but originated from an article written for four hands with the urban Ulhôa Cintra,in 1924. Szmereczániy made important comments on the defense of the ideals androdoviarista transport planning, in São Paulo. The author comments that although thephysical structure of the Plan of Avenues, based on radio-concentrated, departs "morethan this in the United States, whose cities have generally the form of scale, whichapplies orthogonal drains transit which, in the limit are true urban highways, thenotorious example is Los Angeles and its metropolitan area "is a clear reference to theUnited States and the dynamics of occupation of the territory according to the car ”(Szmereczányi, 2003). This author says that,

"In every way, plans for the city of cars become indispensable from the revolution of the Ford T,(...) and the fact that it is designed in Brazil in the 1920s, when São Paulo and the Rio January wascalled the streetcar cities, shows that this process early with "civilizing" American began in thecountry. According to some, the dominance of vehicles in the Brazilian transportation system hasadded to the value attributed to the mechanization of modern cultural elites affiliated industries

and the industrial bourgeoisie, being welcomed as a symbol of strength and expertise paulista.Poristo also binds to the positivist belief in Taylorism and Fordism, and administrative solutions for the American economic and social development of the country, creating a social engineering of



the collaboration between classes. (...) As the United States, the automobile became the symbol of Brazil condition and freedom of movement. The size of the territory, the very history of their settlement expanding the agricultural frontier during the twentieth century and the lack of sufficient investment in railroads forced the other solutions. The car, truck, buses mass produced and sold on credit, were put out of reach of average earnings or savings poor, working as a smallcapital to be exploited commercially, thus satisfying the desire for social elevation of immigrants

and internal migrants . From another angle, the automotive service, with all its demandsinfrastructure is part of an economic and political project that, as stated, is already in full swing inthe years of governance in Washington Luís (1916-1930) whose most famous slogan was' rule is toopen roads' (to run)"(Szmereczányi, 2003).

Enthusiast of the automobile, the journalist and columnist João do Rio showed that thecar in Sao Paulo, helped the city to compose a "new-Yorker" scene, emphasizing themovement of money between an industrial bourgeoisie that was assiduous customer of Automobile Club, space that spoke to modernity through its association with the car(João do Rio in Schaponik, 2004: 170). Lima Barreto, who was ardent critic of theamericanism, was on the other hand, an enthusiastic of the car (BARRETO, 2005: 53).In his novel Clara dos Anjos Lima Barreto noted that the car was at the beginning of thetwentieth century, "the magnificent machine, which passed through the streets as atriumphant king" (BARRETO, 1922: 250 - 251, quoted by MACHADO, 2002: 182).

If the car was celebrated for its modern appearance, almost as a herald of the similaritiesbetween Sao Paulo and New York, we should point out that the principles of organization of production, based in the theories of Henry Ford, were also accepted inthe country, as well stressed Szmereczániy, lines ago. One of the greatest lovers of the"Fordist ideas" was the visual artist, journalist, writer, translator, critic of art and farmerMonteiro Lobato. For him, Henry Ford was "the highest expression of modern lucidity," a man who showed "the highest meaning of the word industry" (Lobato, 1946: 10).Lobato, that throughout his life went from Republican to integralista political positions,nourished and made a point of disclosing his admiration for the precepts of NorthAmerican society. Having been in the United States at the end of the 1920s, ascommercial attache of the Brazilian government, Monteiro Lobato wrote a book called

America: the United States in 1929, that conversation with Mr. Slang, an old Englishcharacter, who struggled in times of government in President Washington Luís, as seen,a leading political supporter of the car. Through a dialogue with this character, Lobatosaid aspects of life there, always pointing out the possibilities and obstacles to theindustrialization of Brazil. As said in America,

"Iron and oil make the machine, and machine efficiency to man. The secret of prosperity is the American machine, instigator of efficiency. The evil of Brazil is the inefficiency of the man who

lives for lack of intense intrigue, and the host country because it has not developed the industry of iron and oil - iron, the raw material machine - oil, raw material of energy that moves the machine"(Lobato, 1950: IX).

The Fordist legacy in Brazil is still under investigation, particularly with regard to itsimplementation in the field of architecture and urbanism. However, as James J. Flinkpointed, the car, had an “European birth” but it “is American by adoption" (Flink,1990: 181). This author, studying the "Fordist myth", indicates that the car found greatimpact in the United States for various reasons, many of which were not applied to theEuropean reality. Flink says that the large concentration of farmers around thedeveloping cities, the car saw the possibility of increasing the flow of their way to

agricultural production and the possibility of improving the conditions of cultivation,with the advent of tractors and agricultural machinery for middle of the combustion



engine. The same author points out, however, that, among some other reasons, was awholesome character of the cars, compared to horses, which has caused the residents of urban centers adopt this mode of transport. Seen in the car for a solution to problems of urban cleaning, the government encouraged the purchase of vehicles and roads openedto accommodate their growing presence. In addition, the logic of the typical American

company, Flink explains that the fact that there is some persistence of calls "jeffersonianmyth," the middle class in the United States could combine the idea of capitalizing onthe work in the city, and the bucolic life in the field, emphasizing new look and thesuburb (Flink, 1990: 180).

All these things, pointed out by this American author, stress the alleged benefits causedby the car, however, should show that in addition to the product "car", in itself, was theconclusion of a character: Henry Ford. This was due to the fact that one of the majorinventions of the entrepreneur, the assembly line, could change some patterns of consumption in American society. According to Flink,

"These techniques of mass production have greatly decreasing the production costs, making Ford pass to the final consumer with a Ford T prices below $ 290 in 1927. Applied to the manufactureof other items, such techniques of production increased significantly, the standard of living of theaverage American family, and transformed the U.S. economy from subsistence to a productiveorientation to an economy of high consumption. Recognizing, before his contemporaries that themass production required mass consumption and it was necessary to create conditions for workersto reach means of acquiring the goods that it produced in 1914, Ford set for their employees, a journey Working eight hours a day, five U.S. dollars a time, which more than doubled to pay for one day short of work. (...) Led by the auto industry, the high purchasing power has become part of American society from the mid-1920s" (Flink, 1990: 184 – 185).

This vision, although the sound itself concluded Ford, serves to show the image that theentrepreneur was to entrepreneurs and the average urban citizen in the period. There is,moreover, several criticisms of the kind of regulation imposed by ostensive machine.The largest and most emphatic of them seems to be originated from a contemporary of Ford, the British Charles Chaplin. In the film Modern Times in 1936, dominated by theproduction machine not only regulates its own character and spreads out of control,reaching the Western imagination by which the effects of Americanization were noted.

In Brazil, beyond the conclusion of the Ford character, carried out by Lobato andcolleagues, the word "Ford" has become an adjective. This appropriation of the spiritproducer "in series" carried by many different business sectors. The analysis of somepublications devoted to the civil construction sector in the country, such as theaforementioned magazine The House, shows that the term was commonly used to referto proposals where there was a minimum of innovation in performance. In 1926, anotice of homes for sale, at the same time, the term is worth Houses Ford as a way toshow not only the speed of implementation, as the inclusion of works in cosmopolitanprinciples (A Casa n. 27, 1926: 29). In São Paulo, Carlos Lemos noted that thedesignation was applied to similar proposals in this same period. According to Lemos,in some parts of the city, the workers and the middle class acquired "Sobradinho Ford" (LEMOS, 2002: 6). Therefore, it is important to note that, little by little, the Brazilianurban society is the term used to, which, however, does not allow to say that there was afull understanding of the postulates Fordist.

Other principles of industrial organization from the United States also reached impactand were used in Brazilian society. The key was to Frederick Winslow Taylor, a



mechanical engineer who created the "scientific management", yet at the end of thenineteenth century in Philadelphia. The taylorists precepts drew the attention of manybusinessmen and intellectuals and spread to more countries with different profiles at thesame time as Russia, Argentina, France and Brazil, for example (Cody, 2003; Cohen,1995). According to Harry Braverman, Taylor held up the "fundamentals of the

organization of work processes and control over them" (Braverman, 1977: 83). To thisauthor Taylor bound to principles already discussed in the twentieth century such asCharles Babbage, England, Colbert, and Belidor Vauban, France and Henri Faiol(Braverman, 1977: 85). However, Taylor can be seen as the culmination of thediscussions on the work, and his conception of "scientific management" is the vision of Barverman, an attitude that has a "philosophy and title to a disconnected series of initiatives and experiences" (Braverman, 1977: 85).

Although the application of Taylorist principles was designed for manufacturingenvironment, many authors and followers saw the relevance of its application in otherareas, especially in the city and architecture. Telma de Barros Correia showed, with

property, such as Taylorist principles were fundamental in shaping the Instituto deOrganização Racional do Trabalho - IDORT - and pointed its consequences,particularly the transformation of management of the house in the country (Correia,2004: 79) . In the industrial field the same principles were followed by Paulo NogueiraFilho and Henrique Dumont Villares, who eventually facing some antipathy of itsemployees, who judged the timing of tasks, a new type of slavery, as happened in theUnited States, with its Taylor (Atique, 2004: 233).

As pointed by Philip Gunn, the very organization of the office has changed in Brazil,from the decade of 1910, when the methods of scientific organization came here. Thespread of the typewriter, marketed by IBM in Brazil and importing firms, has increased

the yield of difficult tasks, such as completion of the verification of census on theeconomy in 1920 (Gunn, 1986: 157). Another type of equipment that is now widespreadin Brazil was the machine to calculate, as a notice published in A Casa, notes:"Marchant Calculator: The calculator only levers of American manufacturing" (ACasa, n.39, 1927: 10).

3- Final Considerations

In general lines, this article aimed to redefine the relations between Brazil and theUnited States. We can affirm that the consecrated historiography is able to reinforce theidea that the “Americanization” of Brazil was a consequence of the Policy of the GoodNeighborhood, officially started in 1933 with Hoover. But in our interpretation, theGood Neighborhood as a policy could only be started because during the period knownas Second Industrial Revolution, the two countries could constructed a trajectory of reciprocity and interested that allowed many connections and transferences of products,social actors and references, designing the Modernity. In Brazil, the American presenceis still now a taboo, but it is important to reveal that many studies in course can revealmany characteristics of one urban relationship that extrapolates the ordinaryinterpretation of Imperialism.

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