This project has received funding from the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme for research, technological development and

demonstration under grant agreement no. 613465.

Deliverable no: 2.2 Deliverable title: State of the art report on grammatical

diversity of regional languages

Lead beneficiary: 3. Universiteit Utrecht (UU)

Work package: 2. Regional languages in Multilingual Europe

Planned submission date: 31/05/2015 Date submitted: 29/05/2015

Project acronym: AThEME Project full title: Advancing the European Multilingual Experience Grant agreement no: 613465

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Deliverable Grammatical Diversity

Work package 2

AThEME

0. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………….2

1. Dutch dialects and Frisian.………………………………………………………………….4

Myrthe Bergstra (Utrecht University), Norbert Corver (Utrecht University), Marjo van Koppen (Utrecht University), Marc van Oostendorp (Meertens Instituut Amsterdam)

2. Basque dialects…………………………………………………………………………………32

Ricardo Etxepare (CNRS-IKER), Urtzi Etxeberria (CNRS-IKER), Aritz Irurtzun (CNRS-IKER), Irantzu Epelde (CNRS-IKER)

3. Scottish Gaelic………………………………………………………………………………….68

Catriona Gibb (University of Edinburgh), Caroline Heycock (University of Edinburgh), Holly Branigan (University of Edinburgh)

4. Sardinian…………………………………………………………………………………………..84

Michela Bonfieni (University of Edinburgh)

5. Germanic and Romance varieties in contact in Trentino-South Tyrol

and neighbouring areas

(Cimbrian, Ladin, Mòcheno, Trentino, Tyrolean)………………………………………….….104

Jan Casalicchio (University of Trento), Andrea Padovan (University of Verona)

6. Gallo…………………..…………………………………………………………………………..135

Nicolas Guilliot (University of Nantes)

7. The Fiuman dialect……………………..…………………………………………………..145

Ana Bratulić (University of Rijeka – FHSS), Maja Đurđulov (University of Rijeka – FHSS - informant), Kristina Blecich (informant), Tihana Kraš (University of Rijeka – FHSS)

8. Primorska Slovenian dialects…………………………………………………………..167

Rok Žaucer (University of Nova Gorica)

9. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………182

This project has received funding from the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme for research, technological development and demonstration under grant agreement no. 613465.

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0. Introduction

Variation is a prominent ingredient of human language as it presents itself to us. Languages differ from each other in various respects, for example in their sentence structure (syntax), word structure (morphology), sound structure (phonology) and vocabulary (lexicon). In recent years, the issue of linguistic diversity has obtained an important position on the linguistic research agenda, triggering a variety of questions from different perspectives. From the more formal grammatical perspective, questions that arise include: To what extent is linguistic diversity restricted by the grammatical blueprint (Universal Grammar) underlying languages? Where in the grammar are different dimensions of linguistic diversity encoded? Is the encoding of "minor" linguistic differences fundamentally different from the encoding of major linguistic differences? From a more sociolinguistic perspective, we can raise questions like the following: what are the consequences of multilingualism and language contact for a linguistic community, and for the individual speaker? Under what circumstances will languages be under pressure and close to disappearance? Finally, the diachronic perspective identifies the historical sources of linguistic divergence and convergence: how and why have related languages grown apart? How did features shared by unrelated languages arise?

Research focusing on the above-mentioned three perspectives jointly, allows us to address the more general question: how do internal factors (grammar) and external factors (linguistic and social interaction in multilingual linguistic communities, and the factor time) interact, and what is their role in linguistic diversity and change.

It seems fair to say that, as regards the formal description of grammatical diversity, linguistic research has a strong bias towards the description of Standard languages (e.g. Standard English, Standard Dutch, Standard Italian, etcetera). Regional/minority languages, on the other hand, are, to a large extent, poorly described and documented. This poor description and documentation is an urgent gap to fill for two reasons: firstly, (some of) these languages are declining (see also Deliverable 2.1) and it is important to document the linguistic diversity that they represent before it is too late. Secondly, a description and analysis of the structure of these languages is necessary to understand (a) how they are acquired and how they change in a multilingual context, and (b) the impact they have on multilinguals' linguistic and cognitive abilities.

One of the objectives of AThEME's Work Package 2 —Regional languages in multilingual Europe: Linguistics resources in need of resourceful policies—is to complement the description and analysis of grammatical diversity across regional languages/dialects. In this report, we hope to contribute to this by providing a state of the art report on the grammar of a number of regional languages/dialects. Specifically, this grammatical description will cover a number of core phenomena and properties from the domains of syntax, morphology and phonology. The regional languages/dialects that will be discussed are the following:

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� Dutch dialects and Frisian � Scottish Gaelic � Basque dialects � Gallo � Germanic and Romance varieties in contact in Trentino-South Tyrol and neighbouring areas

(Cimbrian, Ladin, Mòcheno, Trentino, Tyrolean) � Sardinian � Primorska Slovenian dialects � the Fiuman dialect (Eastern branch of the Venetan family of dialects)

At the end of each chapter, questions and aims are formulated that define the research agendas of the various partners participating in Work Package 2.

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1. Dutch dialects and Frisian Myrthe Bergstra (Utrecht University), Norbert Corver (Utrecht University), Marjo van Koppen (Utrecht University), Marc van Oostendorp (Meertens Instituut Amsterdam)

1. Introduction: The Dutch language area

2. Syntax 2.1 The syntax of the clausal domain 2.1.1 Verb clusters 2.1.2 Verb cluster interruption 2.1.3 Infinitivus pro participio (IPP) 2.1.4 Imperativus pro 4ramar4ive (IPI) 2.1.5 V2 in embedded clause 2.1.6 Dummy verb doen (“do”) 2.1.7 Complementizer agreement 2.1.8 Scrambling 2.1.9 Relative clauses 2.1.10 Subject doubling 2.1.11 Reflexives 2.1.12 Negation 2.2 The syntax of the nominal domain 2.2.1 Ellipsis with adjectival remnant 2.2.2 The wat voor-construction 2.2.3 Ellipsis in the wat voor-construction 2.2.4 Possessives 2.2.5 Demonstratives 2.2.6 Numerals 2.3 The syntax of the prepositional domain 2.3.1 Preposition stranding 2.3.2 Preposition doubling 2.4 The syntax of the adjectival domain 2.4.1 Comparison 3. Morphology

3.1 Inflectional morphology 3.1.1 Plural formation 3.1.2 Gender 3.1.3 Adjectival (gender) inflection

3.1.4 Adjectives comparison (comparative/superlative) 3.1.5 Possessive pronouns 3.1.6 Verbal inflection

3.2 Derivation & compounding 3.2.1 Derivation

3.2.2 Diminutive formation 3.2.3 Compounding

4. Phonology 4.1 Segmental phonology 4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs 4.1.2 Consonants 4.1.3 Velar fricatives 4.1.4 Voicing of word-initial fricatives 4.1.5 -en endings 4.1.6 /t/ deletion 4.1.7 Voicing assimilation

4.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology 4.2.1 Stress 4.2.2 Lexical tone 5. Research questions and aims

6. Bibliography 6.1 Bibliography for syntax 6.2 Bibliography for morphology

6.3 Bibliography for phonology

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Section 1: The Dutch language area

The Dutch language area comprises of The Netherlands and the Dutch speaking area of Belgium, usually referred to as Flanders). Next to Standard Dutch, Frisian (spoken in Friesland, in the northern part of the Netherlands) is an official language in the Netherlands.

Limburgish and Low-Saxon are recognized as regional languages. Apart from these officially recognized languages, there are many different dialects in the Dutch language. The Utrecht team will focus on Frisian and a selection of the Dutch dialects.

The languages and dialects in the Dutch area are very diverse, but they also share some core characteristics: they all have asymmetric Verb Second, which means that the verb is in the second position of main clauses, but at the end of the clause in embedded clauses, hence showing a SOV word order, they all have scrambling options, and they share a similar stress pattern. Below we will go into the variation found between the language varieties in the Dutch language area.

The variation in the Dutch language area has been particularly well described for certain domains. In the past decennia several big dialect projects have been completed, pertaining to the syntax (Barbiers et al. 2005, 2008), the morphology (de Schutter et al., 2005) and the nominal domain (Corver et al. 2013) of Frisian and the Dutch dialects. We refer the reader to the papers and books reporting about these projects for detailed information about the variation and further references provided there. Another useful handbook regarding dialectal variation is Hinskens & Taeldeman (2013).

This document will provide a bird eye’s view over the variation that has already been discussed in the references cited above, simply picking out the most obvious variational patterns. We will first (and most elaborately) go into syntactic variation, then we discuss morphological and phonological variation. Finally we will identify some patterns that have not been discussed in great detail in the preceding dialect projects and will be the core focus of the current project.

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Section 2: Syntax

2.1 The syntax of the clausal domain

Contents: 2.1.1 Verb clusters 2.1.2 Verb cluster interruption 2.1.3 Infinitivus pro participio (IPP) 2.1.4 Imperativus pro 6ramar6ive (IPI) 2.1.5 V2 in embedded clause 2.1.6 Dummy verb doen (“do”) 2.1.7 Complementizer agreement 2.1.8 Scrambling 2.1.9 Relative clauses 2.1.10 Subject doubling 2.1.11 Reflexives 2.1.12 Negation

2.1.1. Verb clusters

In Dutch, verbs cluster together at the end of the embedded sentence. Verb clusters can also be found at the end of main clauses, but in main clauses the finite verb typically occupies the Verb second position (the V2 position) and is consequently separated from the verbal cluster at the end of the clause. There is quite some variation in the word order of the verbs in these verb clusters. The variation is also dependent on the types of verbs. For example, the Standard Dutch sentence 1a, with two modal verbs and a lexical verb, has three variants in Dutch dialects (1b – 1d) (examples from Barbiers, 2008). (1a) Ik vind dat iedereen goed moet kunnen zwemmen. Standard Dutch

I find that everyone well must.FIN can.INF swim.INF (1b) Ik vind dat iedereen goed moet zwemmen kunnen. Eastern Dutch

I find that everyone well must.FIN swim.INF can.INF (1c) Ik vind dat iedereen goed zwemmen moet kunnen. Eastern and I find that everyone well swim.INF must.FIN can.INF central Dutch

(1d) Ik vind dat iedereen goed zwemmen kunnen moet. Northern Dutch I find hat everyone well swim.INF can.INF must.FIN (including Frisian)

‘In my opinion, everyone should be able to swim well.’ This variation is remarkable because other instances of word order variation are quite rare in the Dutch languages and dialects. Moreover, there are no meaning differences between the sentences.

Clusters with only two verbs (e.g., an auxiliary with a past participle) display variation as well. Both 2a and 2b are acceptable in Standard Dutch. In Frisian, the order in 2b is used, with the finite verb at the end (similar to three verb clusters).

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(2)a. Jan zegt dat hij gisteren een cadeautje heeft gekocht. Jan says that he yesterday a present has bought b. Jan zegt dat hij gisteren een cadeautje gekocht heeft. Jan says that he yesterday a present bought has ‘Jan says that he bought a present yesterday.’

For further information, see: Barbiers et al. (2006), Barbiers (2008), Barbiers & Bennis (2010), Cornips (2009), Wurmbrand (2004).

2.1.2 Verb cluster interruption

The verbal cluster (discussed above) can sometimes be interrupted. Interruptions with a particle (such as in (3)) are acceptable in several parts of the Netherlands (see Barbiers et al., 2006).

(3) Jan dacht dat hij het afval zou weg moeten gooien. Jan thought that he the garbage should away must throw

‘Jan thought that he should throw the garbage away.’ Interruptions with definite (see (4)) and indefinite objects, adverbials, nominal or preposition phrases are only possible in parts of Flanders (Belgium). (4) …da Willy most zen auto verkoopn Brugge Flemish that Willy must his car sell ‘that Willy must sell his car’ For further information, see: Barbiers et al. (2006), Barbiers (2008), de Haan (1992), Haegeman & Van Riemsdijk (1986), Hendriks (2014).

2.1.3 Infinitivus pro participio (IPP)

The infinitivus pro participio (IPP) effect is the phenomenon in which an infinitive appears where a past participle is expected. This happens when verbs (for example have, be, go, see, hear, must, be able to, learn) that are themselves in the perfect tense (selected by a perfect auxiliary) and hence should appear as participles, select for an additional infinitival complement. For example, the verb horen (“hear”) is selected by the auxiliary hebben (“have”) in senctence (5a) en (5b). It appears as a participle in (5a), as expected. But, when it selects for another verb itself, as in (5b), then it is realized as an infinitive.

(5) a. We hebben haar gehoord. Standard Dutch we have her heard.part ‘We have heard her.’ b. We hebben haar horen zingen.

We have her hear.INF sing.INF ‘We have heard her sing.’

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The absence of the IPP effect in Frisian (see example (6)) is one of the most striking differences between Frisian and Dutch. The IPP effect is also absent in some dialects in the northern part of the Netherlands, such as Groningen Dutch (Barbiers et al., 2006). (6) dat er it boek lêze kind hat. Frisian

that he the book read been.PART able has ‘that he had been able to read the book’ For further information, see: Barbiers et al. (2006), den Dikken (1989), de Haan (1992), Haeseryn et al. (1997), Meer (1990).

2.1.4 Imperativus pro 8ramar8ive (IPI)

The imperativus pro 8ramar8ive (IPI) effect is the phenomenon in which an imperative occurs when one would expect an infinitive. Another difference between sentences with and without IPI is that the imperative verb seems to be conjoined to the rest of the clause. As shown by (7), the imperative verb follows the coordinate en (7a). The Dutch example is given in (7b).

(7) a. De plysje soe by him komme en helje him op. Frisian the police would to him come and pick.IMP him up ‘The police would come to him and pick him up.’ b. De politie zou bij hem komen om hem op te halen. Standard Dutch The police would to him come for him up to pick ‘The police would come to him to pick him up.’ The IPI is found in Frisian, but it is absent in all other areas of the Netherlands (Barbiers et al., 2006).

For further information, see: Barbiers et al. (2006), de Haan (1990), Hoekstra (1997), Postma (2006).

2.1.5 V2 in embedded clause

As already note in the beginning of this paper, Dutch is an asymmetric V2 language, which means that the finite verb moves to the second position in main clauses. The verb cannot undergo V2 in embedded clauses. However, in some northern areas in the Netherlands and in Frisian, the verb can occur in second position in an embedded clause, as in (8). However, this triggered only by a limited set of verbs in the matrix clause (verbs of saying and attitudinal verbs) (De Haan, 2001).

(8) a. …dat je moete zulke dingen niet geloaven. Urk Dutch

that you must such things not believe ‘…that you should not believe such things.’ b. He leaude dat it skip wie juster fergien. Frisian he believed that the ship was yesterday wrecked ‘He believed that the ship was wrecked yesterday.’

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For further information, see: Barbiers et al. (2006), De Haan (2001).

2.1.6 Dummy verb doen (“do”)

Dutch does not have do-support like in English, but in some dialects, doen (do) is used as a dummy auxiliary, as in (9). (9) Ik doe wel even de kopkes af wasse. Cuijk Dutch

I do PRT just the cups PRT wash ‘I’ll wash the cups.’ This construction is used in many areas in The Netherlands (Barbiers et al., 2009), except for the most northern provinces. The use of dummy auxiliary do in other constructions, like imperatives and questions, is more limited to the southern part of the country. For further information, see: Barbiers et al. (2006), Cornips (1994, 1998), Giesbers (1983-84).

2.1.7 Complementizer agreement

In standard Dutch, the subject of a clause and the finite verb show agreement. In some dialects, the subject of an embedded clause and the complementizer also agree. For example, in (10) (Barbiers et al., 2006), the complementizer in (a) and (b) show different endings. The complementizer in (10b) has plural inflection.

(10) a. …dat ik zuinig leef. Katwijk Dutch

that I frugal live.SG ‘… that I live frugally.’ b. …datt-e we/jullie/hullie gewoon lev-e. that-PL we/you.PL/they normal live-PL ‘… that we/you/they live normally.’ In Frisian, the complementizer shows agreement for the second person singular, as in (11): (11) …dat-sto earder thus bist as ik Burgum Frisian

that-2SG earlier home are.2SG than I ‘…that you are home earlier than I am’ The variation in inflection for each person (1st ,2nd, 3rd person singular and plural) can be found in DynaSAND (Barbiers et al., 2006).

For further information, see: De Vogelaer (2005), Barbiers et al. (2006), Van Haeringen (1939),

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Haegeman & van Koppen (2012), Hoekstra & Smits (1998), van Koppen (2005).

2.1.8 Scrambling

Scrambling is a well-known phenomenon in Dutch in which constituents can occur in several word orders within the so-called ‘Middle Field’ (the part of the clause in between the V2/complementizer-position and the V-final position) of the clause without changing the core meaning of the sentence. The scrambled orders are related to information structure (Neeleman & van de Koot, 2008). Scrambling is a core property of Dutch occurring in all varieties. However, there seem to be some minor differences between Frisian and Standard Dutch. Frisian “sa + Adjective” (so + Adjective) can scramble more freely than Dutch “zo + Adjective” (so + Adjective). (12a) and (12b) show two possible word orders for Frisian. In Dutch, the scrambled order is ungrammatical. (12) a. It is net sa kâld as juster. Frisian, regular word order

it is not so cold as yesterday

b. It is sa kâld net as juster. Frisian, scrambled order it is so cold not as yesterday ‘It’s not as cold as it was yesterday.’ (13) a. Het is niet zo koud als gisteren. Standard Dutch, regular word order it is not so cold as yesterday b. *Het is zo koud niet als gisteren. Standard Dutch, scrambled order

it is so cold not as yesterday ‘It’s not as cold as it was yesterday.’

For further information, see: Hoekstra (to appear), Neeleman & van de Koot (2008).

2.1.9 Relative clauses

There is a lot of variation in relative clauses in the Dutch area. For example, relative clauses differ in the relative pronoun that is used. While in (14)Amsterdam Dutch the relative pronoun “wie” is used (see example (14)), other dialects use other pronouns like die, dat, der and den instead of wie (Barbiers et al., 2006).

(14) Dat is de man wie ze geroepe hebbe. Amsterdam Dutch

that is the man who they called have ‘That is the man that they called.’

In Frisian, the relative pronoun is sometimes followed by a complementizer, as in (15). A similar construction is used in Flemish. It is not possible in Standard Dutch and most other dialects.

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(15) a. Dat is de man dy-t it ferhaal ferteld hat. Heerenveen Frisian that is the man who-that the story told has ‘That is the man that has told the story.’ b. Dat is de man die (*dat) het verhaal verteld heeft. Standard Dutch

that is the man who that the story told has

Finally, dialects also differ in doubling options in long distance relative clauses (Boef, 2013). In Standard Dutch, the embedded clause in a long distance relative clause is introduced by the complementizer dat (‘that’) (16a). In colloquial Dutch, the relative pronoun die can be doubled and used instead of dat (16b) . Dialects of Dutch display other doubling variants with two times the relative pronoun wie (‘who’) or combinations of wie and die.

(16) a. Dat is de man [RC die ik denk [ dat het gedaan heeft.]] Standard Dutch that is the man [RC REL.PR. I think [ that it done has]] b. Dat is de man [RC die ik denk [ die het gedaan heeft.]] Colloquial Dutch

that is the man [RC REL.PR. I think [REL.PR. it done has]] c. Dat is de man [RC wie/die ik denk [wie/die het gedaan heeft.]] Dialectal that is the man [RC REL.PR. I think [REL.PR. it done has]] Dutch ‘That’s the man that I think has done it.’ For further information, see: Barbiers et al. (2006), Boef (2013).

2.1.10 Subject Doubling

In some dialects of Dutch, pronominal subjects can be doubled, as in (17) (example from van Craenenbroeck & van Koppen, 2002).

(17) da me ze waaile nuir ojsh gojn bringen. Wambeek Flemish

that we.CLITIC them we.STRONG to home go bring ‘…that we’re going to take them home.’

This construction mostly occurs in Flemish (Belgium), but also in some dialects in Brabant (in the south of The Netherlands).

For further information, see: Barbiers et al. (2006), Barbiers et al. (2008), Haegeman (1992), van Craenenbroeck & van Koppen (2002).

2.1.11 Reflexives

Although binding has the same properties in all Dutch varieties, the morphological shape of the reflexive pronoun shows a lot of variation. The different forms that are found in the Dutch dialects and Frisian are provided below in (18).

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(18) zich refl. zichzelf refl-self hem him hemzelf him-self z’n eigen his own z’n eigen zelf his own self zijn zelf his self zijn his

A look at the distribution of the different forms shows that forms hem and hemzelf are mostly used in Frisian (Barbiers et al., 2006). Zich and zichzelf occur mostly in the eastern part of The Netherlands, close to Germany where “sich” is used. These are also the forms used in Standard Dutch. Forms like “z’n eigen” are mostly used in the middle and southern part of The Netherlands as well as in Belgium. For further information, see: Barbiers et al. (2006), Barbiers & Bennis (2003, 2004).

2.1.12 Negation

Standard Dutch does not show an unequivocal instance of negative concord. This means that in the standard language, as well as in most other variants spoken in the Dutch language area, two negations cancel each other out, leading to a positive interpretation. Several dialects do, however, show negative concord, where two negations are still interpreted negatively. So, the meaning of (19) is different for Standard Dutch and those dialects that show negative concord. (19) Ik doe dat nooit niet. I do that never not Standard Dutch: ‘I always do that.’ Negative concord dialects: ‘I never do that.’

Another point of variation is the form of negation itself. In Standard Dutch and most other dialects, negative items have a form that is morphologically similar to Standard Dutch niet ‘not’ and which follows the finite verb in main clauses (see 20a). In West-Flemish, however, a preverbal clitic “en” can be used, as in (20b).

(20) a. Zij eet ’s avonds niet. Standard Dutch

she eats evening’s not ‘She doesn’t eat in the evening.’ b. Zij (en-) eet nie ’s avonds. West-Flemish

she NEG-CL eats not evening’s

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For further information, see: Barbiers et al. (2006), Barbiers (2002), Haegeman (1995).

2.2 The syntax of the nominal domain

Contents: 2.2.1 Ellipsis with adjectival remnant 2.2.2 The wat voor-construction 2.2.3 Ellipsis in the wat voor-construction 2.2.4 Possessives 2.2.5 Demonstratives 2.2.6 Numerals

2.2.1 Ellipsis with adjectival remnant

The Dutch language area shows a lot of variation in NP-ellipsis strategies. For example, in Standard Dutch, an adjective needs to be inflected if the NP is elided, but there cannot be an overt pronoun comparable to English one (see (21) its translation). (21) Jan heeft een zwarte auto en Marie een rode (*een). Standard Dutch

Jan has a black-e car and Marie a red-e (*one)

‘Jan has a black car and Marie has a red one.’

In Frisian, however, there are three possible ellipsis strategies as in (22)a-c: (i) no pronominalization (comparable to Dutch in (21)), (ii) pronominalization with the pronoun ien ‘one’ comparable to English as in (22b), which combines with a specific form inflection on the adjective, -en instead of –e and (iii) a combination of the two strategies: no separate pronoun, but the specific en-inflection on the adjective as in (22c).

(22) a. Jan hie in witte auto en Geart in swarte. Frisian

Jan has a white-e car and Geart a black-e

‘Jan has a white car and Geart has a black one.’ b. Jan hie in witte auto en Geart in swarten ien / *in swarte ien Jan has a white-e car and Geart a black-en one / *a black-e one c. Jan hie in witte auto en Geart in swarten. Jan has a white-e car and Geart a black-en. For further information, see: Corver & van Koppen (2011a).

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2.2.2 The wat voor-construction

A well-known construction in Dutch is the “wat voor”-construction, which can appear with two different word orders:

(23) a. Wat heb jij voor schoenen gekocht? Standard Dutch

what have you for shoes bought ‘What kind of shoes did you buy?’ b. Wat voor schoenen heb jij gekocht? what for shoes have you bought

Dialects vary in how they realize the wat voor-construction. Not all dialects allow the ‘wat’ and ‘voor’ part to be apart, as in (23a).(24) a – h show a range of variants of the “wat-voor” construction in several dialects. (24) a. hoe zukke boek’n Hooghalen Dutch b. hokfor boken Hindeloopen Frisian c. wakke boeken Kortrijk Dutch d. waffer boeken Beverwijk Dutch e. wat vukke beuk Noord-Deurningen Dutch f. wa feur’n soort van boeken Ossendrecht Dutch g. wat soort bauken Onstwedde Dutch h. wa boeken Schellebelle Dutch

‘what kind of books’

For further information, see: Corver & van Koppen (2011b).

2.2.3 Ellipsis in the wat voor-construction

Variants of Dutch deal in different ways with ellipsis in the wat voor-construction (discussed above). Standard Dutch makes use of stress, as in (25) a – d. (25) I have bought a car, but I do not know... a. wat voor ’n *(auto) ik heb gekocht. Northern Standard Dutch what for a car I have bought b. wat voor EEN (*auto) ik heb gekocht. what for aSTRESS 14rama I have bought c. *wat voor ik heb gekocht. what for I have bought d. wat VOOR (??auto) ik heb gekocht. what forSTRESS car I have bought e. WAT voor (auto) ik heb gekocht. watSTRESS for car I have bought ‘what kind of car I have bought.’

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However, certain dialects make use of affixes or a strong form of “wat voor”, rather than stress. (26) Waff-en ___ heb ie al weg ‘e brach? Oldebroek Dutch

wat.voor-EN have you already away brought ‘Which one/ones did you already bring away?’

This en-affix appears in various dialects in the North-Eastern part of The Netherlands (Corver & van Koppen, 2005). (27) Wafer-e ___ bedoel je? Katwijk Dutch

wat.voor-E mean you ‘Which one/ones do you mean?’

(28) a. Wafiejen / Wafejen vrouven ejje geinviteed? Wambeek Dutch wat.voor.eenf.pl / wat.voor.eenf.pl women have.you invited b. Wafiejen / * wafejen ____ ejje geinviteed? wat.voor.eenf.pl / wat.voor.eenf.pl have.you invited ‘What kind of women did you invite?’

For further information, see: Corver & van Koppen (2005).

2.2.4 Possessives

When nouns are elided in a possessive context, Standard Dutch uses a determiner as a kind of pronominalization strategy. There is variation in the location of this determiner, as is illustrated in (29) a-c. (29) a. de mijne Standard Dutch the mine ‘mine’ b. mien-’n-de Hooghalen Dutch mine-n-the ‘mine’ c. de miende Giethoorn Dutch the mine-the ‘mine’ In Frisian, and in certain Dutch dialects like Zaans, there is no determiner in ellipsis contexts. Rather, a genitive form of the possessive pronoun is used (see also section 3.1.6). (30) a. dat boek is harres Frisian that book is hers b. dat boek is heures Zaans Dutch that book is hers For further information, see: Corver & van Koppen (2010).

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2.2.5 Demonstratives

In some southern dialects of Dutch, the pronominalization strategy with a determiner (described above in 2.2.4) is also used in demonstrative contexts. Standard Dutch does not show a determiner in demonstrative ellipsis contexts.

(31) a. Deze opa is al oud, maar den dieje nie. Zierikzee Dutch

This grandfather is already old, but the that not. b. Deze opa is al oud maar die niet. Standard Dutch This grandfather is already old, but that not. ‘This grandfather is already old, but that one isn’t.’

For further information, see: Corver & van Koppen (to appear).

2.2.6 Numerals

In certain dialects of Dutch the numeral carries a bound morpheme –e (the sound ‘schwa’) if the numeral is not followed by a noun. This is shown in (29), where –e must be absent if vier is followed by appels (32a), but must be present if vier isn’t followed by any material within the noun phrase. (32) a. Ik heb vier(*-e) appels Giethoorn Dutch I have four apples

b. Hie he vuuf appels en ik heb er vier*(-e) He has five apples and I have there four-e ‘He has five apples and I have four.’

For further information, see: Kranendonk (2010), Corver (2010)

2.3 The syntax of the prepositional domain Contents: 2.3.1 Preposition stranding 2.3.2 Preposition doubling

2.3.1 Preposition stranding

Preposition stranding is ungrammatical in Standard Dutch (except with R-pronouns; see Van Riemsdijk 1978), but occurs in many dialects of The Netherlands, as well as in Frisian, as in (33). Here it is possible to front the DP-complement of a preposition while the preposition “strands”.

17

(33) Die rare jongen ben ik met naar de markt geweest. Kollum Frisian

that strange boy am I with to the market been ‘That strange boy, I have been to the market with.’

For further information, see: Barbiers et al. (2006), Hoekstra (1995).

2.3.2 Preposition doubling

Standard Dutch has three kinds of adpositions: prepositions, postpositions and circumpositions (cf. Van Riemsdijk, 1978). In circumpositions, the two adpositions are never identical. In certain dialects in Flemish Brabant (Belgium), however, there are constructions in which the preposition and the postposition in the circumposition are identical, as in (34). In Standard Dutch, this sentence is only grammatical with either the preposition or the postposition, not with both. (34) dat hij op dem berg op is geklommen. Asse Dutch

that he on the mountain on is climbed ‘That he has climbed up on the mountain.’

For further information, see: Aelbrecht & Den Dikken (2013).

2.4 The syntax of the adjectival domain

Contents: 2.4.1 Comparison

2.4.1 Comparison

In Standard Dutch adjectival expressions, comparison is expressed by means of the free form meer ‘more’, as in meer gebrand op revanche ‘more keen on revenge’, or the bound morpheme –er, as in banger voor honden ‘afraid-er of dogs’. In colloquial Dutch and certain dialects we find the phenomenon of Comparative Doubling: the simultaneous use of a free comparative morpheme and a bound comparative morpheme, as in (35); example taken from De Vooys (1967)

(35) een meer soberder huishouding a more sober-er housekeeping ‘a more sober house-keeping’

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Another comparative doubling pattern attested in colloquial Dutch and Dutch dialects involves doubling of the comparative –er morpheme. For example, Overdiep (1937) observes the pattern in (36) for the Achterhoek-dialect.

(36) völ warmerder much warm-er-er ‘much warmer’

For further information, see Corver (2005), Overdiep (1937), De Vooys (1967); see also section 3.1.4

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Section 3: Morphology

3.1 Inflectional morphology

Contents: 3.1.1 Plural formation 3.1.2 Gender 3.1.3 Adjectival (gender) inflection 3.1.4 Adjectives comparison (comparative/superlative) 3.1.5 Possessive pronouns 3.1.6 Verbal inflection 3.1.1 Plural formation

In standard Dutch, the plural suffix is –en, which is most common, or –s. Most dialects use the same suffixes, but the distribution shows some variation. For example, in Flanders (Belgium) and in the North-East of the Netherlands (the provinces Groningen, Drenthe and part of Gelderland and Overijssel), the –s morpheme is used much more often than in standard Dutch. Another characteristic of these areas is that many singular words have preserved an old –e ending (bedde “bed”, oge “eye”), which does not occur in Standard Dutch. The formation of Frisian plurals is very similar to Standard Dutch. However, for some nouns, there is an additional process going on called breaking. Breaking is the reduction of vowel length, which occurs when the word gets a plural or diminutive suffix. An example can be found in (1).

(1) SG: beam [bɪəm] ‘tree’ Frisian PL: beamen [bjԑmən] ‘trees’

For further information, see: De Schutter et al. (2005), Tiersma (1985).

3.1.2 Gender

Standard Dutch has a two-fold gender system: it distinguishes neuter and non-neuter nouns. With (singular) neuter nouns, the definite determiner “het” is used, whereas with (singular) non-neuter nouns the definite determiner “de” is used (the (singular) indefinite determiner has only one form, “een”). In many varieties of Dutch, however, the system is three-fold (with masculine, feminine and neuter nouns). This holds for all regional varieties in Belgium, but also for many dialects in the southern part of The Netherlands, for example in Limburg, eastern Brabant, Twente and De Achterhoek. The determiners used in these systems differ from Standard Dutch. For example, in Heerlen, the system is as below, with three different forms for both the definite and the indefinite determiner. (2)

For further information, see: Cornips & de Vogelaer (2009), De Schutter & Taeldeman (2009).

MASCULINE FEMININE NEUTER DEFINITE d’r de ‘t INDEFINITE inne ing E

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3.1.3 Adjectival inflection

Adjectives in Dutch get inflected when they are used attributively. Table (3) shows the inflectional paradigm. (3) In short, adjectives always get an –e (pronounced as [ə]), except for the indefinite singular neuter. In most dialects the –e ending is also frequently used, but there are some differences. For example, adjectives ending in a /t/ or /d/ do not always get inflected, as in (4). (4) het oud huis North-eastern Dutch the old.ø house Another source of variation is related to the different gender systems. A word that has common gender in Standard Dutch may have neuter gender in a certain dialect, causing a different inflectional paradigm. Frisian behaves mostly like standard Dutch. However, in addition, it also shows the suffix –en, which can be used when the N is elided, as discussed in section 2.2.1. In predicative use, adjectives do not get inflected. For further information, see: De Schutter et al. (2005), Tiersma (1985).

3.1.4 Adjectives of comparison

In the Dutch language area, comparatives are formed by adding the suffix –er to the adjective, superlatives are formed by adding the suffix –st. (5) leuk, leuker, leukst Standard Dutch nice, nicer, nicest

An interesting phenomenon that is typical for dialects (and colloquial Dutch) is doubling; adding a comparative suffix twice, as in (6). (6) leuk-er-der

nice-er-er

For further information, see: Tiersma (1985), Corver (2005).

COMMON NEUTER INDEFINITE SG een kleine auto

a small.e car een klein huis a small.ø house

DEFINITE SG de kleine auto het kleine huis INDEFINITE PL kleine auto’s kleine huizen DEFINITE PL de kleine auto’s de kleine huizen

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3.1.5 Possessive pronouns

In Standard Dutch, the possessive pronoun does not get inflected, except when it is used substantively, as in (7b). (7) a. mijn boek Standard Dutch my book b. Dat boek is de mijne. that book is the mine.e

‘That book is mine.’

However, in many dialects, the possessive pronoun does get inflected, as in (9).

(8) mienen hood Winterswijk Dutch my-en hat Another interesting point of variation is that while Standard Dutch uses a determiner in ellipsis environments such as (7b), Frisian and Zaans are more like English by making use of a genitive, as in (9). (9) dat boek is harres Frisian that book is hers (10) dat boek is heures Zaans Dutch that book is hers

For further information, see: Peters (1937), Tiersma (1985), Corver (2003), Corver & Van Koppen (2007).

3.1.6 Verbal inflection

Dialects show much variation in the verbal paradigm. For example, the morpheme for the second person singular in Standard Dutch (in subject – verb order) is –t. Among other dialects, one also finds –st, –s, –en, –n, and a zero morpheme. The table in (11) gives an indication of the variation in inflection of the verb leven (“to live”) for 4 different dialects, compared to standard Dutch.

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(11)

For further information, see: Bennis & MacLean (2006), Barbiers et al. (2006), Aalberse & Don (2009).

3.2 Derivation & Compounding

Contents: 3.2.1 Derivation 3.2.2 Diminutive formation 3.2.3 Compounding

3.2.1 Derivation

There is not much known about dialectal variation in this area, except for diminutive formation (see section 3.2.2). For further information, see: de Haas & Trommelen (1993).

3.2.2 Diminutive formation

The diminutive suffix for Standard Dutch is –je. It has 4 other variants (-I, -etje, -kje and –pje), which uses depends on the preceding sound. Two forms of dialectal origin are used in the standard language sometimes in informal conversations: -ie (from the western part of the country) and –ke (from the southern part of the country). Dialects show even more variation, for example suffixes like “sje”, “tsje” and “tsie”. In Frisian, there are three variants of the diminutive suffix: -ke, -tsje or –je. An example of each is shown below in (12)

Standard Dutch

Beekbergen Dutch

Diksmuide Dutch (Belgium)

Leuven Dutch (Belgium)

Lemmer Frisian

1 SG leef leef leven leef leef

2 SG leeft leef leeft leeft leefst

3 SG leeft leef leeft leeft leeft

1 PL leven leef leven leven leven

2 PL leven leef leven leeft leven

3 PL leven leef leven leven leven

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(12) tas ‘purse’ Æ taske Frisian tún ‘garden’ Æ túntsje

each ‘eye’ Æ eachje For more information, see: Shetter (1959), De Schutter et al. (2005), Tiersma (1985).

3.2.3 Compounding Standard Dutch has a productive compounding system. There is not much known about dialectal variation in this system. For further information, see: de Haas & Trommelen (1993).

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Section 4: Phonology

4.1 Segmental phonology

Contents: 4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs 4.1.2 Consonants 4.1.3 Velar fricatives 4.1.4 Voicing of word-initial fricatives 4.1.5 -en endings 4.1.6 /t/ deletion 4.1.7 Voicing assimilation 4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs

In Standard Dutch 12 vowels can be distinguished (/I, y, u, e, ø, o, a, ɪ, ʏ, ɔ, ԑ, α/), as well as a contrastive schwa /ə/ and 3 diphthongs /ԑi, œy, αu/. However, some dialects have many more distinctive vowels. The Tilburg dialect in Brabant for example has 18 distinctive vowels, the Hofstade dialect in Belgium as much as 25 (van Oostendorp, 2006) . Frisian is also famous for its rich inventory of vowels, especially the large number of diphthongs, compared to Dutch. The vowel inventory of Frisian can be found below in (1) (from Booij, 1989). (1) For further information, see: Booij (1989), van Oostendorp (2006), Tiersma (1985).

4.1.2 Consonants

Consonants show less variation than vowels. However, there are small differences. For example, in Dutch, the /g/ (as in English “go”) only occurs word internally (or word initial for loanwords like “goal”). In Frisian, however, /g/ is often used as a word initial consonant, mostly in cases where Dutch would use an /ɣ/. In Frisian, the /ɣ/ only occurs word internally. A common property of consonants in the Dutch language area is the final devoicing of voiced obstruents, as in (2). (2) SG hand /hɑnt/, PL handen /hɑndən/ For further information, see: Tiersma (1985), Kooij & van Oostendorp (2003).

Short vowels i, y, u, ɪ, ø, ԑ, o, ɔ, a Long vowels I:, y:, u:, e:, ø:, ԑ:, o:, ɔ:, a: Falling diphthongs ԑi, ᴧy, ɔu, oi, ai, iə, yə, uə,

ə ə, oə Rising diphthongs iɪ, iԑ, uo, ua

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4.1.3 Velar fricatives

A quite well-known phenomenon of phonological variation in the Netherlands is the sound /x/ and /ɣ/. It is a clear isogloss: in the northern part of the country, the so called “hard G” is used, whereas in the southern part of The Netherlands and in most of Dutch-speaking Belgium, the so called “soft G” is used. The distinction between the two is not loudness, however, but location of articulation. For a “hard G”, the stricture between tongue and palate is more to the front than for a “soft G”. For further information, see: van Oostendorp (1997).

4.1.4 Voicing of word-initial fricatives

The voiced fricatives /v, z, ʒ, ɣ/ can occur word initial and word internal in Dutch. However, in some northern areas of the Netherlands, there are tendencies to devoice the initial fricative (while speaking standard Dutch). The /v/ for example is often devoiced to an /f/. The /z/ is used somewhat more, but is also regularly devoiced to an /s/, especially in the western part of the country, around Amsterdam.

For further information, see: Gussenhoven & Bremmer (1983).

4.1.5 –ən endings

Many words in Dutch end in –ən, for example almost all infinitive verbs. The pronunciation of this “ən” varies among different dialects. For example, in Nort-Eastern dialects like Hellendoorn Dutch, we find nasal assimilation, as in (3).

(3)

The final /n/ assimilates to a preceding obstruent, while the /ə/ is not pronounced. In other dialects, we find for example schwa-deletion without nasal assimilation, or deletion of the /n/. For further information, see: van Oostendorp (2006), Nijen Twilhaar (1990).

Underlying Surface Gloss

lopən lopm “to walk”

wetən wetn “to know”

pαkən pαkŋ “to grab”

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4.1.6 /t/ deletion

Many dialects of Dutch display the phenomenon of /t/ deletion in word final position, as in (4). (4) loopt Æ loop_ walk.3SG ‘walks”’ However, the exact conditions under which the /t/ can be deleted vary among these dialects. For example, the frequency of deletion of /t/ in second person singular is related to whether the 2SG

form of the verb in inverted contexts (as in (5)) is inflected with a /t/ or not.

(5) a. Jij loop(t) you walk.2sg b. Loop(t) jij? walk.2sg ‘Do you walk?’

For further information, see: Goeman (1991).

4.1.7 Voicing assimilation

In standard Dutch and many other varieties, assimilation goes from stem to suffix (lach-te ‘laughed’ has a voiceless /t/ because the stem lach ends in a voiceless fricative; vlag-de ‘flagged’ has a voiced /d/ because vlag ends in a voiced fricative). In Limburg dialects the suffix is uniformly –de, and assimilation is regressive: lag-de, vlag-de. For further information, see: Roos 2009. 4.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology

Contents: 4.2.1 Stress 4.2.2 Lexical tone 4.2.1 Stress

The Dutch stress system is very complicated. Dutch has trochaic feet and usually the last trochee of the word gets main stress. However, superheavy syllables also attract stress (van Oostendorp, 2006). The stress system in dialects of Dutch shows little variation. For further information, see: van Oostendorp (2006), Kooij & van Oostendorp (2003).

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4.2.2 Lexical tone

Dutch is a language without lexical tone, but several Limburgian dialects do have lexical tone distinctions. For example, in the dialect spoken in Venlo, there are two types of tones (referred to as “Accent 1” and “Accent 2” in the literature) which can constitute the only different between words. (6) shows some minimal pairs.

(6)

Tone is also sometimes used to distinguish a singular form from a plural form, as in (7). (7)

For further information, see: Gussenhoven & van der Vliet (1999), Gussenhoven (2000), van Oostendorp (2006).

Accent 1 Accent 2

[ne:t] “not” [ne:t] “nit”

[be:R] “bear” [be:R] “beer”

[v0:r] “in front of” [v0:r] “for”

Accent 1 Accent 2

[bein] “legs” [bein] “leg”

[Erm] “arms” [Erm] “arm”

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Section 5: Research questions and aims

The Utrecht-team will focus on the verbal domain, since there is a lot of microvariation to be found within this domain that has not been investigated in any detail yet. We will look into differences between Dutch, Frisian and other dialects in the Dutch language area and investigate whether this variation is stable in a multilingual situation, or whether language contact will have effect on certain constructions.

As a starting point, we will focus on (aspectual) auxiliaries. One remarkable point of variation is the use of the verb gaan (“go”). Gaan is (as in many languages) not only a lexical verb denoting physical movement, but it can also be used as an aspectual verb. However, in Frisian, the minority language spoken in the northern part of the Netherlands, aspectual use of gaan is limited: it only occurs with verbs of posture (i.e. lie, stand, sit). In Standard Dutch, gaan can also be used to indicate future, but there are some limitations and nuances in interpretation, while in Flemish (spoken in Belgium) gaan has developed into a future marker without selectional restrictions. These variation patterns are not stable, however. It is reported that Frisian speakers tend to use gaan as an aspectual marker with verbs other than posture verbs, and that some speakers in southern parts of The Netherlands follow the Flemish speakers in their use of future gaan (De Rooij, 1985). These changes are suggested to be the consequence of language contact situations.

Our central research question is: how can we analyze contact-induced morphosyntactic changes within the generative framework? We take aspectual auxiliary verbs as a starting point, and will extend this research to other patterns, within the (extended) verbal domain.

We will investigate how multilingualism and language contact drives syntactic change and what the changes look like in terms of syntactic structure. The following research-questions will be guiding:

(2) Which patterns of auxiliary behavior are attested in Frisian and the Dutch dialects?

(ii) What are the underlying syntactic structures of these patterns?

(iii) What aspects of these patterns are sensitive to change?

(iv) What aspects of language contact induce the observed changes?

(iv) How can these changes in the grammatical system be accounted for by syntactic theory?

(v) Why are certain aspects sensitive to change, but not others? Methodology: we will collect data on several dialects in The Netherlands by means of theoretically informed questionnaires and interviews. A large focus will be on Frisian data. This data will be organized in a database. The empirical results will provide the input needed to make theoretical generalizations and further develop the ideas on how to incorporate language contact within syntactic analyses of the data.

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Section 6: Bibliography

6.1 Bibliography for syntax:

Aelbrecht, L., & Den Dikken, M. (2013). Preposition doubling in Flemish and its implications for the syntax of Dutch PPs. The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics, 16(1), 33-68. Barbiers, S. (2002). Microvariation in negation in varieties of Dutch . In S. Barbiers, L. Cornips, & S. van der Kleij (Eds.), Syntactic Microvariation. (pp. 13-40). Amsterdam: Meertens Instituut. Barbiers, S. (2008). Werkwoordclusters en de grammatica van de rechterperiferie. Nederlandse Taalkunde, 13. Barbiers, S., et al. (2006). Dynamische syntactische atlas van de Nederlandse dialecten (DynaSAND). Amsterdam: Meertens Instituut. Available at http://www.meertens.knaw.nl/sand/. Barbiers, S., & Bennis, H. (2003). Reflexives in dialects of Dutch. Germania et alia. A Linguistic Webschrift for Hans den Besten. Electronic publication, University of Groningen, Groningen. http://www.let.rug.nl/~koster/DenBesten/BarbiersBennis.pdf. Barbiers, S., & Bennis, H. J. (2004). Reflexieven in dialecten van het Nederlands. Chaos of structuur?. Schatbewaarder van de taal. Johan Taeldeman. Liber Amicorum. Barbiers, S., & Bennis, H. J. (2010). De plaats van het werkwoord in zuid en noord. Voor Magda. Artikelen voor Magda Devos bij haar afscheid van de Universiteit Gent. Barbiers, S., Koeneman, O., Lekakou, M., & van der Ham, M. (Eds.). (2008).Microvariation in syntactic doubling. BRILL. Boef, E. (2013). Doubling in relative clauses. Aspects of morphosyntactic microvariation in Dutch. LOT dissertation. Cornips, L. (1994). De hardnekkige vooroordelen over de regionale doen+infinitiefconstructie. Forum der Letteren 35, 4: 282-294. Cornips, L. (1998). Habitual doen in Heerlen Dutch. In: Tieken-Boon van Ostade, I., van der Wal, M. & A. van Leuvensteijn (eds.), DO in English, Dutch and German. History and present-day variation, Amsterdam/ Münster: Stichting Neerlandistiek/ Nodus Publikationen: 83-101. Cornips, L. (2009). Empirical syntax: idiolectal variability in two- and three-verb clusters in regional standard Dutch and Dutch dialects . In A. Dufter, J. Fleischer, & G. Seiler (Eds.), Describing and modeling variation in grammar. Corver, Norbert. 2003. “A Note on Micro-dimensions of Possession in Dutch and Related Languages”. In Jan Koster & Henk van Riemsdijk (eds.), Germania et alia. A linguistic Webschrift for Hans den Besten. Corver, Norbert (2005). Double Comparatives and the Comparative Criterion. Revue Linguistique de Vincennes 34, 165- 190. Corver, Norbert (2010). Dressed numerals and the structure of universal numeric quantifiers. In: J.-W. Zwart & M. de Vries

(eds.) Structure Preserved. Studies in Syntax for Jan Koster. 91-99. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Corver, N., & Van Koppen, M. (2005, October). Microvariation and ellipsis in the wat voor-construction. In workshop

Sounds of Silence, Tilburg University. Corver, N., & Van Koppen, M. (2010). Ellipsis in Dutch possessive noun phrases: a comparative approach. Journal of

Comparative Germanic Linguistics 13, 99-140. Corver, N., & van Koppen, M. (2011a). NP-ellipsis with adjectival remnants: a micro-comparative perspective. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 29(2), 371-421. Corver, N., & van Koppen, M. (2011b). Micro-diversity in Dutch interrogative DPs. A case study in the (dis) continuous’ wat voor’n N’-construction. In: P. Sleeman & H. Perridon (red.), The Noun Phrase in Romance and Germanic: Structure, Variation and Change. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 57-88. Corver, N. & van Koppen, M. (to appear). Pronominalization and variation in Dutch demonstrative expressions. Corver, N., van Koppen, M. & Kranendonk, H. (2013). De nominale woordgroep vanuit dialectvergelijkend perspectief: Variaties en generalisaties. Nederlandse taalkunde van Craenenbroeck, J., & Van Koppen, M. (2002). Subject doubling in Dutch dialects. Proceedings of Console IX (2000, Lund), ed. Marjo van Koppen, Erica Thrift, Erik Jan van der Torre, and Malte Zimmermann, 54-67. De Vogelaer, G. (2005). Subjectsmarkering in de Nederlandse en Friese dialecten (Doctoral dissertation, Univ. Gent). De Vooys, C.G.N. (1967) Nederlandse spraakkunst. Groningen: J.B. Wolters Den Dikken, M. (1989). ‘Verb projection raising en de analyse van het IPP-effect.’ TABU 19, 59-75. Giesbers, H. (1983-84). ‘”Doe jij lief spelen?” Notities over het perifrastisch doen’. Medelingen van de Nijmeegse Centrale voor Dialect- en Naamkunde 19, 57-76. de Haan, G.J. (1990). De Friese Imperativus pro Infinitivo. Taal & Tongval XLII Themanummer 3: Dialectsyntaxis (red: G. De Schutter, M. Gerritsen, C. van Bree), 87-107. de Haan, G.J. (1992). The verbal complex in Frisian. Ús 29ram 41, 59-92. de Haan, G. J. (2001). More is going on upstairs than downstairs: Embedded root phenomena in West Frisian. The Journal

30

of Comparative Germanic Linguistics, 4(1), 3-38. Haegeman, L. (1990). Subject pronouns and subject clitics in West Flemish. The Linguistic Review 7, 333-363. Haegeman, L. (1995). The syntax of negation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Haegeman, L. & van Koppen, M. (2012). “Complementizer agreement and the relation between C0 and T0.” Linguistic Inquiry 43.3: 441-454. Haegeman, L., & Van Riemsdijk, H. (1986). Verb projection raising, scope, and the typology of rules affecting verbs. Linguistic inquiry, 417-466. Haeseryn, W., K. Romijn, G. Geerts, J. de Rooij & M.C. van den Toorn (1997). Algemene Nederlandse Spraakkunst. Groningen: Martinus Nijhoff uitgevers. Hendriks, L. (2014). Variation in verb cluster interruption. Linguistics in the Netherlands, 31(1), 53-65. Hoekstra, E., & Smits, C. (1998). Everything you always wanted to know about complementizer agreement. Ms., Fryske Akademy, Leeuwarden, and Meertens Institute, Amsterdam. Hoekstra, J. (1995). Preposition stranding and resumptivity in West Germanic. In Studies in comparative Germanic syntax (pp. 95-118). Springer Netherlands. Hoekstra, J. (1997). The syntax of infinitives in Frisian (diss. RUG). Ljouwert: Fryske Akademy Hoekstra, J. (to appear). “Sa kâld net as juster.” Eat oer scrambling yn it Frysk. Us Wurk. van Koppen, M. (2005). One probe – Two goals: Aspects of agreement in Dutch dialects. Doctoral dissertation, University of Leiden. LOT Publications 105. Available at http://www.lotpublications.nl/ publish/articles/001227/bookpart.pdf Kranendonk, Huib (2010). Quantificational Constructions in the Nominal Domain. Facets of Dutch Microvariation. Ph.D. Dissertation, Utrecht University Meer, G. V. D. (1990). ‘De Infinitivus pro Participio: een nieuwe verklaring’. TABU 20, 29-48. Neeleman, A. & van de Koot, H. (2008). Dutch scrambling and the nature of discourse templates. The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics, 11(2), 137-189. Overdiep, G.S. (1937). Stilistische grammatica van het moderne Nederlandsch. Zwolle: Uitgevers-Maatschappij W.E.K. Tjeenk-Willink. Postma, G. (2006). IV2 in het Middelnederlands, IPI in het Fries en de distributie van subjunctieven. Taal & Tongval 58, 205 – 224. van Riemsdijk, H. C. (1978). A case study in syntactic markedness: The binding nature of prepositional phrases (Vol. 4). Lisse: Peter de Ridder Press. Van Haeringen, C.B. (1939). Congruerende voegwoorden. Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde 58, 161-176. Weijnen, A.A. (1966). Nederlandse dialectkunde. Assen: Van Gorcum & - Dr. H.J. Prakke & H.M.G. Prakke Wurmbrand, S. (2004). West Germanic verb clusters: The empirical domain. Verb clusters: A study of Hungarian, German, and Dutch, 43-85.

6.2 Bibliography for morphology:

Aalberse, S., & Don, J. (2009). Syncretism in Dutch dialects. Morphology,19(1), 3-14. Barbiers, S., et al. (2006). Dynamische syntactische atlas van de Nederlandse dialecten (DynaSAND). Amsterdam: Meertens Instituut. Available at http://www.meertens.knaw.nl/sand/. Bennis, H., & MacLean, A. (2006). Variation in verbal inflection in Dutch dialects. Morphology, 16(2), 291-312. Cornips, L., & De Vogelaer, G. (2009). Variatie en verandering in het Nederlandse genus: een multidisciplinair perspectief. Taal en Tongval, 61(1), 1-12. Corver, N. (2005). Double comparatives and the comparative criterion.Recherches linguistiques de Vincennes, (34), 165- 190. de Haas, W. en M. Trommelen (1993) Morfologisch handboek van het Nederlands. Een overzicht van de woordvorming. ’s- Gravenhage: SDU Uitgeverij. Peters, P. (1937), De vormen en de verbuiging der pronomina in de Nederlandsche dialecten. Onze Taaltuin 6.7., 209-222. De Schutter, G., Berg, V. D. B., Goeman, T., & Jong, D. T. (2005). Morfologische atlas van de Nederlandse dialecten. de Schutter, G., & Taeldeman, J. (2009). Het genus van leenwoorden in de Vlaamse en Brabantse dialecten in België. Taal en Tongval, 61(1), 38-81. Shetter, W. Z. (1959). The dutch diminutive. The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 75-90. Tiersma, P. M. (1985). Frisian reference 30ramar (No. 644). Foris Pubns USA.

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6.3 Bibliography for phonology: Gussenhoven, C., & Van der Vliet, P. (1999). The phonology of tone and intonation in the Dutch dialect of Venlo. Journal of linguistics, 35(01), 99-135. Gussenhoven, C. (2000). The lexical tone contrast of Roermond Dutch in Optimality Theory. In Prosody: Theory and experiment (pp. 129-167). Springer Netherlands. van Oostendorp, M. (2006). Topics in the phonology of Dutch. Ms. Meertens Instituut, Amsterdam. Booij, G. (1989). On the representation of diphthongs in Frisian. Journal of Linguistics, 25(02), 319-332. Goeman, A. C. M. (1999). T-deletie in Nederlandse dialecten. Kwantitatieve analyse van structurele, ruimtelijke en temporele variatie. Den Haag: Holland Academic Graphics. Gussenhoven, C., & Bremmer Jr, R. H. (1983). Voiced fricatives in Dutch: sources and present-day usage. NOWELE: North- Western European Language Evolution, 2, 16. Hinskens, F. & Taeldeman, J. (2013) Language and Space. An International Handbook of Linguistic Variation. Volume 3: Dutch. De Gruyter Mouton. Kooij, J., & van Oostendorp, M. (2003). Fonologie: Uitnodiging tot de Klankleer van het Nederlands. Amsterdam University Press. Nijen Twilhaar, J. (1990) Generatieve fonologie en de studie van Oostnederlandse dialecten. P.J. Meertens-Instituut. van Oostendorp, M. (1997). Harde en zachte g. Onze taal. (http://www.vanoostendorp.nl/fonologie/hardeg.html) van Oostendorp, M. (2006). Topics in the phonology of Dutch. Ms. Meertens Instituut, Amsterdam. Roos, N. (2009). The weak past tense in Dutch and Low German. Dissertationn, Nijmegen. Tiersma, P. M. (1985). Frisian reference grammar (No. 644). Foris Pubns USA.

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2. Basque dialects

Ricardo Etxepare (CNRS-IKER), Urtzi Etxeberria (CNRS-IKER), Aritz Irurtzun (CNRS-IKER), Irantzu Epelde (CNRS-IKER)

1. Introduction: The Basque language area

2. Syntax

2.1 The syntax of the clausal domain 2.1.1. Basic word order 2.1.2. Focus strategies 2.1.3. Do-support 2.1.4. Restructuring 2.1.5. Ergativity 2.1.6. Dative agreement and case 2.1.7. Long Distance Agreement 2.1.8. Evidentials 2.1.9. Relative clauses 2.1.10. Negation 2.2 The syntax of the nominal domain

2.2.1 Determiner 2.2.1.1 Definite article 2.2.1.2 Demonstratives 2.2.2 Partitive

2.3. The syntax of the postpositional domain 2.3.1. Primary adpositions

2.3.2. Complex adpositions 2.3.3. Invariant nouns 2.3.2. Spatial nouns

2.4. The syntax of the adjectival domain 2.4.1 The adjective phrase 3. Morphology

3.1. Nominal Inflection 3.2. Verbal Inflection 4. Phonology

4.1 Segmental phonology

4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs 4.1.2 Consonants 4.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology

4.2.1 Accent and intonation

4.2.1.1. The Pitch-Accent System: Northern Bizkaian Basque 4.2.1.2. The Stress-Accent Systems 4.2.1.2.1. Central Basque 4.2.1.2.2. Navarro-Labourdin 4.2.1.2.3. Souletin 4.2.1.2.4. Other (sub)varieties 4.2.2 Rhythm 5. Research questions and aims

6. Bibliography

6.0 Bibliography for the introduction 6.1 Bibliography for syntax 6.2 Bibliography for morphology 6.3 Bibliography for phonology

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Section 1: The Basque language area

The dialectal Basque language area presently comprises most of the historical regions of Biscay, the totality of Guipuscoa, a residual northern portion in Araba, the northern half of Navarre and the entirety of the French traditional Basque provinces of Labourd, Basse-Navarre and Soule, with the exception of Bayonne.

The differences distinguishing the various dialects of Basque follow two main geographical and geopolitical axes: the oldest one may be described as going from west (Biscayan) to east (Souletin), and presents a cumulative progression of morphosyntactic differences, mostly related to the status of verbal periphrases, the distribution of the determiner, and the case alignment. The geopolitical axis relevant to Basque dialectal distinctions is the Spanish-French border, which increasingly influences the varieties spoken at either side under the pressure of contact with Spanish or French.

The Basque dialects are diverse, from both a phonological and syntactic point of view. Intercomprehension is only hindered for speakers at the extreme sides of the linguistic area, with Biscayan and Souletin being somewhat detached from a large central area, covering Guipuscoan and Navarrese varieties in Spain, Labourdin and Basse-Navarrese in France.

The variation in Basque is relatively well studied in comparison with other minority languages. The Basque Academy is publishing now the Basque Linguistic Atlas (Euskararen Herri Hizkeren Atlasa), the result of a collective work spanning more than 20 years, and which has produced to this day 6 volumes on lexicon, noun morphology and verbal morphology (see bibliography). This work will have an important impact in the incoming years for Basque dialectology and comparative linguistics. Another on-line atlas, bounded to the eastern dialects spoken in France and limited to morphosyntactic variation has recently been produced by researchers of the lab IKER in Bayonne (http://ixa2.si.ehu.es/atlas2/index.php?lang=eu). Important dialectal descriptions have also been produced about Basque verbal inflectional morphology, by Pedro Yrizar, in 9 volumes devoted to the verbal paradigms of representative varieties (see bibliography). Other works have centered on variation related to language contact. One important source of data can be found in the on-line database Norantz (www.norantz.org), elaborated by researchers of the lab IKER. This work comes out in the context of a renewal of Basque dialectal studies and the dialectal divisions inherited from Bonaparte’s classic 1863 study (see Zuazo, 2010).

Theoretically oriented analyses of dialectal variation in Basque exist mostly in the area of phonology, including stress and prosody-related studies. Comparable works in the area of morphosyntax are a recent addition to the work done on Basque. This work is nevertheless becoming an increasingly important one (see for recent collection of articles Fernandez, Albizu and Etxepare 2010; Fernandez and Ortiz de Urbina, forthcoming). Theoretically inspired monographs (monographs devoted to particular varieties which take into account the kind of questioning arising in theoretical linguistics) are rare.

This work provides a panoramic view over the most important areas of variation in the grammar of Basque. We will also identify some areas that have not been discussed in great detail and will be addressed in specific fashion in this project.

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Section 2: Syntax

2.1 The syntax of the clausal domain

Contents: 2.1.1. Basic word order 2.1.2. Focus strategies 2.1.3. Do-support 2.1.4. Restructuring 2.1.5. Ergativity 2.1.6. Dative agreement and case 2.1.7. Long Distance Agreement 2.1.8. Evidentials 2.1.9. Relative clauses 2.1.10. Negation

2.1.1. Basic word order

Most Basque grammarians have identified SOV as the neutral or unmarked order of Basque (De Rijk 1969; Elordieta 1997). Lafitte (1944: 46) considers the sequence subject-adjunct-indirect object-direct object-attribute-verb the neutral order, as in (1) :

(1) Aita Sainduak atzo bi erresumeri aphezpiku bat ararteko igorri die Holy father.ERG yesterday two nation.DAT bishop one mediator sent aux

« The holy father sent yesterday a bishop to the two nations as mediator »

The order in (1) is common to all dialects. The order in (1) is modulated by the tendency of heavy constituents to occur to the right of the verb. This is particularly clear in the case of copulative predicates (2a, Ortiz de Urbina 2003 : 452), but also finite complements of transitive verbs (2b):

(2) a. Egia da tenperatura konstantea dela True is tenperature constant is.COMP « It is true that temperature is constant » b. Uste du hori gaizki dagoela think aux that bad is.COMP

The extent to which non-finite complements can occur to the right of the verb varies according to the different dialects. Copulative predicates expressing scalar notions clearly prefer their complements to the right, as shown in the contrast between (3a,b). For modal predicates, non-finite complements seem to be as frequent to the right as to the left in eastern dialects (4a ,b; Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria, 2009; Balza, forthcoming):

(3) a. Nahiago dut garaiz iritsi b. *Garaiz iritsi nahiago dut prefer aux in.time arrive.PARTC in.time arrive.PARTC prefer aux « I prefer to arrive in time »

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(4) a. Angelesa perfekzionatu nahi zuen English improve want aux

« She wanted to improve her English » b. Nahi zuen perfekzionatu angelesa want aux improve English « She wanted to improve her English »

For restructuring verbs of the try or decide sort, postverbal non-finite complements are more frequent in eastern dialects than in non-eastern ones, although typically both orders are possible depending on subtle conditions.

2.2.2. Focus strategies

The adjective «neutral» applied to the SOV order is intended to imply that no constituent is emphasized for contrastive purposes over the others. Such ‘focalization’ gives rise to one of the most robust word order constraints in Basque: foci and wh-words inmediately precede the verbal element (Ortiz de Urbina, 1989; Etxepare and Ortiz de Urbina, 2003). The rule was first formulated by Altube (1929), and it seems to correspond at least to certain dialects (see for instance the description of Lekeitio Basque by Elordieta and Elordieta, 1997). As shown by Hidalgo (1995, 1998) however, oral practices are more flexible in this regard, as well as the written practive before the XXth century.

The basic constraint can be illustrated by the contrast in (5a,b) :

(5) a. Jonek liburu hau ekarri du Jon.ERG book this bring aux « Jon brought this book » b. Nork ekarri du liburu hau ? who.ERG bring aux book this « Who brought this book ? » c. JONEK ekarri du liburu hau Jon.ERG brought aux book this « It is Jon who brought this book »

Whereas (5a) constitutes a neutral affirmative sentence with the expected SOV verb, (5b) represents a partial question, with the subject wh-word inmediately preceding the verb. (5c) is a partial focus sentence, with emphasis on the subject.

Some speakers in the area where Basque is in contact with Spanish, have also developed a focus strategy which places the focus phrase in the right edge of the sentence (Ortiz de Urbina, 1999; Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria, 2008). This focus construction has been named «focus of correction» by Ortiz de Urbina (1999), and it has a certain metalinguistic flavour (example from Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria, 2008: 305):

(6) Ez dute ezer erosi GUZTIEK, ez bakar batzuek Neg aux anything buy all.ERG not few some.ERG

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« It is everyone who bought that, not just a few »

This focal strategy does not extend to wh-phrases.

In eastern dialects in contact with French, a wh-in-situ strategy seems to be developing recently (Duguine and Irurtzun, 2014). This in-situ strategy violates the adjacency rule between the wh-word and the verbal complex. The strategy does not extend to non-wh-word focal operators.

Dialectal variation plays a role in focal syntax in the form of focal configurations available only in a subdomain of the basque area. Thus eastern dialects permit focal and partial question configurations in which the focal/wh-phrase inmediately precedes the auxiliary, rather than the sequence verb-auxiliary (see Etxepare and Ortiz de Urbina, 2003; Duguine and Irurtzun, 2008):

(7) a. Nork du liburu hori erosi? who.ERG aux book that buy « Who bought that book ? » b. Zer duzu ikusi ? what aux see « What did you see ? »

Biscayan dialects possess a verb doubling strategy with the class of synthetic verbs (verbs which are directly inflected for tense and agreement) (see Elordieta and Haddican, forthcoming) :

(8) Orasino itten bere jakin dakitzu faltzo horrek (Urduliz, Gilisasti 1997) Pray do.HAB too know he-knows fals that.ERG « That false person even KNOWS how to pray »

2.2.3. Dummy do

In analytic constructions of the verb plus auxiliary form, one characteristic property distinguishing eastern dialects from non-eastern ones is the availability of do-support in verb focalization. This is only possible in central and western dialects (Rebuschi, 1983):

(9) Mirenek bazkaldu egin du Miren.ERG eat.lunch do aux

« Miren has EATEN LUNCH »

Such sentences with egin necessarily have a verb focus interpretation. Thus, (9) is a felicitous answer to « What has Miren done? », but not to « What happened?». In those cases, a dummy verb egin « do » is inserted, which bears the aspectual affixes of the clause. This dummy do strategy only allows to focalize the lexical verb. Thus, something like (9) can only be interpreted as focus on read, with the preceding DP interpreted as a topic :

(10) Mirenek liburua erosi egin du Miren.ERG book.DET buy do aux «Miren has BOUGHT, the book »

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Haddican (2007) analyses a related focus strategy in central dialects, in which a dummy verb allows emphasizing the entire verbal phrase. In this case, the focalized verbal phrase must necessarily occur to the right of the auxiliary :

(11) Mirenek egin ditu den-denak jan Miren.ERG do aux.PL all all.PL eat « What Miren did is eat all of them »

2.2.4. Restructuring

Several inriguing dialectal differences have to do with the status of non-finite complements under restructuring verbs, and the aspectual or nominalizing morphology that attaches to them. Thus, modal verbs in eastern dialects allow negation and aspectual heads (Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria, 2009), unlike in central and western dialects, and those richer complements can only occur to the right of the matrix verb. In the case of control verbs of the try sort or aspectual complements of motion verbs, the dialectal differences correspond to the postpositional head of the complement. Non-finite complements of control verbs in Basque are clausal nominalizations headed by a postpositional head. This head is typically a Path denoting head in eastern dialects (Etxepare, 2006), but an inessive or Place postposition in Biscayan dialects (see Artiagoitia, 2003). Central dialects have Path postpositions for complements of motion verbs, and Place postpositions for control verbs of the try sort:

Control verbs:

(12) a. Egitera entseiatu naiz (Eastern) do.NOML.ALL try aux b. Egiten saiatu naiz (Central) do.NOML.INESS try aux c. Egiten saiatu naiz (Western) do.NOML.INESS try aux « I tried to do it »

Motion verbs:

(13) a. Erostera joan naiz (Eastern) buy.NOML.ALL go aux b. Erostera joan naiz (Central) buy.NOML.ALL go aux c. Erosten joan naiz (Western) buy.NOML.INESS go aux « I went to buy it »

This aspect of restructuring construction has not been seriously studied, but it is a robust dialectal factor. Etxepare (2006) suggests, for the eastern system, that this morphological distinction has consequences in the aspectual interpretation of the control verbs.

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2.2.5. Ergativity

Ergative case in Basque presents an interesting distinction between central and western dialects on the one hand, and eastern ones on the other. All dialects of Basque mark subjects of transitive clauses as ergative, as shown in (14), but they differ in the status of subjects of intransitives.

(14) Jonek liburua erosi du Jon.ERG book.D buy aux « Jon has bought the book »

Aldai (2009) claims that whereas central and western dialects present a semantic alignment for case, eastern dialects would present a clearer ergative alignment. At the origin of this distinction are differences concerning the subject of unergative predicates :

(15) a. Umea jostatu da (Eastern) child.ABS play aux « The child played » b. Umeak jolastu du (Central, Western) child.ERG played aux « The child played »

Whereas the subject of unergative predicates in Basque is unmarked in eastern dialects (absolutive), it is marked ergative in central and western Basque. The conclusion seems to be that subjects of intransitive predicates are always unmarked in eastern dialects, but they are sensitive to the unergative/unaccusative distinction in central and western ones. The actual data are not that clear-cut however, as in eastern dialects, emission verbs for instance, present ergative subjects:

(16) Eguzkiak argitzen du Sun.ERG shine.PROG aux « The sun is shining »

The underlying motivation for the dialectal differences is still a matter of discussion. See Berro and Etxepare (in press) for a recent overview.

2.2.6. Long Distance Agreement

Some speakers of western and central varieties of Basque allow long distance agreement across non-finite clauses (Etxepare, 2006; Preminger, 2009). Under long distance agreement, a matrix auxiliary can agree in number with the object of its non-finite complement :

(17) Nobela beltzak irakurtzea gustatzen zaizkit Novel black read.NOMNL.D like.HAB aux(3rdPl) « I like reading crime novels »

Long Distance Agreement in Number, unlike Long Distance Agreement in Person, can occur across non-restructuring predicates, such as gustatu «like» in (17). The phenomenon seems to be absent in the context of nominalized clauses in eastern dialects, but it may arise in the context of nominalized aspectual complements, as shown by Lafitte (1944: 223).

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(18) Liburu hoik irakurtzera doatza Book those read.NOMNL.ALL go(3PL) « He/she is going to read those books »

There is a rich description of the phenomenon in central Basque in Etxepare (2006). The syntactic conditions underlying the different availability of LDA across dialects remains to be explored.

2.2.7. Dative agreement and case

In eastern varieties of Basque, unlike in central and western varieties, dative case-markers show optional agreement (19a,b), and can convey spatial meanings which in the rest of the dialects, are necessarily conveyed by adpositions (20a,b):

(19) a. Jonek gutun bat igorri du gizon hari (Eastern) Jon.ERG letter one send aux(3sE-3sA) man that.DAT « Jon sent a letter to that man » b. Jonek gutun bat igorri dio gizon hari (All dialects) Jon.ERG letter one send aux(3sE-3sD-3sA) man that.DAT « Jon sent a letter to that man »

(20) a. Balkoin bat, bideari emaiten duena (Eastern: Navarro-Labourdin) balcony one, road.DAT looks aux.REL.D « A balcony that looks onto the road » b. Balkoi bat, bidera ematen duena (Central, Western) balcony one road.ALL look aux.REL.D « A balcony that looks onto the road »

Etxepare (2014), Etxepare and Oyharçabal (2013), and Fernandez and Ortiz de Urbina (2010) have analyzed this difference, as well as the overlap that we can find in eastern dialects between adpositions and dative case markers, with different conclusions. Etxepare (2014) notes that the emergence of spatial datives in eastern dialects goes together with the emergence of dative Grounds in Path denoting adpositional phrases :

(21) a. Etxeari parrez par (Eastern: Navarro-Labourdin) house.DAT face-to-face « Facing the house » b. Etxearen parean (Central, Western) house.GEN face.INESS « Facing the house »

The alternation between agreeing and non-agreeing datives in ditransitive constructions remains to be explored at this point. Etxepare (2014) suggests that it is akin to the presence/absence of clitic doubling in ditransitive structures in Romance languages. Dative agreement in eastern dialects is obligatory in so-called «high» or «derived» datives, such as possessive datives, dative subjects of psychological verbs, or datives of interest.

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2.2.8. Evidentials

Basque has two evidential particles, the hearsay evidentials omen (central and eastern dialects) and ei (western dialects) which occur in assertions (see Zubeldia, 2010), and the conjectural evidential ote, which typically occurs in questions. The evidential markers omen and ote do not have identical distribution across the dialects in which they are used. In eastern dialects, hearsay and conjectural evidentials have both a freer syntactic distribution in the clausal spine, being able to occur in different positions, and a more restrictive semantic distribution, being excluded from embedded clauses outside the complements of verbs of saying. In central dialects, the hearsay and the conjectural evidentials can occur in embedded clauses, expressing the uncertainty of the speaker vis-à-vis the expressed proposition. At the same time, the hearsay and the conjectural evidential in central dialects have a very restricted syntactic position, right before the auxiliary :

(22) a. Etorri omen da (Central and Eastern) come evid is « He/she has reportedly come » b. Etorri ote da? come evid is « Dis he/she come, I wonder? »

(23) a. Jin da omen come is evid « He/she has reportedly come » b. Jin da ote? come is evid « Did he/she come, I wonder? »

Etxepare (in press) provides an analysis of the syntactic differences regarding the distribution of the hearsay evidential in central and eastern varieties. There is no work on the conjectural evidential and the distribution of the hearsay evidential ei in western dialects.

2.2.9. Relative clauses

All Basque dialects share the prenominal relative construction exemplified in (24):

(24) Ezagutzen duzun ikaslea ikusi dut Know.IMP aux.COMP student.D see aux « I’ve seen the student that you know »

Basque relatives modify a head noun (ikaslea) which leaves a gap inside the relative. Relativization is signaled by the presence of the complementizer -n, which occurs in embedded interrogative clauses too (see Oyharçabal, 1987; 2003). Souletin has a relativizer bait- specific for appositive relatives, and it allows resumptive pronouns (Oyharçabal, 2003). Eastern dialects differ from central and western ones in the form of correlative clauses, which employ the bait- relativizer in eastern dialects, and the ordinary relativizer -n in central and western ones. Correlatives are not anymore an ordinary feature of oral Basque, except perhaps in Souletin. Correlatives in eastern and central/western varieties, nevertheless, present interesting differences in syntactic distribution and quantificational import.

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There is basically no work on this. In general, relativization is a neglected area in Basque syntactic studies, with no detailed monography since Oyharçabal’s dissertation in the eighties (also a master thesis by Vicente, 2005).

Eastern dialects, unlike central and western ones, have participial relatives built on verbal forms headed by the participial marker -tu/-i/zero (Oyharçabal, 2003):

(25) Zuk eni eman ostikoa You.ERG me.DAT given kick.D « The kick that you have given to me »

Only absolutive arguments can be relativized in non-finite relatives. No specific monography or paper is devoted to this phenomenon.

2.2.10. Negation

Unlike in central and western dialects, eastern dialects allow postverbal negation :

(26) Nork du hori ez eginen? Who.ERG aux that neg do.FUT « Who will not do that? »

It can be shown that the inner negation in (26) is not constituent negation, as it can license negative polarity items in its vicinity (see Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria, 2009). The presence of negation in postverbal position, as well as the presence of other left-peripheral elements such as evidentials, in eastern dialects, may be related to the optional bi-clausal status of verbal periphrases in those dialects, which present a more archaic configuration in relation to the process of grammaticalization leading from biclausal structures to monoclausal ones (see Mounole, 2012).

2.2 The syntax of the nominal domain

Contents: 2.2.1 Determiner 2.2.1.1 Definite article 2.2.1.2 Demonstratives 2.2.2 Partitive

2.2.1 Determiner

2.2.1.1 Definite article

The Basque D is a bound morpheme that takes the phonetic forms [-a] (when singular) and [-ak] (when plural) and which is historically derived from the distal demonstrative. (1) a. gizon-a b. gizon-ak man-D.sg man-D.pl ‘the man’ ‘the men’

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One very interesting property of Standard Basque is that BNs cannot appear as arguments and the overt presence of the Basque D is obligatory for sentences to be grammatical, as the examples in (1) show (cf. Laka, 1993; Artiagoitia, 1997, 1998, 2002; among others). Subject position: (2) a. Irakasle*(-a) berandu etorri zen teacher-D.sg late come aux ‘The teacher came late’

b. Irakasle*(-ak) berandu etorri ziren teacher-D.pl late come aux ‘The teachers came late’

Object position: (3) a. Martxelek pilot*(-a) hartu zuen Martxel.erg ball-D.sg take aux ‘Martxel took the ball’ b. Martxelek pilot*(-ak) hartu zituen Martxel.erg ball-D.pl take aux

‘Martxel took (the) balls’ In Souletin (the most eastern dialect of Basque), in order to get the existential interpretation (with narrow scope) they make use of BNs, but these BNs only appear in direct object position as shown by the examples in (4) (cf. Txillardegi 1977, Coyos 1999, Casenave-Harigile 2006, Etxebarne 2006). Direct Object position: (4) Bortüan ikusi dit behi. mountain.D-in see aux cow ‘I saw cows in the mountain’

2.2.1.2 Demonstratives

The standard use of the actual Basque adnominal demonstrative system is the following: (5) singular plural

Proximal: (h)au(r) hauek ‘this’ ‘these’ Medial: (h)ori horiek ‘that’ (just there) ‘those’ (just there) Distal: (h)ura haiek ‘that’ (over there) ‘those’ (over there) a. Proximal:

Mutil hau berandu etorri zen. boy this late come aux.past ‘This boy came late.’ b. Medial:

Neska gazte hori ez dut ezagutzen. girl young that (just there) no aux.pres. know ‘I don’t know that young girl.’

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c. Distal: Emakume hura Errusiara bidali zuten bigarren mundu gerran.

woman that (over there) Russia-to send aux.past second world war-in ‘They sent that woman to Russia during the 2nd WW.’ In general, the proximal demonstrative demonstrates proximity to the speaker, the medial demonstrative illustrates proximity to the addressee, and the distal demonstrative shows remoteness from both the speaker and the addressee. Sometimes, both the medial and the distal demonstratives can be used to indicate differing degrees of remoteness from the speaker. The three demonstratives make use of stem-suppletion for the oblique cases. (6) Oblique cases: singular plural

Proximal: (h)on- (h)aue- Medial: (h)or- (h)orie- Distal: (h)ar- (h)haie-

a. Proximal:

Lagun honekin joan nintzen hondartzara. friend this-with go aux.past beach.D-to ‘I went to the beach with this friend.’ b. Medial:

Hegazkin zahar horretara ez naiz igoko. airplane old that-to no aux.pres. get on ‘I won’t get on that old airplane.’

c. Distal: Urte hartan gauza guztiak gaizki atera ziren.

year that-in thing all-D.pl wrong go out aux.past ‘That year, everything went wrong.’ Note that excluding the absolutive case, the rest of the cases take hon-, hor-, and har- as stems. In Bizkaian, and only in this dialect, the demonstratives may occur either preceding the nominal expression or in both positions (preceding and following) simultaneously. Thus, Bizkaian has constructions like hori mutila ‘lit.: that boy-D.sg’ or hori mutilori ‘lit.: that boy that’ to mean ‘that boy (just there)’ and a mutil a ‘that boy (over there)’ (cf. Artiagoitia 1998, Zuazo 2008). These take double case-marking, as in horrek mutilorrek (ergative) ‘lit.: that.erg boy that.erg’ and honeri mutilori ‘lit. that.dat boy.that.dat’ (dative). Note also that the plural forms use the proximate article -ok, not a form of the demonstrative: hónek mutilok ‘lit.: these boy-D.prox’. None of these are possible in other varieties. It is also only in Bizkaian where the demonstrative can appear preceding the noun plus the D: ori mutila ‘lit.: that boy.D.sg’. 2.2.2 Partitive

The partitive only attaches to transitive direct objects (7) and to intransitive subject (8) and it behaves as a “polarity element” in that it only appears in polarity contexts.

(7) a. Martxelek ez du baloi-rik ekarri. Martxel.erg no aux ball-part bring ‘Martxel has not brought (any) ball’ b. Maiak ez du ardo-rik edan. Maia.erg no aux wine-part drink

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‘Maia has not drunk wine’ c. *Katu-rik ez du jan sagu-rik. cat-part no aux eat mouse-part (8) a. Mendian ez da hildako animalia-rik azaldu. mountain-in no aux dead animal-part appear ‘No dead animal appeared in the mountain’ b. Bilerara ez da irakasle-rik etorri. meeting-to no aux teacher-part come ‘No teacher has come to the meeting’ Concerning the meaning of the partitive, it makes completely unspecific reference to what the nominal expression denotes (cf. also de Rijk 1996, Etxepare 2003). In Bizkaian and Gipuzkoan, the properties of the Basque partitive particle [-rik] in general are the following: (i) the partitive is used as the negative form of the existential interpretation of the definite article (in some contexts, which vary depending on the variety, as we will see below); (ii) the partitive makes reference to a non-specific quantity of what the nominal expression denotes. The use that Lapurdian gives to the partitive [-rik] is more restricted than the use described in the previous section. In Lapurdi, the partitive can only be used in negative contexts (9a); in yes/no questions (9b) and in conditionals (9c) they use the plural definite article instead. (9) a. Ez dugu baloi-rik erosi. no aux ball-part buy ‘We have not bought any ball’ b. Erosi al dituzue baloi-ak? buy quest aux ball-D.pl ‘Did you buy balls?’ c. Goxoki-ak nahi badituzu, ez mugitu hemendik. candy-D.pl want yes-you.have no move here-from ‘If you want candies, don’t you move from here’

2.3. The syntax of the postpositional domain

Contents:

2.3.1. Primary adpositions 2.3.2. Complex adpositions 2.3.3. Invariant nouns 2.3.2. Spatial nouns

2.3.1. Primary adpositions

Basque has three primary or basic adpositions, expressing Place (inessive), Path (Allative) and Source (Ablative):

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(1) a. Etxe-an b. Etxe-ra c. Etxe-tik house-iness house-all house-from « In the house » « To the house » « from the house »

The suffix -an in (1a) ha been typically analysed as the determiner -a plus the inessive -n (see Artiagoitia, 2012). If this is correct (but see Etxepare, 2013 for an analysis of -a in the inessive as an allomorph of the ergative case), the question arises why the determiner is only possible in combination with the inessive, but not the other two primary adpositions. Souletin Basque (a sub-variety of eastern Basque) can also present -a (the purported determiner) with the allative when the spatial ground is definite:

(2) a. Etxe-rat b. Etxe-a-lat

house-all house-det-all

« To home » « To the house »

2.3.2. Derived primary postpositions

The allative adposition may be combined with another suffix to yield an approximative Path « towards », as illustrated in (3) :

(3) Etxe-ra-ntz House-all-towards « Towards the house »

This structure, common in central and western varieties, contrasts with the analytic forms available in eastern dialects :

(4) Etxeari buruz House.DAT head.INSTR « Towards the house »

The primary adpositions can also occur in combination with nominal morphology, more particularly the so-called « partitive » determiner (a polarity sensitive determiner, see Etxepare 2003). This is a Guipuscoan phenomenon (Central dialects) :

(5) Etxe-rika-n House-part-iness

« any house »

The inessive thus may occur as a syntactic support for relations which are not strictly spatial (see Etxepare, 2013).

2.3.3. Invariant postpositions

Hualde (2003) calls « invariant postpositions » those postpositions whose origin is nominal, but which cannot take any of the typical nominal morphology in their spatial function. These may be

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Romance borrowings from Spanish and Gascon, such as kanpo and landa (6a,b). They combine with primary adpositions, adding another spatial layer:

(6) a. Etxetik kanpo House.ABL out « Out of the house » (lit. out from the house ») b. Mezatik landa Mass.ABL after « After the mass »

Other nominal elements which can be used as spatial nouns (see next section) can also occur in this context, such as barna « inside+allative » meaning « through »:

(7) Basoan barna abiatu dira Wood.Iness through set.out aux « The went through the woods »

The adpositions with which these invariant elements combine may vary across dialects. There is no systematic study of the range of variation and its underlying motivation.

2.3.4. Bare spatial nouns

Most of the Basque spatial relations are expressed by means of combining a primary adposition with a bare noun expressing a spatial domain. Basque has a rich set of so-called spatial nouns. These spatial nouns, which can behave as ordinary nouns in the language, cannot be combined in their spatial functions with any nominal morphology, nor can be modified by adjectives. They are in this sense similar to so-called Axial Parts (Jackendoff, 2006). Consider the contrast below between aurre « front » in (8a) used to express a part of the house, and aurre in (8b), used to express a space projected from the Ground, not a part of the house :

(8) a. Etxearen aurre-a house.GEN front-D « The façade/front-side of the house » b. Etxearen aurre-an house.GEN front.INESS

« In front of the house »

The inventory of spatial nouns differs slightly between western, central and eastern dialects.

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2.4 The syntax of the adjectival domain

Content: 2.4.1 The adjective phrase

2.4.1 The adjective phrase

The relative order of some internal constituents of Basque DPs is fixed. For the most part adjectives appear to the right of the noun but precede demonstratives, whereas quantifiers must precede the noun. When there are several adjectives they have an unmarked order, and in this case, although it is not easy to discover oppositions, that unmarked order is the reverse (i.e. mirror image) of the one occurring in languages in which adjectives precede the noun they qualify (Sproat & Shih 1988; Scott 2002).

The Basque data with respect to Greenberg’s universal number 20 are straightforward. When all four elements are present in a noun phrase, the only possible order is: (1) lau sagar gorri haiek

four apple red these ‘these four red apples’

Any other order of the elements in (1) is incorrect: *sagar lau haiek gorri; *haiek sagar lau gorri; *gorri lau sagar haiek; etc. So of the 24 mathematically possible orders for these four elements in a phrase, Basque only admits this one, which is summed up in (2): (2) Data for Greenberg’s Universal 20: Basque

Quan > N > Adj > Dem

Aside from a few exceptions, the adjective is placed to the right of N in Basque: (3) gizon handi / luze / beldurgarri bat

man big tall frightening a ‘a big / tall / frightening man’

(4) *handi / luze / beldurgarri gizon bat

big tall frightening man a (4) shows that the adjective normally cannot occur to the left of N in Basque. At one time, with reference to Greenberg (1963), in typological terms this was thought to represent an anomaly, given that as an O > V language, Basque was also supposed to have been an Adj > N language (Lehmann 1973; Vennemann 1974).

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Section 3: Morphology

Contents:

3.1. Nominal Inflection 3.2. Verbal Inflection

3.1. Nominal Inflection

Nominal inflection in Basque is quite poor, and constant across dialects. The relevant facts have been adressed either in the section devoted to noun phrasal syntax or to case and agreement in the section devoted to clausal syntax. Perhaps one of the few interesting morphological issues arising in the domain of Basque nominal inflection is ergative/absolutive syncretism: the fact that in the plural, the noun morphology tends to express in identical form ergative and absolutive. Those cases comprise plural DPs with proximate determiners, plural demonstratives and 2nd person plural pronouns. Taking into account that the Basque determiner system has its origin in the demonstrative system (see Manterola, forthcoming; Santazilia, 2013), and that the latter is also used in place of the inexistent third person pronoun paradigm, we can conclude that the case-syncretism configurations obey the general rule of being confined to the pronominal system (Baerman, Dunstan and Corbett, 2005:40-52). The standard paradigm for DPs, demonstratives and pronouns in the absolutive and ergative cases looks as follows (see Hualde, 2003: 171-186, for a more detailed presentation):

(1) Determiner paradigm

Definite Indefinite

Singular Plural Proximate

Absolutive leku-a leku-ak leku-ok leku

Ergative leku-a-k leku-ek leku-ok leku-k

(2) Demonstrative paradigm for hau “this”:

Singular Plural

Absolutive hau hau-ek

Ergative hon-ek hau-ek

Locative hon-etan hau-e-tan

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(3) Personal pronouns

1p.sing 2p.sing 2p.sing.coll 1p.pl 2p.pl

Erg ni-k zu-k hi-k gu-k zu-ek

Abs ni zu hi gu zu-ek

As shown in each of the tables, the ergative-absolutive distinction tends to disappear in the

plural, with the ergative and the absolutive sharing the unmarked form (absolutive). This is the case

for the proximate plural determiners in (1), the absolutive and the ergative plural endings in the

demonstrative paradigm (2), and the second person plural pronoun in the pronominal paradigm (3).

When Basque dialects present ergative-absolutive syncretisms in the determiner phrase, those occur

also in the plural, and adopt the absolutive form. An illustrative example is that of central varieties

spoken in Gipuzkoa, which extend the form of the absolutive plural to the ergative plural in both

proximate and non-proximate determiners:

(4) DPs, for the vowel ending noun leku “place” in Guipuscoan varieties:

Definite Indefinite

Singular Plural Proximate

Absolutive leku-a leku-ak leku-ok leku

Ergative leku-a-k leku-ak leku-ok leku-k

Syncretisms between core cases are common in both ergative-absolutive languages (Central

Yupik, Jacobsen, 1995, apud Baerman et al, 2014, or Domaaki, Baerman et al, 2005: 48) and

nominative-accusative languages. Nominative/accusative syncretisms, for instance, are quite general

in Indo-european in the dual and the plural (Baerman et al, 2005: 48).

Most of the work on the ergative/absolutive syncretism in Basque has been concerned with the diachronic process that may have led to such a state of affairs, a problem that is closely related to the emergence of the plural morpheme itself (Michelena, 1987), and particular accounts differ depending on the source proposed for the underlying plural marker. For some (De Rijk, 1981; Michelena, 1987), the plural marker is at its origin a derivational suffix expressing abundance, and the addition of the ergative morpheme triggers a number of phonotactic processes resulting in the

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two basic dialectal forms for the ergative plural. For others (Trask, 1997; Manterola, forthcoming), the syncretism is motivated by dialect-specific phonological processes targeting different underlying demonstrative forms for the singular and the plural. From the point of view of its wider typological scope, which has well attested correlates in nominative-accusative languages, the solutions found within the exclusive realm of Basque morphophonological processes may be a bit too limited. Demonstrative paradigms in Basque are furthermore characterized by something we can call stem syncretism in the ergative and absolutive plural: thus, as shown in (2), whereas the singular ergative demonstrative, like the inessive one, presents the locative stem hon-, the plural ergative is based on the absolutive singular demonstrative hau “this”, to which a plural ending is attached. As far as we can tell, this particular stem alternation has been ignored by most of the accounts devoted to the case-syncretism issue. One exception is Etxepare (2013), which tries to relate both problems. Dialectal variation is particularly prominent in the demonstrative domain, where Biscayan dialects show stem syncretism in favour of the locative stem in the plural (Jacobsen, 1972).

3.2. Verbal inflection

Inflected verbal forms in Basque can be of two types: synthetic or analytic (called periphrastic in the Basque linguistic tradition). Synthetic verbs incorporate all the agreement morphemes along with the lexical verbal root, while in analytic verbs, the lexical verb is only marked for aspect and the agreement morphemes are conveyed in a separate auxiliary. Analytic forms are the only productive verbal pattern in Basque these days, so we will concentrate on such forms. There are five common auxiliaries in standard Basque (Euskaltzaindia 1997): intransitives izan, *edin, *edun, *ezan, and ditransitive -i-. Most of the variation found in inflected forms across dialects has to do with the root effectively used in ditransitive constructions, which shows considerable variation (Laka, 1988, see also Fernández 2013). Izan ‘be’ and *edun ‘have’ are used in the indicative and their distribution resembles the be/have auxiliary alternation found in some nominative languages. On the other hand, *edin and *ezan are used in the subjunctive, potential and imperative. In Basque, the agreement complex may include up to four instances of person agreement: ergative, absolutive, dative and allocutive. Grammatical encoding of the person and number features of the arguments is obligatory in Basque, apart from some dialectal exceptions involving dative agreement. The allocutive morpheme does not correspond to an argument, but to the addressee of the speech situation, and it is optional. The Basque verbal complex also includes tense and mood suffixes. In the absence of 1st or 2nd person absolutive, the absolutive slot is occupied by morphemes expressing Tense or Mood (Trask, 1977; Laka, 1993a; Gómez and Sainz, 1995; Rebuschi, 1999; Albizu and Eguren, 2000; Arregi and Nevins, 2013), as d- for presente Tense in (13). We gloss this prefix as EPTH (epenthesis). The sequential order of the morphemes just described is the following (adapted from Laka, 1993a):

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(5)

Tense/Mood

(If ABS 3rd)

Absolutive

1/2

person

Root Dative Modal Ergative Tense

As shown in (5), absolutive affixes precede the root, while dative and ergative affixes follow it.

Assuming the Mirror Principle (Baker, 1985), Laka (1993a) suggests that the sequence of agreement

morphemes in the verb is a surface manifestation of structure-dependent hierarchical relations. This

way, the morphological sequence ABS-root-DAT-ERG mirrors the unmarked order of the constituents

in the clause: SubjERG – IODAT – DOABS – V.

3. 2. 1. Ergative and Dative Displacement

Agreement closely aligns with case-marking in Basque. An exception to the general pattern is

Ergative Displacement (Heath, 1976; Ortiz de Urbina, 1989; Laka, 1993a) (henceforth ED), a

phenomenon whereby certain ergative DPs are encoded in the auxiliary by means of an absolutive

prefix. ED takes place when: (i) the absolutive argument is 3rd person; (ii) the ergative argument is 1st

or 2nd person; and (iii) the clause is in the past tense or in the irrealis mood. As a consequence of ED,

the ergative morpheme disappears from the verbal complex. (16a,b) illustrate the phenomenon in

the past tense:

(6) a. (Ni-k) liburua-k ekarr-i n-it-u-en I-ERG book.DET-pl.ABS bring-PRF 1sgERG-pl-root-PST

‘I brought the books’

b. (Ni-k) liburua ekarri d-u-t

I-ERG book.DET.ABS bring-PRF EPTH-root-1sgERG

‘I have brought the book’

In (6a), the ergative argument is 1st person, the absolutive is 3rd person and the clause is in the

past tense. ED has taken place, and the ergative argument is cross-referenced by the n- prefix, a

morpheme which canonically agrees with absolutive 1st person arguments (see table 2). Compare

this to the present form d-u-t [EPTH-root-1ERG] in (16b), where the suffix -t cross-references the

ergative argument. Note that the pluralizer -it-, agreeing with the plural absolutive argument, is still

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present in the verbal form in (16a), suggesting that the absolutive argument is visible, at least

partially, for syntactic agreement (Laka, 1993a).

If the person conditions are not met, ED does not occur, for example, when the absolutive argument is 2nd person (17a) or the ergative argument is 3rd person (17b). In (17a) the ergative argument is cross-referenced by the affix -da-. In (17b), since both the ergative and the absolutive arguments are 3rd person, there is no personal morphology, but the absence of ED is manifested by the plural affix -te- encoding ergative agreement (Ortiz de Urbina, 1989; Fernández and Albizu, 2000). (7)

a. (Ni-k) (zu) kotxe-z ekarr-i z-intu-da-n I-ERG zu.ABS car-INSTR bring-PRF 2ABS-root-1sgERG-PST

‘I brought you by car’

b. (Haiek) Mikel kotxez ekarr-i z-u-te-n

They.ERG Mikel.ABS car-INSTR bring-PRF EPTH-root-pl-PST

‘They brought Mikel by car’

As noted in the literature about ED, this agreement split has no syntactic consequences: the

argument in the clause keeps the ergative case, even though it is cross-referenced by regular

absolutive morphemes, and the auxiliary root is not altered. Laka (1993a) observes further that ED

has no effect in configurational relations relevant to binding or scope. ED is generally viewed as a

purely morphological operation (see Hualde, 2002; Rebuschi, 1999). Many recent analyses account

for ED within a Distributed Morphology approach (Albizu and Eguren 2000; Albizu, 2002; and Arregi

and Nevins, 2013). A few analyses link ED to aspects of the syntactic derivation, more concretely to

properties of the Agree operation. For Fernández (1997) and Fernández and Albizu (2000) ED shows

that case and phi-feature checking occur separately –against different functional heads–, and this

explains the case/agreement split. For Rezac (2003), ED makes manifest some of the formal

properties of the Probe-Goal relation: (absolutive) person Probes can Agree downward

(preferentially), giving rise to the ordinary agreement pattern, or upwards, in the absence of an

appropriate [+person] Goal in their complement domain, giving rise to ED. None of the syntactically

oriented approaches addresses the Tense-Mood restriction.

Displacement phenomena have also been observed in the domain of dative agreement and

examined in work by Fernandez and Rezac (2013) among others.

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Section 4: Phonology

4.1 Segmental phonology

Contents: 4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs 4.1.2 Consonants 4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs

Most Basque dialects have a five vowel system /i, e, a, o, u/. The exception is Zuberoan (an eastern dialect), which has an additional vowel u /y/ (high front rounded vowel). Zuberoan also has nasalized vowels. These vowels occur in three contexts: (1) preceding or following a nasal stop, e.g. abentü ‘December’, arrano ‘eagle’, ama ‘mother’; (2) preceding or following a nasalized laryngeal fricative; e.g. ahate ‘duck’, ohore ‘honor’; (3) in word-final stressed position; e.g. salu ‘living room’, ardu ‘wine’. Whereas in the first two cases nasalization of vowels can be considered an allophonic feature due to assimilation, the third instance of nasalization is clearly phonemic, since these words ending in nasal vowels not in contact with a nasal consonant contrast both with other oxytonic words ending in final oral vowels, e.g. alphó ‘mustiness’, Larrajá ‘name of a town’ and with oxytonic words ending in a nasal consonant, e.g. hun ‘good’. Historically, nasal vowels are also attested in Roncalese (an extinct dialect) and in 16th century Bizkaian, but seemingly with a more restricted distribution than in modern Zuberoan (in fact, it seems reasonable to assume that at some stage in the deletion of intervocalic /n/ all Basque dialects must have had nasalized vowels). A phonemic inventory of vowels and diphthongs is described in table 1.

1- Vowels

IPA example IPA dialects IPA

a [a] amama [amama] -a + a [aa] alaba [alaba] western (Arratia valley) [ea] [alabea]

general [ia] [alabia] e [e] seme [seme]

-e + a [ea] semea [semea] general [ia] [semia] western [i]n [semi] low navarrese |ja] [semja] i [i] ezti [esti] western [ie] [estie]

-i + a [ia] eztia [estia] western [ia] [estia] high navarrese & central [ija]/[ia] [estija]/[estia] low navarrese [ja] [estja]

o [o] zozo [soso] -o + a [oa] zozoa [sosoa] general [ua] [sosua]

low navarrese [wa] [soswa] u [u] buru [buru]

-u +a [ua] burua low navarrese [ia] / [wa] [buria]/[burwa]

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eastern (Ustaritz) [uja] [buruja] eastern (Bardoze) [ya] [burya]

ü [y] bürü [byry] eastern (Aiherra) [entsyn] -ü + a [ja] bürüa [byja]

2 - Diphthongs

ai [aj] aita [ajta] au [aw] gauza [gawsa] ei [ej] sei [sej] eu [ew] eusko [ewsko] oi [oj] goiz [gojs]

-ü + a [ya] süa [sya]

Table 1. Phonemic inventory of vowels and diphthongs.

In borrowings, rising diphthongs are usually adapted as hiatus, and hiatus-breaking consonants are often inserted; e.g. Spanish r[we]da > errubeda ‘wheel’, Spanish s[je]sta > si.es.ta, Spanish s[we]rte > su.er.te, suberte ‘luck’. Nevertheless, diphthongs in borrowings are normally kept as such when [w] occurs after a velar or labial consonant; e.g. f[we]rte ‘strong’, k[wa]drila ‘group of friends’, b[we]ltatu ‘(re)turn, PERF’. 4.1.2 Consonants

Basque dialects vary somewhat in their consonant inventory. A phonemic inventory of consonants is described in table 2.

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Table 2. Phonemic inventory of consonants.

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The inventory given above corresponds to the general phonemic inventory of consonants. But the contrast between lamino-alveolar and apico-alveolar articulations for fricatives and affricates is not made in the dialects spoken in Bizkaia and parts of Gipuzkoa. Some speakers from these areas where the contrast has been lost attempt to produce it in formal styles when speaking Standard Basque, others do not. As for the dialects on the French side, Coastal Lapurdian has essentially the inventory in table 2, except that it lacks the phoneme /x/. The most deviant phoneme system with respect to the one given above is that found in Zuberoan. This dialect possesses aspiration, a series of aspirated voiceless stops in phonemic contrast with the unaspirated ones, oral and nasalized laryngeal fricatives, a series of voiced fricatives, a front rounded vowel /y/ and nasal vowels (see 4.1.1). On the other hand, Zuberoan has lost the trill/tap contrast found in all other Basque dialects (by historical generalized loss of the tap in intervocalic position). Basque language is currently acquired simultaneously with either French or Spanish by practically every L1 speaker of Basque. Data recorded from present-day speakers show that phonemes belonging to French or Spanish, but absent in older generations of monolingual L1 Basque speakers, are systematically acquired by the young bilingual speakers. This may provide a way of understanding the rather recent increase of several types of marked phonemes in the Basque phonological inventory, such as the interdental fricative (< Spanish), or the labialized front vowels, nasal vowels, voiced fricatives (< French).

However, that obvious external influence does not entail the loss of Basque exclusive phonemes, i.e. those that are not shared by the other language, such as the voiceless palatal stop /c/, the palatal lateral or the alveolar affricates, units absent in both French and Spanish. The influence of the other language in early bilingualism seems therefore to be restricted to the addition of contrastive units.

On the other hand, observed cases of phoneme loss (e.g., the nowadays ongoing deaspiration by Basque-French speakers (Jauregi & Epelde 2013) or palatal delateralization by Basque-Spanish speakers (Oñederra 2012)) might be accounted in terms of universals tendencies (see Bybee 2006).

For further information, see Mitxelena 1985, Hualde 1991.

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4.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology

Contents: 4.2.1 Accent and intonation

4.2.1.1. The Pitch-Accent System: Northern Bizkaian Basque 4.2.1.2. The Stress-Accent Systems 4.2.1.2.1. Central Basque 4.2.1.2.2. Navarro-Labourdin 4.2.1.2.3. Souletin 4.2.1.2.4. Other (sub)varieties 4.2.2 Rhythm 4.2.1 Accent and intonation

With respect to accentuation, we can find typologically different word-prosodic systems in different dialects of Basque. Two main dialect classes can be distinguished: Northern Bizkaian Basque (NBB) is typologically a pitch-accent variety (a ‘non-stress’ language in Beckman’s (1986) terms), whereas the rest of the varieties are stress-accent systems1 with very different placements of accent within the words (from postinitial accent, to penultimate accent (cf. Hualde (1997, 1999) for an overview).

4.2.1.1 The Pitch-Accent System: Northern Bizkaian Basque

Northern Bizkaian Basque (NBB) is a variety spoken on the North and Northeastern coast of the province of Bizkaia and in a band of around 20 kilometers inland from the coast. This is the most deeply studied variety of Basque in terms of prosody (cf. i.a., Hualde (1989, 1999), Elordieta (1997, 1998, 2003, 2007a-b) Jun & Elordieta (1997), Gussenhoven (2004, §9), Elordieta & Irurtzun (2010) and Elordieta & Hualde (2014)). Typologically NBB can be characterized as follows:

(i) It has a non-stress accent word-prosodic system (cf. Beckman (1986) for discussion on the typological background). In NBB, the only correlate of accent is pitch or F0, other potential correlates like duration and intensity are not consistent; not even in corrective focalization nor downstep environments (cf. Elordieta & Hualde (2001), Elordieta & Hualde (2003)).

(ii) Similar to what happens in Central Basque, there are two sets of words, an “unmarked” set composed by the majority of roots (ama ‘mother’, euli ‘fly’, iturri ‘fountain’…), and a “marked” set composed mainly by most loanwords (presidénte ‘president’, arbóla ‘tree’, boligráfo ‘pen’…) and some suffixes (the comparative /-’ago/, the superlative /-’en/, the diminutive /-‘txu/...). However, unlike in the Central variety where all words can surface with a pitch accent, in NBB unmarked words lack any accent of their own whereas marked words have a lexically specified accent. The position of the accent of the marked words varies depending on the subvariety of NBB, but it is always a prefinal syllable (on the final syllable in most varieties and on the penultimate syllable in a few local varieties like Markina and Ondarroa). In the subvariety of Lekeitio, which is the one I will concentrate on here, the accent of “marked” words falls on the penultimate syllable. Unmarked words only receive an accent when they occur immediately preceding the verb or when uttered in isolation.

In Lekeitio Basque words combine in bigger prosodic units called “accentual phrases”, which are characterized by a %L initial tone, as well as by a H- phrase accent aligned with the postinitial syllable that spreads rightwards creating a plateau which extends until it reaches a pitch accent (cf. Jun & G. Elordieta (1997), G. Elordieta (1998)). The tonal structure of the lexical pitch accent of marked words is characterized by a sharp fall in F0, which G. Elordieta (1997, 1998) analyzes as deriving from a 1 Although Hualde et al. (2002) and Hualde (2007) report somehow ‘hybrid’ patterns, typologically in

between the pitch-accent and the stress-accent varieties.

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H*+L pitch accent. We can find, then, minimal pairs like the one in (1a-b), where the only distinguishing cue is the accent exhibited by (1b) which is lexically attached to the plural morpheme /’-en/:

(1a) Unmarked (unaccented): lagunen diruá ‘the money of the friend’

[from Elordieta (1998: 555)]

(1b) Marked (accented): lagúnen dirua ‘the money of the friends’

[from Elordieta (1998: 555)]

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This system, thus, is very similar to the one found in Tokyo Japanese (cf. Pierrehumbert &

Beckman (1988)).

Interestingly, unmarked words like the one in (1a) might as well bear a pitch accent in some

specific constructions: if a phrase composed solely by unaccented words is in narrow focus (i.e., it is

the focus of a contextualized utterance), then a nuclear pitch accent is assigned to the last syllable of

the last word of that phrase (this is what Jun & Elordieta (1997) call a derived accent, cf. Elordieta

(2007a-b), Elordieta & Hualde (2014) for discussion and Elordieta & Irurtzun (2010) for the particular

case of nonexhaustive narrow foci).

4.2.1.2. The Stress-Accent Systems

On the other hand, most dialects of Basque have stress-accent word prosodic systems. These,

however, can be of a very different nature. Below we briefly overview three of the systems.

4.2.1.2.1 Central Basque

‘Central Basque’ corresponds to the variety spoken in most of the province of Gipuzkoa. This

variety has been analyzed in works like Mitxelena (1972, 1976, 1985), Holmer (1991), Hualde (1997,

1999) and Irurtzun (2003, 2006). Typologically, Central Basque is characterized by the following

facts:

(i) There are two prosodically distinct sets of words: (a) an “unmarked” set of words composed by

the majority of morphemes and (b) a limited set of “marked” words, mostly loanwords and words

composed by specific suffixes. The unmarked words follow a postinitial accentual pattern, which is

very uncommon crosslinguistically: in the sample of 444 languages studied by Hyman (1977) only 12

languages (2’7% of the sample) are reported to have a postinitial accent, and only 15 out of the 500

languages (3%) mentioned in the World Atlas of Language Structures (Haspelmath et al. (2005)). On

the other hand, marked words have initial accent, a quite common pattern crosslinguistically. As

illustrated in (2), there are some minimal pairs of unmarked-marked words in the variety spoken in

Errenteria:

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(2) Unmarked/Marked Words in Errenteria Basque

Unmarked: Marked:

basúa ‘the forest’

iltzía ‘the nail’

aríya ‘the thread’

básua ‘the glass’

íltzia ‘to die’

áriya ‘the ram’

(ii) Whichever the type of the root (marked (3a) or unmarked (3b)), the accent is

characterized by a F0 peak aligned with the accented syllable, followed by a fall. This is illustrated in

(3a, b), taken from Irurtzun (2003):

(3a) Unmarked: a.rrí.ga.rri.ya ‘surprising’

[Irurtzun (2003: 23)]

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(3b) Marked: í.ru.tan ’three times’

[Irurtzun (2003: 30)]

A number of works have analysed some aspects of the intonation of Central Basque (cf. in

particular Elordieta (2003), Irurtzun (2003), Irurtzun (2013), or Elordieta & Hualde (2014)) but much

work still needs be developed. In particular, an area that deserves a special attention is the nature of

a-internal tonal events; Irurtzun (2003) and Elordieta & Irurtzun (in progress) identified word-final

raises within XPs (as) that cannot be analysed as boundary tones but seem to belong to a new

category of “word-edge” tones. Likewise, recently the first analysis of compound stress has been

done (cf. Irurtzun (2013)), but this study is centred on a single type of compound (relational sorting

compounds of the sort oliba-olioa 'olive-oil'), concluding that in broad focus statements the main

stress falls on the first element of the compound. However, this type of compounds is but one of the

many classes available to Basque. Further work is needed to assess whether other types of

compounds (e.g., dvandva, bahuvrihi, etc.) pattern the same way.

4.2.1.2.2. Navarro-Labourdin

Navarro-Labourdin comprises most of the subvarieties spoken in France. In dialectal descriptions

it is often described as not having a very prominent accentual pattern. However, the few

experimental approximations that have been made to this dialect show a distinction between

accented and unaccented syllables in F0 (cf. Gaminde (1996), Gaminde & Salaberria (1997)).

Contrary with what happens in Central Basque, the general rule of accentuation has been described

as sensitive to stem-boundaries, and instead of building feet from the left edge, this dialect builds

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feet from the right edge of the stem, placing the main accent in the prefinal syllable of the stem

(derivational suffixes notwithstanding). Thus, bimorphemic arroltzea 'the egg' (from stem arroltze

'egg' + -a 'article') bears accent on syllable /rol/ (/a.'rol.ts̻e.a/):

Unfortunately, almost everything remains to be done regarding the intonation of this variety since

we do not have even the most basic description of the tunes and patterns, the effect of focus, etc.

4.2.1.2.3. Souletin

Souletin is characterised by its Romance-like intonation, with strong stress-accents. In general,

accent falls on the penultimate syllable of the phonological word. Thus monomorphemic /'bes̺.te/

'other' generates /bes̺.'te.la/ 'otherwise', /bes̺.te.'la.ko/ 'of a different kind', and /bes̺.te.la.'ko.ʃe/ 'of

a different kind (hypocoristic)'. Unfortunately, there is no systematic experimental analysis of the

tune-structure and intonation of these accents (see Gaminde (2000) for a first approximation to the

intonation of questions in Souletin).

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4.2.1.2.4. Other (sub)varieties

Other (sub)varieties of Basque have very different stress-accent systems; for instance, Baztan

Basque has a penultimate stress pattern (cf. Salaburu (1984)), whereas Azkoitia Basque is unique in

filling a crosslinguistic typological gap by having postpostinitial accent (cf. Hualde (2009)). There is no

study of intonation of these dialects.

4.2.2. Rhythm

Unfortunately we lack experimental analyses of rhythm in Basque. There are a couple of

observations regarding Central Basque (cf. works like Hurch, 1988; or Gandarias, 1991), but so far

there is no in-depth experimental study of rhythmic patterns in this language.

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Section 5: Research questions & aims

Our research will concentrate on two basic issues: (i) extending the empirical scope of Basque

internal comparative syntax by incorporating poorly described areas, and (ii) exploring the effect of

contact in the grammar of Basque. In the first domain, we will particularly adress issues relevant

from the point of view of the syntax-semantics interface and which have nor been sufficiently

examined in Basque, such as determination, in particular indefinite determination (presently

undescribed in Basque), conjectural and hearsay evidentiality, information structure and

quantification, verbal periphrases and aspectual relations, and modality. In the second domain, we

will try to adress questions related to aspects of language change under contact, their relation to the

typology of acquisition and to measurable variables such as amount of input. Our research questions

are similar to those evoked in the Dutch research project, namely (i) What are the underlying

syntactic structures of the patterns arising from contact, as well as their relation to their original or

source structures; (ii) What aspects of these patterns are sensitive to change; (iii) What aspects of

language contact induce the observed changes; (iv) How these changes in the grammatical system

can be accounted for by syntactic theory, and (v) Why certain aspects are sensitive to change, but

not others.

Among the grammatical areas which will be specifically studied are interrogative constructions, the

expression of reflexivity and prosodic transfer. We will continue our work on code-switching, a

pioneering one in Basque linguistics.

Our methodology is based on large-scale elicitation by means of questionnaires, and in the case of

code-switching in particular, transcriptions of natural conversation excerpts. Those date will serve to

develop the already existing databases of the lab, which are open access, and allow direct

grammatical search.

65

Section 6: Bibliography

6.0 Bibliography for the introduction:

Database Basyque http://ixa2.si.ehu.es/atlas2/index.php?lang=en Database Norantz www.norantz.org Euskaltzaindia (2008-2015) Euskarararen Herri Hizkeren Atlasa I-VI. Bilbao.

Fernández, Beatriz, Albizu, P., & Etxepare, R. (Eds.) (2010). Euskara eta euskarak: Aldakortasun sintaktikoa aztergai. Anejos

del Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca. Bilbao: UPV/EHU Press. Fernández, Beatriz and J. Ortiz de Urbina (eds) (in press) Microparameters in the Grammar of Basque. Amsterdam: John

Benjamins. Yrizar, Pedro (1992) Morfología del Verbo auxiliar vizcaíno, Bilbao. ___________ (1992) Morfología del Verbo auxiliar alto navarro septentrional, Pamplona. ___________ (1992) Morfología del verbo auxiliar alto navarro meridional, Pamplona. ___________ (1992) Morfología del verbo auxiliar roncalés, Pamplona. ___________ (1992) Morfología del verbo auxiliar labortano, Pamplona.

___________ (1999) Morfología del verbo auxiliar bajo navarro occidental. Bilbao: Euskaltzaindia ___________ (1999) Morfología del verbo auxiliar bajo-navarro oriental. Bilbao: Euskaltzaindia.

___________ (2002) Morfología del verbo auxiliar suletino. Bilbao: Euskaltzaindia. ___________ (2002) Morfología del verbo auxiliar vasco. Compendio. Bilbao: Euskaltzaindia. Zuazo, K. (1997) El euskara y sus dialectos. Irun: Alberdania.

6.1 Bibliography for syntax:

Artiagoitia, X. (2002). The functional structure of Basque noun phrases. In Erramu Boneta: Festschrift for Rudolf P. G. de Rijk, X. Artiagoitia et al. (eds.), 73-90. Vitoria-Gasteiz: ASJU.

Artiagoitia, X. (2012). The DP hypothesis in the grammar of Basque. In NPs and Nominalizations in Basque: Syntax and Semantics, U. Etxeberria et al. (eds.), 21-78. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Artiagoitia, X. (1997). DP predicates in Basque. In University of Washington Working Papers on Linguistics 15, A. Taff (ed.), 161-198. Washington: University of Washington.

Casenave-Harigile, J. (2006). Xiberotar gramatika llaburra. Maule: Sü Azia. Coyos, J.B. (1999), Le parler basque souletin des Arbailles: une approche de l’ergativité. Paris: L’Harmattan. Etxebarne, J. (2006). Xiberotar gramatika. Maule: Sü Azia. Etxeberria, U. (2005). Quantification and domain restriction in Basque. PhD dissertation. University of the Basque Country

UPV/EHU & HiTT. Etxeberria, U. (2012). Quantification in Basque. In Handbook of Quantifiers in Natural Language, E. Keenan & D. Paperno

(eds.), 83-164. Berlin: Springer, Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy. Etxeberria, U. in prep. Nominal expressions in Basque. Unpublished manuscript, CNRS-IKER. Etxeberria, U. & R. Etxepare. (2012). “When quantifiers do not agree: three systems”. Ernestina Carrilho & Beatriz

Fernández (guest eds.), Thematic Volume on Syntactic Microvariation in Westmost European Languages – Journal of Portuguese Linguistics, 11.1: 61-82.

Etxeberria, U. & R. Etxepare. (2012). “Number agreement in Basque: counting vs. measuring”. Etxeberria, U., R. Etxepare & M. Uribe-Etxeberria (eds.), Noun Phrase and Nominalizations in Basque. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 149-178.

Etxeberria, U., R. Etxepare & M. Uribe-Etxeberria (eds.). (2012). Noun Phrase and Nominalizations in Basque. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

Etxegorri, P. (2013). Biarnoko euskaldunak. Zingi-Zango Legazpiko Euskara Elkartea/Eusko Jaurlaritza. Etxepare, R. (2003). “Negation”, in A Grammar of Basque (J.I. Hualde and J. Ortiz de Urbina, eds.), 387-421. Mouton de

Gruyter, Berlin.

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Laka, I. (1993). Unergatives that assign ergative, unaccusative that assign accusative. In Papers on case and agreement. J. Bobaljik & C. Philips (eds.), 149-172. Cambridge, MA: MIT WpiL.

Oyharçabal, B. (2012). Word order in the Basque determiner phrases. In Noun Phrase and Nominalizations in Basque. U. Etxeberia et al (eds), 79-110. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

De Rijk, R. P. G. (1996). “On the origin of the partitive determiner”, in ASJU 30 (reprinted in de Rijk 1998). Txillardegi. (1977). L’emploi de l’indéfini en souletin. Fontes Linguae Vasconum 25: 29-54. Zuazo, K. (2008). Euskalkiak. Euskararen dialektoak. Donostia: Elkar. 6.2 Bibliography for morphology:

Albizu, P. 2002. Basque verbal morphology: Redefining cases. In X.Artiagoitia, P.Goenaga and J.A.Lakarra (eds) Erramu Boneta: Festschrift for Rudolf P.G. de Rijk. Bilbo: UPV-EHU. 1-19.

Albizu, P. and L. Eguren. 2000. An optimality theoretic account for ‘Ergative Displacement’ in Basque. In W.U. Dressler, O.E. Pfeiffer, M.A. Pöchtrager and J.R. Rennison (eds) Morphological Analysis in Comparison. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Arregi, K. and A. Nevins. 2013. Morphotactics. Basque Auxiliaries and the Structure of Spell Out. Berlin: Springer. Baerman, M. and D. Brown. 2013. Case Syncretism. In: Dryer, Matthew S. & Haspelmath, Martin (eds.) The World Atlas of

Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. (Available online at http://wals.info/chapter/28, Accessed on 2014-12-11.)

Baerman, M., D. Brown and G. Corbett. 2005. The Syntax-Morphology Interface: A Study of Syncretism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Etxepare, R. 2013. Basque spatial cases and the ergative-absolutive syncretism. In R. Gómez, J. Gorrochategui, J.A. Lakarra and C. Mounole (eds) Proceedings of the 3rd Conference of the Luis Michelena Chair. Vitoria-Gasteiz: UPV-EHU.

Etxepare, R. and B. Oyharçabal. 2013. Datives and adpositions in north-eastern Basque. In B. Fernández and R.Etxepare (eds) Variation in Datives: a micro-comparative perspective. Oxford: OUP.

Fernández, B. and P. Albizu. 2000. Ergative displacement in Basque and the division of labor between morphology and syntax. In Boyle, J., Lee, J. & Okrent, A. (eds.) Chicago Linguistic Society 36, volume 2: The panels. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.

Fernandez, B. and J. Ortiz de Urbina. 2010. Datiboa hiztegian. Bilbao: UPV-EHU. Fernández, B. and M. Rezac. (in press). Differential Object Marking in Basque varieties. In B. Fernández and J. Ortiz de

Urbina (eds) Microparameters in the Grammar of Basque. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Gómez, R. and K. Sainz. 1995. On the origin of the finite forms of the Basque verb. In J. I. Hualde, J. Lakarra and R.L. Trask (eds) Towards a history of the Basque language. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 235-273. Jacobsen, W. 1972. Nominative-Ergative Syncretism in Basque. Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca Julio de Urquijo 6:67-109. Laka, I. 1988. Configurational heads in inflectional morphology: The structure of the inflected forms in Basque. Anuario del

Seminario de Filología Vasca Julio de Urquijo XXII-2: 343-365. Laka, I. 1993a. The structure of inflection: A Case Study in X Syntax. In J.I. Hualde and J. Ortiz de Urbina (eds) Generative

Studies in Basque Linguistics. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Co., 21-70. Rebuschi, G. 1999. Le complexe verbal basque: un regard universaliste. Lapurdum IV : 199-222. Rezac, M. 2003. The fine structure of cyclic Agree. Syntax 6: 156-182.

6.3 Bibliography for phonology:

Beckman, M. (1986). Stress and Non-stress accent. Dordrecht: Foris. Bybee, Joan. 2006. Language change and universals. Linguistic Universals. Ricardo Mairal / Juana Gil, eds. Cambridge

University Press, 179-194. Elordieta, G. (2007a). Constraints on intonational prominence of focalized constituents. In C. Lee, M. Gordon & D. Büring

(eds.), Topic and focus: Cross-linguistic perspectives on meaning and intonation, Dordrecht: Springer, 1-22. Elordieta, G. (2007b). A constraint-based analysis of the intonational realization of focus in Northern Bizkaian Basque. In T.

Riad & C. Gussenhoven (eds.), Tones and tunes: Volume I, Typological studies in word and sentence prosody, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 201-234.

Elordieta, G. (2003). Intonation. In J.I. Hualde & J. Ortiz de Urbina (eds.), A grammar of Basque, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 72-112.

Elordieta, G., (1998), Intonation in a pitch accent variety of Basque. Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca «Julio de Urquijo» 32, 511-569.

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Elordieta, G. (1997). Accent, tone, and intonation in Lekeitio Basque. In F. Martínez-Gil & A. Morales-Front (eds.), Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages, Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 3-78.

Elordieta, G. & N. Calleja. (2005). Microvariation in accentual alignment in Basque Spanish. Language and Speech, 48, 359-396.

Elordieta, G. & J.I. Hualde. (2001). The role of duration as a correlate of accent in Lekeitio Basque. Proceedings of Erospeech 2001 – Scandivavia, 105-108.

Elordieta, G. & A. Irurtzun. (2015) (to appear). Pitch accent tonal alignment in declarative sentences in the Spanish of Gipuzkoa: a study of language contact. In N. Henriksen, M. Armstrong & M. Vanrell (eds.), Interdisciplinary Approaches to Intonational Grammar in Ibero-Romance Intonation, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

Elordieta, G. & A. Irurtzun. (2012). Estudio comparativo de alineamiento tonal en el castellano de Bilbao. In B. Camus Bergareche & S. Gómez Seibane (eds.), El castellano del País Vasco, Supplements of ASJU LXX, Donostia: UPV/EHU & Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia, 119–138. ISBN: 978-84-9860-767-3.

Elordieta, G. & A. Irurtzun. (2010). The relationship between meaning and intonation in non-exhaustive answers: evidence from Basque. The Linguistic Review 27.3, 261-291. doi: 10.1515/tlir.2010.010.

Gaminde, I. (2000). Muskildiko galderen intonazioaz. Uztaro 35, 71-88. Gaminde, I. (1996). Datu-basea. Manuscript UPV/EHU. Gaminde, I. & J. Salaberria. (1997). Ezpeleta, Lekorne eta Makeako azentu-ereduez. Uztaro 20, 93-103. Gandarias, M.R. 1991. On the Rhythmical Type of Basque. Proceedings of the ESCA Workshop Phonetics and Phonology of

Speaking Styles. Paper 26, 1-5. Holmer, N.M. (1991). El idioma vasco hablado. Un estudio de dialectología vasca, Supplements of ASJU V, Donostia &

Bilbao: Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia & UPV/EHU. Hualde, J.I. (2009). A gap filled: postpostinitial accent in Azkoitia Basque. Linguistics 36.1: 99-118. Hualde, J.I, (2007). Remarks on Word-Prosodic Typology. paper presented at the Berkeley Linguistics Society 2006. Hualde, J.I, (1999). Basque Accentuation. In H. van der Hulst (ed.), Word Prosodic Systems in the Languages of Europe,

Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 947-994. Hualde, J.I. (1997). Euskararen azentuerak. Donostia: Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia & UPV/EHU. Hualde, J.I. (1991). Basque phonology. London: Routledge. Hualde, J.I. & G. Elordieta. (2003). Tonal and durational correlates of accent in contexts of downstep in Lekeitio Basque.

Journal of the International Phonetic Association 33, 195-209. Hualde, J.I., G. Elordieta & A. Elordieta. (1994). The Basque dialect of Lekeitio, Donostia: Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia & UPV-

EHU. Hualde, J.I., G. Elordieta, I. Gaminde & R. Smiljanic. (2002). From pitch-accent to stress-accent in Basque. In C. Gussenhoven

& N. Warner (eds.), Laboratory Phonology 7, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 547-584. Hualde, J.I. & J. Ortiz de Urbina. (2003). A grammar of Basque, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Hurch, B. (1988). Is Basque a syllable-timed language? ASJU: International Journal of Basque Linguistics and Philology, XXII-

3, 813-825. Irurtzun, A. (2013). Focal NSR and Stress Placement in Basque Phrases and N+N Compounds. Linguistic Analysis 38 (3-4),

207-242. Irurtzun, A. (2006). Fonetikak Bideratutako Aldaketa Fonologikoak. Oihenart 21, 195–208. Irurtzun, A. (2003). Stress and Pitch: Errenteriako azentu eta intonazioa. Manuscript: UPV/EHU. Jauregi, O. & I. Epelde (2013) Hasperenaren galera Iparraldeko euskaran. 3rd Conference of the Luis Michelena Chair. R.

Gómez, J. Gorrochategui, J.A. Lakarra & C. Mounole, (arg.) Vitoria-Gasteiz, UPV-EHU, 245-262. Mitxelena, K. (1985). Fonética Histórica Vasca, 3rd ed., Supplements of ASJU IV, Donostia & Bilbo: Gipuzkoako Foru

Aldundia & EHU-UPV. Mitxelena, K. (1976). Acentuación alto-navarra. Fontes Linguae Vasconum, 23, 147-162. Mitxelena, K. (1972). A note on old Labourdin accentuation. Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca “Julio de Urquijo” 6,

110-120. Oñederra, M.L. (2012) Sobre la deslateralización de las palatales o ‘yeismo’. In El castellano en el País Vasco. B. Camus & S.

Gómez (arg.). ASJUren gehigarriak LXX, 139-154. Pierrehumbert, J. & M. Beckman. (1988). Japanese Tone Structure. Cambridge (MA): MIT Press. Salaburu, P. (1984). Arau fonologikoak. Bilbao: UPV/EHU.

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3. Scottish Gaelic Catriona Gibb (University of Edinburgh), Caroline Heycock (University of Edinburgh), Holly Branigan (University of Edinburgh)

1. Introduction: An Overview of the Gaelic Language

2. The noun

2.1 Gender 2.2 Definiteness 2.3 Case 2.3.1: Nominal 2.3.2: Prepositional 2.3.3: Possessive

2.3.4: Vocative 3. Constituent Order in the clause and Passive Constructions

3.1: Basic constituent order 3.2: Passive constructions 3.2.1: The RACH passive 3.2.2: The BI and AIR passive 3.2.3: The passive participle 3.2.4: The passive tense form 4. The Impact of English

4.1: Code-Switching

4.2: Responses to Polar Questions 5. Research questions and aims 6. Bibliography

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Section 1: An Overview of the Gaelic Language

Scottish Gaelic (ScG) is a minority language spoken predominantly in the North West of Scotland. It is claimed that during its peak (around 1000AD) it was the national language of Scotland but since then it has suffered a gradual decline. The 2011 census revealed there to be 57 000 fluent speakers, approximating to only 1.1% of the population. Despite the continued decline, the results indicate that the rate of decline appears to be slowing. This is most likely due to developments in Gaelic Medium Education and improvements to language planning policies.

The language belongs to the Goidelic branch of the Celtic family of Indo-European languages. Linguistically, the language’s complex phonology has received the most attention. Hamp (1974) noted when first embarking on research that, “these dialects were a veritable laboratory and museum of phonetic phenomena that would be hard to parallel elsewhere, both in and outside of Europe” (p.172). This complex dialectal variation can be seen in the nasals and laterals of the Islay dialect which have been found to present sonorants with up to a 5 way contrast (Hamp, 1970). In comparison, there is only a one-way contrast found in the r phonemes of the old East Sutherland dialect (Dorian, 1978).

Scottish Gaelic is primarily a Verb Subject Object (VSO) language where the finite verb appears first unless it is preceded by particles marking negation, illocutionary force or inter-clausal relations. As well as the phonetic/phonological variation between dialects, there is also considerable morphological and syntactic variation; according to Nicolson (1936) this is particularly the case for nominals (see Calder, 1923, for a comprehensive account of morphology). The latest edition of the Gaelic Orthographic Conventions (GOC) was published in 2008 by the Scottish Qualifications Authority. This document was produced to provide a resource for both teachers and learners that offered a broad account of the accepted orthography and grammatical rules.

There have been major changes on a socio-linguistic level that have impacted the spoken and written form of the language. The steady decline in the number of native speakers and an increase in the number of non-native speakers is a large contributing factor (Nicolson, 1936).

The introduction of Gaelic medium education has shifted the literacy statistics of the population. Older generations who used Gaelic as the language of the home, were educated entirely through English. The result was highly proficient speakers with low literacy levels, many of whom were taught to read Gaelic only through Bible sessions. Nowadays children can be educated through the medium of Gaelic, regardless of whether they have Gaelic spoken in the family or in their home. This results in higher literacy rates but often poorer spoken skills as the child has fewer opportunities to build an extensive vocabulary and use the language daily in conversation (see O Giollagain et al. (2007) for an overview of the socio-linguistic issues affecting competence in Irish Gaelic (many of which parallel Scottish Gaelic); and MacMillan (2012) for information on the most common grammatical mistakes made in young bilinguals). The child will also be educated by many different teachers with varying dialects. This results in the child developing a grammar that contains characteristics of more than one ‘pure’ dialect and therefore adds to dialect levelling and the emergence of diversified ‘hybrid’ dialects.

Overall, it seems that there is currently great variability in the morphology and syntax of Scottish Gaelic depending on dialect, age of speaker, education and time of research.

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This document will focus primarily on the aspects of grammar most relevant to the research being conducted at Edinburgh University. Specifically, it will look at linguistic structures impacted by the English language and those which are undergoing simplification processes in young Gaelic/English bilinguals, i.e. passive constructions.

The main resources used to compile this document are Byrne (2002) and Lamb (2001) who both provide a comprehensive overview of ScG syntax and morphology. Nicolson (1936) and Reid (1895) are also useful resources for examining more traditional grammatical structures and terminology, and are particularly interesting when compared with Byrne and Lamb.

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Section 2: the Noun

Contents: 2.1: Gender 2.2: Definiteness 2.3: Case

2.1: Gender

Nouns in Scottish Gaelic are divided into two genders, masculine and feminine (although occasionally they may appear as both). The assignment of gender appears to use a largely arbitrary system which is evident from the few correlations found between grammatical gender and the physical one. For example, the word boireannach (woman) is of masculine gender.

In situations where the word may be either masculine or feminine, the gender can sometimes be identified by its case marking or from its suffix morphology. For example, Muir (sea) is masculine in the nominative case but feminine in the genitive case (mara). Other words that change gender depending on dialect include: aonad (unit), ceò (mist), dealbh (image), glùin (knee), muir (sea), tìr (land) and tobar (well).

The gender of a noun is most obvious when followed by an adjective. Feminine nouns lenite the adjective they appear with. For example,

a) Caora gheal (feminine) – white sheep / Taigh geal (masculine) – white house

The grammatical gender of nouns also determines the gender of pronouns used to refer back to phrases headed by those nouns. For masculine referents e is used, and for feminine i is used. If we continue with the example used in a) where we have established that caora is feminine and taigh is masculine:

b) To refer to the sheep as small: tha i beag c) To refer to the house as small: tha e beag

Although, as stated above, the assignment of gender is largely arbitrary, in some cases the gender can be predicted with some degree of certainty from the semantic class or the phonological form of the word (Calder, 1923). For example, names of languages, countries, diseases and musical instruments are feminine, whereas names of native trees and the young of animals (irrespective of sex) are masculine.

When the noun contains more than one syllable, the last syllable can be a guide to the gender: Words ending with -ag, -achd, -id are feminine:

o bàrdachd, caileag, càraid, drochaid, uinneag

Words ending with –ach, -adh, -an, -as are masculine: o canach, deireadh, òran, eilean, solas

Another rough guide for establishing gender is to take into consideration the vowels of the final syllable. In ScG: a, o and i are regarded as broad vowels whilst i and e are slender (essentially distinguishing whether its nucleus is a back or front vowel respectively).

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Nouns ending in broad syllables tend to be masculine, e.g. eilean, solas, beul, etc. Nouns ending in slender syllables tend to be feminine, e.g. feòil, sùil, beinn, etc.

However, it should be noted that there are always exceptions to these heuristics. For example, nàmhaid (enemy) and caraid (friend) both have typical feminine endings but are actually masculine. Similarly, uinneag (window) has a broad ending but is feminine. 2.2: Definiteness

Scottish Gaelic has a definite article, which precedes the noun, but no corresponding indefinite article- the absence of an article is interpreted as indefiniteness. E.g. fhuair sinn cat (we got a cat) or bhris iad uinneag (they broke a window) vs. chunnaic mi an cat (I saw the cat). 2.3: Case

Contents: 2.3.1: Nominal 2.3.2: Prepositional 2.3.3: Possessive 2.3.4: Vocative

Scottish Gaelic has four cases: nominal, prepositional, possessive and vocative. Morphologically, how case is marked on a noun depends largely on its declensional category. 2.3.1: Nominal (Byrne (2002), elsewhere referred to as nominative, accusative, nominative-accusative (Adger, 2009), or direct case (Ramchand, 1997) The nominal case is mostly used for the citation form:

am bord (the table), an t-eilean (the island), mo sholas (my light)

And when the noun is the subject or object of a verb:

Bhris am botal Broke the bottle. NOM2 The bottle broke

Masculine nouns in this case remain the same regardless of whether they are definite or indefinite, except definite nouns that begin with a vowel, for which t- is added, e.g. an t-aran (the bread), an t-òran (the song), an t-iasg (the fish).

Feminine nouns in the nominal case are lenited after the article (if possible), e.g.

a’ chailleach (the old lady), a’ chraobh (the tree), an fheòil (the meat).

2 See Appendix 1 for full list of abbreviated terms.

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2.3.2: Prepositional (traditionally referred to as the dative case)

The prepositional case is used when the noun follows one of the simple prepositions, for example: Aig Air Ann Le Bho Ri Fo Gu At On In By From To Under To

Air - Tha duilleagan air a’ chraobh There are leaves on the tree.

In general, the nominal form of the noun is used as a base and then its first phoneme is altered according to the rules of lenition and affixation (for a comprehensive account of these, see section 2.1.1.2 of Lamb (2001)). Palatalisation occurs on the endings of some feminine nouns in the dative case, for example:

Nominative: Dative:

An t-sreang (the string) -> Leis an t-sreing (with the string) An làmh (the hand) -> Air an làimh (on the hand)

However, Lamb (2008) notes that these changes are variable depending on the speakers dialect and age, with younger speakers being viewed as less conservative speakers as they do not demonstrating these case-markings as clearly. 2.3.3: Possessive (traditionally referred to as the genitive case)

The genitive case is used to express a direct relationship between two nouns (often possessive).

toiseach an t-samhraidh (the start of summer) casan a’ bhùird (the table’s legs)

In this case noun changes appear most obvious yet the extent to which the noun differs from that of their nominative form is varied. Genitive forms are characterised most by their stem modifications which include vowel changes and palatalisation. However, several nouns may feature suppletion or behave irregularly.

Both masculine and feminine nouns change their final syllable. This is most commonly done by slenderisation where the vowel i is placed after the last broad vowel of the nominative form; or the broad vowel or diphthongal part is removed and a slender vowel is substituted:

Fear > Fir Cnoc > Cnuic Solas > t-Solais Uinneag > Uinneig (Man) (tree) (light) (window)

Masculine nouns lenite after the article (where possible): Casan a’ bhùird Mullach a’ chnuic Faileas an t-solais Toiseach an t-samhraidh (The table’s legs) (Top of the hill) (Reflection of the light) (the start of summer)

Feminine nouns with only one-syllable add –e to the ending, as well as slenderising: Bròg > Bròige Làmh > làimhe Cìr > Cìre (NB: if final vowel of nominative (shoe) (hand) (comb) is an i then only a final e is added)

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In words with more than one syllable, the final –e used to be added. This can still be heard nowadays:

Sràid na h-Eaglaise Còta na Cailliche Church Street the old lady’s coat

In a genitive construction such as those just cited, only one noun—denoting the possessor— takes the genitive case; it generally follows the noun denoting the possessum. Notably, in these constructions Gaelic places an article only in front of the second noun: this is an important difference between Gaelic and English, and is sometimes compared to the “construct state” of the Semitic languages.

There is also a periphrastic construction that can be used to express possession. This form typically makes use of aig (at) or le (with/by) or with the inclusion of a pronoun. For example:

Simple (pronominal) Periphrastic

a mhac vs. am mac aige ART- POSS son ART son his

his son his son

In the past, semantic distinctions were made with the periphrastic form typically reserved for alienable possessions whilst inalienable possessions took a shorter form. With the increase of less proficient and less conservative speakers, the use of inflected genitive forms appears to be declining. In particular, there is an increase in preference for the periphrastic aig construction (Lamb, 2008, 6.3). It could be argued that it is cognitively less demanding for speakers to use the periphrastic form as they don’t need to hold knowledge of (and apply) the rules of gender and case marking.

The use of the genitive form is also impacted by register and has been found to occur most in writing (Chafe, 1982). Lamb (2008) found that genitive nouns appeared significantly more in news scripts and formal prose than in radio interviews and conversation. Given the fact that Gaelic is not spoken as widely today, the opportunities for young speakers to identify and develop register-specific language is limited. Therefore, this could contribute in explaining the decline in use of genitive forms.

It should be noted that these are merely speculative explanations. There is much work to be done on the shift in register characteristics and syntactic choices of the younger generation of Gaelic-English bilinguals. 2.3.4: Vocative

This is used when addressing a person when speaking or writing, for example: A Mhàiri (opening of a letter) A bheil thu a’ tighinn, a Sheumas? (Are you coming James?) Meal do naidheachd a bhalaich (Congratulations boy!)

When the noun is singular and begins with a consonant, it is mostly preceded by the article, a. Feminine nouns are lenited (if possible):

a Sheonag! (Joan!)

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Masculine nouns are lenited and slenderized (if possible): a ghràidh (love), a bhalaich (boy)

Similarly for plurals, the noun is lenited: a chàirdean! (friends!)

There exists an old vocative form which is still commonly heard with masculine nouns that form plurals through slenderisation, e.g. fear/na fìr (man/men). The ending –aibh is added:

Siuthadaibh, fhearaibh!

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Section 3: Constituent Order in the clause and Passive Constructions

Contents: 3.1: Basic constituent order 3.2: Passive constructions

3.1: Basic Constituent Order

As previously stated, Scottish Gaelic is primarily a VSO language. Similar to other nominative-accusative languages, ScG groups the single nominal argument with the agentive argument morpho-syntactically whilst the patient-like argument is distinguished.

The pragmatically neutral constituent order is VS/VSO:

V S

Ghluais an nighean move-PAST ART girl The girl moved. V S O

Ghluais an nighean an leabhar move-PAST ART girl ART book The girl moved the book.

The initial verb of the construction can be an auxiliary, e.g. in present tense. For this, the word order becomes AUX-S-VN or AUX-A-VN-O.

AUX S VN

Tha an nighean a’ gluasad Be-PRES ART girl moving-VN The girl is moving. AUX S VN O

Tha an nighean a’ gluasad an leabhair Be-PRES ART girl moving-VN ART book-G The girl is moving the book. These examples would be considered the active construction where the status of the agent (the girl) is emphasised. Below, the structure and construction of the passive form is discussed in detail.

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3.2: Passive Construction

Contents: 3.2.1: The RACH passive 3.2.2: The BI and AIR passive 3.2.3: The passive participle 3.2.4: The passive tense form There exists no prototypical lexical or morphological passives in Scottish Gaelic. The criteria required to define a passive were set out by Payne (1997, p. 204), which were based on a set of semantic, morphosyntactic and discourse characteristics. From these, it is argued that the most important feature of a passive construction is that it emphasizes the role of the patient whilst demoting the status of the agent. In ScG, there are many constructions that highlight the role of the patient over the agent. 3.2.1: The RACH passive:

Rach (go): past chaidh (went) and future thèid (will go)

This passive is characterised as a ‘non-agentive’ expression and uses rach as an auxiliary with the meaning of ‘come to pass’. For example, ‘Somebody was killed’ is expressed in ScG using the lenited verbal noun together with some form of the auxiliary rach:

Chaidh duine a mharbhadh. Go-PAST person ART kill VN A person was killed.

Theid am ball a bhreabadh. Go-Future ART ball ART kicked The ball will be kicked.

This is most commonly used with semantically transitive lexical verbs and when done so, fulfils all of the criteria for a passive defined by Payne (1997). However, it should be noted that this form has been found to be used acceptably with some intransitive verbs (Nicolson, 1936). 3.2.2: The BI and AIR passive:

The use of the verb ‘to be’ with a verbal noun and the aspect marker air is a common way of expressing a passive meaning. For example:

Bha an rìgh air a mharbhadh be.PAST the king AIR his kill VN The king was killed.

In the above example, the a preceding the verbal noun refers to the masculine subject ‘duine’ and means ‘his’. In this form of passive, the construction is always reflexive with the verbal noun phrase reflecting both the subject’s gender and number. For example, if the subject was feminine then the verbal noun would not be lenited:

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Bidh a’ bhànrìgh air a marbhadh The queen will be killed.

Bha na h-uinneagan air an dèanamh aig an taigh. The windows were made at the house.

3.2.3: The Passive Participle

The past participle form can also be used to form a periphrastic passive. The main characteristic of this is seen morphologically where the ending -te/ta is added to the root of the verb. For example:

o Deasaichte (prepared) o Sgrìobhte (written) o Dèanta (made) o Ceadaichte (permitted) o Dathte (coloured)

This form can be interpreted as an adjectivised verb (Lamb, 2008, p. 63.) similar to when the past participle in English is used as an adjective (e.g. ‘a broken door’). This form expresses a passive situation (rather than an action) which is closer to the English passive using ‘to be’.

Bha an bileag sgrìobhte le compiutair. The leaflet was written with a computer.

Agents are incorporated using prepositions such as aig ‘at’ or the anglicized, le ‘with or by’ which was traditionally used only for instrumental rather than agentive constructions (Macaulay, 1992). 3.2.4: The Passive Tense Form

Special tense forms can also be used to express a passive. This construction is less common than the rach and air constructions and is associated with a more formal register. The tense form is created by an adding an impersonal suffix to the end of a finite verb. For example,

Root: Tog (lift) Thogadh mi ann an Uibhist I was brought up in Uist

Rug (bear) Rugadh mi ann an Inbhir Nis I was born in Inverness

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Section 4: The Impact of English

Contents 4.1: Code-Switching 4.2: Responses to Polar Questions

It would be naïve to create a document on Gaelic grammar without noting the influence of the English language. Given the growing dominance of English in Gaelic speaking communities, the close contact and the pervasive mixing of the languages, it is not surprising that Gaelic has been deeply influenced on every linguistic level. These effects are most evident in speakers who are most deeply and frequently immersed in English speaking environments. Code-switching is a frequent phenomenon within Gaelic speakers with most speakers of the younger generation borrowing words from English. This stems from both a shallow vocabulary and difficulty in accessing items of the lexicon that are not regularly used.

There has been an evident shift in the attitude of speakers towards code-switching and borrowing. On the Isle of Uist (Western Isles) in the late 19th/early 20th century, an individual who used English regularly would be viewed as “putting on airs” (Lamb, 2008). At present, an individual who does not borrow or code-switch when speaking in Gaelic would be viewed similarly.

From these borrowings and the development of new technology and terminology, there now exists many cognates. The impact of English is particularly obvious where well-known words in Gaelic are being replaced with cognate versions which hold greater similarity to their English translations. 4.1: Code-Switching

The grammar of code-switching is versatile and variable. Words of high frequency (such as prepositions) and those embedded in strict grammatical forms are rarely borrowed. However, practically any open-class word may be borrowed including nouns, adjectives, verbal nouns and adverbs. Case inflection of such borrowed words is dependent upon whether the word is capable of mutation.

Below is an example of a code-switch where the first English noun has been assimilated into the Gaelic morpho-phonological system. ‘Community’ has been lenited as if it were a Gaelic masculine noun appearing in the prepositional case.

dhan a’ chommunity centre to the community centre

There is a dearth of research on the syntactic consequences of code-switching. There exists some sociolinguistic research on the reasons why individuals may choose to code-switch (see Cram, 1986; Smith-Christmas, C. 2013; Dunmore and Smith-Christmas, 2015). However, research on code-switching that occurs in natural conversation is difficult given that code-switching is unlikely to occur in situations where any formality is present or when speakers feel they may be viewed as less competent. If these issues can be overcome, there is a considerable amount to uncover on the grammatical consequences of code-switching.

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4.2: Responses to Polar Questions

Another noticeable trend exemplifying the impact of the English language, is the growing tendency for younger speakers to reply to polar questions using tha and chan eil as responses (corresponding to yes and no) (Lamb, 2008, p. 270). ScG does not lexically grammaticalise affirmation and negation for polar questions. The closest possible response for yes is seadh (right/aye) which is built from the copula and old neuter pronoun eadh. Instead, an affirmatory response is communicated by repeating the independent form of the focal verb. Alternatively, negation is expressed by using the dependent form of the verb preceded by cha(n). For example:

Question: An tèid thu leam a Mhàiri? An e Dihaoine a th’ ann? Will you go with me Mary? Is it Friday?

Answer: Thèid Yes [Lit. ‘will go’] ‘S e Yes [Lit. ‘it is’] Cha tèid No [Lit. ‘will not go’] Chan e No [Lit. ‘it is not’]

The simplification of responses to tha and chan eil is viewed as ungrammatical from a traditional Gaelic perspective. Given that English does not distinguish responses by verb, it is understandable why younger generations (particularly those immersed in English speaking communities) have begun to simplify these polar question responses.

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Section 5: Research Questions and Aims

The team at Edinburgh University will investigate how Scottish Gaelic, as a minority language, is influenced by the dominant language of the country, English, focussing on a syntactic level. There is much to be understood about the impact of long-term bilingualism on certain linguistic levels of the Gaelic language, specifically the choice of syntactic structures and lexical items.

We shall use structural priming paradigms to investigate language interaction and whether language distance impacts various cognitive and linguistic levels. For example, is susceptibility to syntactic priming correlated with language distance? Given that Scottish Gaelic is primarily a VSO language and English an SVO, we will examine whether certain syntactic structures can be primed across languages with different word orders.

Section 3.2 discusses the alternative means to express a passive in Scottish Gaelic. We shall investigate, using a cross-linguistic syntactic priming paradigm, whether Gaelic passives with a word-order closer to English will prime the production of more English passives than those passives with a word-order of greater distance.

We will also examine how executive function may impact the level of cross-linguistic interaction. For example, it could be argued that those with lower inhibitory control may show greater cross-linguistic priming as they are poorer at controlling the suppression and activation required to keep languages separate.

We will also investigate the impact of bilingual education on speakers’ proficiency and grammatical diversity. Within Gaelic Medium Education classes, there are both children who come from Gaelic speaking homes and those who have little (or no) exposure outside of the education system. Similarly, there are still generations of bilinguals who received no formal schooling in Gaelic. The recruitment of primary age children (5-12 years) will allow us to examine aspects of the acquisition process which are unique to minority languages such as Gaelic. Specifically, we will make use of syntactic priming within dialogue to examine how exposure to certain grammatical forms within the interactive context can affect learning and subsequent use of those forms.

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Section 6: Bibliography

Adger, D. (2009). Gaelic Morphology. In Watson, M. & Macleod, M. (Eds), the Edinburgh Companion to the Gaelic Language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

Adger, D. (2009). Gaelic Syntax. . In Watson, M. & Macleod, M. (Eds), the Edinburgh Companion to the Gaelic Language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

Byrne, M. (2002). Gràmar na Gàidhlig. Eilean Leòdhais: Stòrlann-Acair.

Calder, G. (1923). A Gaelic Grammar. Glasgow: Gairm Publications.

Chafe, W. (1982). Integration and involvement in speaking, writing and oral literature. In Tannen, D. (Eds), Spoken and Written language: Exploring Orality and Literacy (Pp. 35-53). Norwood, NJ: Ablex.

Cram, D. (1986). Patterns of English-Gaelic and Gaelic-English Code-Switching. Scottish Language (5), Pp. 126-130.

Dorian, N. C. (1978). The fate of morphological complexity in language death: Evidence from East Sutherland Gaelic. Language. Pp. 590-609.

Dunmore, S. & Smith-Christmas, C. (2015). Voicing the ‘other’. Code-switching in discourses of Gaelic language ideologies. In Torgersen et al. (Eds), Language Variation - European Perspectives V: Selected papers from the Seventh International Conference on Language Variation in Europe (ICLaVE 7), Trondheim, June 2013. (Pp. 87–98). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Hamp, E. (1970). 'Systems of lateral sounds and perception', Proceedings of the 6th International Congress of Phonetics Sciences (1967), Prague.

Hamp, E. P. (1974). The MacNeill-O’Brien Law. Ériu (25), Pp. 172-180. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30008438

Lamb, W. (2001). Scottish Gaelic. Munich: Lincom Europa

Lamb, W. (2008). Scottish Gaelic Speech and Writing: Register Variation in an Endangered Language. Belfast: Cló Ollscoil na Banríona.

Macaulay, D. (1992). The Scottish Gaelic Language. In Macaulay, D. (Eds), The Celtic Languages (Pp.137-248). Cambridge: CUP.

MacMillan, G. (2012) Comas cànain oileanaich a chaidh tro fhoghlam tro mheadhan na Gàidhlig gun Ghàidhlig san dachaigh. Rannsachadh na Gàidhlig (7). University of Glasgow: Glasgow. Available at: http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/91628/

Nicholson, A. (1936). Modern Gaelic: A Basic Grammar. Glasgow: Alex Maclaren & Sons.

Ó Giollagáin, C., Mac Donnacha, S., Ní Shéaghdha, A., Ní Chualáin, F. and O’Brien, M. (2007). Staidéar Cuimsitheach Teangeolaíoch ar Úsáid na Gaeilge sa Ghaeltacht / Comprehensive Linguistic Study of the Use of Irish in the Gaeltacht. Galway: The Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs.

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Payne, T. E. (1997). Describing Morphosyntax: A Guide for Field Linguists. Cambridge: CUP.

Ramchand, G. C. (1996). Aspect and predication: the semantics of argument structure. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Reid, D. (1895). A Course of Gaelic Grammar. Glasgow: John Thomlinson

Scotland's Census Results Online (SCROL) (2011). Knowledge of Gaelic. Available at http://www.scrol.gov.uk/scrol/common/home.jsp [Accessed on 23/04/15] Scottish Qualifications Authority (2008). Gaelic Orthographic Convention [pdf]. Retrieved from: http://www.sqa.org.uk/files_ccc/SQA-Gaelic_Orthographic_Conventions-En-e.pdf

Smith-Christmas, C. (2013). Stance and code-switching: Gaelic-English bilinguals on the Isles of Skye and Harris, Scotland. In Auer, P., Reina, J. C. and Kaufmann, G. (Eds) Language Variation – European Perspectives IV. Selected papers from the 6th International Conference on Language Variation in Europe (ICLaVE 6), Freiburg June 2011. (Pp.229–245). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. DOI: 10.1075/silv.14.15smi

Abbreviations:

VN Verbal Noun

A Agent

P Patient

S / SUBJ Subject

O / OBJ Object

N Noun

PAST Definite past tense

AUX Auxiliary

DEF Definite

GEN / G Genitive

NOM Nominal case

POSS Possessive

PREP Preposition

ScG Scottish Gaelic

V Verb

ART Article

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4. Sardinian

Michela Bonfieni (University of Edinburgh)

1. Introduction

1.1 A historical note on Sardinian

1.2 Motivation 2. Overview of the grammar of Sardinian (Logudorese/Nuorese variety)

2.1 The Noun Phrase

2.2 The Verb Phrase 2.3 The pronominal system 2.4 Word order phenomena 2.5 Subordinate clauses

3. Research questions and aims

4. Bibliography

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Section 1: Introduction Sardinian is a Romance language spoken in the Autonomous Region of Sardinia, Italy, by about 1.200.000 people (“Sardinian”, 2014). It presents major differences with respect to Italian which led it to be categorized as an isolated Romance language or as a Western Romance language, and it is the language probably most conservative of Latin. It comprises of two main varieties: Logudorese/Nuorese and Campidanese. In the isle, other varieties closer to Corsican are spoken such as Gallurese and Sassarese, and other linguistic minorities are present like a Catalan dialect, a Ligurian dialect, and a variey of Veneto.

Sardinian is spoken in a dyglossic situation with Italian, to a degree that ranges from 38% to 78% of language use and that varies across locations, communities, socio-demographic conditions and linguistic contexts (Ingrassia, 2007). In the last forty years it has shown a functional reduction, induced by the contact with Italian, which has lead to a progressive assimilation to Italian visible in the grammar as well as in the lexicon (Rindler Schjerve, 1998). Italian is perceived as the official, prestige, language, even if Sardinian is the co-official language of the Region by law. Two laws (Legge 482/1999 della Repubblica Italiana and Legge 26/1997 della Regione Sardegna) were made to promote the culture and language of Sardinia, to support the introduction of the language in schools and to authorize its use in local administrations and official acts. Following these laws, a unified orthography has been proposed, but while adopted by some local institutions, this system has received critiques (“Lingua Sarda”, 2014).

A historical note on Sardinian3

While Sardinian is the closest to Latin among the Romance languages, it preserves pre-roman substrates, attributed to the Nuragic period as well as to the Fenician colonisation. About the 2nd century AD, Sardinia was conquered by the Romans, who brought a socio-economic structure based on large agricultural estates. This structure has since then characterized Sardinia permanently, but it has never overcome the indigenous pastoral economy and social organization. Because of its early latinization, and due to its geographical and economic isolation with respect to the mainland, the blend of Latin that arrived in Sardinia remained segregated from the linguistic change to vulgar that characterized the other Romance languages. This is visible in the preservation of archaic phonetic and morpho-syntactic traits, in the lexicon, mainly derived from agricultural and pastoral terms, and in the absence of Greek loans4. This linguistic conservation persisted in time, because, after the Vandalic invasions, which did not bring much of a Germanic influence, the isle acquired an independent administrative status under the Eastern Roman Empire. This made the Latin variety spoken in the isle the first autonomous Romance variety.

Sardinia was to see the next cultural influence from the nearby maritime republics of Pisa and Genoa around the 10th century. The documents attesting the first stages of the Sardinian language are dated about this period, and show the linguistic contact with Tuscan and Ligurian. To end the quarrel between Pisa and Genoa, Sardinia was given to the Catalan Kingdom of Aragon by Pope Bonifacio VIII. The Catalans invaded Sardinia politically, culturally and linguistically5. Later, the 3 This section is based on Blasco Ferrer, 1984, and on “Lingua Sarda”, 2014 4 Greek vocabulary only arrived in Sardinia later on, when it was part of the Eastern Roman Empire. This vocabulary has mainly to do with Christian religious terms. 5 As it can be dramatically seen in the dialect spoken in Alghero, which is directly derived from Catalan. The population of Alghero was literally replaced in 1353 due to their rebellion against the Catalans.

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Kingdom of Aragon was united to the Spanish crown. While Catalan had permeated all social levels and was always present beside Sardinian (in a situation of bilingualism), Spanish remained a prestige language related to the cultural elites. In the 16th century, Spain lost Sardinia and after various events the isle was given to the House of Savoy, and Sardinia became Italian. Sardinian was then subject to various attempts to “clean” the language for the purpose of cultural assimilation: a salient example of these attempts is the policy of fines, prohibitions and confiscations operated by the fascist regime in the 1930s. Another remarkable influence of Italian on Sardinian came after the 1950s with the diffusion of the television and other mass media. The issue about the protection and diffusion of the Sardinian language was not raised until more recently, culminating in the 1990s in the two laws cited at the beginning of this introduction.

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Linguistic varieties in Sardinia (Blasco Ferrer, 1984)

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1.2 Motivation

Given its non-prestigious status, its incomplete officiality in the Region and its endangered condition, in particular in the case of the Logudorese/Nuorese variety (“Sardinian, Logudorese”, 2014), Sardinian is a minority language. It presents specific phonological, lexical and syntactic features that make it interesting from the linguistic point of view, both from a historical perspective as well as with regards to language change, and, more importantly for the current project, from the point of view of the bilingual use. As a minority language, the bilingual use of Sardinian is particularly characterized by socio-linguistic and pragmatic aspects. While these factors may constrain the research from an empirical point of view (e.g. recruitment and matching of participants to experiments), they represent important aspects that characterize the bilingual experience and the use of language.

In what follows we present an overview of the syntax of one Sardinian variety, the Logudorese/Nuorese, which is the variety spoken by the participants that we will have the chance to test. Data concerning this variety have been mainly taken from two sources: “Sardinian Syntax”, by Jones, 1993, and “Grammatica della Lingua Sarda: Varieta' Logudorese”, by Pittau, 1991. With regards to this point, a note has to be made about the scarcity of up-to-date descriptions of the grammar and of linguistic analyses. Thus, some linguistic aspects as presented in the cited sources would be worth a survey among speakers, to evaluate the consistency of certain syntactic patterns, and to assess regional variability and the impact of language change in time. While the linguistic field-work is outside the scope of the current project, we will resort to preliminary counselling with local informants about the linguistic aspects of our interest.

In this presentation we leave phonology and lexicon aside to focus on syntax, with a particular interest in aspects regarding the use of subject pronouns and word order phenomena in the left periphery of the sentence. These two domains are characterized by the interplay between syntactic constraints and the structure of information from a pragmatic, or discourse-related, point of view. Moreover, we use a comparative perspective with respect to Italian, motivated by the desire to find out similarities and differences that can be used to investigate linguistic and cognitive aspects of language processing in bilingual speakers.

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Section 2: Overview of the grammar of Sardinian (Logudorese/Nuorese variety) Word order in Sardinian is relatively free, but the unmarked word order is SVO. As many other Romance languages, Sardinian is characterized by a rich inflectional system and it is a pro-drop language; as in Italian, overt pronouns are typically only used to convey focus or contrast with respect to a previous possible antecedent. Object nouns and pronouns instead cannot be omitted. Sardinian has a full pronominal system and is characterized by a rich use of clitic pronouns.

Sardinian does not make use of cases, with the exception of the pronominal system6, and it has a set of prepositions very similar to the Italian one, both in form and usage, with few exceptions7. The mapping between arguments and grammatical functions follows a pattern common to most Romance languages, in which the Agent is usually realized as subject and the Theme or Patient as object in transitive structures; Locative of goal or source are realized as indirect objects, characterized by prepositions, and other oblique arguments as further indirect prepositional complements.

2.1 The Noun Phrase

Morphology - Noun morphology is mainly derived from Latin (endings in -a, -u, -e, with elision of -m) or from Italian (-a and -o), with inflection for number in -s to mark the plural as in other Western Romance languages, and for gender (masculine and feminine, usually -o/-u vs -a). There exist a few nouns unspecified for gender, and some names can be both singular and collective (fruits, insects and small animals and some others). For more details about classes of nouns, see Pittau §57 and ff.

Determiners - Nouns are most usually preceded by a determiner. Sardinian has one definite article, which derives from Latin ipsum-ipsam rather than from ille-a-ud as in almost all other romance languages, and one indefinite article, all of which are stress-less and subject to elision of the final vowel in front of a vowel8. While the definite article agrees in gender and number with the noun, the indefinite is only singular and only agrees in gender.

Definite: su, sa – sos, sas

Indefinite: uno, una

The definite article can be followed by a relative pronoun or the preposition de, in which case it has a demonstrative reading (sos de Nugoro, 'those from Nuoro', sos chi l'ant vidu, 'those who have seen him/it'), absent in standard Italian. Apart from articles, a set of demonstrative adjectives and quantifiers can also precede the noun. Both determiners and demonstratives can replace the noun, in the manner of pronouns. As noted by Jones (2.2.7), when they are pronominal, determiners need

6 And a fossilized genitive ending -i in compounds eg pili ruju, 'redhead'. 7 Temporal Sard. a instead of It. 'di' (venide a sero, 'come in the evening'), often a instead of It. 'da' (instrumental structure, periphrastic passive structure (b'at a mandigare, 'there's (something) to eat'); sometimes de instead of It. 'da'. 8 A vestigial '-i' is still visible after some monosyllables (e isu, da isu) written as (ei su, dai su). A euphonic 'd' is inserted before un/una after prepositions cun and in.

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a modifier (eg. su ruju, 'the red one') while demonstratives do not. Quantifiers can undergo stranding (1-a) as well as floating (1-b)

(1) a. Juanne at lessos tottu sos libros Juanne have.IIIp.sing read.past.participle all the.plur.masc book.plur

Juanne has read all the books

b. Juanne los at tottu lessos

Juanne has read them all

Determiners can be dropped to convey a generic reading, as in Italian. They can also be dropped in particular lexical cases, for example before professional titles or kinship terms, among others, or after some locative prepositions – again, similarly to what happens in Italian, even if Italian allows this optional drop for a more restricted set of lexical items. In both languages, determiners appear to be obligatory before possessive pronouns. Sardinian behaves differently before possessive adjectives, where determiners can but need not be dropped before (in Italian this possibility is only present before the possessive adjective that precedes a kinship terms, eg. 'mia mamma'). Also, in Sardinian, predicative nominals carry no determiner (while they can carry a determiner in Italian).

(2) a. lu cridio pritteru him believe.past.Ip.sing priest

I believed him a priest

It. 'lo credevo prete'

b. Teresa est diventata bella pitzinna

Teresa be.IIIp.sing become.past.participle beautiful.fem girl

Teresa has become a beautiful girl

It. 'Teresa e' diventata una bella ragazza'

To occupy an object position, all determiner-less NP needs the preposition a. This preposition is optional (and possibly subject to individual or regional variation) for a definite NP with human reference, and ungrammatical for non-human NPs.

(3) a. Maria at vistu *(a) segnora Ledda Maria has seen Mrs Ledda

b. Maria at vistu (a) su duttore

Maria has seen the doctor

c. Maria at vistu (*a) su cane

Maria has seen the dog

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This could be due to the need of a local case-licensor. The same reason would explain why determiner-less NPs are banned in (pre-verbal) subject position (with the exception of idiomatic constructions). Note the following contrast (from Jones 2.2.5)9:

(4) a. *pitzinnas sun arrivatas b. pitzinnas b'at arrivatu

young girls particle have.IIIp.sing arrive.past.participle

some young girls have arrived

in (4-a) the NP in subject position is illegitimate without a determiner, while in (4-b), the pronominal particle b', which has a dummy expletive function, appears to license the NP in first position. It has to be noted that in this latter case, the verb does not agree with the NP. One possible interpretation of these data is that the determiner-less NP in (4-b) is not in subject position, but in a higher one, such as Topic, and that it is excluded from the agreement relation with the verb: therefore the feature +Det seems to be necessary for NPs in subject positions.

Adjectives – Adjectives follow the pattern of nominal inflection and are specified for gender and number. They display two classes as in Latin: in -u/-a (bonu, bona, bonos, bonas) and in -e (forte, fortes). Comparative and superlative are formed in a way similar to Italian (the comparative displays an adverb for 'more' or 'less' + adjective + preposition de, 'of'; the superlative is formed with a definite article + adverb for 'more' or 'less' or adjective with a suffix (-issimu/a, compare to It. '-issimo/a'), as well as the endearment form, which adds the suffix -ddu/-dda to express affective values (compare It. '-etto/-etta' or '-uccio/a'). In Sardinian, though, this last form has the peculiarity of allowing a repetition of the suffix (e.g. belleddeddu, which we may translate as 'nice little cute'). According to Jones' analysis, the structure of the NP is as

(5) [NPQ [NPDet [N'A(+spec) [N'A(+aff) N (X)] (X)] (X)]]

tottu sos atteros bellos omines

all the other beautiful men

in which adjectives occur pre-nominally, according to a functional hierarchy similar to the Italian and English ones: quantifiers and determiners can fill the specifier position of the NP, while adjectives which behave like determiners or quantifiers (referred to as +spec) such as cardinals, numerals and indefinite items such as 'other' or 'same' can adjoin the N' specifier position, usually higher than the position filled by attributive adjectives (+aff) indicating affective quality ('good', 'bad', etc., see Jones, 2.2). Pre-nominal adjectives can neither take complements nor be modified, and, with the only exception of (+spec) adjectives, they cannot be iterated recursively.

9 This is also the case in Italian. If a det-less NP is in initial position, Italian also resorts to a resumptive pronoun (such as 'ne'), like Sardinian in (4b). Note, though, that the structure in (4b) is not available in Italian, as it will be exposed below with regards to the system of pronouns and ergative/accusative features.

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(6) una bella pitzinna

a beautiful girl

*una meta bella pitzinna

una pitzinna meta bella

a very beautiful girl

According to this analysis, then, pre-nominal adjectives appear to be subject to structural constraints, while post-nominal adjectives, which merge with the noun in complement position, are not. The number and order of post-nominal adjectives is only mildly constrained by syntactic weight (lighter expressions precede heavier ones) and semantic relatedness with the nominal head (for examples and details, Jones pp. 50 and ff.). The structural freedom of post-nominal adjectives is consistent with the fact that other sources describe the distribution of adjectives as mainly post-nominal (Pittau §14210).

(7) a. omine malu bad man

b. pitzinnu bonu

good young boy

In the Logudorese/Nuorese variety, a noteworthy feature is the fixed post-nominal occurrence of the personal adjective (Pittau, §145, Jones, 2.1.5).

(8) su frate meu my brother

Right-dislocated NP - A final remark on the structure of the NP is about the possibility to dislocate the head noun on the right side of the NP to convey emphasis or informational contrast. Following the analysis of Jones the resulting structure would be as in (9) below. This possibility is also available to informal spoken Italian, but in this language pronominal determiners are not available, therefore the Determiner Phrase takes an overt head (the corresponding Italian structure would be 'voglio comperare quella rossa di macchina')

(9) cherzo comporare [NPsa [NP[DETPt ruja] [N'de [Nmacchina]]]]

pro want.Ip.sing buy.infinite the red of car

I want to buy the RED car

10 Pittau defines as an exception a small set of specifier-like adjectives and attributive adjectives expressing affective quality (bellu, bonu, malu, meda, pagu, poveru, santu, tzertu) which overlaps with the description provided by Jones. Pittau also notes that these latter adjectives are subject to an alternation of meaning depending to their pre- or post-nominal position, possibly as a result of a calque from Italian (p. 133).

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2.2 The Verb Phrase

Morphology – As anticipated above, Sardinian is characterized by a rich morphological system. As far as the verbal morphology is concerned, there are three conjugation classes (-are, -ere, -ire, as in Italian), as a regular outcome from Latin. Person agreement is very different from Italian and more similar to Latin and other Western Romance languages (e.g. -o-e-a-i/s/t/mus/s/nt, subject to phono-syntactic rules); also stem forms are quite dissimilar to Italian (for an overview of some verbal paradigms see sources). Nonetheless, the overall organization of tenses, aspects and moods is comparable to Italian. The noteworthy differences in the structure of the verbal system are:

a) the presence of a third auxiliary beside aere (have) and essere (be): devere (must), used for the conditional form (devere + verb, past form devere + aere/essere + verb.pst.prtc)

b) widespread use of analytic forms: for the conditional (see (a)), and for the future (aere a + verb, for the future forms of 'have' and 'be': devere + essere/aere).

Passive is also analytic, like in Italian and English (w.r.t. Latin), and requires 'be' auxiliary and past participle. As in Italian, there are three other structures to substitute the passive form: impersonal si + verb.IIIp.sing, impersonal IIIp.plur, particle nanchi or nacchi (nant chi or narant chi) plus active form (for a syntactic description of these structures in Italian see Burzio, 1986).

Agreement and pro-drop – As it is the case of most morphologically rich languages, Sardinian also has a full-bodied agreement system. The verb agrees with the subject for number in simple forms, and in complex forms the past participle agrees for gender and number when the auxiliary is 'be', similarly to what happens in Italian and French. The past participle also agrees with the object after the auxiliary 'have', but, differently from other languages, in Sardinian it only agrees with the pronominal object if this is a III p (l'at vida, 'he/she has seen it-fem', but not *m'at vida, 'he/she has seen me-fem')11.

Sardinian allows empty subject positions. “In Logudorese the use of personal pronouns is not mandatory before verbal forms, unless the necessity arises to highlight the person that is being referred to or to contrast one person to another; identically, then, to use we can find in the Italian language” (Pittau p.102, see also Jones, pp.14-15). As in many other pro-drop Romance languages and Italian in particular, then, it seems that an empty subject pronoun is the unmarked choice, as opposed to overt pronouns or NPs which are used to interrupt coreference with a previous possible antecedent, either as a strategy to convey contrastive information about the subject of the sentence, or as a way to emphasize it. As this type of pro-drop system has received a lot of attention in past years, we redirect the reader to the theoretical analysis of Chomsky, 1981 and Rizzi, 1986. In line with these analyses, the Sardinian pro-drop system also allows for post-verbal subjects, a feature of particular interest to assess the ergative/accusative features of this language.

Ergative/accusative system – As far as the ergative/accusative system is concerned, Sardinian seems to be very similar to Italian, and we redirect the reader to Burzio (1986) for a full analysis and to Jones (ch.3) and Pittau for specific examples taken from Sardinian. This system involves the 11 It has to be noted, though, that in Italian the object agreement is not obligatory, with the exception of the third person, where ambiguity about the gender of the object would otherwise arise. From this point of view, then, the apparent difference between the two languages does not seem to be a parametric one involving the agreement and case-assignment systems, but rather a gradient of completeness of morphological and inflectional realizations.

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mapping between arguments and grammatical functions as well as configurational positions in the sentence, and the syntactic relation between the overt subject Noun Phrase and a pronoun that span the sentence for case-assignment and agreement purposes. These syntactic configurations characterize the choice of the auxiliary, the structure of passives, impersonal structures (as anticipated above), copular and existential structures, which include pleonastic pronouns. One noteworthy difference with respect to Italian is the presence of a further impersonal construction with a typical ergative meaning, as in (10-a-b)

(10) a) bi cheret tres ovos particle need.IIIp.sing three egg.plur

impersonal: you need three eggs

b) b'at vennitu tres pitzinnas

particle have.IIIp.sing come.past.participle three girl.plur

there came three girls

c) bi mancan sos buttones

particle lack.IIIp.plur the.plur button.plur

there lacks the buttons

the pronominal particle bi is derived from Latin 'ibi', 'here', and it is akin to Italian 'ci'. In other accusative contexts it has a locative meaning, while in these examples it behaves as a dummy pronoun12. In (10.a) it is similar to the French 'il' in a construction such as 'il faut...', but the Sardinan 'bi cheret' can only select a phrasal complement. Note that the verb takes up a third singular ending, therefore agreeing with bi rather than with ovos. (10.b) is the same structure as (4.b) above, in which the verb agrees with the particle bi rather than with the post-verbal subject. In (10.c), instead, the verb agrees with the post-verbal subject. While this last structure is also available in Italian with the locative particle 'ci', (10-a-b) illustrate that in Sardinian, as compared to Italian, the need of a resumptive pronoun seems a more frequent strategy to license an NP in initial position.

Another important difference between Sardinian and Italian visible in (10-b) is the choice of the auxiliary with some ergative structures, which is also apparent in reflexive structures in which the verb selects both a pronominal dative and a direct object

(11) a. m'appu segadu s'anca

It. mi sono rotto la gamba

I broke my leg

12 The Italian locative 'ci' can also be used as a reduplicative pronoun in informal speech ('non c'ho detto niente a lui, 'I didn't say anything to him') and is used for expletive existential structures ('ci sono tre sedie', 'there are three chairs').

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b. s'ant comporadu unu vestire

It. si sono comperati un vestito

they bought themselves a suit

In these cases, Sardinian, but not Italian, takes the auxiliary 'have'. Reflexive structures without a direct object (sa janna s'est abberta, 'the door opened') select instead the auxiliary 'be' (Jones 3.3.1).

Negation – Negation is formed placing the particle non in front of the verb. With regards to negation and the position of the auxiliary and of modifiers of VP, we redirect the reader to Jones (1.2.1; 3.4), whose analysis suggests that Sardinian is, in this respect, like Italian, and it is analysable under the same cartography traditionally put forth by the framework of Pollock, 1989 and Belletti, 1990.

2.3 The pronominal system

The pronominal system of Sardinian presents a wealth of personal pronouns and frequently used pronominal particles.

Case I p. sing II p. sing III p. sing I p. plur. II p. plur. III p. plur.

Nominative eo, deo tue issu-a nois vois issos-as

Accusative me te issu-a nois vois issos-as

Dative mie tie issu-a nois vois issos-as

Comitative megus tegus issu-a nois vois issos-as

Table 1: strong pronouns. Dative case is realized with the pronoun preceded by the preposition 'a', comitative case with the preposition 'cun'. All other prepositional cases select the accusative pronouns.

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Case I p. sing II p. sing III p. sing I p. plur. II p. plur. III p. plur.

Accusative mi ti lu, la nos vos los/las

Dative mi ti li nos vos lis

Reflexive mi ti si nos vos si

Table 2: clitic pronouns

There are three pronominal particles: partitive nde, locative/dummy bi, spurious partitive/locative nche. Overall, the division of labour of these three particles is not clear cut, possibly also because of regional differences. For a description and a full set of examples, see Pittau §90 and Jones 5.2.1; for a characterization in terms of animacy and definiteness features, see Jones ibid.

(12) a. ndeli faddo

particle+clitic.dative.IIIp.plur talk.Ip.sing

I talk about it with him

b. bi pesso

particle think.Ip.sing

I think about it

c. nde so cuntentu

particle be.Ip.sing glad.masc

I am happy about it

As seen above, the particle bi is used very frequently in expletive and other ergative constructions. It can also be used in a dummy, pleonastic, way (differently from (4.a) above where it agrees with the verb and licenses a determiner-less NP in sentence initial position)

(13) a. su travallu fattu bi l'as? b. fattu bi l'as su travallu?

Have you done this job?

This resumptive use of bi can also be seen in structures in which it is used in a locative sense:

(14) A Ottieri non bi so mai andadu to Ottieri neg particle be.Ip.sing never go.past.participle.masc

to Ottieri I have never been/gone

The use of reduplicative pronouns is widespread in Sardinian, also with full nominal complements (optional in structures such as 'the father to.him says to his son'), and it is mandatory in topic structures with the focussed NP in pre-verbal position (a su faularzu non li si credet,

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'you(impersonal) don't believe the liar', s'ebba l'appo vida paschende, 'the mare I have seen her feeding', but also su travallu fattu l'as or fattu l'as su travallu, different from standard/northern Italian il lavoro l'hai fatto? but similar to southern Italian varieties, see later about this structure). Reduplicative particles are also common in Italian and various Italian dialects, but they seem to be particularly productive in Sardinian.

As seen in (12.a), clitics can combine. This use is very productive and frequent. The canonical order of clitics in a sentence is the following (see Jones 5.2.2)

reflexive + locative + partitive + dative + accusative

Sardinian makes use of 'dative of interest' constructions (ti disinnu un ritrattu, 'I draw a portrait (for you)') as well as other locative and ethic datives (Sansone t'arricaiat una mesa kin su sintzirineddu, 'Sanson would lift (to/for you) a table with one finger', Jones 5.2.3-4). From this point of view, Sardinian behaves similarly to Italian.

The overall impression from the cited sources is that Sardinian makes a great use of pronominal elements, and that this use is related to discourse features, such as emphasis and information structure, as well as to constraints on syntactic movement. Crucially, these two domains are related, as we can see from the notes above regarding the set of ±Det and ±human that characterize the distribution of pronominal elements and NPs across the sentence. These features have been found to be crucial in the syntactic characterization of pronominal systems (Cardinaletti and Starke, 1994). A systematic description of the clitic system of Sardinian would be interesting for the purpose of the characterization of its properties in terms of ergativity and syntactic movement; nevertheless, this goes beyond the scope of the current document and it would require a direct collection of data, thus going beyond the scope of our project.

From the point of view of coreference and binding properties of Sardinian pronouns, it seems from Jones 5.3 that we can fully adopt the analysis put forth in Chomsky, 1981. We redirect the reader to those sources. We also redirect the reader to sources for a presentation of other pronouns: relative, interrogative, indefinite, possessive and demonstratives, the behaviour of which, apart from what we already noted, does not appear to be remarkable in comparison to other Romance languages.

2.4 Word order phenomena

As we have already anticipated in the previous sections, in Sardinian there are some systematic word order variations. While some of them are related to the mapping between arguments and structural positions, as in the case of ergative structures, some others mainly have to do with the structure of the information conveyed, and they have specific discourse-related features, as well as syntactic and prosodic ones. Here we present these variations:

1. subject inversion: the subject noun phrase can be located post-verbally, no resumptive pronoun is needed. This word order phenomenon does not have a characteristic discourse-related function. Subject inversion has been described by many (see for example Borer, 1986, and sources cited above) and it has been related to the hypothesis that subjects are generated post-verbally, in particular in the case of ergative verbs. We redirect the reader to those sources for a theoretical background and to the previous section for a description of the

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ergative/accusative system in Sardinian. 2.

(15) a. at telefonatu Juanne Juanne has called

b. est arrivatu Juanne

Juanne has arrived

3. Right-dislocation: the subject NP is in a post-verbal position and a resumptive pronoun is inserted pre-verbally. This word-order phenomenon is similar to inversion from a syntactic point of view, but it can also carry discourse-related information as it can be used to de-focalise an element. See the previous section for further discussion.

(16) L'at telefonatu oje Juanne Juanne has called today

4. Topicalization: a constituent is brought to the left periphery of the sentence and overtly chained to its original position through a resumptive pronoun. The topicalised element is separated from the rest of the sentence prosodically. This movement strategy is motivated by the need of highlighting the topic of the sentence. Topic allows quantifiers stranding.

(17) a. Juanne, l'at telefunatu oje Juanne, he has called today

b. (de) abba, nde bimus meda

(of) water, pro partitive particle drink.Iplur a lot

of water, we drink a lot of it

5. focalization: a constituent is brought to the left periphery; resumptive pronouns are not required and the constituent is not separated from the rest of the sentence. This strategy is used to bring a new element in focus and contrast it with previously salient elements. Focalization is incompatible with wh- elements in the left periphery as well as with overt subjects: when a focalised element is present in the left periphery, the overt subject has to be post-verbal.

(18) a. Juanne at telefunatu oje

JUANNE has called today

b. Una macchina at comporadu Pretu

A CAR has bought Petru

6. interrogative inversion: interrogative structures can be formed simply by means of phrasal prosody, but more usually through inversion of the post-verbal complement in sentence-initial position. This is the case for yes/no interrogatives.

(19) a. Ozu comporades?

oil buy.you.pl?

Did you buy oil?

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b. A Bosa andades?

Did you go to Bosa?

c. Zente meda b'at?

people a.lot pron.particle-have.III.p.sing

Are there many people?

d. A babbu a bilu das?

To father to pron.particle-it give.II.sing

Do you give it to daddy?

e. A bilu das a babbu?

to pron.particle-it give to father

This characteristic is different from standard Italian, where yes/no questions are realized through intonation and do not require word order variation (but we can find the same inversion in some southern Italian varieties such as Sicilian). Another difference with respect to Italian, that highlights the consistency of inversion, is the formation of interrogative questions by means of an interrogative particle a in first position:

(20) A venides?

Do you.pl come.IIp.pl?

This particle may be an interrogative complementizer filling a head in the Complementizer Phrase where the affirmative or interrogative feature of the sentence can be specified (Voice Phrase, Rizzi, 1997). This position can be considered as the same one where the auxiliary lands in English, for example, and it has been observed to be incompatible – read, overlapping – with the focus position (Rizzi, 1997). This fact describes the incompatibility of the a particle in focussed questions, as well as the general incompatibility of wh-fronting and focus. In Sardinian, wh- questions are characterized by wh-elements in sentence initial position, like in Italian and the majority of Indoeuropean languages. From these considerations it emerges that, in Sardinian, the verb can never be in first position in interrogative clauses.

7. Finally, exclamative clauses may also display inversion, and imperative forms (21-a-b) tolerate procliticisation, thereby being different from Italian

(21) a. ma maccu ses!

Excl. crazy are.IIp.sing

you are crazy!

b. mi lu porret!

To me it give

Give it to me!

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c. A la trattare bene!

Particle it-fem treat.infinite well

Treat it/her well!

This latter example also shows the possibility to use an infinitive verb with exortative function. The mobility of the VP towards the left-periphery is also illustrated by examples such as

(22) a. venner at a inoghe

come.infinite aux-have.IIIp.sing to here

b. at a venner a inoghe.

aux-have.IIIp.sing to come.infinite to here

2.5 Subordinate clauses

Subordinate clauses in Sardinian are homologous to subordinates in Italian and in other languages, for type of verb (infinitive or gerundive in infinitival clauses, finite and subject to consecutio temporum with the main verb in finite clauses), for the way they are selected by the main clause (infinitive clauses are governed by a preposition selected by the main verb, or directly by the verb if it is modal; finite clauses are also introduced by a preposition or by a complementizer) as well as subject binding and subject-raising. Moreover, Sardinian, like Italian, allows infinitive nominal clauses as well as participial clauses.

(23) a. Non bi lu naro de esser istadu bene

I don't say it to have been well

I don't say I have been well

b. non bi cherzo vennere

pro neg there want.I.sing to.come

I don't want to come there

c. non naro chi custu est/siat fattu bene

pro neg say.I.sing that this.pron is(indicative or subjunctive) done well

I don't say that this one is well done (or has been done well)

d. su istare semper ritzu mi dat anneu

being always standing up annoys me

e. fininde oje, venzo derettu

finishing (if I finish today), I come immediately

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The consecutio temporum between main and subordinate clauses in general is comparable to other Romance languages. A difference between Italian and Sardinian can be noted in hypothetical constructions, as both clauses present the same tense. The pairing of type of verb is also slightly different from Italian as it can be indicative-indicative (also used in Italian but less frequently), conjunctive-conditional is only used if the conjunctive verb is have or be, and conditional-conditional (not allowed in Italian).

Relative clauses and indirect interrogatives – Relative clauses also follow the familiar consecutio temporum to express tense and modality. As in Italian, the complementizer is always 'chi' (It. 'che', that) and it does not vary according to subject or object role (as opposed to French, for instance), nor to animacy features, and it can't be dropped. Very common are relative clauses with a resumptive pronoun. If the subject of the relative clause is overt, it cannot be post-verbal, as it would be assigned to the object position. It can only be post-verbal if it is determiner-less or (that is, as we have seen above, if it is banned from pre-verbal position) or if it is among the NPs that can take the accusative 'a' when having the object function, thereby allowing disambiguation, as in the case of proper names.

(21) a. su libri ch'appu lessu, su libru chi l'appu lessu

the book that pro (it) have read

b. su pitzinnu ch'at madzatu s'omine

the young boy that killed the man (obj.)

c. su pitzinnu chi s'omine at madzatu

the young boy that the man(subj.) killed

d. su pitzinnu ch'at madzatu Pretu

the young boy that Pretu (subj.) killed

e. su pitzinnu ch'at madzatu a Pretu

the young boy that killed Pretu (obj.)

From the point of view of word order and use of reduplicative pronouns, then, relative clauses in Sardinian seems to obey the general pattern described so far.

With regards to indirect interrogatives, they are introduced by wh- elements or by the conjunction si 'if' and follow the general behaviour of subordinate clauses.

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Section 3: Research questions & aims

The aim of our research is to shed light on the reciprocal effects on language and cognition of the multilingual experience. In the case of Sardinian/Italian bilingualism, this experience is defined by a particular relation between the languages spoken, where one (Italian) is an official and prestige language and the other (Sardinian) a minority language. Factors that characterize this relation are a marked difference in contexts of use (e.g. formal vs familiar), widespread code-switching, as well as the fact that the minority language, as opposed to the official one, is almost exclusively oral. We will investigate the effect of the contact between these two languages by exploring differences between monolingual and bilingual populations as well as variation within the individual use of the bilingual person. We will consider both structures which appear to be similar between the two languages, and structures where the two languages differ despite the overall close linguistic similarity. Specifically, we will focus on null subject pronouns, which behave similarly in the two languages, and resumptive pronouns, which instead display different patterns of use. We will also investigate word order phenomena related to the pragmatic structure of information, such as topicalization and focalization. These linguistic structures are located at the interface between syntax and pragmatics, and allow us to conduct two different types of investigation in parallel. First, we will investigate strictly linguistic effects of the bilingual experience, i.e. effects on the acceptability and use of different grammatical patterns by bilingual speakers. Second, we will also explore possible broader cognitive effects, that is to say aspects of the consolidation of pragmatic information. This last domain is of particular interest for the study of the relation between linguistic control and domain-general control, as it can be argued that different attentional processes are at play in the integration of strictly syntactic information, on the one hand, and context-dependent information on the other. In order to investigate these aspects, we will carry out tests of reference resolution and experiments on the production of sentences, cued or primed cross-linguistically. We will also make use of tests of cognitive functions such as inhibitory control and working memory to explore how they affect, in a bilingual person, the ability to switch from one language to another and the selection of the relevant linguistic and pragmatic representations during production. The population that we will study will consist of bilingual (Sardinian/Italian) and monolingual (Italian) adults from the area of Nuoro. The extension of the research to children in school-age, if possible in terms of recruitment and matching of participants, will further allow us to evaluate the impact of age on the interplay between language acquisition, on the one hand, and the development of executive functions, on the other.

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Section 4: Bibliography Belletti, Adriana, 1990, “Generalized Verb Movement”, in Belletti (2009), Structures and

Strategies,New York: Routledge

Blasco Ferrer, Eduardo. 1984. Storia linguistica della Sardegna. Niemeyer: Tuebingen

Borer, Hagit (ed.).1986. The syntax of pronominal clitics, San Diego: Academic Press

Burzio, Luigi. 1986. Italian Syntax, Dordrecht: Reidel

Cardinaletti, Anna and Michael Starke. 1994. The typology of structural deficiency: on the three grammatical classes. University of Venice: Working papers in Linguistics, vol 4, n 2

Chomsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures on Government and Binding. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter

Cinque, Guglielmo, and Luigi Rizzi (eds.), 2008, The cartography of Syntactic Structures. StIL Vol. 2

Ingrassia, Giorgia. 2007. Sociolinguistica e Psicolinguistica del sardo, Atti del XXIV Congresso Internazionale di linguistica e filologia romanza, Vol 5: Dialettologia, geolinguistica e sociolinguistica, International Congress of Romance Linguistics, David Trotter (eds), Niemeyer

Jones, Micheal Allan. 1993. Sardinian Syntax, Routledge: London

Lingua Sarda. (n.d.). In Wikipedia. Retrieved Oct. 19, 2014, from http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lingua_sarda

Pittau, Massimo. 1991. Grammatica della Lingua Sarda: varieta' logudorese. Carlo Delfino Editore:

Sassari

Pollock, Jean-Yves.1989, “Verb Movement, Universal Grammar, and the Structure of IP”, Linguistic Inquiry, Vol. 20, No. 3

Rindler Schjerve, Rosita. 1998. Sul cambiamento linguistico in situazioni di bilinguismo instabile: aspetti del code-switching fra Sardo e Italiano. Atti del XXI Congresso Internazionale di linguistica e filologia romanza, Vol 5: Dialettologia, geolinguistica e sociolinguistica, Societa' di Linguistica, Giovanni Ruffino (ed), Niemeyer: Tuebingen

Rizzi, Luigi. 1997. "The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery", in L. Haegeman (ed.) Elements of Grammar, Kluwer Publications, Dordrecht

Id. 1986. "Null Objects in Italian and the Theory of pro", in Linguistic Inquiry, 17.3

Sardininan, (n.d.). In Ethnologue. Retrieved April 14, 2015, from https://www.ethnologue.com/country/IT/languages Sardinian, Logudorese. (n.d). In Ethnologue. Retrieved April 14, 2015, from

https://www.ethnologue.com/language/src

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5. Germanic and Romance varieties in contact in Trentino-South Tyrol and

neighbourging areas (Cimbrian, Ladin, Mòcheno, Trentino, Tyrolean)

Jan Casalicchio (University of Trento), Andrea Padovan (University of Verona)13 1. Introduction

2. Syntax 2.1 The syntax of the clausal domain 2.1.1 Argument structure and case 2.1.2 Auxiliaries 2.1.3 Dummy verbs 2.1.4 Verb positions (Subject inversion) 2.1.5 Complementizers 2.1.5.1 Complementizer agreement 2.1.6 Relative clauses and relativizers (pronouns, particles) 2.1.7 Questions and question words 2.1.8 Word order phenomena 2.1.9 Personal pronouns and clitics

2.2 The syntax of the nominal domain 2.2.1 Determiners 2.2.2 The extended noun phrase

2.3 The syntax of the prepositional domain 2.3.1 Locational/directional adverbials - Incorporation of prepositions 2.3.2 The preposition phrase in Cimbrian 2.3.3 Locational/directional prepositions

2.4 The syntax of the adjectival domain 2.4.1 Comparison 2.4.2 Attributive use 2.4.3 Adverbial use 3. Morphology

3.1 Inflectional morphology 3.1.1 Verbal inflection 3.1.2 Nominal inflection 3.1.3 Adjectival inflextion 3.2 Derivation & compounding 3.2.1 Derivation

3.2.2 Compounding 4. Phonology 4.1 Segmental phonology 4.1.1 Segmental inventory 4.1.2 Phonological processes 4.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology 5. Research questions and aims

6. Bibliography

13 This article is the result of a joint work of all WP-2 members of the Universities of Trento and Verona: Birgit Alber (Verona), Ermenegildo Bidese (Trento), Jan Casalicchio (Trento), Patrizia Cordin (Trento), Andrea Padovan (Verona), Stefan Rabanus (Verona) and Alessandra Tomaselli (Verona).

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Section 1: Introduction Trentino

All Romance varieties spoken in Trentino except Ladin are referred to as "Trentino dialect", since their grammars share many properties. However, some differences distinguish them: while Southern and Eastern varieties are influenced by Venetian dialects, Western varieties are influenced by Lombard dialects.

Various specific grammatical phenomena of this dialect(s) have been studied, but no general Trentino grammar exists (not even a complete grammar of one specific variety).

Ladin

Ladin is formed by five main variety groups: Gardenese, Badiot, Fascian, Fodom and Ampezan. They differ in phonology, morphology and above all in the syntax, where there is a clear-cut split between the Northern varieties of Gardenese and Badiot, which are more conservative, and the Southern ones (Fascian, Fodom and Ampezan), which share more innovations with the neighbouring Italian dialects, and which often pattern with Trentino.

There are both normative grammars, which are written especially for pupils and teachers, and descriptive grammars.

Cimbrian

Cimbrian is a Germanic minority language spoken in the area between the Regions Trentino-South Tyrol and Veneto. Of the three attested varieties only the one spoken in Luserna (Trento) is taken into account in our investigation. The Germanic features that Cimbrian still preserves are subject pronoun-verb inversion (also referred to as “relaxed V2”) in both interrogative contexts and declarative contexts whenever at least one constituent different from the subject shows up preverbally. Both matrix and embedded clauses display SVO order, albeit with the verb occurring in different positions (SXVO vs SVXO) depending on the specific complementizer. In this respect, a considerable deal of work (both descriptive and formal) has been hitherto devoted to complementation, verb movement and the syntax of weak pronouns; however, as will be clear in the next chapters, several domains need further investigation.

Mòcheno

Mòcheno is a Germanic minority language spoken in the Fersina valley in the Province of Trento. The different varieties spoken in the valley manifest several morphosyntactic differences even in clausal structure itself: in fact, Mòcheno is traditionally described as an OV language with possible VO structures, the choice between the two constructions being ascribed to diatopic factors; recently, is has been claimed that Mòcheno has a “disharmonic word order” since OV and VO constructions are chosen when particular information structure configurations obtain.

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Moreover, differently from Standard German Mòcheno is taken to be a partial pro drop language.

“South Tyrolean”

The German dialects spoken in the Northern Province of Bolzano/Bozen are rather homogeneous and belong all to the Tyrolean group, which is also spoken in the Austrian region Tyrol and is part of the South Bavarian group. There are some minor differences among the various areas but mutual intelligibility is never compromised. As is the case of Standard German, all these varieties are OV languages with a V2 rule in main declaratives and wh-interrogatives.

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Section 2: Syntax

2.1 The syntax of the clausal domain:

2.1.1 Argument structure and case

The argument structure of Trentino and Southern Ladin is similar to the argument structure of Italian: pronominal subjects can drop, objects cannot (except in particular pragmatic contexts):

(1) ho lezù el giornal (Trentino)

é let l sfoi (Fascian, Southern Ladin)

(I) have.Ipers. read the newspaper

(2) *(l)'ho lezù (Trentino)

*(l) é liet (Fascian)

(it) have.Ipers read

'I read the newspaper/it'

Northern Ladin, Tyrolean and Mòcheno varieties are partial pro-drop, i.e. the subject can be phonologically null for some persons and in some contexts.

In Trentino, subjects (II p. s. and III p. s., pl.) in finite contexts require clitics (they optionally do so in Southern Ladin):

(3) el Mario el leze poesie (Trentino)

the M. he.reads poems

'Mario reads poems'

Moreover, in all Romance varieties, dative nouns require to be doubled by dative clitics:

(4) a ghe dago le carte a to fradel (Trentino)

b ti dé i documënc a ti fra (Gardenese Ladin)

to.him (I) give the documents to your brother

'I’m giving the documents to your brother'

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In the three Germanic varieties considered, nominal cases are marked in the nominative, the dative and the accusative and there is no morphological genitive.

In Cimbrian and Mòcheno a full paradigm of strong and clitic personal pronouns is found: clitics occur only in enclisis onto finite Vs and specific classes of subordinating conjunctions, gea-bar ‘go.we’, az-to ‘that.you’, etc.

See a.o. Brandi-Cordin 1989; Cordin 1993 for Trentino, Salvi 2001 for Ladin, Bidese 2008 for Cimbrian and Cognola 2012 for Mòcheno.

2.1.2 Auxiliaries

In all varieties of the region, both be and have are used as auxiliaries, following the split intransitivity principle (with some exceptions within single varieties): be is usually required with unaccusative verbs, have with transitive and unergative verbs. In Romance, the passive auxiliaries are be and come (the latter only for present and future in Trentino and Southern Ladin); become is used in the Tyrolean varieties and come in Cimbrian and Mòcheno.

The progressive aspect is expressed by a periphrastic phrase: esser drio (TN)/ esser do (SL) che/a (‘to be behind to/that’) in Trentino and Southern Ladin, vester tl lëur de (‘to be in the work of’) in Northern Ladin. The same structure is found in Cimbrian where the phrase drå soin zo + inf. ‘to be about to do something’ means “I’m doing something” .

(5) a la popa l'era drio a studiar / l'era drio che la studiava. (Trentino)

the child she was after to study / she was after that she studied

“The child was studying”

b Maria ie tl lëur de cujiné (Gardenese Ladin)

Maria is in-the work of cook.INF

“Maria is cooking”

c i pin drå zo tüanaz (Cimbrian)

I am over to do.it

‘I’m doing it’

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In Tyrolean, Ladin, Cimbrian and Mòcheno the reflexive and reciprocal verbs always require auxiliary have; in Trentino they generally require be while have is only used (but not always) for third persons. As noted by Kolmer 2010 for Cimbrian there can be internal variation between the use of be and have in different contexts.

(6) a el s'ha metù la camisa, i s'ha metudi la camisa. (Trentino)

he to.himself.has put the shirt, they to.themselves.have putmasch.plur. the shirt

“He put on his shirt, they put on their shirts”

b M’é lavà ju la mans (Gardenese Ladin)

me I.have washed down the hands

“I washed my hands”

(7) a Se hot se pforchtn (Mòcheno)

she has self frightened

‘She got frightened’

b in an maal hat-se-se nidargelék (Cimbrian)

in one time has-she-self laid.down

‘at once, she laid down’

c on in an maal is-se-se nidargelék t’schlava

and in one time is-she-self laid.down to sleep

‘And at once she laid down to sleep’

In Trentino, variation is observed also with "weak" unaccusative verbs (suonare ‘ring’, fiorire ‘blossom’, etc.), see Cordin 2009:

(8) la campana l'è zà sonada/ l'ha zà sonà (Trentino)

the bell CL is already rung / CL has already rung

“The bell has already rung”

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2.1.3 Dummy verbs

In the Tyrolean dialects of the area, the dummy verb tun (‘to do’) is used. However, its occurrence is completely different from English do-support: tun is found whenever the lexical verb is fronted or is a compound verb like staubsaugen (‘to hoover’). Moreover, do-insertion is the preferred way for subjunctive forms to obtain. In other cases, the presence of this dummy verb is optional when certain pragmatic conditions obtain (see Casalicchio-Perna 2012). There is a periphrastic usage of do (tea) in Mòcheno as well, restricted to present tense as noted in Rowley 2003:

(9) a I tua staubsaugn (Tyrolean)

I do hoover

“I hoover”

b I tat iatz hoamgian (Tyrolean)

I did.SUBJ now home-go

“I’d rather go home now”

c dòs tua e gern sogn (Mòcheno)

this do I well say

‘I say it’

2.1.4 Verb positions (Subject inversion)

In Romance subjects tend to precede Vfin. The post-verbal position of the subject is also possible, especially with intransitive verbs and in presentative contexts when the whole sentence is new information. In these cases, Northern Ladin always requires the neuter clitic l, while Southern Ladin does so only in some cases (see Siller-Runggaldier 2011).

(10) a è vegnù la Maria (Trentino)

l’è ruà (la) Maria (Fassan Southern Ladin)

(it.CL) is come (the) M.

'M. has come'

b parlerà la Maria (Trentino)

will.speak the M.

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'M. is going to speak'

c À chiamà duta la touses (Fassan Ladin)

have called all the girls

'All the girls called'

In direct questions, in Trentino and in some Ladin varieties the nominal subject is usually preceded by the verb which is followed by a subject clitic:

(11) a Vegnele le putele?

Come.they the girls?

'Are the girls coming?'

b Alo magnà el Mario?

has.he eaten the M.?

'Has M. eaten?'

For further information, see Brandi-Cordin 1989, Munaro 2002, Salvi 2001. For the Germanic varieties see §2.1.8.

2.1.5 Complementizers

All varieties have overt complementizers, which are also used to introduce embedded wh-questions unless there is a cleft sentence (see 1.1.5.4); this is always obligatory in Ladin varieties while it is optional in the other varieties: in Trentino, for example, it is obligatory with all wh-words except because. In Tyrolean, its distribution has never been studied before, but it seems to be preferred with circumstantial wh-words like wiafil X (‘how many/much X’), see ALTR 2005.

(12) a no so cosa che te magni; no so dove che son rivà. (Trentino)

not I.know what that you eatIIsing; not know where that I.am arrived

b n sé nia cie-che te maies; n sé nia ula-che son ruà (Gardenese Ladin)

not I.know not what-that you eatIIsing; not know where-that I.am arrived

c I woas net, wos (dass) du essn tuasch; I woass net, wo (dass) i iaz bin (Tyrolean)

I know not what (that) you eat do; I know not where that I now am

“I don’t know what you are eating; I don’t know where I am now”

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In Cimbrian there are two different complementizers, declarative ke (triggering matrix word order in the embedded sentence) and modal az, (selected by volitional and factive verbs triggering embedded word order, i.e. Comp XP/Subj. Pron.–Obj. Pron. Neg Vfin (DP Obj.))

(13) a I boaz ke du geast net ka Tria (Cimbrian)

I know that you go not to Trento

b I bill az-to net geast ka Tria

I want that-youcl not go to Trento (Panieri et al. 2006)

This double pattern has been recently noted in relative and adverbial clauses (Bidese-Padovan-Tomaselli 2014). Differently from Cimbrian, in Mòcheno there is no Italian-borrowed complementizer. As, ‘that’, is used in declaratives, relatives and embedded interrogatives. As already mentioned above, this complementizer is not directly connected to a particular word order (see Cognola 2013).

2.1.5.1 Complementizer agreement

Complementizer agreement does not exist in the Romance varieties under investigation. As for the Tyrolean dialects spoken in the area, this topic has never been addressed. It is a well-known fact that Bavarian varieties generally display complementizer agreement for the 2nd person sg./pl.; our first data seem to indicate that there is a sort of optional complementizer agreement, but only for the 2nd person plural, and only with some complementizers like wail (‘because’) or op (‘whether’). Since the agreement morpheme is -s, it is not possible to establish if the complementizer dass (‘that’) has agreement or not:

(14) Si isch zornig, wail=s es si nia griassn tiats (Tyrolean)

she is angry, because=AGR you(pl.) her never greet do

“She is angry, because you never greet her”

The invariable particle -da/-ta encliticized onto the COMP in Cimbrian could potentially lead to assume that it instantiates complementizer agreement. This particle is a polysemous element: (i) it has a locative meaning, ‘there’; (ii) is an allomorph of the III person plural tonic (/demonstrative) pronoun se ‘they’/‘these’ and (iii) it encliticizes both onto relative and declarative complementizers. See Kolmer (2005) for a first analysis of its different functions. As

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for (iii) -da must co-occur with COMP in restrictive relative and declarative contexts forming the complex heads bo-da (rel.) and az-ta (decl.), cf. the examples under (15). The comparison between Cimbrian -da with its homophonous Bavarian counterpart and its status as clitic element vs agreement marker remain to be investigated (see Bidese-Padovan-Tomaselli 2012).

2.1.6 Relative clauses and relativizers (pronouns, particles)

Romance dialects use the relative pronoun che, while Tyrolean uses relative pronouns, the wh-word wos (‘what’) or both:

(15) a la putela che te conosi, che te varda (Trentino)

b la tousa che te cognosces, che te vèrda (Fassan Ladin)

the little.girl that you know, that youobj. observes

'The little girl you know, that looks at you'

c des Madl, des/wos/des wos du a kennsch (Tyrolean)

that girl, who/that/who that you also know

'That girl that you know, too'

In Mòcheno the “general” complementizer as which is used in declarative contexts is also found in relative clauses. In Cimbrian its cognate az never occurs as relative pronoun; instead, the former wh-word bo (German wo) is used as relative complementizer. In appositive relative clauses the borrowed complementizer ke is also possible.

(16) a di diarn, bo-da nèt geat ka schual, … (Cimbrian; Subject rel.; Panieri et al. 2006:342)

the girl, bo-da not goes to school, …

b dar libar, bo-bar hån gelest … (object relative)

the book bo-we have read

c dar Mario, ke z’iz a guatz mensch, khint pit üs (appositive relative)

the M. ke it-is a good person comes with us

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With an indirect (dative, genitive, or locative) relativized object the strategies of the varieties under examination differ: Trentino che and Cimbrian bo- cooccur with a resumptive clitic; in Ladin the demonstrative pronoun chël (‘that’) is followed by che. In Tyrolean, the relative pronoun is inflected for case or is preceded by a preposition. The relative pronoun can be followed by the wh-word wos (‘what’), but the latter cannot occur alone:

(17) a la putela che te gh' hai portà le carte. (Trentino)

the little.girl that you to.her.have brought the documents

b la muta a chëla che t’es purtà i documënc (Gardenese Ladin)

the girl to that that you have brought the documents

c dar månn bo bar en håm gett ‘z proat… (Cimbrian)

the man that we to.him have given the bread...

d des Madl, dem (wos) du di Papiire geprocht hosch (Tyrolean)

that girl, whom.DAT (what) you the documents brought have

“The/That girl, whom you brought the documents”

For further information, see Brandi, Cordin 1989, Anderlan-Obletter (1991), Gasser (2000), Salvi (2001).

2.1.7 Questions and question words

In all Trentino varieties the nominal subject is preceded by the verb in direct polar questions. In wh-questions cleft sentences are frequently preferred, both in direct and indirect contexts (in which the order is obligatory subject-verb):

(18) a Vegne-le le putele? (Trentino)

b Kemmen di Madlen? (Tyrolean)

come(-they) the girls

“Are the girls coming?”

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c cos'è che te fai? (Trentino)

what is that you do

“What are you doing?”

d no so cos'è che te fai (Trentino)

not I.know what is that you do

“I don’t know what you are doing”

In Ladin and in some Trentino varieties questions are (sometimes obligatorily) marked by the question particle pa/po:

(19) Chi à pa maià la jopa? (Gardenese Ladin)

Who has pa eaten the soup

“Who ate the soup?”

Moreover, in some Ladin varieties (especially in Fassan), direct questions can be formed with the wh-word followed by the complementizer. In this case, the verb is not fronted:

(20) Olà che t’as metù l’auto? (Fassan Ladin)

Where that you.have put the car

“Where did you park the car?”

For further information, see Munaro, Pollock 2005, Munaro, Penello 2002.

2.1.8 Word order phenomena

Cimbrian and Mòcheno have been described as “relaxed V2” languages (Bidese-Tomaselli 2007, Bidese-Cognola-Padovan 2012), that is languages in which Vfin/subject inversion is preserved, but only with pronouns. In fact, in matrix clauses more than one XP can show up before Vfin; no subject-Vfin inversion occurs if the subject is a full DP; however, if the subject is a pronoun, it

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must invert with Vfin in case there are dislocated XPs (XP/Subj. Pron. Vfin–Obj. Pron. Neg. (DP Obj.)

(21) a Haüt dar Gianni geat ka schual (Cimbrian)

today the G. goes to school

'Today G. is going to school'

b Er geat ka schual haüt

He goes to school today

c Haüt geat-ar ka schual

Today goes.he to school

'He is going to school today '

d *Haüt er geat ka schual

today he goes to school

As is the case of Cimbrian, in Mòcheno matrix clauses several constituents may occur in front of the finite verb without triggering Vfin-subject inversion. However, inversion is obligatory if the subject is a pronoun:

(22) a En binter, zobenz, de nu’na kontart mer vil storie (kontart-se) (Mòcheno)

in winter at night the grandmother tells me a.lot.of stories

In winter nights grandmother tells me a lot of fairy tales

b En binter, zobenz, kontart-se mer vil storie

in winter at night tells.she me a.lot.of stories

As regards the OV vs VO typology Cimbrian is coherently VO, whereas Mòcheno displays an interesting alternation. In fact, in this variety both OV and VO orders are possible (neither diatopy nor the age of the speakers seem to play a role) and often, though not always, these orders have to do with information structure (for details see Cognola 2013). The variety spoken in Palù seems to be the most conservative w.r.t. the use of OV order but the contexts where OV and VO orders are prominent are not so clear-cut:

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(23) i hon {s puach} kaft {s puach} (Mòcheno)

I have (a book) bought (a book)

I had to look for the book

In embedded clauses the scenario is manifold since Vfin may or may not occur sentence-finally across the different varieties spoken in the Mòcheno Valley:

(24) Comp Subj. [Vfin] (XP)s [Vfin]

Here, the “V2”-position or the sentence-final position of Vfin conveys different information structures; at any rate, embedded VO word order is preferred over OV in two out of three varieties but - as pointed out in Cognola 2010; 2013 - OV order are commonly accepted even if it is produced less often by speakers:

(25) a De mama hòt mer pfrok, abia as de/si/se hòt gamocht de compiti (Mòcheno)

the mum has me.dat asked how that she has done the homework

b De mama hòt mer pfrok, abia as de/si/se hòt de compiti gamocht

c De mama hòt mer pfrok, abia as de/si/se de compiti gamocht hòt

Mum asked me how she did her homework

All the Romance varieties are SVO languages. In Northern Ladin, there is a “relaxed” V2 rule similar to that of Mòcheno and Cimbrian. Just for Ladin it has already been observed that if there is a focalized element in CP, nothing else can cooccur in the left periphery (see also Poletto 2002, Casalicchio-Cognola 2015):

(26) a Luca, ala mama ti à-l cumpré n liber (Badiot, Northern Ladin)

Luca, to-the mum her.CL has-he.CL bought a book

'Luca bought a book for mum'

b *Luca, ALA MAMA ti à-l cumpré n liber

Luca, TO-THE MUM her.CL has-he.CL bought a book

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2.1.9 Personal pronouns and clitics

Trentino and Southern Ladin subjects (II p. s. and III p. s., pl.) with finite verbs are doubled by clitics (obligatory in Trentino, optionally in Southern Ladin). In Northern Ladin, this type of doubling is ruled out:

(27) a el Mario el leze poesie (Trentino)

b (l) Mario (l) lec poejies (Fassan Ladin)

c Mario (*l) liej poejies (Gardenese Ladin)

(the) M. (he) reads poems

'M. reads poems'

In Mòcheno and in Cimbrian there are two full paradigm of both strong and clitic personal pronouns. Former demonstrative pronouns seem to instantiate a third class of weak pronouns (Cognola 2013). Doubling phenomena are attested with DPs but never with pronouns.

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2.2. The syntax of the nominal domain

2.2.1 Determiners

All varieties taken into account have both definite and indefinite articles. Most of them combine definite articles with proper nouns: in Trentino, Tyrolean, Cimbrian and Mòcheno this use is obligatory while some Ladin varieties (like Fassan) make use of the article for pragmatic reasons, especially when the referent is present in the discourse or in the context. On the contrary, in Gardenese Ladin articles with proper nouns are never found. Articles and possessives co-occur in Trentino and Southern Ladin, while they do not in the other varieties: la me machina ‘my car’. In all Romance varieties, possessives have distinct adjectival and pronominal forms: la me machina ‘my car’. La mia l'è rossa ‘mine is red’ (examples from Trentino).

For further information, see ALTR 2005, Cordin 1991.

2.2.2 The extended noun phrase

Cimbrian displays an interesting series of allomorphic definite articles with neuter and feminine nouns which is somewhat reminiscent of the Scandinavian alternation between incorporated article -en vs den when the noun is modified with an adjective like in manden, ‘man.the’ vs den gamle mand, ‘the old man’, compare ‘z khinn, ‘the child’ with daz groaz khinn ‘the tall child’ where the enclitic/reduced article is excluded, *‘z groaz khinn; di arbat, ‘the work’ vs da hart arbat ‘the hard work’, where again *di hart arbat is impossible.

2.3. The syntax of the prepositional domain

2.3.1 Locational/directional adverbials - Incorporation of prepositions

In Romance varieties locational and directional adverbials present identical forms.

Generally speaking, all varieties under examination prefer the sequence “verb + locative adverb/particle” to prefixes, in order to specify the location and the direction:

(28) a el va su sul coèrt (Trentino)

b ël va su sun tët (Gardenese Ladin)

he goes up over the roof

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c Er geat afs Doch ai (Tyrolean)

he goes on-the roof up

“He’s going on the roof”

This pattern is also found along with many activity verbs, in order to specify the completive/repetitive aspect of the action (for further information, see ALTR 2005 and Cordin 2011a, b):

(29) a la dis su el rosario (Trentino)

b la dij su la curona (Gardenese Ladin)

she says up the rosary

c Sie sog n Rosnkronz auf (Tyrolean)

she says the rosary up

'She (usually/always) tells her beads / she finishes telling her beads”

In Cimbrian, the Ps which occur as separable verbal prefixes can either precede or follow non-finite forms but always have to follow auxiliaries in main clauses; auxiliaries can be preceded by the prefix in embedded clauses, introduced by az, only.

(30) a I hån au-gehöart di arbat ka Tria

I have up-given the job in Trento

b I hån gehöart au di arbat ka Tria

I have given-up the job in Trento

c *I au hån gehöart di arbat ka Tria

d azz-e au hån gehöart di arbat ka Tria

that.I up have given the job in Trento

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The syntax of Cimbrian “separable prefixes” turns out to be another poorly investigated phenomenon.

As for Mòcheno prefixed verbs, the situation is even more obscure than in Cimbrian: the positions where the prefixes may occur are far more restricted and these verbs seem to behave differently according to the semantic transparency of the prefix itself, i.e. prefixes with a transparent directional meaning have a syntactic behavior different from those which just instantiate an aspectual meaning. Again, these phenomena deserve to be investigated in depth.

2.3.2 The preposition phrase in Cimbrian

It has been noted (Tyroller 2003) that in Cimbrian locative prepositions can be followed by accusative or dative depending on whether they select a noun or a pronoun, cf. hintar miar ‘behind me.DAT’ (*hintar me.ACC) vs hintar di tür ‘ behind the door.ACC’ or hintar dar tür.

2.3.3. Locational/directional adverbials

Cimbrian displays a class of adverbials reminiscent of German ‘Präpositionaladverbien’ i.e. that class of postpositional constructions formed by da(r)- + P, like daran, darauf, danach etc., cf. darpài ‘therewith, together, along’, darnå ‘thereafter, after’, darzùa ‘to that, with it’ etc. Whether this adverbial class is productive or it is just a repository of crystallized forms like English therewith, thereby etc. remains to be investigated. We expect a comparable situation in Mòcheno, even if this phenomenon has not been studied yet.

2.4. The syntax of the adjectival domain

2.4.1 Comparison - Romance varieties

When it comes to comparison, Romance varieties adopt an analytical strategy: the adjective is preceded by the adverb ‘more’ or ‘less’; the second term of comparison is introduced by de: pù bèl del sol ‘more beautiful than a summer’s day’, men bravo de so fradèl ‘less good than his brother’.

2.4.2 Attributive use - Cimbrian

As is described in morphology, attributive adjectives in Cimbrian are always prenominal and show up either with 'weak inflection' after strong determiners or with 'strong inflection' after weak or without determiners.

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What has been poorly described up to now is the fact that in some speakers’ grammar attributive adjectives fail to occur in prenominal position and can also occupy post-nominal positions especially when there are two or more As.

(31) a. %Disar roat auto taütsch iz gånz bahemme (Cimbrian)

this red car German is really fast

b. Disar taütsch roat auto is bahemme (more common)

this German red car is fast

'This German red car goes really fast'

2.4.3 Adverbial use

In Romance varieties, only few adverbs present the suffix -mente (or similar). Most of manner adverbs are phrasal (en pressa 'quickly'). Adjectives rarely substitute adverbs: parlar ciar ‘speak out’ (lit. speak clear), dormir fis ‘sleep tight’.

See also ALTR 2005.

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Section 3: Morphology

3.1 Inflection

3.1.1 Verbal inflection

Tense

Trentino (Venetian/Lombard) = Ladin: 3 morphologically distinct tenses: present, past ("imperfetto"), future

Cimbrian (Lusern) = Mòcheno = South Tyrol (South Bavarian): no morphological distinction of tense

Mood

Trentino (Venetian/Lombard): 4 moods: indicative, subjunctive, conditional, imperative (like Italian)

Cimbrian (Lusern): 4 moods: indicative, subjunctive, conditional, imperative (like Italian)

Mòcheno = Ladin: 3 moods: indicative, subjunctive, imperative

South Tyrol (South Bavarian): 4 moods: indicative, subjunctive I, subjunctive II, imperative

Person & number

Trentino = Ladin: systematic number syncretism of 3rd person in all tenses and moods (Trentino máńa, Ladin maia 'he/she eats', 'they eat'), further syncretisms in subjunctive and (for Trentino) conditional

Cimbrian (Lusern): systematic person syncretism 1st/3rd person: only in plural number for indicative, sg. and pl. for subjunctive and conditional

Mòcheno = South Tyrol (South Bavarian): systematic person syncretism 1st/3rd: only in plural number for indicative, sg. and pl. for subjunctive

Past participle

Trentino (Venetian/Lombard): past participle always specified for gender; formed usually by stem + gender/number suffix, without -t-, e.g. for the past participle 'eaten' mańá (m.sg.), mańada (f.sg.), mańái (m.pl.), mańáe (f.pl.); sometimes the suffix -esto occurs, e.g. kredesto 'thought'

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Cimbrian (Lusern): formation always with suffix -t, sometimes prefix ge-; German vowel alternation ("Ablaut") often preserved but without morphological function; past participle in analytical tenses (past) not specified for gender

Mòcheno = South Tyrol (South Bavarian): (1) formation for 'weak verbs' with suffix -t and usually prefix ge-, (2) for 'strong verbs' with suffix -en, usually prefix ge- and in most cases vowel alternation ("Ablaut"); past participle in analytical tenses (past) not specified for gender

Ladin: past participle always specified for gender; formed by stem + -t- + gender/number suffix in the feminine gender, in some varieties without -t- in the masculine

3.1.2 Nominal inflection

Case

Trentino: no morphological case marking, except for clitics (ghe= III p. dative)

Cimbrian (Lusern) = Mòcheno = South Tyrol (South Bavarian): no case marking on nouns; nominative, dative and accusative case in determiner, adjective and pronoun paradigms, various syncretisms

Ladin: no case marking on nouns, determiners, adjectives; strong personal pronouns distinguish between subject form (derived from old nom., e.g. ie/gè 'I') and object form (derived from old oblique, me 'me'), in some dialects (Gardenese, Fassano) even between strong direct object (me) and strong indirect object (mi)

Gender

Trentino (Venetian/Lombard): 2 genders, masculine nouns usually end with -o, feminine nouns with -a; gender marking in sg. und pl. forms of determiners and adjectives

Cimbrian (Lusern) = Mòcheno = South Tyrol: 3 genders, no formal gender marking in simplex words of German origin; no gender marking in plural forms of determiners and adjectives

Ladin: 2 genders, masculine nouns usually end with consonant, feminine nouns with -a; gender marking in sg. and pl. forms of determiners and adjectives

Diminutive

Trentino (Venetian/Lombard): marked with suffixes: - in, -ét/éto/éta, -òt/òto/òta (sg.); ini/e, éti/e, òti/e (pl.)

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Cimbrian (Lusern): marked with different suffixes for sg. (-le) and pl. (-la), and always change of base vowel ("Umlaut")

Mòcheno: marked with different suffixes for sg. (-l) and pl. (-ler), and mostly change of base vowel ("Umlaut")

South Tyrol (South Bavarian): marked with different suffixes for sg. (-l) and pl. (-l(e)n), and change of some base vowels (e.g. Bua > Biabl 'boy')

Ladin: in the inherited lexicon marked with suffixes -él, -ët, -àt, -òt, -ìn, -ùc. However, these suffixes are scarcely productive now.

3.1.3 Adjectival inflection

Trentino (Venetian/Lombard): usually inflected in all positions in the same way (gender and number agreement with head noun)

Cimbrian (Lusern): uninflected in predicative position; in attributive position (1) after strong determiners 'weak inflection' (dar trüab-e tage 'the dull day'), (2) after weak or without determiners 'strong inflection' (a trüab-ar tage 'a dull day')

Mòcheno: uninflected in predicative position; in attributive position (1) after strong determiners 'weak inflection' (der dritt-e to 'the third day'), (2) after weak determiners 'mixed inflection' (an groaz-n hund 'a big dog'), (3) without determiners 'strong inflection' (dritt-er to 'third day') (like German)

South Tyrol (South Bavarian): uninflected in predicative position; in attributive position (1) after strong determiners 'weak inflection' (der dritt-e tog 'the third day'), (2) after weak determiners 'mixed inflection' (am dritt-n tog '(at) the third day'), (3) without determiners 'strong inflection' (dritt-er tog 'third day') (like German)

Ladin: usually inflected in all positions (gender and number agreement with head noun); in Gardenese and Fassan no number agreement of preverbal adjective (and determiner) in feminine NP (e.g. la bela femenes 'the beautiful women')

3.2 Derivation & compounding

3.2.1 Derivation

Trentino (Venetian/Lombard): prefixes and suffixes of Latin origins. With verbs particularly extended the use of the intensive prefix s- (e.g. scancelar). Movement verbs and activities verbs tend to prefer a locative particle instead of a prefix (e.g. ritornare > tornar endrio)

Cimbrian (Lusern): prefixes and suffixes of both German and Italian origin, less derivation than in Standard German

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Mòcheno: prefixes and suffixes of German origin; phrasal verbs

South Tyrol (South Bavarian): the derivational strategies of Tyrolean have not been studied so far.

Ladin: prefixes and suffixes of Latin origins in the inherited lexicon, while new compounds are rare (usually loaned from Italian or German). With verbs particularly extended the use of the prefixes s- and n-. Movement verbs and activities verbs tend to prefer a locative particle instead of a prefix (e.g. ritornare > unì de reviers)

3.2.2 Compounding

Trentino (Venetian/Lombard): similar to Italian: only two constituents, left-headed compounds.

Cimbrian (Lusern) = Mòcheno: moderate number of real compounds, only two constituents, mostly juxtaposition, NN compounds right-headed, "Fugenelemente" rare but they do occur (Cimbrian schopp-m-ziager 'corkscrew'); Italian-style N + PP constructions (Cimbrian tüar von haus 'front door') much more frequent than real compounds

South Tyrol (South Bavarian): (probably) very similar a Standard German, compounding frequently used word-formation process -> gap in the description!

Ladin: left-headed compounds; the most productive pattern is "noun + preposition + (article) + noun" (dutor dai dënz, doctor of-the teeth, 'dentist'; jënt de tëmp, people of time, 'elderly people'); this pattern is also often used to translate compounds from German. Another frequent pattern is 'verb + object' to characterize people: verdaporta (vardé 'to guard'+ porta 'door/goal', "goalkeeper"), mëinacrëp (mené 'to guide + crëp 'mountain', "mountain guide").

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Section 4: Phonology

4.1 Segmental phonology (vowel system, consonant system) & phonological

processes

4.1.1 Segmental inventory

Tyrolean, Mòcheno, Cimbrian (Lusern): the consonant inventory of these Germanic varieties is similar to that of Standard German. Laryngeal contrasts in stops, however, are realized through [voice], not [spread glottis] (for Tyrolean see Alber, Vietti, Vogt, ms.). As a result of the OHG consonant shift, all Germanic varieties of the area have an affricate [kx]. Cimbrian (and, historically, Mòcheno) have a three-way constrast in sibilants, between alveolar [s], postalveolar [s ́] and palatoalveolar [ʃ]. Tyrolean lacks the voiced sibilant [z]. The vowel inventory, as in Standard German, is characterized by contrasts in height, front/backness and length (or tenseness), but front round vowels are missing in all varieties except Cimbrian. Differently from Standard German, there is a front/back distinction in low vowels ([a] vs. [ɑ]) (see Rowley 1986 and Alber 2013 for Mòcheno, Tyroller 2003 for Cimbrian (Lusern), Alber 2013 for Tyrolean).

Trentino dialects: there are no detailed descriptions of the sound inventory of these Romance dialects (for the obstruent system see Alber 2014). Scrutiny of the historical literature and first results of field work point to a system with a similar inventory as Standard Italian. However, in some Trentino dialects we find interdental fricatives (e.g. [ðalt], 'yellow', cf. Italian cognate 'giallo') and, in Lombardo-Trentino varieties, also front round vowels. Differently from Standard Italian, consonant length is not contrastive and the palatal lateral [ʎ] and the palatal lateral [ɲ] are absent. Differently from Regional Northern Italian there is a contrast between voiced and voiceless alveolar sibilants (e.g [s]al vs. [z]ia, 'salt', 'aunt').

Ladin varieties: The segment inventory of the Ladin varieties differs from Standard Italian mainly in the following aspects: no contrastive consonant length, contrastive vowel length in some varieties (val Badia), front round vowels in some varieties (val Badia), presence of a voiced postalveolar fricative [ʒ], absence of the palatal lateral [ʎ] (Kattenbusch 1994).

4.1.2 Phonological processes

Tyrolean, Mòcheno, Cimbrian (Lusern): Similarly to Standard German, most of the Germanic varieties display devoicing of coda obstruents and those varieties employing uvular rhotics also seem to have r-vocalization in syllable codas. Tyrolean displays a process of word-initial devoicing of stops, in line with neutralization of laryngeal contrasts in middle Bavarian varieties (Alber, Rabanus, Tomaselli 2014, Alber, Vietti, Vogt, ms.). Differently from Standard German, Mòcheno and Cimbrian (Lusern) have preserved the historical process of Althochdeutsche Spirantenschwächung and extended it as a general voicing process of fricatives in intersonorant contexts after long vowels (e.g. Mòcheno [ʃlo:vn̩], 'to sleep', cf. the German cognate 'schl[a:f]en'; Alber 2014). The German process of alveolar [s] retracting to postalveolar [ʃ] before consonants

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takes place in most of the investigated varieties not only at the beginning of the word, but also word-internally (e.g. Tyrolean Schwe[ʃ]ter, 'sister', cf. German cognate 'Schwe[s]ter'; Alber 2001). Umlaut, as in Standard German, has a morphological function and consists in fronting of back vowels, without, however, preservation of the feature [round] (e.g. Tyrolean K[o]pf, K[e]pf, 'head, sg./pl.'). Past participle formation is characterized by phonologically conditioned allomorphy in Mòcheno (Alber 2011) and strategies of cluster simplification in Tyrolean (Alber&Lanthaler 2004). Phonologically conditioned allomorphy has been described also for Cimbrian (Lusern) by Hall 2012.

Trentino varieties: Trentino varieties display the same process of final devoicing as the Germanic varieties (e.g. fre[d]i, fre[t], 'cold, pl./sg.'; Alber, Rabanus, Tomaselli 2012, Alber 2014), but it is not clear whether all obstruents in all varieties are involved in the process.

Ladin varieties: first results of fieldwork show that the Ladin varieties display the same process of final devoicing as the Germanic varieties, but it is not clear whether all obstruents in all varieties are involved in the process. Some Ladin varieties, but maybe not all, display a similar process of s-retraction as the Germanic varieties.

4.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology

Tyrolean, Mòcheno, Cimbrian (Lusern): syllable structure, though in large part similar to Standard German, allows for more complex consonant clusters, especially in onsets, as a result of historical schwa-syncope (e.g. Tyrolean [kf]rog, 'to ask, part participle', cf. German cognate 'gefragt', [pʃt]ellt, 'to order', cf. German cognate 'bestellt'; Alber&Lanthaler 2004).

Stress placement is similar to Standard German.

Trentino and Ladin varieties: syllable structure, though in large part similar to Standard Italian, allows for more complex consonant clusters, especially in codas, as a result of historical apocope (e.g. Trentino [kalt], 'warm', cf. the Italian cognate 'caldo').

Stress generally falls on the same syllable as in Italian cognates. Since Italian default stress is penultimate, in these varieties stress often falls on the ultima, due to historical vowel apocope (e.g. servél, 'brain', cf. the Italian cognate 'cervello').

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Section 5: Research questions and aims (contribution within AThEME)

Syntax

The varieties investigated in our WP are a rather heterogeneous group of languages if one observes to what extent they have been described; in particular, it is patent that a great deal of attention has been devoted to some varieties whereas others have been poorly described. As for the “South Tyrolean” dialects just a few papers analyse syntactic phenomena within a formal linguistic framework. The dialects which are part of the Trentino group have been the object of some specific and detailed study. However, a general overview is missing.

On the other hand, minority languages have lately been experiencing a renewed interest: a great deal of formal and descriptive work has been produced in the past years; notwithstanding, there remain several issues to be addressed as we have indicated passim in this document. For instance, the Cimbrian complementizers have been thoroughly described but, still, there are rather obscure aspects connected with the enclisis of particles and pronouns onto the Comp. Moreover, issues such as the syntax of separable verb prefixes, prepositional adverbs and the extended noun phrase call for further investigation.

Morphology

There are good descriptions of the inflectional morphology of single local dialects of varieties under investigation. The word formation processes are described much less, for some areas systematic descriptions are completely missing (e.g., South Bavarian derivation and compounding). However, also for inflectional morphology there is no complete picture of the spatial distribution of features and marker types. Our preliminary studies show that there is a continuity which goes beyond the borders of the genealogically closely related languages and which might be contact-induced (e.g., postposition of attributive adjectives in Cimbrian [order N adj], cf. Alber, Rabanus & Tomaselli 2014). Hence, a major aim of the project is to get a better understanding of continuity vs. borders in the distribution of morphological features in the area of investigation, independently from the genealogical affiliation of the varieties. The morphosyntax of proper names remains a poorly described topic in particular as far as the presence of a determiner or the order first name/family name are concerned. Hence, the morphosyntax of proper names represents a potential further interest for the project, as well as the issue of compounds vs. analytical constructions in Cimbrian.

Phonology

The phonological systems of some of the varieties under investigation are described only very poorly (this is especially true for the Tyrolean and the Trentino varieties). One first aim of the project is therefore to fill this gap and to arrive at least at a complete description of the obstruent system of all varieties.

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There are certain phonological processes, such as final devoicing and s-retraction, which are common to almost all varieties, but have not been studied exhaustively in the literature, so far. These are phenomena which potentially are induced by contact and therefore will be investigated in detail.

The realization of rhotics varies between an alveolar and a uvular realization across, and sometimes also inside varieties (e.g. in Tyrolean and Cimbrian, cf. Kranzmayer 1956, Tyroller 2003). In addition, it seems that only the uvular varieties exhibit also r-vocalization in the syllable coda. Detailed dialectological studies of rhotics in the investigated varieties are non-existent (but see Vietti et al. and Spreafico & Vietti for the phonetics of rhotics in the Italian pronunciation of Tyrolean speakers) and we aim to fill this gap.

Conclusion

The most important aspect that is missing in the previous literature and that we aim to investigate in our project is an overall view of the linguistic properties that characterise the varieties: as we have shown, several phenomena are shared by two or more varieties. However, they have usually been considered just in a single variety. In particular, the correspondences between Romance and Germanic varieties have seldom been compared: when there is a comparison, it usually concerns one local variety and one standard language (Standard German or Standard Italian, e.g.: the influence of Standard German on Ladin). However, the most pervasive contact does not involve standard languages, but two (or more) local varieties. Thus, our research aims at analysing the phenomena under a new perspective, which takes into account the overall geographical and social situation between the different local varieties spoken in the area. The phenomena will not be analysed separately, but comparing them in all the languages where they exist.

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Munaro N., Penello N., 2002, "Aspetti dei sintagmi nominali interrogativi in alcune varietà italiane settentrionali", in G. MARCATO (a cura di), La Dialettologia oltre il 2001, Padova, Unipress, 223-230.

Munaro N., Pollock J.I., 2005, "Qu’est-ce que (qu’)-est-ce que? A case study in comparative Romance interrogative syntax", in G. Cinque, R. Kayne (eds.), Handbook of Comparative Syntax, New York, Oxford University Press, 542-606.

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Poletto (2002). 'The left periphery of a V2 Rhaetoromance dialect: a new perspective on V2 and V3'. In: Barbiers et al. (eds.), Syntactic Microvariation. Amsterdam: Meertens, 214-242

Prati, Angelico (1916), L'italiano e il parlare della Valsugana: confronti di Angelico Prati per l'insegnamento della lingua nei Comuni Valsuganotti, Roma: Società filologica romana. (reprinted: Sala Bolognese, Forni, 1976).

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Salvi, Giampaolo (2001). 'Il ladino. Schizzo linguistico' Verbum 1, 151-169

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Spreafico, L. & A. Vietti. 2009. “Sistemi fonetici in contatto. La variabilità di /r/ nell’italiano di tedescofoni altoatesini”, in M. Pettorino, F. Albano Leoni, I. Chiari, F. Dovetto e A. Giannini (eds.), La comunicazione parlata, Atti del congresso internazionale GSCP Napoli, vol.II, 23-25 febbraio 2009, Napoli, Università degli Studi di Napoli l’Orientale.

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Vietti, Alessandro, L. Spreafico, A. Romano. 2010. “Tempi e modi di conservazione delle R italiane nei frigoriferi CLIPS”, in S. Schmid, M. Schwarzenbach, D. Studer (eds.), La dimensione temporale del parlato, EDK, Torriana. 113-128.

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6. Gallo Nicolas Guilliot (University of Nantes)

1. Introduction

2. Syntax

2.1 The syntax of negation 2.2 The morphosyntax of pronouns 2.3 The syntax of the complementizer domain 3. Phonology

3.1 Segmantal phonology 3.1.1 Consonants 3.1.2 Palatalisation 3.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology 3.2.1 Syllabic liquids 4. Research questions and aims

5. Bibliography

5.1 Bibliography for syntax 5.2 Bibliography for phonology

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Section 1: Introduction

Gallo is an SVO language belonging to the family of Romance Languages spoken in France, and still often characterized just as a mere variant of Standard French. However, although it does share some general properties with the grammar of Standard French, it also exhibits a quite large number of specificities which make this regional language very different from Standard French. And these specific properties concern syntactic, morphological and phonological aspects. Some of them are discussed below. However, due to the fact that Gallo is not a well documented language at all, it is quite sure that many other aspects of its grammar differ from the grammar of French. Crucially indeed, only few grammars and dictionaries of Gallo are available to get a first glimpse on the major properties of that regional language, as the following list of major publications shows:

x Auffray, R. 2007. Le Petit Matao. Dictionnaire Gallo-Français, Français-Gallo. Rennes : Rue des Scribes Éditions, 1000 p.

x Bourel, C. 2004. Dictionnaire de gallo. Rennes : Rue des Scribes Éditions. 220 p. x Brtègne Galèse 1995. Motier de galo (Galo-Francès e Francès-Galo). Ed. Brtègne Galèse (Sérée

Admésoe), 222 p. x Deguillaume, R. 1998. Dictionnaire Français-gallo /Gallo-français. Ed. auteur. 413 p. x Deguillaume, R. 1993. Traité de langue gallèse (écriture, grammaire). Ed. auteur. x Deriano, Patrick. 2005. Grammaire du gallo, éditions label LN. 457 p. x Deriano, Patrick. 2010. Motier de pouchette/Dictionnaire de poche gallo-français/français gallo,

éditions label LN, 742 p. x Précis de Grammaire Gallèse 2009. Manuscript from the Association des enseignants du gallo

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Section 2: Syntax

2.1. The syntax of negation

The syntax of negation is a very interesting topic when comparing the grammar of Gallo with Standard French. Few traditional grammars introduce data which suggest that, compared to Standard French, Gallo clearly shows some peculiarities with respect to how negation works, and more precisely when negative concord is available. Consider the following data which illustrate the difference between Standard French and Gallo:

(1) J'ae pas veû ren. (Gallo – Précis de Grammaire Gallèse, 2009) I-have NEG seen nothing

“I haven’t seen anything.”

(2) Y’a pas personn qu’est v’nu. (Gallo – Précis de Grammaire Gallèse, 2009) There-is NEG nobody that-is come

“Nobody came.”

(3) Je (n’)ai pas rien vu. (French) I have NEG nothing seen

(lit.) “I haven’t seen nothing.” = I have seen something

(4) Il n’y a pas personne qui est venu. (French) There-is NEG nobody that is come

(lit.) “There is not nobody who came.” = Somebody came

As can be seen from Error! Reference source not found. and (2), the two negations pas and ren/personn in Gallo contribute to one semantic negation (case of negative concord), whereas parallel examples in (3) and (4) from French, they give rise to a double negation reading which cancels the negation.

As far as negation is concerned, Gallo could thus be compared to other Romance languages such as Quebecois or Picard. However, the lack of empirical studies on Gallo makes impossible to evaluate to which degree the expression of negation in Gallo is similar to the one in other Romance languages. Moreover, a traditional analysis of negative concord consists in considering negation words (N-words) such as personn or ren in Gallo as Negative Polarity Items (NPI) like anyone in English, whose use is clearly dependent on negation (see Herburger (2001) or Déprez (2003) among others). However, other data from Gallo seem to suggest that these N-words are more independent than traditional NPIs (which generally can not appear in isolation and contribute negation), as the following example shows:

(5) Qhi qe y a ? Ren / Pas ren. (Gallo – Deriano, 2005) What that there-is Nothing NEG nothing

“What’s happening? Nothing”

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But again the lack of more precise data available with respect to the use of N-words and more broadly to polarity in Gallo makes difficult to evaluate the accuracy of existing accounts of Negative Concord for that language.

2.2. The morphosyntax of pronouns

Another interesting property of Gallo when compared to Standard French concerns the morphology and the syntax of clitic pronouns. Many differences appear with respect to the shape of the clitics, but also with respect to their morphosyntax, as the order of clitics may sometimes be very different from one language to the other. Consider the following examples from Gallo and French to illustrate some of these differences:

(6) Done-li-la pas ! (Gallo) Give-IND.OBJ.CL-DIR.OBJ.CL NEG

“Don’t give it to her/him!”

(7) Je vâs li le dire. (Gallo) I go IND.OBJ.CL DIR.OBJ.CL tell

“I’m going to tell it to him.”

(8) Ne la lui donne pas ! (French) NEG.CL DIR.OBJ.CL IND.OBJ.CL give NEG

“Don’t give it to her/him!”

(9) Je vais le lui dire (French) I go DIR.OBJ.CL IND.OBJ.CL tell “I’m going to tell it to him.”

As can be seen from the examples above, clitic ordering seems to be different in Gallo compared to French: in both examples, the indirect object precedes to direct object in Gallo whereas the reverse order appears in French. The first question that arises is whether this order in Gallo is strict of flexible, and the second question is whether/how this difference in ordering is related to the morphology of such clitics. At first sight, data from Gallo certainly raise doubts with respect to syntactic analyses of clitic ordering in Romance languages, as proposed in Béjar & Rezac (2009) or Nevins (2011), and also raise questions with respect to traditional approaches to clitics in Romance language (see Kayne (1991), Cardinaletti & Starke (1999) or Miller & Monachesi (2003) among others).

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Another interesting property of pronouns in Gallo compared to French comes from the syncretic forms occurring in both languages. For example, Gallo uses only one form to express both subject first person singular and subject first person plural, whereas French uses to distinct forms (je versus nous), as can be seen from the data below:

(10) Comben qe j'om paeyei? (Gallo) How-much that I-have.1PL paid

“How much have we paid?

(11) Je vâs li le dire. (Gallo) I go IND.OBJ.CL DIR.OBJ.CL tell

“I’m going to tell it to him.”

(12) J’avons une fille. (Gallo) I-have.1PL a daughter

“We have a daughter.”

But the forms of pronouns in Gallo (clitics or not) seems to be quite variable from one region to the other, so it is quite difficult at this stage to conclude much from the data available.

2.3 The syntax of the complementizer domain

Gallo also displays interesting patterns when considering the syntax of questions and subordination, as a large number of examples show some form of doubling in the complementizer system. Consider in deed the following data, where a peripheral constituent is doubled by the complemetizer qe in Gallo.

(13) En ne savaet cant qe le qhurei vienraet. (Gallo) INDEF.PRO NEG knew when that the priest would-come “We didn’t know when the priest would come”

(14) Comben qe j'om paeyei? (Gallo) How-much that I-have.1PL paid

“How much have we paid?

(15) Qhi qe y a ? Ren / Pas ren. (Gallo) What that there-is Nothing NEG nothing

“What’s happening? Nothing.”

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Such cases of doubling are not attested in Standard French for similar examples, but are reminiscent of what has already been described for Quebecois French in Rizzi & Roberts (1992) and Haegeman (1994). One question that remains is how similar Gallo and Quebecois French are similar with respect to that specific property.

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Section 3 Phonology

3.1 Segmental phonology

Contents: 3.1.1 Consonants 3.1.2 Palatalisation

3.1.1 Consonants Gallo shows diatopic variation as to palatal consonants and liquids which are indicated in gray in the table below (based on the phonetic inventories of Ôbrée 2013; Deriano 2005; Chauveau 1984) :

Bilabial Labiodental Labiopalatal Avelolar Postalveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Stops p b t d [tʲ dʲ kʲ gʲ] / ∅ k g Nasal m n Fricative f v s z ʃ ʒ h Approximant ɥ w j Lateral [l] / [ḷ] ʎ Trill [r] / [ṛ] 3.1.2 Palatalisation Palatalisation is synchronically active in Gallo (Deriano 2005; Chauveau 1984). /k, g/ becomes the affricates [tʃ, dʒ] before the front vowels /i, e, ɛ, y, ø, œ, ɛ,̃ œ̃/ (Deriano 2005:50-51) as in (1) : (1) a. /awkœ̃/ → [awtʃ͡œ̃] ‘not any’ h. /agyzə/ → [adʒyzə] ‘to sharpen’

b. /ɛskɛ ̃tə/ → [ɛst͡ʃɛ ̃tə] ‘to tire’ i. /gɛtə/ → [dʒɛtə] ‘to seek’

c. /kɛs/ → [t͡ʃɛs] ‘thigh’ j. /gø/ → [dʒø] ‘social outcast’

d. /kœ/ → [t͡ʃœ] ‘heart’ k. /ge:p/ → [dʒe:p] ‘wasp’

e. /ki/ → [t͡ʃi] ‘who’ l. /gi/ → [dʒi] ‘mistletoe’

f. /kyt/ → [t͡ʃyt] ‘to hide’ m. /gɛ ̃p/ → [dʒɛ ̃p] ‘wimple’

g. /kɛt/ → [t͡ʃɛt] ‘search’ n. /gœn/ → [dʒœn] ‘molinie’

Interestingly, variations are attested along the diatopic continuum (Chauveau 1984) as in (2) :

(2) a. [ki] qui ‘who’ d. [t͡ʃi] qui ‘who’ g. [sir] cire ‘wax’

b. [kənə] chien ‘dog’ e. [tʃ͡es] quisse ‘thigh’ h. [ʃva] cheval ‘horse’

c. [gɛ ̃n] gain ‘profit’ f. [dʒɛ ̃n] gain ‘profit’ i. [ʃmɛ ̃z] chemise ‘shirt’

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3.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology

Contents: 3.2.1 Syllabic liquids 3.2.1 Syllabic liquids It has been described that liquids can occupy syllable-nucleus positions in Gallo (Angoujard 2006; Ôbrée 1998). The examples in (3) show that only /obstruent + liquid/ clusters but it is possible that they are not restricted to this environment.

(3) Gallo French Gallo French

a. [dr̩sə] dresser ‘to train’ f. [isybl]̩ il siffle ‘he whistles’ b. [br̩wɛt] brouette ‘wheelbarrow’ g. [ilɑ̃ fl]̩ il enfle ‘he inflates’ c. [br̩bi] brebi ‘ewe’ h. [ibɔtl]̩ il boîte ‘he limps’ d. [br̩btɔ ̃] breton ‘Breton’ i. [ublj̩ə] oublier ‘to forget’ e. [gr̩nje] grenier ‘attic’ g. [syblm̩ɑ̃ ] sifflement ‘whistling’

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Section 4: Research questions and aims

Researchers involved in Work Package 2 of the AThEME project at the University of Nantes will tackle most of the issues discussed above, i.e. these properties that make Gallo and French different. As far as phonology is concerned the two researchers involved (Ali Tifrit and Jieun Bark) will develop a wide description of the phonological system of Gallo, concentrating on some specific properties such cases of palatalisation and uses of liquids in that language. As far as syntax is concerned (Nicolas Guilliot, and a new PhD to come through an independent grant from the Region Pays de la Loire), priority will be given to the description of negation in Gallo, and clitic orderings in that language. Obviously, depending on the research topics developed by the other researchers of WP2 of the AThEME project, other aspects of the grammar of Gallo may also be investigated.

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Section 5: Bibliography

5.1. Bibliography for Syntax (based on the references given in section 2)

Béjar, S. & Rezac, M. (2009). Cyclic Agree Linguistic Inquiry, Volume 40, Number 1, pp. 35-73

Cardinaletti A. & M. Starke (1999). « The typology of structural deficiency: A case study of the three classes of pronouns ». In Riemsdijk, Henk van (éd.), Clitics in the Languages of Europe, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, p.145-233.

Déprez, V. (2003) ‘Concordance négative, syntaxe des mots-N et variation dialectale’ Cahiers de Linguistique Française. 25 : 97-118. University of Geneva

Deriano, P. (2005) Grammaire du gallo, Ed; Label LN, Ploudalmézeau.

Herburger, E. (2001) ‘The negative concord puzzle revisited’, in Natural Language Semantics 9:289–333.

Kayne R. (1991) « Romance Clitics, Verb Movement and PRO », in Linguistic Inquiry 22.4

Haegeman, L. (1994). Introduction to Government and Binding Theory, Blackwell Publishers, UK.

Miller P. & P. Monachesi (2003). « Les pronoms clitiques dans les langues romanes », dans Godard, Danièle (éd.) Les langues romanes : Problèmes de la phrase simple. Paris : Editions du CNRS.

Nevins, A. (2011). Multiple agree with clitics: Person complementarity vs. omnivorous number, Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, Volume 29, Number 4, 939-971

Précis de Grammaire Gallèse (2009), manuscript from the Association des enseignants du gallo

Rizzi, L. & Roberts, I. (1992). “Complex Inversion in French”, in A. Belletti & L. Rizzi (eds.), Parameters and Functional Heads: Essays in Comparative Syntax, New York, Oxford, Oxford University Press.

5.2 Bibliography for Phonology (based on references given in section 3)

ANGOUJARD, J-P. (2006). NATURES DE SCHWA EN GALLO. PROCEEDINGS OF XXVe Journées d’Etudes sur la Parole (JEP XXV), DINARD, 337-340. ONLINE: http://www.afcp-parole.org/spip.php? RUBRIQUE27.

Chauveau, J-P. (1984). Le gallo: une présentation, city: publisher.

Deriano, P. (2005). Grammaire du gallo, Brest: Éditions Label LN.

ÔBREE, B. (1998). Les sonantes et la syllabe en gallo. Master Thesis, University of Rennes 2 Haute.

ÔBREE, B. (2013). Lire et écrire en gallo avec le Moga, Rennes: Chubri. Online: http://www.chubri.org/index.php? page=publications&ssmenu=banimoga.

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7. The Fiuman dialect

Ana Bratulić (University of Rijeka – FHSS), Maja Đurđulov (University of Rijeka – FHSS - informant), Kristina Blecich (informant), Tihana Kraš (University of Rijeka – FHSS)

1. Introduction: The Fiuman dialect

2. Syntax

2.1 The syntax of the clausal domain 2.1.1 Conditional clause 2.1.2 Use of verbal tenses 2.1.3 Subjunctive 2.1.4 Passive voice 2.1.5 Reflexives 2.2 The syntax of the nominal domain 2.2.1 Use of the definite article 2.2.2 Use of pronouns 2.2.3 Ethical dative 2.3 The syntax of the prepositional domain 2.3.1 Use of prepositions 2.4 The syntax of the adjectival domain 2.4.1 Comparison of adjectives 3. Morphology

3.1 Inflectional morphology 3.1.1 The article 3.1.2 Nouns 3.1.3 Adjectives 3.1.4 Pronouns 3.1.5 Verbs 3.1.6 Adverbs 3.1.7 Prepositions 3.2 Derivation and compounding 3.2.1 Derivation 3.2.2 Compounding 3.2.3 Loanwords 4. Phonology

4.1 Segmantal phonology 4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs 4.1.2 Consonants 4.1.3 Phonological processes 4.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology 4.2.1 Stress 5. Research questions and aims

6. Bibliography

6.1 Bibliography for syntax 6.2 Bibliography for morphology 6.3 Bibliography for phonology

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Section 1: The Fiuman Dialect

The Fiuman dialect is spoken in the city of Rijeka (It. Fiume)14, as well as in its surrounding towns and villages (e.g. Kastav, Matulji, Viškovo, Čavli, Kostrena, Kraljevica). It is a Romance language which, together with the Italian dialects spoken in Istria (It. l’istroveneto) and Dalmatia (It. il veneto dalmata), belongs to the Eastern branch of the Venetan family of dialects.

The Fiuman dialect is an SVO language and in terms of syntax closely resembles the standard Italian language. In terms of morphology it is an inflected language; nouns, adjectives and articles inflect for gender and number while verbs are inflected through three conjugations, six tenses and seven moods. Productive procedures of word formation in the Fiuman dialect include derivation (prefixation and suffixation) and compounding.

While there are a number of authors who have written about the Fiuman dialect, there is a lack of detailed linguistic descriptions of its present form. Early descriptions of the Fiuman dialect include Bató (1933), Berghoffer (1894) and Depoli (1928). Brief overviews of the grammar of the Fiuman dialect can be found in contemporary dictionaries (Pafundi, 2011; Samani, 2007) and short descriptions of the sounds of the language exist in Gottardi (2007) and Pafundi (2011). The most comprehensive recent description of the Fiuman phonology, morphology and syntax can be found in Rošić (2002).

This document will provide an overview of the most important characteristics of the Fiuman phonology, morphology and syntax as they have been reported in the sources cited above. Occasional disagreements of our informants with the statements made in those sources will be pointed out. We will compare the linguistic properties of the Fiuman dialect with those of the standard Italian language, as well as identify the linguistic phenomena which have not yet been thoroughly accounted for.

14 The dialect is mostly spoken in the neighborhoods in the western part of the city (e.g. Kozala, Belveder, Turnić, Krnjevo, Kantrida, Zamet, Mlaka, Potok, Škurinje, Stari grad - Old Town), which was officially a part of the Italian state between the two world wars.

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Section 2: Syntax

A number of authors agree on the fact that the syntax of the Fiuman dialect is not much different from the syntax of the standard Italian language (Berghoffer, 1999; Rošić, 2002; Samani, 2007). For this reason they do not offer an exhaustive account of the Fiuman syntax, but only list the points in which the two languages differ. We will do the same here.

2.1 The syntax of the clausal domain

Contents: 2.1.1 Conditional clause 2.1.2 Use of verbal tenses 2.1.3 Subjunctive 2.1.4 Passive voice 2.1.5 Reflexives

2.1.1 Conditional clause

In Italian the conditional clause requires the verb in the imperfect subjunctive (It. congiuntivo imperfetto) or in the past perfect subjunctive (It. congiuntivo trapassato) while the main clause takes the conditional present (It. condizionale presente) or perfect (It. condizionale passato). According to Berghoffer (1999) and Rošić (2002), this construction is inverted in the Fiuman dialect: the conditional clause requires conditional present or perfect while the verb in the main clause is in the imperfect or past perfect subjunctive, as in (1) (example from Rošić, 2002: 201).

(1) a. Se gavaria fame, magnasse. ´If (s)he were hungry, (s)he would eat.´ b. Se gavaria avù fame, gavesse magnà. ´If (s)he had been hungry, (s)he would have eaten.´

This construction, however, does not seem to be attested in contemporary Fiuman. According to our informants, both the conditional clause and the main clause require the verb in the conditional present or perfect, as in (2).

(2) a. Se la/el gaveria fame, la/el magneria. ´If (s)he were hungry, (s)he would eat.´ b. Se la/el gaveria avù fame, la/el gaveria magnà. ´If (s)he had been hungry, (s)he would have eaten.´

Our informants state that it is also possible to use the imperfect or past perfect subjunctive in the conditional clause and the conditional present or perfect in the main clause, as in standard Italian (see 3).

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(3) a. Se la/el gavessi fame, la/el magneria. ´If (s)he were hungry, (s)he would eat.´ b. Se la/el gavessi avù fame, la/el gaveria magnà. ´If (s)he had been hungry, (s)he would have eaten.´

2.1.2 Use of verbal tenses

Imperfect (It. indicativo imperfetto), which in Italian expresses the duration or frequent repetition of an action in the past, in Fiuman often expresses a completed past action for which past present (It. indicativo passato prossimo) is used in Italian (Berghoffer, 1999; Rošić, 2002; Samani, 2007), as in (4) (example from Rošić, 2002: 200).

(4) Parlavimo tuta la note. ´We talked the whole night.´ (Imperfect of the verb ‘to talk’ is used for a completed action in the past.)

Imperfect is used as a descriptive tense and past present as a narrative tense (Rošić, 2002), as in (5) (example from Rošić, 2002: 200).

(5) Jero in zinema, e go visto un bel film. be.IMPERF see.PAST PRESENT ´I was in the cinema and saw a beautiful movie.´

2.1.3 Subjunctive

Fiuman speakers prefer to use the indicative in the place of the subjunctive (Berghoffer, 1999; Rošić, 2002; Samani, 2007), as in (6) (example from Rošić, 2002: 200).

(6) Dubito che 'l vien instead of Dubito che (lu) el vegni ´I doubt he will come.´ (Indicative of the verb ‘to come’ is used instead of the subjunctive of the same verb.)

2.1.4 Passive voice

The passive voice, which is constructed with the verb esser ´to be´ and past participle of the verb, is rarely used in the Fiuman dialect. In everyday discourse Fiuman speakers would replace the phrase El Toni xe stà bastonado (´Toni was beaten´) with I lo ga bastonà (´They have beaten him´) (Rošić, 2002: 201).

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2.1.5 Reflexives

In Italian reflexive verbs are recognized by the use of the so called reflexive pronouns (mi, ti, si, ci, vi, si) which are placed before the verb preceded by the subject (e.g. Io mi lavo ´I wash myself´). Rošić (2002) states that in the Fiuman dialect conjugation of reflexive verbs is modelled on the conjugation of Croatian reflexive verbs, resulting in the fact that the reflexive pronoun se is used for all persons singular and plural, as in (7) (example from Rošić 2002: 170).

(7) mi me se diverto ´I am having fun ´ ti te se diverti ´you are having fun ´ el se diverte ´he is having fun´ noialtri se divertimo ´we are having fun´ voialtri se divertì ´you are having fun ´ lori i se diverte ´they are having fun´

According to our informants, the reflexive pronoun se is omitted in the first person singular (e.g. mi me diverto), while in the second person singular it may be replaced by the pronoun te (e.g. ti te te diverti). The form with the reflexive pronoun se is also possible in the second person singular, but in this case the pronoun ti is used instead of the pronoun te (e.g. ti ti se diverti). In contrast to standard Italian, the reflexive verbs in Venetan dialects as well as in the Fiuman dialect form the compound tenses with the verb gaver ´to have´ instead of esser ´to be´, although because of the influence of Italian, there is an increasing tendency to use both (Rošić, 2002). The use of gaver and esser in the same context is shown in (8a) and (8b) respectively.

(8) a. (Mi) me go divertido. ‘I have had fun.’ b. (Mi) me son divertido. ‘I have had fun.’

2.2 The syntax of the nominal domain

Contents: 2.2.1 Use of the definite article 2.2.2 Use of pronouns 2.2.3 Ethical dative

2.2.1 Use of the definite article

The definite article in the Fiuman dialect is obligatory with proper nouns, which is not the case in standard Italian (Berghoffer, 1999; Rošić, 2002). This is shown in (9) (example from Berghoffer, 1999: 33).

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(9) El Piero canta. the Piero sings ´Piero sings´

2.2.2 Use of pronouns

In contrast to the standard Italian language, Fiuman prefers using personal subject pronouns (Rošić, 2002). This is illustrated in (10) (example from Rošić, 2002: 150).

(10) Italian: Mangio poco ´(I) don't eat much.´ (Subject pronoun is omitted because the verb provides sufficient information about the subject.) Fiuman: Mi magno poco. ´I don't eat much.´ (Subject pronoun is used.)

In Fiuman subject pronouns are used together with the NP in the role of the subject (a phenomenon that is also present in other Venetan dialects) (Rošić, 2002), as in (11) (example from Rošić, 2002: 150).

(11) …la fia Marieta no la tornava dala discoteca de Abazia.... ´the daughter Marieta she wasn’t returning from the disco in Opatija´ (The personal pronoun la ´she´ is used after the NP subject - Marieta.)

The repetition of personal pronoun is often used for emphasis (Berghoffer, 1999; Rošić, 2002), as in (12) (example from Rošić, 2002: 199).

(12) El me ciamava a mi. he me called to me. ´He called me.´ (The personal pronoun is repeated twice, for emphasis; once alone: me ´me´, and the second time preceded by a preposition: a mi ´to me´.)

2.2.3 Ethical dative

Ethical dative (expletive pronoun) is a dative form used to express a sentiment toward the interlocutor or toward a subject of conversation. The form is present in many modern languages and it has been adopted by Fiuman speakers from the Croatian language (Rošić, 2002). It is illustrated in (13) (example from Rošić, 2002: 202).

(13) Ti me sguardi ben. ´You look good to me´

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2.3 The syntax of the prepositional domain

Contents: 2.3.1 Use of prepositions

2.3.1 Use of prepositions

Some of the prepositions in the Fiuman dialect are used differently than in standard Italian (Berghoffer, 1999; Pafundi, 2011; Rošić, 2002). In is used instead of a in phrases such as andar in teatro ´to go to the theatre´, andar in zinema ´to go to the cinema´. Preposition da is in some instances replaced by de (e.g. esser nato de povera zente ´to be born in a poor family´). Preposition a is sometimes replaced by da (e.g. portar qualcossa da qualchedun ´to take something to somebody´). (all examples from Rošić, 2002: 186-187)

2.4 The syntax of the adjectival domain

Contents: 2.4.1 Comparison of adjectives

2.4.1 Comparison of adjectives

Comparative in the Fiuman dialect is formed in the same way as in Italian, i.e. by placing the words più ´more´or meno ´less´ in front of the adjective (e.g. bianco - più bianco ´white - whiter´). However, while speakers of standard Italian have a choice between two types of superlative (relative superlative - It. superlativo relativo and absolute superlative - It. superlative assoluto15), Fiuman speakers use only relative superlative, which is formed by placing the definite article before comparatives più or meno (e.g. el più bianco ´the whitest´) (Pafundi, 2011; Rošić, 2002; Samani, 2007).

Since Fiuman syntax has not been dealt with systematically in literature so far, a comprehensive account of all its features is needed.

For further information on Fiuman syntax, see: Berghoffer (1894/1999), Depoli (1928), Pafundi (2011), Rošić (2002), Samani (2007).

15 The absolute superlative is formed by adding the suffix -issimo to the adjective e.g. bianchissimo (´the whitest´).

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Section 3: Morphology

3.1 Inflectional morphology

Contents: 3.1.1 The article 3.1.2 Nouns 3.1.3 Adjectives 3.1.4 Pronouns 3.1.5 Verbs 3.1.6 Adverbs 3.1.7 Prepositions

3.1.1 The article

The definite article in the Fiuman dialect, as well as in standard Italian, always agrees with the noun in gender and number. However, while in Italian masculine nouns can be preceded by either il, lo or l’ in singular and gli and i in plural and feminine nouns by la or l’ in singular and le in plural, the situation is somewhat simpler in Fiuman. Singular masculine nouns are thus preceded by the definite article el (for nouns beginning in a consonant, e.g. el caligo ´mist´) or its allomorph l' (for nouns beginning in a vowel, e.g. l'oro ´gold´). In the plural, masculine nouns are determined by the article i (e.g. i amici ´friends´). Singular feminine nouns are preceded by the definite article la (e.g. la galera ´prison´)16, while the plural definite article for feminine gender is le (e.g. le britole ´penknives´). (all examples from Rošić, 2002: 126-130)

The indefinite article in Fiuman, like in standard Italian, is present only in front of singular forms of nouns and agrees with the noun in gender. Masculine nouns are preceded by the indefinite article un (e.g. un omo ´a man´) and feminine nouns by the article una (e.g. una dona ´a woman´) (Pafundi, 2011; Rošić, 2002; Samani, 2007) (examples from Rošić, 2002: 126-130). Allomorph uno used in front of masculine nouns beginning in z or s+consonant in Italian is not present in Fiuman.

3.1.2 Nouns

Nouns in the Fiuman dialect, like in standard Italian, have two genders: masculine and feminine and are marked by similar morphemes in the two language varieties. Masculine nouns are usually marked by bound morphemes -o and -e, although other suffixes are possible. A number of masculine nouns end in a consonant due to apocope of the final vowel (e.g. el professor ´professor´). Feminine nouns usually end in -a or -e. Plural is marked by the suffix -i for masculine nouns (e.g. el professor - i professori) and by suffixes -e or -i (la vaca - le vache ´cow-cows´; la comare - le comari ´midwife/godmother - midwives/godmothers´) for feminine nouns (Rošić, 2002: 137-138). 16 Rošić (2002) also notes the allomorph l', which is used if singular feminine nouns begin in an a-, and is optional with all other nouns beginning in a vowel (e.g. l'anguria ´watermelon´); Pafundi (2011) and Samani (2007) do not mention this possibility.

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3.1.3 Adjectives

Adjectives in the Fiuman dialect, like in standard Italian, agree with the nouns they modify in gender and number and they are inflected in the same manner, i.e. masculine adjectives end with -o, -e or a consonant in singular and are marked by the suffix -i in plural while feminine adjectives end with -a or -e in singular and are marked by the suffix -e or -i in plural (see Table 1) (after Rošić, 2002: 140-141).

Table 1: Adjectival forms in the Fiuman dialect

MASCULINE

Sg. Pl.

FEMININE

Sg. Pl.

ciaro ´clear ´ ciari ciara ciare

spuzolente ´smelly´ spuzolenti spuzolente spuzolenti

furlan ´Friulian´ furlani furlana furlane

For the comparison of adjectives see section 2.4.1.

3.1.4 Pronouns

Fiuman, like Italian, has two sets of personal pronouns, stressed and unstressed. Unstressed pronouns are also called ´clitic´ pronouns and they have to either immediately precede the verb or immediately follow it. Their forms, however, differ from those in standard Italian. An overview of personal pronouns in the Fiuman dialect can be found in Table 2 (after Rošić, 2002: 149-152).

Table 2: Personal pronouns in the Fiuman dialect

Subject pronouns

(Pronomi personali soggetto)

Indirect object pronouns - stressed

(Pronomi personali complement - forme toniche)

Indirect object pronouns - unstressed

(Pronomi personali complement - forme atone)

mi mi me

ti ti te

lui, essa (el, lu, lu 'l), ela, la lu, essa (ela) ghe, lu, la

noi (noi altri/altre) noi altri/altre ne

voi (voi altri/altre) voi altri/altre ve

lori, i, esse, le (lori, lore) lori, lore ghe, li , le

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There are some inconsistencies regarding third person singular and third person plural personal pronouns reported by different sources: Rošić (2002) lists the greatest number of possible pronouns, while Pafundi (2011) and Samani (2007) note a smaller number of different pronouns. The pleonastic forms of the subject pronouns for the first and second person plural (noi altri/e; voi altri/e) are often used in Fiuman, as well as in other Venetan dialects (Rošić, 2002).

Possessive pronouns in the Fiuman dialect are somewhat different in form from their counterparts in standard Italian. Singular forms of possessive pronouns used in Fiuman thus are mio/a, tuo/a, suo/a, nostro/a, vostro/a, suo/a, while the plural forms include mii/e, tui/e, sui/e, nostri/e, vostri/e, sui/e. In some cases the forms tuo/a and suo/a are replaced with to and so, e.g. to pare ´your father´, so mare ´his/her mother´ (Berghoffer, 1999; Samani, 2007) (examples from Samani, 2007: IX).

Relative pronouns used in the Fiuman dialect include chi ´who, whom´ and che ´who, that, which´, both of which can be used as a subject and as an object. Very often chi is reinforced with che, a phenomenon which does not occur in Italian (Berghoffer, 1999; Rošić, 2002), as in (14) (example from Rošić, 2002: 154).

(14) Chi che ga bezi, ga tuto. who who has money, has everything ‘The one who has money, has everything.’

3.1.5 Verbs

As in standard Italian, verbs in the Fiuman dialect are inflected through three conjugations according to their infinitive endings; the suffix for verbs of the first conjugation is -ar, for the second -er and for the third -ir. There are seven verbal moods (four finite: indicative, subjunctive, conditional and imperative, and three infinite: infinitive, gerund and participle), six tenses (present, imperfect, future, past present, past perfect and future perfect) and two voices (active and passive) in the Fiuman verbal paradigm17. Verbs are, as in standard Italian, conjugated for person, number and tense by adding the proper inflectional suffix to the stem in the case of simple tenses18. Compound tenses are formed from auxiliary verbs gaver ‘to have’ and esser ‘to be’ and the participles. Below can be found an overview of the indicative, subjunctive and conditional verbal moods.

The indicative mood has three simple (present, imperfect, future) and three compound tenses (past present, past perfect, future perfect). The subjunctive mood has two simple (present and imperfect) and two compound tenses (past present and past perfect). The conditional mood has one simple (present) and one compound tense (past present). The list of regular verb suffixes for the simple tenses in the indicative, the subjunctive and the conditional can be found in Table 3 (after Rošić, 2002: 157-158).

17 Verbal tenses found in Fiuman are the same as those that exist in standard Italian, with the exception of the absolute, remote past (passato remoto) which is not used in the dialect (Rošić, 2002). 18 In the case or irregular verbs both the stem and the suffixes change.

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Table 3: Indicative: Regular verb suffixes19

INDICATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE CONDITIONAL

Infinitive -ar -er -ir -ar -er -ir -ar -er -ir

Present -o -o -o -o -o -o -ario -erio -irio

-i -i -i -i -i -i -arii -erii -irii

-a -e -e -i -i -i -aria -eria -iria

-emo -emo -imo -emo -emo -imo -ariimo -eriimo -iriimo

-è -è -ì -è -è -ì -arii -erii -irii

-a -e -e -i -i -i -aria -eria -iria

Imperfect -avo -evo -ivo -assi -essi -issi

-avi -evi -ivi -assi -essi -issi

-ava -eva -iva -asse -esse -isse

-avimo -evimo -ivimo -assimo -essimo -issimo

-avi -evi -ivi -assi -essi -issi

-ava -eva -iva -asse -esse -isse

Future -arò -erò -irò

-arà -erà -irà

-arà -erà -irà

-aremo -eremo

-iremo

-arè -erè -irè

-arà -erà -irà

19 According to our informants, the suffixes for the third person singular and plural imperfect subjunctive are -assi, -essi, -issi for the first, second and third conjugation respectively.

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The past present indicative is formed from the present of auxiliary verbs gaver or esser20 and the past participle of the verb (e.g. go portado ´has carried´). The past participle of verbs in the first -ar conjugation has allomorphs for gender and number (e.g. porta(do)/portadi/portada/portade - past participle for masculine gender singular/plural and feminine gender singular/plural of the verb ‘to carry’) (Rošić, 2002: 159).

The past perfect indicative is made from the imperfect of auxiliary verbs gaver or esser and the past participle of the verb (e.g. gavevo dormido ´had slept´) (Rošić, 2002: 157).

The future perfect indicative is formed with the future of auxiliary verbs gaver or esser and the past participle of the verb (e.g. gavarò dormido 21 ´will have slept´) (Rošić, 2002: 157).

The past present subjunctive is made from the present subjunctive of the auxiliary verb gaver and past participle of the verb (e.g. che mi gabia portado22 ´if I have brought to me´) (Rošić, 2002: 158).

The past perfect subjunctive is formed with the imperfect subjunctive of the auxiliary verb gaver and past participle of the verb (e.g. che mi gavessi portado ´if I had brought to me´) (Rošić, 2002: 158).

The past conditional tense is formed from the present conditional of the auxiliary verb gaver and past participle of the verb (e.g. gavario portado ´would have carried´) (Rošić, 2002: 158).

3.1.6 Adverbs

Adverbs in the Fiuman dialect do not differ much from adverbs in standard Italian (Samani, 2007). There are seven groups of adverbs in Fiuman: adverbs of manner (e.g. aposta ´on purpose´), place (e.g. fora ´outside´), time (e.g. domàn ´tomorrow´), quantity (e.g. bastànza ´enough´), assertion (e.g. zèrto ´certainly´), negation (e.g. gnanca ´not even´) and doubt (e.g. forsi ´maybe´) (examples from Rošić, 2002: 183-185). Adverbs of manner are the most numerous group (Rošić, 2002). Comparison of adverbs in Fiuman is parallel to that in the Italian language, i.e. comparative is formed by adding the words più ´more´or meno ´less´ in front of the adverb (e.g. più adagio ‘more slowly’), relative superlative is formed by placing the definite article before the comparative (e.g. el più adagio ‘most slowly’) and absolute superlative is formed by adding the suffix -issimo to the adverb (e.g. adagissimo ‘most slowly’) (Berghoffer, 1999).

3.1.7 Prepositions

Simple prepositions used in the Fiuman dialect are: a, de, da, in, con, su, per (par), tra (fra) (Pafundi, 2011; Rošić, 2002). They are generally used in the same way as in standard Italian, though there are some differences (see section 2). As in standard Italian, simple prepositions in combination with the

20 The auxiliary verb gaver is used with transitive and intransitive verbs, as well as reflexive verbs. Esser is used only with some intransitive verbs (Rošić, 2002). 21 According to our informants, the alternative form of this example is gaverò dormido. 22 According to our informants, the correct form of this example is che mi gabio portado.

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definite article become contracted (preposizioni articolate ´contracted prepositions´; for a table summarizing contracted prepositions see Rošić, 2002: 129).

For further information on Fiuman morphology, see: Berghoffer (1894/1999), Depoli (1928), Pafundi (2011), Rošić (2002), Samani (2007).

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3.2 Derivation & compounding

Contents: 3.2.1 Derivation 3.2.2 Compounding 3.2.3 Loanwords

3.2.1 Derivation

While nominal and adjectival derivation in the Fiuman dialect are to an extent covered in the relevant literature, there is scarcely any information regarding verbal and adverbial derivation.

Rošić (2002: 131-132) includes the following list of most common prefixes which are used in the formation of nouns and adjectives: a-, ad-, de-, di-, dis-, i-, im-, in-, per-, re-, ri-, s-, stra- (e.g. adociada ´ogled´, imbambinado ´senile´, strafato ´overdone´ ).

Among suffixes, Rošić (2002: 132-133) lists the ones used in the formation of diminutives and nouns of endearment (-el, -ela, -eto, -eta, -in, -ina, e.g. bavisela ´diminutive from breeze´), terms of endearment (-uz, -uza, e.g. Maruza), augmentatives (-on, -oni, -ona, -one, e.g. campanon ´a large bell´) and perojatives (-az, -assa/aza, e.g. vinaza ´wine of poor quality´).

Both Lukežić (1993) and Rošić (2002) mention a number of Croatian suffixes which are added to Italian word roots and thus used in the formation of nouns in the Fiuman dialect. Rošić (2002: 132-133) mentions suffixes -ic and -iza in this role (used in the formation of diminutives in Fiuman, e.g. còchiza ´tearm of endearment for children´), while Lukežić (1993: 34) also includes -nica, -ac, -aca, -inka, -ja and -ka (e.g. soldatinca ´housekeeper´).

Regarding the derivation of adverbs, there is just a short remark in Berghoffer (1999) and Rošić (2002) about adverbs of manner which are sometimes formed by adding the suffix -mente to an adjective (e.g. egualmente ´equally´) (example from Berghoffer, 1999: 32). Rošić, however, concludes that the preferred form of adverb of manner formation is adjective plus the preposition da/ de.

3.2.2 Compounding

Compounding is a prolific word formation process in the Fiuman dialect (Rošić, 2002). Some compound examples, taken form Rošić (2002: 135), can be found below:

N + N porco + spin = porcospin ´curl´

N + A zita + vechia = zitavecia ´old town´

A + N bona + voja = bonavoja ´loafer; idler´

V + N lavar + mano = lavaman ´washstand´

Adv + N dopo + pranzo = dopopranzo ´in the afternoon´

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P + N soto + scajo = sotoscajo ´by the arm´

3.2.3 Loanwords

The Fiuman dialect, like other Venetan dialects, contains a considerable number of loanwords from languages it has come into contact with. The greatest number of loanwords, however, comes primarily from two sources: the Italian language and Slavic languages - especially chakavian dialect of Croatian spoken in the city of Rijeka (Rošić, 2002). There are also a lot of indirect loans form languages such as German and Turkish which have found their way into the Fiuman dialect via Croatian. Words taken from the Italian language either appear in Fiuman in their original form, or have been modified to approximate the phonetic realization of the Fiuman speakers. Words adopted from Slavic languages also include unmodified forms and forms which have undergone morphological modification (Rošić, 2002). Below can be found several of examples taken from Blecich (2012: 35, 37, 39, 41) and Rošić (2002: 191-196).

sanatorio ´sanatorium´ - from Italian sanatòrio, the word has entered Fiuman in its original form

blitva ´chard´ - from standard Croatian blitva, the word has entered Fiuman in its original form

unger ´to oil´ - from Italian ungere, the word has undergone apocope of the final vowel

crompiriza ´polenta with potato´ - from chakavian dialect of Croatian kompirica, the word has been adapted to match the phonetic realization of the Fiuman speakers

àide ´come on´ - indirect loanword from Turkish hajdi via Croatian hajde, ajde

For further information on Fiuman derivation and compounding, see: Berghoffer (1894/1999), Blecich (2012), Gottardi (2007), Lukežić (1993), Rošić (2002).

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Section 4: Phonology

4.1 Segmental phonology

Contents: 4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs 4.1.2 Consonants 4.1.3 Phonological processes

4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs

According to Rošić (2002), there are twenty six phonemes in the Fiuman dialect – five vowel phonemes and twenty one consonant phonemes.

The standard Italian language as well as Venetan dialects have seven vowel phonemes; /i/, /e/, / ɛ/, /a/, /u/, /o/, /ɔ/ (Dardano & Trifone, 1995)23. However, the distinction between closed and open e ([e] and [ɛ]) and closed and open o ([o] and [ɔ]) does not exist in the Fiuman dialect anymore, or if it is present, it does not have a contrastive property, i.e. the realized sounds are allophones of phonemes /e/ and /o/ (Rošić, 2002: 203). Fiuman thus has five vowel phonemes which can be represented in the vowel chart as follows:

Table 4: Fiuman vowel chart

Front Central Back

High / i / / u /

Mid / e / / o /

Low / a /

The distinction based on vowel length, although apparently present in early Fiuman, seems to have been lost in contemporary Fiuman. However, in the case of vowels a and u there are still instances where length is a distinctive feature (Rošić, 2002), as in (15) (example from Rošić, 2002: 53).

(15) pápa vs. papà /papa/ vs /papa/ (food vs father)

Diphthongs that occur in the standard Italian language are only partially conserved in the Fiuman dialect. For example, the diphthong -uo does not appear either in open or in closed syllables: e.g. omo (it. uomo) ´man´; novo (it. nuovo) ´new´ (examples from Rošić, 2002: 67).

23 Dardano, M. & Pietro T. (1995). Grammatica italiana con nozioni di linguistica. Firenze: Zanichelli.

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4.1.2 Consonants

The consonant sounds of the Fiuman dialect are represented in Table 5 (after Rošić, 2002: 121).

Table 5: Fiuman consonant sounds

Phoneme

Grapheme Phonological definition

/ p / p voiceless bilabial stop

/ b / b voiced bilabial stop

/ m / m voiced bilabial nasal stop

/ f / f voiceless labiodental fricative

/ v / v voiced labiodental fricative

/ t / t voiceless alveolar dental stop

/ d / d voiced alveolar dental stop

/ s /

s

intervocalic ss

voiceless alveolar fricative

/ z /

s (+ b, d, g, l, m, n, v)

x24

voiced alveolar fricative

/ ts / z voiceless alveolar affricate

/ dz / ź voiced alveolar affricate

/ n / n voiced dental nasal stop

/ l / l alveolar lateral

/ r / r alveolar vibrant

24 X is used only in second and third person singular and third person plural in present indicative of verb esser ´to be´: e.g. ti xe [ti ze] ´you are´.

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/ ć /25 c (+ e, i) voiceless dorso apicopalatal affricate

/ đ / g (+e, i) voiced dorso apricopalatal affricate

/ ŋ / gn voiced palatal stop

/ j / j palatal semiconsonant

/ k / c (+ a, o, u,)

ch (+ e, i) voiceless velar stop

/ g / g voiced velar stop

In the Fiuman dialect voiceless velar fricative /h/, which is not aspirated in the standard Italian language, is regularly aspirated in the words of foreign origin such as màhaz ['mahats] ´ability´ (Gottardi, 2007; Rošić, 2002; Samani, 2007) (example from Rošić, 2002: 124). Intervocalic double consonants that exist in standard Italian have undergone a process of simplification, i.e. degemination, in Fiuman, as well as in other Venetan dialects, e.g. tuto (it. tutto) ´everything´ (example from Berghoffer, 1999: 9).

4.1.3 Phonological processes

The overview of some of the most common phonological processes occurring in the Fiuman dialect is listed below (after Rošić, 2002: 52-124).

ASSIMILATION

In certain past participles and verbal adjectives due to voicing /t/ becomes /d/, as in cantado (It. cantato) ‘sung´ or vestido (It. vestito) ‘dressed´. Phonem /k/ due to voicing becomes /g/, as in amiga (It. amica) ´female friend´. Phonem /p/ because of voiced fricativization becomes /v/, as in coverto (It. coperto) ‘covered´.

EPENTHESIS - Prothesis

Semi-vowel j- is regularly added to the imperfect form of the verb esser ´to be´ resulting in forms jero, jeri, jera, jerimo, jeri, jera. While some scholars attribute this occurrence to the Slavic influence, i.e. to the influence of the Croatian chakavian dialect, Rošić (2002) disagrees because the same development exists in the dialects of Treviso and Rovigo (and in the latter two cases it cannot be attributed to the Slavic influence).

25 Rošić (2002) has chosen to replace the standard IPA's symbol t∫ with ć here because the realization of this phoneme does not correspond the Italian phoneme /t∫/ but is closer to the Croatian phoneme /ć/. Similarly, IPA's symbol dƷ has been replaced with đ because the realization of /đ/ is closer to the Coratian dorso apicopalatal than to the Italian prepalatal affricate /dƷ/.

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DELETION

a) Aphaeresis

Initial a- or even the whole initial syllable are often lost in verbal forms and in some adjectives, as in spetar (It. aspettare) ´to wait´ and tondo (It. rotondo) ´round´.

b) Apocope

Final vowels -a, -e and -i are lost after consonants -r, -l and -n, as in professor (It. professore) ´professor´ and veder (It. vedere) ´to see´. However, if the consonants -r, -l and -n are preceded by another consonant, the final vowel is preserved (Pafundi, 2011).

c) Syncope

Loss of consonants in the middle of the word is common, as illustrated in mare (It. madre) ´mother´, pare (It. padre) ´father´ and paron (It. padrone) ´owner´.

METATHESIS

Metathesis most frequently occurs when postconsonantal -r of the second syllable becomes united with the consonant cluster, or with the first consonant of the word (Rošić, 2002: 116), as in (22) drento (It. dentro) ´inside´.

For further information on Fiuman segmental phonology, see: Batò (1933), Berghoffer (1894/1999), Gottardi (2007), Pafundi (2011), Rošić (2002), Samani (2007).

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4.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology

Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology is only marginally dealt with in the descriptions of the Fiuman dialect. There is no comprehensive account of stress patterns and syllable structure in Fiuman, and no account whatsoever of tone, pitch accent and intonation.

Contents: 4.2.1 Stress

4.2.1 Stress

In the standard Italian language primary stress occurs on one of the last three syllables of the word, while in the orthography only final stress is marked by either grave (`) or acute accent (´) (Maiden & Robustelli, 200026). In the Fiuman dialect diacritic marks indicating stress are used to differentiate stressed from unstressed syllables regardless of their position in the word (Rošić, 2002). Below can be found a couple of remarks regarding stress pattern from Rošić’s work (2002: 52-124).

As a result of apocope of final vowels after -a, -e and -i the stress falls on the last syllable (if the final vowels were not deleted the stress would be on the penultimate syllable), as in zervèl (It. cervello) ´brain´. However, in the case of infinitives of the verbs mòver ´to move´ and vèder ´to see´, the stress shifted to the first syllable.

In nouns where -n historically preceded final vowel which was lost, stress generally falls on the last syllable, as in bacàn ´noise, uproar´.

For further information on Fiuman suprasegmental and prosodic phonology, see: Batò (1933), Rošić (2002).

26 Maiden, M. & Robustelli, C. (2000). A reference grammar of Italian. Chicago: NTC Publishing.

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Section 5 Research questions and aims (contribution within AThEME)

The FHSS team will focus on the sociolinguistic, rather than the linguistic aspect of the Fiuman dialect and other varieties of Italian spoken in the town of Rijeka and the nearby region of Istria. More specifically, we will focus on language attitudes towards standard and non-standard varieties of Italian in these parts of Croatia, and how these attitudes affect the way in which people use those varieties, rather than on the linguistic description and analysis of those varieties. The results will be used to evaluate language and educational policies, and develop recommendations for their further development. These are some of the research questions that will be addressed:

1. What are the language attitudes of bilingual Croatian-Italian speakers and monolingual Croatian speakers towards standard and non-standard varieties of Italian in the town of Rijeka and the region of Istria?

2. What are the patterns of use of standard and non-standard varieties of Italian in the town of Rijeka and the region of Istria among bilingual Croatian-Italian speakers?

3. What is the relationship between language attitudes and the patterns of use of standard and non-standard varieties of Italian in the town of Rijeka and the region of Istria?

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Section 6 Bibliography

6.1. Bibliography for syntax:

Berghoffer, G. (1999). Prinosi proučavanju fijumanskog dijalekta (gramatička rasprava). In Lukežić, I. (ed.), Fijumanski idiom. Zbornik tekstova (pp. 7-35). Rijeka: Izdavački centar Rijeka [Translation from: Berghoffer, G. (1894). Contributi allo studio del dialetto fiumano: Saggio grammaticale. Fiume: Mohovich].

Depoli, G. (1928). La provincial del Carnaro: Saggio geografico. Fiume: Società di Studi Fimani.

Pafundi, N. (2011). Dizionario fiumano-italiano, italiano-fiumano. Padua: Associazione Libero Comune di Fiume in Esilio.

Rošić, Đ. B. (2002). Linguistic identity of the dialect of Fiume. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto.

Samani, S. (2007). Dizionario del dialetto fiumano (3 volumes). Roma: Società di Studi Fiumani.

6.2 Bibliography for morphology:

Berghoffer, G. (1999). Prinosi proučavanju fijumanskog dijalekta (gramatička rasprava). In Lukežić, I. (ed.), Fijumanski idiom. Zbornik tekstova (pp. 7-35). Rijeka: Izdavački centar Rijeka [Translation from: Berghoffer, G. (1894). Contributi allo studio del dialetto fiumano: Saggio grammaticale. Fiume: Mohovich].

Blecich, K. (2012). Storia delle parole nel dialetto fiumano. Unpublished masters thesis, University of Pula.

Depoli, G. (1928). La provincial del Carnaro: Saggio geografico. Fiume: Società di Studi Fiumani.

Gottardi, F. (2007). Come parlavamo. Roma: Società di Studi Fiumani.

Lukežić, I. (1993). O dvama riječkim pučkim jezicima. Fluminensia 5(1-2), 25-38.

Pafundi, N. (2011). Dizionario fiumano-italiano, italiano-fiumano. Padua: Associazione Libero Comune di Fiume in Esilio.

Rošić, Đ. B. (2002). Linguistic identity of the dialect of Fiume. Unpublished doctoral dissertation.

Samani, S. (2007). Dizionario del dialetto fiumano (3 volumes). Roma: Società di Studi Fiumani.

6.3 Bibliography for phonology:

Batò, M. (1933). A fiumei nyelvjárás. Budapest: Stephaneum Nyomda R. T.

Berghoffer, G. (1999). Prinosi proučavanju fijumanskog dijalekta (gramatička rasprava). In Lukežić, I. (ed.), Fijumanski idiom. Zbornik tekstova (pp. 7-35). Rijeka: Izdavački centar Rijeka [Translation from: Berghoffer, G. (1894). Contributi allo studio del dialetto fiumano: Saggio grammaticale. Fiume: Mohovich].

Gottardi, F. (2007). Come parlavamo. Roma: Società di Studi Fiumani.

Pafundi, N. (2011). Dizionario fiumano-italiano, italiano-fiumano. Padua: Associazione Libero Comune di Fiume in Esilio.

Rošić, Đ. B. (2002). Linguistic identity of the dialect of Fiume. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto.

Samani, S. (2007). Dizionario del dialetto fiumano (3 volumes). Roma: Società di Studi Fiumani.

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8. Primorska Slovenian dialects

Rok Žaucer (University of Nova Gorica)

1. Introduction: The Fiuman dialect

2. Syntax

2.1 The syntax of the clausal domain 2.1.1 Clitic doubling 2.1.2 Subject doubling 2.1.3 Negation 2.1.4 Dummy ‘this’ 2.1.5 Resumptive-pronoun drop 2.1.6 Clitic placement 2.1.7 ‘Stand’+infinitive negative-imperative construction 2.2 The syntax of the nominal domain 2.2.1 Definite article 2.2.2 Postnominal adjectives 2.2.3 Demonstrative reinforcers 3. Morphology 3.1 Inflectional morphology 3.1.1 Gender 3.1.2 Case inflection 3.1.3 Dual

3.2 Derivation and compounding 3.2.1 Derivation 3.2.2 Diminutive formation 3.2.3 Compounding 4. Phonology

4.1 Segmantal phonology 4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs 4.1.2 Consonants 4.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology 4.2.1 Lexical tone, stress 5. Research questions and aims

6. Bibliography

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Section 1: The Slovenian language area

The Slovenian language area comprises of Slovenia and the traditionally Slovenian speaking areas in adjacent Italy, Austria and Hungary. Next to Slovenian, Italian and Hungarian are official languages in their respective minority regions of Slovenia.

There are many different and very diverse dialects in the Slovenian language area (e.g. Priestly 1993: 446), and together they constitute the northwesternmost part of the South Slavic dialectal continuum (e.g. Tomić 2008: 444). The Nova Gorica team will focus on the Primorska Slovenian (a.k.a. Littoral Slovenian) dialect group, which comprises dialects from the western part of the Slovenian-speaking territory, along both sides of the Slovenia-Italy border, and within this group, on the dialects spoken in the region around (Nova) Gorica. There is substantial variation within the Primorska Slovenian dialect group as well, with the dialects of “linguistic enclaves” (Breu 2011: 434) in Slavia veneta and Resia in Italy showing greatest divergence from standard Slovenian.

The variation in the Slovenian language area has been rather well described for certain domains, specifically, for phonology, morphology and the vocabulary. There exist both descriptions of individual community idioms and comparative cross-dialectal studies of specific features, as well as synthetic works with brief or more exhaustive descriptions for comprehensive lists of dialects (such as Ramovš 1935, Logar 1975, Zorko 2009, etc.). There also exist large-scale dialectal projects, such as the Slovene linguistic atlas, which has been in the making—in the context of the international project Slavic linguistic atlas—at the Research Center of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts since the 1960s (see Škofic et al. 2011a,b). None of these works deal with syntactic dialectal variation, which remains largely undescribed and unresearched. In the past 15 years, some studies of specific features emerged, but there has been no systematic effort for researching syntactic dialectal variation.

This document will provide a glimpse of (mostly syntactic) aspects in which dialects from the Primorska Slovenian group have been noted to differ from Standard Slovenian and from dialects in other Slovenian dialect groups, as well as among themselves. We will summarize the topics and findings of previous studies as well as identify certain dialectal characteristics that have more or less only been noted to exist without having received any attention or formal description.

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Section 2: Syntax

2.1 The syntax of the clausal domain

Contents: 2.1.1 Clitic doubling 2.1.2 Subject doubling 2.1.3 Negation 2.1.4 Dummy ‘this’ 2.1.5 Resumptive-pronoun drop 2.1.6 Clitic placement 2.1.7 ‘Stand’+infinitive negative-imperative construction

2.1.1 Clitic doubling

Standard Slovenian and non-Primorska dialects (except some dialects neighboring on Primorska Slovenian dialects) do not exhibit clitic doubling. Inside the Primorska dialect group, however, clitic doubling is exhibited in most if not all varieties, as in (1) from the dialect of Gorica (example from Marušič and Žaucer 2010: 103).

(1) Ma to me mene ne briga. but this me.CL.GEN me.GEN not concerns ‘But I don’t care about this.’

The extent to which the phenomenon is generalized differs across dialects. The phenomenon has been attributed to contact with neighboring Italian dialects and Friulian (Skubic 1997). For more information, see Volk (2007), Marušič and Žaucer (2010), Krošelj (2013), Runić (2013). 2.1.2 Subject Doubling

Most of Primorska Slovenian dialects (and the rest of Slovenian dialects as well as Standard Slovenian) do not exhibit a nominative form of clitic pronouns, but some dialects of Primorska Slovenian, such as the one from Resia valley in Italy, do, and then they also exhibit clitic doubling of nominative subjects, as in (2) (example from Skubic 1997: 84).

(2) Pero ti ti na smiš pandinat nini duši, da ti si krščen. but you you.CL not can reveal no soul that you are baptized ‘But you mustn’t tell anyone that you were baptized.’

For more information, see: Skubic (1997), Šekli (2008), Steenwijk (1992).

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2.1.3 Negation

Standard Slovenian, as well as central Slovenian dialects, generally require the negative particle to be adjacent to the inflected verb. In a number of Primorska Slovenian dialects, however, the negative particle can often be separated from the verb with other material, as in (3).

(3) Paziš, da se ne kje pade. watch that refl not somewhere fall ‘You make sure that you don’t fall on the way.’

Whereas the verb-adjacent negative particle in Standard Slovenian is a clitic, the negative particle that is separated from the verb in Primorska Slovenian dialects appears to be stressed. The divergence from the Standard Slovenian pattern has been attributed to language contact (Skubic 1997). A stressed negative particle—though not necessarily with an overall comparable distribution—can occur separated from the verb also in Pannonian dialects on the other end of Slovenian-speaking territory (Zorko 1998, Ilc 2011). For more information, see Skubic (1997), Zuljan (2003), Ilc (2008), Ilc (2011).

2.1.4 Dummy ‘this’

Standard Slovenian, a pro-drop language, shows no dummy pronoun in weather sentences. The Primorska dialects of Slavia veneta and the Resia valley exhibit a dummy-like use of the default form (neuter, singular, nominative) of demonstrative pronoun ‘this’ in weather sentences, as in (4) (from Skubic 1997: 82).

(4) To spe lyje. it again rains ‘It’s raining again.’

To some extent, a dummy use of ‘this’ occurs also outside weather sentences. The phenomenon has been attributed to contact with Friulian. For more information, see Skubic (1997).

2.1.5 Resumptive-pronoun drop

In Standard Slovenian, as well as in central Slovenian dialects, relative clauses introduced by the invariable relativizer ki must have (in non-nominative cases) a resumptive pronoun. In some Primorska Slovenian dialects, relative clauses introduced by ki ‘which’ can occur without a resumptive pronoun, as in (5).

(5) Mi bomo seveda nadaljevali z delom, ki smo začeli v teh štirih letih. we will naturally continue with work which are began in these four years ‘We will, naturally, continue the work we started in these four years.’

The phenomenon has been attributed to contact with Romance. For more information, see Skubic (1997), Volk (2007), Zuljan (2014).

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2.1.6 Clitic placement

With respect to placement of pronominal clitics, Slovenian is generally described as a type of Wackernagel language. Comparing Primorska Slovenian dialects with Standard Slovenian and central Slovenan dialects, we find some divergence in this domain, both with respect to the clitic ordering within the clitic cluster and with respect to the placement of the clitic cluster in the clause. Inside the clitic cluster, for example, the order of the non-active/reflexive clitic and the dative personal pronoun clitic shows reverse ordering, as in the Standard Slovenian ordering in (6a) and Brda Primorska Slovenian ordering in (6b) ((6b) from Zuljan 2003: 72).

(6) a. se mi zdi … b. mi si zdi … refl I.DAT seems I.DAT refl seem ‘it seems to me …’ ‘it seems to me …’

With respect to the placement of the clitic cluster in the clause, Primorska Slovenian shows various types of divergent placement in root and embedded clauses, including more frequent (surface) clause-initial placement (Zuljan 2003), syntactic third-place placement after the complementizer and the subject (as in the case of the auxiliary clitic je in (7), from Skubic 1997: 108), etc. For more information, see Skubic (1997), Zuljan (2003).

(7) Su vidli, de miza je bla parpraujena za punu judi. are saw that table is been ready for plenty people ‘They saw that the table had been set for a lot of people.’

2.1.7 ‘Stand’+infinitive negative-imperative construction

Standard Slovenian, as well as central Slovenian dialects, allow true negative imperatives, but they also make heavy use of a surrogate negative imperative made up of the negative particle and the verbal infinitive. Primorska Slovenian exhibit a third way of expressing prohibition, a structure that combines a negated imperative of ‘stand’ plus a main-verb infinitive, as in (8) (from Bizjak 2012: 6).

(8) Ne stujte se bat. not stand.IMPER refl be-scared.INF ‘Don’t be afraid.’

The construction has been attributed to contact with Friulian and the Veneto dialect of Italian. For more information, see Bizjak (2012).

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2.2 The syntax of the nominal domain

Contents: 2.2.1 Definite article 2.2.2 Postnominal adjectives 2.2.3 Demonstrative reinforcers

2.2.1 Definite article

Most Slovenian dialects, including the Primorska dialects, differ from Standard Slovenian in exhibiting a so-called definite article, as in the central Slovenian example in (9) (from Marušič and Žaucer 2014).

(9) ta velika knjiga TA big book ‘the big book’

Based on data from central Slovenian dialects, it has been claimed that the article can occur inside indefinite noun phrases, and that it is in fact not part of the functional structure of the nominal projection line but of the adjectival one (Marušič and Žaucer 2014). In contrast, it has been claimed that in certain Primorska Slovenian dialects, specifically the dialect of the Resia valley in Italy, the seeming counterpart of that TA cannot occur in indefinite noun phrases and is indeed an article in the nominal projection line, a situation that is seen as a further development towards a standard nominal definite article under the influence of contact with Romance languages (Runić 2013). Another point of cross-dialectal variation with respect to this article, which has developed from a declinable demonstrative pronoun, is that it is now an indeclinable element in some dialects, including the central Slovenian ones and the Primorska dialects in the Gorica area, and declinable in others, including the Primorska dialect of Resia valley (Steenwijk 1992, Runić 2013). For further information, see Marušič and Žaucer 2007, 2014, Runić 2013).

2.2.2 Postnominal adjectives

In the unmarked case, any type of adjectives (qualifying, kind …) are found to the left of the noun in both Standard Slovenian and in most dialects, including most Primorska dialects. In certain Primorska dialects, however, several types of adjectives can also occur to the right of the noun, as in (10) (from Zuljan 2003).

(10) Je odriezala kruh v flete debiele an jih je zmočila … is cut-off bread in slices thick and them is wetted … ‘She cut the bread into thick slices and wetted them …’

Both placements, prenominal and postnominal, are reported to be neutral, and there is no semantic difference between them. The optional postnominal placement is attributed to Romance influence,

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possibly specifically Friulian, where a prenominal or postnominal position reportedly also does not correlate with semantic differences (Zuljan 2003).

2.2.3 Demonstrative reinforcers

The shape of demonstratives varies greatly across Slovenian dialects (see Logar 1996). Part of the variation in this domain comes from the way demonstratives combine with the reinforcing particle le, a combination that is found in almost all Slovenian dialects, including Primorska Slovenian dialects, and also in Standard Slovenian. The combination shows substantial variation even across dialects within the Primorska dialect group. The variation comes with respect to the ordering of the combining elements, i.e. the demonstrative element, the reinforcing element, and the case/gender/number element, as well as with respect to the possibility of doubling of individual ones of those elements. The different varieties in (11) (based on Logar 1996: 324-6) all come from different Primorska Slovenian dialects, and the combinations in (12) appear to only exist in dialects outside the Primorska group.

(11) a. tegale b. telga c. ltie d. tltie DEM.GEN.PTCL DEM.PTCL.GEN PTCL.DEM.NOM DEM.PTCL.DEM.NOM ‘this here’

(12) a. tegalga b. tegalele DEM.GEN.PTCL.GEN DEM.GEN.PTCL.PTCL ‘this here’

For more information, see Logar (1996) and Marušič & Žaucer (2012).

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Section 3: Morphology

3.1 Inflectional morphology

Contents: 3.1.1 Gender 3.1.2 Case inflection 3.1.3 Dual 3.1.1 Gender

Standard Slovenian has a three-fold gender system: it distinguishes masculine, feminine and neuter nouns. The distinction is morphologically realized through inflection on nouns as well as on agreeing elements from the adjectival domain. In many Slovenian dialects, however, neuter gender has been unstable on nouns, with neuter nouns switching to either masculine or feminine. The switch may take place throughout the paradigm or only in a subset of forms (e.g. in singular and dual, but not in plural, as generally holds for some central Slovenian dialects). Dialects of the Primorska group are not homogeneous in this respect. Dialects to the east of Gorica show little tendency for neuter nouns to switch gender. The dialects of the Brda area, however, showing a strong tendency for neuter nouns to switch to feminine gender in plural, though (depending on the phonology) not in the singular.

(13)

For more information, see Smole (2006), Adamlje (2011), Logar (1996).

3.1.2 Case inflection

Like other dialects, Primorska Slovenian dialects also exhibit some divergence from Standard Slovenian, as well as among themselves, with respect to case inflection. Apart from the crossdialectally most common divergence that is related, in one form or another, to vowel reduction or to diverging evolutions of an older common vowel, certain Primorska Slovenian dialects also exhibit simply different case suffixes (often stemming from older forms of the language). An example is (14), which contrasts the Standard Slovenian and a Primorska Slovenian masculine singular locative suffix ((14a) and (14b), respectively).

(14) a. hodniku b. hodniki

SINGULAR PLURAL STANDARD SLOVENIAN mesto (=neut) mesta (=neut) LJUBLJANA (CENTRAL) mest (=masc) mesta (=neut) GOLO BRDO (PRIMORSKA) miesto (=neut) mieste (=fem)

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3.1.3 Dual

Standard Slovenian has a three-fold number system: it distinguishes singular, dual and plural. The distinction is marked on verbs, nouns, adjectives, demonstratives, numerals. Across Slovenian dialects, the extent of dual marking varies greatly, and the same holds for the situation within the Primorska Slovenian dialect group. Whereas all dialects as well as Standard Slovenian exhibit syncretism among some of the dual and plural forms of both nouns and adjectives, dialects on the eastern, southern and western fringes of the Slovenian-speaking territory exhibit most advanced loss of dual forms. As for Primorska Slovenian, most of its dialects exhibit some extent of loss of dual form use on the verb when compared to Standard Slovenian and to central, northern and north-eastern Slovenian dialects, so that plural verb forms can often replace dual verb forms when agreeing with a subject that refers to a set of two (and may carry dual inflection), as in (15), which shows present tense indicative forms for the verb ‘go’.

(15)

Nevertheless, almost all, if not all, Primorska dialects retain some dual forms in the nominal domain, and in some cases, they also preserve the dual-plural distinction where central Slovenian dialects now have syncretic forms, as in (16), which shows nominative/accusative forms for the feminine a-stem declination noun ‘cow’.

(16)

As dual is a rare occurrence among European languages, it is not surprising that the dialectal situation has been rather well described. A crossdialectal survey is available in Jakop (2008).

1-SET SUBJECT 2-SET SUBJECT 3-SET SUBJECT STANDARD SLO. grem greva gremo SOLKAN (PRIMORSKA)

grem gremo gremo

REFERENCE TO 1 REFERENCE TO 2 REFERENCE TO 3 LJUBLJANA (CENTRAL)

krava krave krave

SOLKAN (PRIMORSKA)

krava kravi krave

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3.2 Derivation & Compounding

Contents: 3.2.1 Derivation 3.2.2 Diminutive formation 3.2.3 Compounding

3.2.1 Derivation

There is not much known about dialectal variation in this area, apart from occasional mentions of a dialect-specific derivational suffix in the sense of vocabulary variation. Verbal prefixation is a very prominent and widely researched area of the Slovenian verbal system, yet there does not seem to be much information available on possible dialectal variation in this domain. A case of a dialect-specific prefix in which some Primorska Slovenian dialects differ from most other Slovenian dialects as well as from Standard Slovenian (and South Slavic languages more generally) is their retention of the prefix vi-/vy- ‘out’, for which other varieties use iz- ‘out’ (Lenček 1992).

3.2.2 Diminutive formation

Slovenian has a productive system of nominal diminutive formation, and more generally expressive morphology that extends beyond the nominal domain also into the adjectival, adverbial and verbal domain. (17) shows a genitive-cased masculine noun ‘boy’ in its base form, (17a), diminutivezed with two different suffixes, (17b-c), and also diminutivized with a combination of the two, (17d).

(17) a. fant-a b. fant-ič-a c. fant-k-a d. fant-ič-k-a

No dialectal variation seems to be reported with respect to combinatory restrictions or individual suffixes’ category-changing characteristics. Some Primorska Slovenian dialects allow a diminutive suffix that cannot attach to neuter nouns in Standard Slovenian to also attach to neuter nouns; (18a), which shows -čk- on the genitive-cased form of the masculine stem ‘machine’, is acceptable both in Standard Slovenian and Primorska dialects, whereas (18b), which shows -čk- on the nominative-cased form of the neuter stem ‘lunch’, is only possible in some Primorska dialects.

(18) a. stroj-čk-a b. kosil-čk-e

For more information, see Toporišič (2000).

3.2.3 Compounding Slovenian has a not very productive compounding system. Dialectal variation does not seem to be reported for this domain.

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Section 4: Phonology

4.1 Segmental phonology

Contents: 4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs 4.1.2 Consonants 4.1.1 Vowels and diphthongs

A prominent feature of many Primorska Slovenian dialects is their greater use of diphtongs. Indeed, one of the features on which the classification of Primorska group rests is the development that saw yat change to /ie/ and /o/ to /uo/. Another, related vowel feature of Primorska dialects is the absence of phonemic distinction between closed and open /e/ and /o/, in which they contrast both with central Slovenian dialects and Standard Slovenian. Different dialects of the group also see various different realization of vowels that diverge from Standard Slovenian. For further information, see Logar (1996), Rigler (2001), Špehonja (2012), Greenberg (2000).

4.1.2 Consonants

A well-known phenomenon of phonological variation in the Slovenian-speaking area, which relates the Primorska Slovenian dialect group to its neighboring Carinthia Slovenian dialects in the north, is the fricativization of Standard Slovenian /g/. Most of Primorska Slovenian dialects thus exhibit /ɣ/ where other dialects of Slovenian and Standard Slovenian have /g/, as in (19).

(19)

For further information, see Logar (1996), Rigler (2001). It can be noted that as the most idiosyncratic phonology of all Slovenian dialects, considerably different even from the rest of Primorska Slovenian dialects, the phonology of the Resia valley (both its vowel and consonant systems) has been extensively studied in the 19th and 20th century; see Steenwijk (1992) for an overview and further information.

“mountain” “leg” STANDARD SLO. gora ɣora BRDA (PRIMORSKA) noga noɣa

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4.2 Suprasegmental and prosodic phonology

Contents: 4.2.1 Lexical tone, stress 4.2.2 Lexical tone, stress

Older Slovenian was a language with lexical tone, which is still coded for Standard Slovenian (alongside stress). The distinction in Standard Slovenian is between two tones, usually called ‘accute’ and ‘circumflex’. This distinction can constitute the only difference between two words (although this is reported to be the case in fewer than 100 non-morphologically related pairs, and with the majority of these belonging to rather peripheral vocabulary, Jurgec 2007: 197). (20) gives some minimal pairs (from Jurgec 2007: 204).

(20)

Across Slovenian dialects, the situation varies. Whereas many dialects have lost lexical tone and replaced it with stress, some are reported to still have it. The situation is similar inside the Primorska dialect group: some dialects, such as the ones of Natissone valley in Italy and of Upper Soča valley, are reported to still have it, and most others to have lost it. The stress systems also shows discrepancies between Standard Slovenian and dialects, as well as among dialects. For further information, see Toporišič (2000), Jurgec (2007).

ACCUTE CIRCUMFLEX pŏt “path” pôt “sweat” ‘kìlâ “hernia” ‘kílâ “kilogram” ‘∫àlítsâ “joke.DIMIN” ‘∫álítsà “cup”

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Section 5: Research questions and aims

The Nova Gorica team will focus on aspects of the morphosyntactic and semantic domain, since these are the domains that have received the least attention in Slovenian dialectology. We will primarily look into differences that the Primorska dialects, in particular those in the area of Nova Gorica, exhibit when compared to Standard Slovenian and/or the dialects of central Slovenia. In investigating points of divergence between Primorska Slovenian dialects and central Slovenian dialects, we will try to determine whether the situation in Primorska Slovenian dialects could be a consequence of language contact.

One domain of investigation will concern aspects of the syntax and semantics of negation in Primorska Slovenian. A prominent point of divergence between several Primorska Slovenian dialects and central Slovenian dialects is placement of the negative particle. In contexts where central Slovenian dialects require the negative particle to be adjacent to the inflected verb, Primorska Slovenian dialects often allow it to be separated from the inflected verb by other material. It has been suggested that this is likely a consequence of language contact with (Veneto) Italian and Friulian. We plan on determining following:

(i) precise distribution of the negative particle (with respect to the inflected verb, possible intervening material, etc.) in comparison with central Slovenian dialects and Standard Slovenian

(ii) relation of the possibility of having intervening material and the negative particle carrying stress

(iii) comparison with Pannonian dialects in the North-East of Slovenia, which have also been known to differ from Standard Slovenian in allowing separation of the negative particle and the inflected verb

(iv) underlying syntactic structures of investigated constructions

(v) the nature of the stressed negative particle – standard negation vs. presuppositional negation

(vi) comparison with central Slovenian from the perspective of typology of NPIs

(vii) comparison with central Slovenian from the perspective of typology of neg-raising predicates in relation to the type of negation

Methodology: we will collect data on several dialects of Primorska Slovenian and on a dialect of central Slovenia by means of searches of independently recorded speech (e.g. media) and by means of theoretically informed questionnaires and interviews. The data will be archived in a database. The empirical results will hopefully provide the input needed to make formal descriptions and theoretical generalizations, and to evaluate the role of language contact in this domain of the syntax of Slovenian.

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Section 6: Bibliography

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Breu, W. (2011). Language contact of minority languages in Central and Southern Europe: a comparative approach. In B. Kortmann & J. van der Auwera (ed.) The Languages and Linguistics of Europe. Berlin/Boston: Mouton De Gruyter. 429-451.

Greenberg, M. (2000). A Historical Phonology of the Slovene Language. Heidelberg: C. Winter.

Ilc, G. (2008). O zanikanju in nikalnici v slovenščini. Jezik in slovstvo, 35 (2), 65-79.

Ilc, G. (2011). Jespersen’s cycle in Slovenian. Linguistica, 51, 349-363.

Jakop, T. (2008). The Dual in Slovene Dialects. Bochum: N. Brockmeyer.

Jurgec, P. (2007). Acoustic Analysis of Tones in Contemporary Standard Slovene: Preliminary Findings. Slovenski jezik – Slovene Linguistic Studies, 6, 195-207.

Krošelj, S., (2013), Naslonsko podvajanje v vrtojbenščini. MA thesis, University of Nova Gorica.

Lenček, R. L. (1992). Na sledi tvorjenk s predpono vi- v slovenskih narečjih. Slavistična revija, 40 (1), 61-77.

Logar, T. (1975) Slovenska narečja (besedila). Ljubljana: Založba Mladinska knjiga.

Logar, T. (1996). Dialektološke in jezikovnozgodovinske razprave. Ljubljana: SAZU.

Marušič, F., & Žaucer, R. (2007). On the Adjectival Definite Article in Slovenian. Pismo, 5 (1), 102-124.

Marušič, F., & Žaucer, R. (2010). Clitic doubling in a determinerless language with second position clitics. In G. Zybatow et al. (eds.) Formal studies in Slavic linguistics. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. 101-115.

Marušič, F., & Žaucer, R. (2012). On Slovenian demonstrative reinforcers and the internal structure of demonstratives. In M. Marković (ed.) Selected Papers from SinFonIJA 3. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishers.

Marušič, F., & Žaucer, R. (2014). A definite article in the AP – evidence from colloquial Slovenian. In L. Schürcks. A. Giannakidou, U. Etxeberria (eds.) The Nominal Structure in Slavic and Beyond. Boston: Mouton De Gruyter. 183-208.

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9. Conclusion

In this report the partners of AtHEME work package 2 have provided an overview of the grammar of the minority languages and dialects they are investigating. Providing such an overview serves different purposes. First of all, it is important to document the linguistic diversity that they represent before it is too late; these languages are often "under pressure" as a result of the presence of a dominant language (the Standard language). Secondly, it is useful for identifying "empirical gaps" in the grammatical description (phonology, morphology, syntax) of those languages/dialects. As shown by this study, it holds for most of these minority languages and dialects that, even though several grammatical phenomena have been described and analyzed, there are no extensive descriptions available yet. Thirdly, our overview will help us to identify grammatical properties and phenomena that the minority languages/dialects share or don't share with the surrounding language(s) (e.g. a dominant Standard language) in a multilingual society. By getting a clearer picture of points of similarity and diversity, it may be easier to identify loci in the grammar that are likely to be sensitive to grammatical change in language contact situations.

Besides providing an overview of the grammatical properties and phenomena of the minority languages/dialects under investigation in this WP2, we have also sketched for each of the partners which research questions will be addressed in the course of this project. A large part of the research within this WP will consist of gathering more information about the linguistic diversity that we find, and describing and analyzing this diversity in a systematic way. The focus will be on the points at which the dialects or minority languages differ from the majority language, but partners will also look at patterns of overlap and some of them will also study ways in which dialectal/regional varieties influence each other in language contact situations. For most partners, research will focus on the domain of syntax (Utrecht University, University of Edinburgh, University of Nova Gorica, IKER-CNRS), but the field of phonology will also be included in our study (University of Nantes). One partner (University of Trento) will take a broad perspective (phonology, morphology and syntax) on phenomena of language change in language contact situations. The issue of language change induced by language contact will be addressed by several WP2 partners. One of the issues that will be addressed, for example, by the University of Edinburgh is to what extent language distance has an effect on cognitive and linguistic levels. Research at the University of Rijeka-FHSS will investigate linguistic variation from a sociolinguistic point of view, paying attention to attitudes of bilingual and monolingual speakers towards standard and nonstandard varieties. We hope that an overall outcome of our research will be a better insight into (i) the nature of grammatical diversity, (ii) the nature and dynamics of language change in language contact situations (both at the level of society and the individual), (iii) the social and societal factors that play a role in the (non)acceptance and (non)integration of minority languages/dialects in multilingual societies.