Abstractsof Papers Read

at theFifty-second Annual Meeting

of the

Arnerican Musicological Society

Cleveland, OhioNovember 6-9, 1986

edited by

Douglas Johnson, Rutgers University

CONTENT S

THURSDAY, 6 NOVEMBER, 2:00 _ 5:00 p.M.

Topics in Spanish MusicTopics in Baroque Lute MusicHaydn and BeethovenSchumann and BrucknerTwentieth-Century Topics

1

47

1013

Text andTopics inMusic inMahlerCritical

FRIDAY, 7 NOVEMBER, 9:00 - 12:00 A.M.Mu.s i cCatholic Music

Society, Haydn to Schubert

Vocabularies

1-6L9222510

FRIDAY, 7 NOVEMBER, 2:OOChant and LiturgyRenaissance Archival StudiesPerformance PracticesNineteenth-Century TheaterStravinsky and Octatonicisn

SUNDAY, 9 NOVEMBER, 9:OO

Four Renaissance i^IorksTopics in Baroque MusicYlozarx and BeethovenMusic and Literature

5:00 P.M.

L2:00 A.M.

J.L

JJ

35394J

SATURDAY, 8 NOVEMBER, 9 : 00 _ 12 : 00 A. M.ChantSome Attribution problems in Renaissance MusicB achLLsztAnerican Music

SATURDAY,8 NOVEMBER,2:00 _ 5:00 p.M.

Topics in Renaissance MusicTopics in Italian MusicEighteenth-Century Music TheoryMusic and Society in the Early Twentieth CenturyGenre: Implications for History and Criticism

4345485154

5760bJ6668

7I747881

T

THURSDAY,5 NOVEMBER,2:OO - 5:00 P.M

TOPICS IN SPANISH MUSICAlejandro E. Planchart, University of

California, Santa Barbara, Chair

SPANISH MASS CYCLES AND THEIR MANUSCRIPTSAndrew Tornasello, Baruch Co11ege, CUNY

The present assessment of late fourteenth-centurycollections of sacred polyphony is based prinarily onthe French sources Apt 16bis, Ivrea 115, and a fewperipheral documents. A close physical examination ofseveral ners sources recently discovered in BarcelonarsBibl ioteca central has yielded much infornation thatsignificantly alters our assumptions.

MSS Barc E and F, containing a total of ten works(six unica), are not distinctly different manuscriptsbut rather two gatherings drawn from one large source.Neither is Barc D (with nine works) rhe haphazardlyarranged sextern that published descriptions would haveus believe. When properly reconstructed, the bifoliosreveal themselves to have been extracted from twoquaternions, each of which held a complece mass cycle.The con"clusions, based prirnarily on paleographicgrounds, clearly show that these, as well as othercollections fron Catalonia (Barc A, B, C , andBarc -Ger) , belong to either of tr,ro types : 1) thelarge- format source that groups works according togenre: and 2) the sma11er, somewhat later document ofcomplete nass cycles. In spite of the fragmentarynature of nearly all of these sources, each document isshotrn to be a neatly arranged and 1ogically plannedcollection of sacred polyphony. It can also bedemonstrated that most of these manuscripts werecornpiled or owned by "Spaniards." The evidence provesthat northern Spain r^'as a nuch more important center inthe dissemination of late fourteenth-century nusic thanwe have heretofore believed.

IN RENAISSANCE SPAINJane MorIet Hardie, NSW State Conservatorium, Sydney

Known to have been a late medieval addition toLauds on the last three days of Holy Week, the kyriestenebrarum, troped Kyrie, or ninefold kyrie Iitany asit was variously ca11ed, has hitherto been presumed tohave been peculiar to some French liturgies, and to theSarum rite. Surviving nanuscript and printed sourcesof this liturgical unit often contain elaborate

-r-ThursdaY afternoon

2

performance instructions' suggest-t"t""t"l'"t. ttrnT:t"rlt;:

functLoned as a mlniature drarnaticexamination of rititr;;"";" b;;k" ' -this

paper ' shows

-:l:'1t enJoyed *ra"=pl-t?J u"e^ it spain

in the century

precedlng the Tridentine reforms' A total of thirteen

verses, togecher with other textual components ' are

found in books "o.iainl.g thi" liturgical unit ' but .

no

one source uses all thirteen verses' Racher' thechoice of components, their liturgical ordering' andperformance directions vary from source to source ' A

"t*ay of the variations i; text choices, performance

directions, ordering of components, and chant melodies'leads to some hypoJheses regarding regional liturgicalrelationships in late fifteenth- and sixteenth-centurySpain. elChough these hypotheses need to be testedfurther using a variety of Iiturgical moments, it isexpected thar this srudy will facilitace both thenaking of geographical assignments for previouslyunidentified Spanish antiphonals and the identificationof locales for which the numerous perserved anonymouspolyphonic settings of werses for the kvries tenebrarummay have been composed.

FRAY DIEGO DE TORRIJOS AND THE VILLANCICOAT SAN LORENZO DEL ESCORIAL, L669-I691.

Paul R. Laird, University ofNorth Carolina, Chapel Hill

Fray Diego de Torrij os was an organist, composer,and scribe who, from 1669 until his death in I69L,lived at San Lorenzo de1 Escorial, a royal monasterynorth of Madrid. Torrijos's largely unstudied musicaloutput includes twenty villancicos that are in thenonastery' s atchive . These works , in part autographs ,are worthy examples of the rich tradition of theseventeenth-century villancico, a Spanish vernacularreligious genre used at matins and in processions onhigh feast days. This paper examines Torrij os as acomposer and scribe and places him within the largerpicture of the villancico's cultivation at theEscorial.

Torri j os's villancicos shor,r the diversiry thatmarked the genre throughout the century; they rangefrom intimate works for four voices and continuo toIarge polychoral pieces for twelve voices arranged inthree choirs. Texturally, the villancicos vary fromhomorhythmic writing- -a primary stylistic trait of thevillancico- -to works with more imitative textures.Study of Torrij os's villancicos sheds ligtrt on theirfuncti.on at the Escorial, a detailed picture of a genrethat played a central role in Spanish niusic of theperiod.

Torrijos was customarily assisted in his copyingby another scribe who is as yet unidentified. In

Thursday afcernoon

addition ro Torrij os's works, the copyists also workedsent to the EscoriaL by composers fromin Spain, especially those at the CapilIaone of the royal monasteries in Madrid.

manuscripts demonstrate the characteristicsvillancico sources, the dissemination of theaspects of performance practice.

HUMANISM AND ANTI -HUMANTSMIN SPANISH MUSICAL THEORY AND PRACTICELouise K. Stein, University of Chicago

Humanisrn, character:ized by the rediscovery andrevival of ancient learning, was undeniably of Italianorigin but spread to other parts of Europe . Mus icalhurnanism was alive in sixteenth-century Spain,although, with some justification, it has beenroutinely classified as a superficial phenomenon. Thereflected g1-ory of Italian humanism in Spain has beenobscured by visions of the Inquisition, just as Spanishsecular music has been viewed in the shadow of sacredpolyphony. Spain' s seventeenth century is regarded asan anti-humanistic musical backwater, aS if thecounter-reformation zeaL of the Spanish Hapsburgs hadbanished humanisrn from Hispania. Actually, humanismexerted a lasting influence on Spanish mus ical theoryand practice during the seventeenth century, althoughits scrongest implications were realized only after c.1650.

on mus icelsewhereReal orTorri j os'sof typicalgenre, and

Some extraordinary examples ofseventeenth-century Spanish secular music reveal ablend of practical and speculative humanism, a curiousmix of traditional and modern ideas. It is this fusionof disparate forces that best characterizes thedevelopment of Spanish mus ical hunanism.

The object of this paper is to reconsider musicalhumanism and anti -humanism in Spain in the s ixteenthand seventeenth centuries, by (1) defining the areas ofhumanist speculation and investigation that had thegreatest irnpact in Spain, (2) describing how importedItalian ideas were reinterpreted or transformed, and( 3 ) presenting ner.q evidence that certain theories wererealized and given practical applications in secularmusic.

-r-ThursdaY afternoon

2

performance instructions' suggest-t"t""t"l'"t. ttrnT:t"rlt;:

functLoned as a mlniature drarnaticexamination of rititr;;"";" b;;k" ' -this

paper ' shows

-:l:'1t enJoyed *ra"=pl-t?J u"e^ it spain

in the century

precedlng the Tridentine reforms' A total of thirteen

verses, togecher with other textual components ' are

found in books "o.iainl.g thi" liturgical unit ' but .

no

one source uses all thirteen verses' Racher' thechoice of components, their liturgical ordering' andperformance directions vary from source to source ' A

"t*ay of the variations i; text choices, performance

directions, ordering of components, and chant melodies'leads to some hypoJheses regarding regional liturgicalrelationships in late fifteenth- and sixteenth-centurySpain. elChough these hypotheses need to be testedfurther using a variety of Iiturgical moments, it isexpected thar this srudy will facilitace both thenaking of geographical assignments for previouslyunidentified Spanish antiphonals and the identificationof locales for which the numerous perserved anonymouspolyphonic settings of werses for the kvries tenebrarummay have been composed.

FRAY DIEGO DE TORRIJOS AND THE VILLANCICOAT SAN LORENZO DEL ESCORIAL, L669-I691.

Paul R. Laird, University ofNorth Carolina, Chapel Hill

Fray Diego de Torrij os was an organist, composer,and scribe who, from 1669 until his death in I69L,lived at San Lorenzo de1 Escorial, a royal monasterynorth of Madrid. Torrijos's largely unstudied musicaloutput includes twenty villancicos that are in thenonastery' s atchive . These works , in part autographs ,are worthy examples of the rich tradition of theseventeenth-century villancico, a Spanish vernacularreligious genre used at matins and in processions onhigh feast days. This paper examines Torrij os as acomposer and scribe and places him within the largerpicture of the villancico's cultivation at theEscorial.

Torri j os's villancicos shor,r the diversiry thatmarked the genre throughout the century; they rangefrom intimate works for four voices and continuo toIarge polychoral pieces for twelve voices arranged inthree choirs. Texturally, the villancicos vary fromhomorhythmic writing- -a primary stylistic trait of thevillancico- -to works with more imitative textures.Study of Torrij os's villancicos sheds ligtrt on theirfuncti.on at the Escorial, a detailed picture of a genrethat played a central role in Spanish niusic of theperiod.

Torrijos was customarily assisted in his copyingby another scribe who is as yet unidentified. In

Thursday afcernoon

addition ro Torrij os's works, the copyists also workedsent to the EscoriaL by composers fromin Spain, especially those at the CapilIaone of the royal monasteries in Madrid.

manuscripts demonstrate the characteristicsvillancico sources, the dissemination of theaspects of performance practice.

HUMANISM AND ANTI -HUMANTSMIN SPANISH MUSICAL THEORY AND PRACTICELouise K. Stein, University of Chicago

Humanisrn, character:ized by the rediscovery andrevival of ancient learning, was undeniably of Italianorigin but spread to other parts of Europe . Mus icalhurnanism was alive in sixteenth-century Spain,although, with some justification, it has beenroutinely classified as a superficial phenomenon. Thereflected g1-ory of Italian humanism in Spain has beenobscured by visions of the Inquisition, just as Spanishsecular music has been viewed in the shadow of sacredpolyphony. Spain' s seventeenth century is regarded asan anti-humanistic musical backwater, aS if thecounter-reformation zeaL of the Spanish Hapsburgs hadbanished humanisrn from Hispania. Actually, humanismexerted a lasting influence on Spanish mus ical theoryand practice during the seventeenth century, althoughits scrongest implications were realized only after c.1650.

on mus icelsewhereReal orTorri j os'sof typicalgenre, and

Some extraordinary examples ofseventeenth-century Spanish secular music reveal ablend of practical and speculative humanism, a curiousmix of traditional and modern ideas. It is this fusionof disparate forces that best characterizes thedevelopment of Spanish mus ical hunanism.

The object of this paper is to reconsider musicalhumanism and anti -humanism in Spain in the s ixteenthand seventeenth centuries, by (1) defining the areas ofhumanist speculation and investigation that had thegreatest irnpact in Spain, (2) describing how importedItalian ideas were reinterpreted or transformed, and( 3 ) presenting ner.q evidence that certain theories wererealized and given practical applications in secularmusic.

ThursdaY afternoon4

roPlcs rN BARoQuE luTl-^"utt'Alexander srluiger' Duke

University' Chair

CONCEPTS OF MODE IN LA RH6TqRIOUE DES DIEUX

David J. Bt";;";t'itti!1"t-"r Northern rowa

some dlverse concepts of mode are exprest"g---PJ- tl'

creators of the ntd-seventeenth-century manuscrtl:. ^i'Rh6torioue des Dieux. containing perhaps the earllestsystematic ordering of lute suites b1r an individualcomposer (there ^1" eleven

suites grouped ax leascostensibly according to "mode" ) , this sumptuousmanuscript is adorned with decorations by solnewell-known artists of the period, including elevenink-wash drawings of the modes by Abraham Bosse, theleading engraver of the century. Mode is also touchedupon in the literary text. This text consists of adescriptiwe introduction, two sonnets modeled on afamous sonnet by Malherbe, and emblematic inscriptionsof a mythological and allegorical nature, appended tosome of Denis Gaultier's titled pieces.

The strange mode ordering in the music of theRh5torique can be explained only through recourse tocommentary in contemporary manuscript sources.FoIIowing a discussion of this "mode" ordering will bea review of the mode concepts suggested by Bosse's modeillustrations, especially in regard to iconographicelernents and symbolic irnagery. Then the literarythemes of the inscriptions will be assessed in thelight of possible connections with mode concepts.Finally some conclusions will be offered concerning thecoordination of the arts in the manuscript andespecially the role of mode as a unifying theme.

VIVALDI AND THE ITALIAN BAROQUE LUTEJarnes Ty1er, University of Southern California

The lute for which Antonio Vivaldi intended hislute concerti and trios has never been definitivelyidentified. Three different types of lute have beenproposed: a sma1I, renaissance-sty1e treble lute; ahypothetical soprano lute as described by Praetorius;and the French d-minor lute. My research shows thatnone of these is correct.

The Italian baroque lute of Vivaldi (indicated as"Liuto" in the sources) was the same instrument knownin seventeenth-century Italy as the l3- or 14-coursearciliuto or liuto attiorbaLo tuned in E' Tt isdistinct in construction and tuning from its f'rench andGerman counterparts and frorn Praetorius' soprano lute.Moreover, it has its own repertory which includes thechamber concertos and trios of Vivaldi.

Thursdav afternoon

The evidence is as follows f) Italian lutetuning in contemporary manuscripts and prints sho\,J thatthe traditional renaissance tuning, usually in g' , withseveral bass courses, persists in Italy to the end ofthe eighteenth century. 2) The physicalcharacteristics of the Ttalian baroque 1ute, asillustrated by surviving instruments and pictures,conform to the tuning above and provide no evidence forthe soprano lute. 3) An examintion of the Italian luterepertory from c. 1675 to c. 1750 reveals that Vivaldiwas not unique in composing soloistic music for the1ute. It also shows that Italians switched to staffnotation while the French and Germans continued to usetablature, 4) Vivaldi's lute parts are written in thetreble clef for soloistic passages, and in the bassclef when the lute was required to reaLize thecontinuo.

This identification of the lute in Vivaldi's timedemonstrates both the continuity of the Italian sololute tradition from the Renaissance through the lateBaroque and the lute's adaptation to the requirementsof newer mus ical styles , as shown in Vivaldi , sconcertos and trios for lute.

THE COLASCIONE AND THE COMMEDIA DELL'ARTEVictor CoeIho, University of Calgary

An interesting avenue of seventeenth-centuryresearch that cuts across the boundaries of manydisciplines of cultural activity is the study of therelationship between mus ic and the Commedia dell' arte .Croce and Pirrotta, among others, have alreadyestablished the importance of the Commedia in theevolution of intermedi and comic opera. yetfundamental questions remain concerning the actual roleof mus ic r,rith Commedia perf ormances : What types ofmusic were used for these improvised comedies, and howdid music operate in the scenario? What instrumentswere used by the actor-musicians? And, fina11y, wasthe style of this music as stock as the charactersthemselves? Many answers to these questions can befound in the seventeenth-century Italian repertory forlong-necked 1utes, particularly those lutes thatadhered- - like the Commedia itself- - to the ex tempore or"unwritten" performance tradition.

The instrument most often represented in the handsof Cornmedia actors in paintings and engravings of theperiod is the colascione, a Iong two - string Neapolitanlute of Turkish origin. Its crude plectrum sound andits characteristic (and at times vulgar) socialassociations rnade it the ideal accompanying instrumentfor the Commedia's burlesque theater. In this paper, Tsha11 define the important musical and theatrical roleof the colascione in the Commedia by drawing on a large

ThursdaY afternoon4

roPlcs rN BARoQuE luTl-^"utt'Alexander srluiger' Duke

University' Chair

CONCEPTS OF MODE IN LA RH6TqRIOUE DES DIEUX

David J. Bt";;";t'itti!1"t-"r Northern rowa

some dlverse concepts of mode are exprest"g---PJ- tl'

creators of the ntd-seventeenth-century manuscrtl:. ^i'Rh6torioue des Dieux. containing perhaps the earllestsystematic ordering of lute suites b1r an individualcomposer (there ^1" eleven

suites grouped ax leascostensibly according to "mode" ) , this sumptuousmanuscript is adorned with decorations by solnewell-known artists of the period, including elevenink-wash drawings of the modes by Abraham Bosse, theleading engraver of the century. Mode is also touchedupon in the literary text. This text consists of adescriptiwe introduction, two sonnets modeled on afamous sonnet by Malherbe, and emblematic inscriptionsof a mythological and allegorical nature, appended tosome of Denis Gaultier's titled pieces.

The strange mode ordering in the music of theRh5torique can be explained only through recourse tocommentary in contemporary manuscript sources.FoIIowing a discussion of this "mode" ordering will bea review of the mode concepts suggested by Bosse's modeillustrations, especially in regard to iconographicelernents and symbolic irnagery. Then the literarythemes of the inscriptions will be assessed in thelight of possible connections with mode concepts.Finally some conclusions will be offered concerning thecoordination of the arts in the manuscript andespecially the role of mode as a unifying theme.

VIVALDI AND THE ITALIAN BAROQUE LUTEJarnes Ty1er, University of Southern California

The lute for which Antonio Vivaldi intended hislute concerti and trios has never been definitivelyidentified. Three different types of lute have beenproposed: a sma1I, renaissance-sty1e treble lute; ahypothetical soprano lute as described by Praetorius;and the French d-minor lute. My research shows thatnone of these is correct.

The Italian baroque lute of Vivaldi (indicated as"Liuto" in the sources) was the same instrument knownin seventeenth-century Italy as the l3- or 14-coursearciliuto or liuto attiorbaLo tuned in E' Tt isdistinct in construction and tuning from its f'rench andGerman counterparts and frorn Praetorius' soprano lute.Moreover, it has its own repertory which includes thechamber concertos and trios of Vivaldi.

Thursdav afternoon

The evidence is as follows f) Italian lutetuning in contemporary manuscripts and prints sho\,J thatthe traditional renaissance tuning, usually in g' , withseveral bass courses, persists in Italy to the end ofthe eighteenth century. 2) The physicalcharacteristics of the Ttalian baroque 1ute, asillustrated by surviving instruments and pictures,conform to the tuning above and provide no evidence forthe soprano lute. 3) An examintion of the Italian luterepertory from c. 1675 to c. 1750 reveals that Vivaldiwas not unique in composing soloistic music for the1ute. It also shows that Italians switched to staffnotation while the French and Germans continued to usetablature, 4) Vivaldi's lute parts are written in thetreble clef for soloistic passages, and in the bassclef when the lute was required to reaLize thecontinuo.

This identification of the lute in Vivaldi's timedemonstrates both the continuity of the Italian sololute tradition from the Renaissance through the lateBaroque and the lute's adaptation to the requirementsof newer mus ical styles , as shown in Vivaldi , sconcertos and trios for lute.

THE COLASCIONE AND THE COMMEDIA DELL'ARTEVictor CoeIho, University of Calgary

An interesting avenue of seventeenth-centuryresearch that cuts across the boundaries of manydisciplines of cultural activity is the study of therelationship between mus ic and the Commedia dell' arte .Croce and Pirrotta, among others, have alreadyestablished the importance of the Commedia in theevolution of intermedi and comic opera. yetfundamental questions remain concerning the actual roleof mus ic r,rith Commedia perf ormances : What types ofmusic were used for these improvised comedies, and howdid music operate in the scenario? What instrumentswere used by the actor-musicians? And, fina11y, wasthe style of this music as stock as the charactersthemselves? Many answers to these questions can befound in the seventeenth-century Italian repertory forlong-necked 1utes, particularly those lutes thatadhered- - like the Commedia itself- - to the ex tempore or"unwritten" performance tradition.

The instrument most often represented in the handsof Cornmedia actors in paintings and engravings of theperiod is the colascione, a Iong two - string Neapolitanlute of Turkish origin. Its crude plectrum sound andits characteristic (and at times vulgar) socialassociations rnade it the ideal accompanying instrumentfor the Commedia's burlesque theater. In this paper, Tsha11 define the important musical and theatrical roleof the colascione in the Commedia by drawing on a large

=-T

corpus or iconosraphical iltuiliiiur;" n:;l:'",Xa"t,lcorpus of iconog?eDtricar cv!""^'--r'd'a performa-nces'conremporary descriptioit , :,f--

t?:n'=.,*i;, ' "o*"

of thc"ori"rpot"ry

descriptions or '"'""-ir-rnt'"o*" of al.;;;; i;p"riantry, I wi11. brinE*:o abound in voca - ,More inporCantly, r wiIl bri-ng Lv '.'f,.""a in vocal ,.".y co-lasclone "initatiorr""^.thit earlv seventeentlt"ylo"ta, and theorbo t::1" "t"'t1-.

eatrY seventeenthkeyboard, and theorbo muslc o! il'."^ - ^*r""as for the".it.rrty.

Since no written tt"tt*.::-'-"" imiiationscentury. Slnce no wrrLuctr ^ * tha"" imitationsseventlenth-century colascione ' - ^^,rral musicseventeenth-cencury cora>Lrvtre' ,i arra acutal rnusictransmit an accurate reproduction c r ij-L+:;;;:Ti:";"b;':;:';.';;;i;-;";;;;, and shed light onthe "unwritten" tradition of the seventeenth-centuryItalian colascione.

THE ROSTOCK TABLATURES: LAUTEN.GALANTIERENFOR pRTNCESS LOUTSE OF WijRTTEMBERG (1722-L79I)

Arthur J. Ness, Amherst, NY

During the late eighteenth century, as the luteand its repertory slipped into obsolescence in mostparts of Europe, a handful of composers continued toprovide pieces in 1e go0t moderne for the use of northGerman dilettante lutenists such as Princess LouiseFrederike of Wtirtcemberg, after 1746 Duchess ofMecklenberg-Schwerin. Between her maiden years inStuttgart and 1789, Princess Louise regularly acquiredtablatures that ranged through a diversity ofAustro-German baroque and galant lutenist styles.Included are solo and ensemble works by (to cite a few)c. P. Telemann (1681-f738), S. L. Weiss (1686-1750), J.F. Schwingharnmer (f1. 1743), c. Werner (1693-1766), W.Spurny (c. L720-after 1.71O), c. P. Kress (Ll19-L179),R. Straube (I717 -c. 1780) , J. F. Daube (c. Ll30-Ll97) ,and J. A. F. ileiss (c. 1740-1814).

With over 415 items, Princess Louise's is thelargest collection of lute music to survive from thelate eighteenth century. The manuscripts have receivedscant attention owing rnainly to their frustratingdisarray: many pages have separated from thedeteriorating bindings and been removed from originalenvelopes. Nevertheless, during a visit to Rostock in1980, I was able to locate some forrnerly misplacedworks and reassernble most of the collection bymarshalling watermark, scribal and staffliner evidence.In this paper, after briefly placing the collectionwithin its appropriate musical and chronologicalcontexts, I shall discuss selected works by PrincessLouise's teachers, Johann Eriedrich Daube and JohannEranz Schwinghanmer, master representatives of thelute's twilight years .

Thursday afternoon

HAYDN AND BEETHOVENElaine Sisrnan, Columbia University Chair

A PROBLEM OF HARMON]C STRUCTUREIN HAYDN'S MINOR.KEY SYMPHONIES

Stephen C. Fisher, I,Iidener University

About 1-77 3 , Haydn stopped writing the quickmovements of symphonies in the rninor mode and did notresume the practice for nearly a decade. Thoughattempts to explain this have often Looked tobiographical or psychological factors, some primarilymusical elements may also be brought intoconsideration. In a fast symphonic movement in themaj or node, Haydn invariably moves to the dominant inthe exposition and takes the developnent section to aclimax in a harmonic area past the dominant in thecircle of fifths: the supertonic, the mediant, or,most commonly, the submediant. Present- day analyticalthought often associaces motion in the direction of thedominant with increasing tension and motion in thesubdorninant direction with a lowering of tension.Joseph Riepel's Grundregeln zur Tonordnung insgemein(1755), a copy of which was in Haydn's library, seemsto rnake a s irnilar po int . In the minor mode , Haydn' sharmonic vocabulary does not encompass any areas pastthe dominant; the other available regions lie in theopposite direction. Haydn thus may have found hinselfhandicapped in creating in the minor mode the tensionalharmonic structure that he could achieve in the majormode. Riepel appears to be aware of the difficulty,though he discusses it only briefly. The threeimpressive minor-key symphonies of the early L710s,Nos. 44, 45, and 52, seem to show Haydn struggling withthis problem but not finding a solution valid beyondthe confines of an individual work. Haydn may havequit writing minor-key symphonies because other:compositional possibilities looked more promising.

COMPOS ITIONAL PROCES S , TEXT ,IN HAYDN'S VARIATIONS FOR PIANO

Leon Plantinga and Glen Pierr Johnson

AND GENREIN F MINOR

, Yale University

Haydn's "Andante con variazioni" in F minor (Hob.XVTI:6), composed in I193, has long been praised as oneof his strongest and most expressive composil-ions forpiano. Though easily recognizable as a set of doublevariations, it shows structural and stylistic featuresnot at al1 usual in pieces of that sort in the latereighteenth century. There ate unusual harmoniccomplexities: Lhe second segment of the first binary

ThursdaY afternoon

=-T

corpus or iconosraphical iltuiliiiur;" n:;l:'",Xa"t,lcorpus of iconog?eDtricar cv!""^'--r'd'a performa-nces'conremporary descriptioit , :,f--

t?:n'=.,*i;, ' "o*"

of thc"ori"rpot"ry

descriptions or '"'""-ir-rnt'"o*" of al.;;;; i;p"riantry, I wi11. brinE*:o abound in voca - ,More inporCantly, r wiIl bri-ng Lv '.'f,.""a in vocal ,.".y co-lasclone "initatiorr""^.thit earlv seventeentlt"ylo"ta, and theorbo t::1" "t"'t1-.

eatrY seventeenthkeyboard, and theorbo muslc o! il'."^ - ^*r""as for the".it.rrty.

Since no written tt"tt*.::-'-"" imiiationscentury. Slnce no wrrLuctr ^ * tha"" imitationsseventlenth-century colascione ' - ^^,rral musicseventeenth-cencury cora>Lrvtre' ,i arra acutal rnusictransmit an accurate reproduction c r ij-L+:;;;:Ti:";"b;':;:';.';;;i;-;";;;;, and shed light onthe "unwritten" tradition of the seventeenth-centuryItalian colascione.

THE ROSTOCK TABLATURES: LAUTEN.GALANTIERENFOR pRTNCESS LOUTSE OF WijRTTEMBERG (1722-L79I)

Arthur J. Ness, Amherst, NY

During the late eighteenth century, as the luteand its repertory slipped into obsolescence in mostparts of Europe, a handful of composers continued toprovide pieces in 1e go0t moderne for the use of northGerman dilettante lutenists such as Princess LouiseFrederike of Wtirtcemberg, after 1746 Duchess ofMecklenberg-Schwerin. Between her maiden years inStuttgart and 1789, Princess Louise regularly acquiredtablatures that ranged through a diversity ofAustro-German baroque and galant lutenist styles.Included are solo and ensemble works by (to cite a few)c. P. Telemann (1681-f738), S. L. Weiss (1686-1750), J.F. Schwingharnmer (f1. 1743), c. Werner (1693-1766), W.Spurny (c. L720-after 1.71O), c. P. Kress (Ll19-L179),R. Straube (I717 -c. 1780) , J. F. Daube (c. Ll30-Ll97) ,and J. A. F. ileiss (c. 1740-1814).

With over 415 items, Princess Louise's is thelargest collection of lute music to survive from thelate eighteenth century. The manuscripts have receivedscant attention owing rnainly to their frustratingdisarray: many pages have separated from thedeteriorating bindings and been removed from originalenvelopes. Nevertheless, during a visit to Rostock in1980, I was able to locate some forrnerly misplacedworks and reassernble most of the collection bymarshalling watermark, scribal and staffliner evidence.In this paper, after briefly placing the collectionwithin its appropriate musical and chronologicalcontexts, I shall discuss selected works by PrincessLouise's teachers, Johann Eriedrich Daube and JohannEranz Schwinghanmer, master representatives of thelute's twilight years .

Thursday afternoon

HAYDN AND BEETHOVENElaine Sisrnan, Columbia University Chair

A PROBLEM OF HARMON]C STRUCTUREIN HAYDN'S MINOR.KEY SYMPHONIES

Stephen C. Fisher, I,Iidener University

About 1-77 3 , Haydn stopped writing the quickmovements of symphonies in the rninor mode and did notresume the practice for nearly a decade. Thoughattempts to explain this have often Looked tobiographical or psychological factors, some primarilymusical elements may also be brought intoconsideration. In a fast symphonic movement in themaj or node, Haydn invariably moves to the dominant inthe exposition and takes the developnent section to aclimax in a harmonic area past the dominant in thecircle of fifths: the supertonic, the mediant, or,most commonly, the submediant. Present- day analyticalthought often associaces motion in the direction of thedominant with increasing tension and motion in thesubdorninant direction with a lowering of tension.Joseph Riepel's Grundregeln zur Tonordnung insgemein(1755), a copy of which was in Haydn's library, seemsto rnake a s irnilar po int . In the minor mode , Haydn' sharmonic vocabulary does not encompass any areas pastthe dominant; the other available regions lie in theopposite direction. Haydn thus may have found hinselfhandicapped in creating in the minor mode the tensionalharmonic structure that he could achieve in the majormode. Riepel appears to be aware of the difficulty,though he discusses it only briefly. The threeimpressive minor-key symphonies of the early L710s,Nos. 44, 45, and 52, seem to show Haydn struggling withthis problem but not finding a solution valid beyondthe confines of an individual work. Haydn may havequit writing minor-key symphonies because other:compositional possibilities looked more promising.

COMPOS ITIONAL PROCES S , TEXT ,IN HAYDN'S VARIATIONS FOR PIANO

Leon Plantinga and Glen Pierr Johnson

AND GENREIN F MINOR

, Yale University

Haydn's "Andante con variazioni" in F minor (Hob.XVTI:6), composed in I193, has long been praised as oneof his strongest and most expressive composil-ions forpiano. Though easily recognizable as a set of doublevariations, it shows structural and stylistic featuresnot at al1 usual in pieces of that sort in the latereighteenth century. There ate unusual harmoniccomplexities: Lhe second segment of the first binary

ThursdaY afternoon

ThursdaY afternoonI

rheme srops on a dranatic root-Pistti"'" "X;;3:ltti:; ::ii : :il""::*i::.' ;' i"'."':' 1"

"'1"'

o'''"" "" I li' " u "'the most t"t"tx"u-r-e---oi the piece'c

eccentricities 'surely, ls 1ts ";l;tgt-

a p1.ain rttt"t"ttttt of the

theme abruptly ut""*f,"'-"ff as the music launches into a

huge, inpassione i''- "^A-"i'^ with various kinds of

f ar- f lung keyboard f iguration and. lo.ng "-t^t",tj,l*"*t ::indeterminate tonaiity." This peculiarity' no doubt' rswtrat 1ed the contemporary reviewer in the first volumeof the Amz xo t"t".i thai this "melancholy Andante. sounds almost 1lke a free fantasy."

We have rather an abundance of authentic sourcesfor this work: a dated autograph that surely served-asa stichvorlage for the first edition, the first editionitself, and two manuscript copies ( the second veryrecently come to light) signed by Haydn. Butdespite--and, in part, because of--this richness ofsources, the composition is attended by intriguinguncertainties. For whom was this ,,professional"keyboard work written? The names of four women, two ofthern well-known pianists, r\rere quickly associated withit. On a more fundamental 1eve1, there remain rnaj ortextural problems. The rnost glaring of these concernsa five-measure connective passage betrreen the close ofthe variations and the return of the first theme; itwas cancelled--by a foreign hand, in our opinion--inthe autograph, and has remained absent from a1I but oneof the editions (and all recordings known to us). Andwhat are we to think as to the genre of this work? Theauthentic sources transmit three suggestions : " sonata"(the autograph and one of the manuscript copies), "unpiccolo divertimento" (the other copy), and"variations " ( the first edition) .

A study of the autograph and the other authenticsources casts light on some of these p'uzzles. Thelegitinacy of those five connecting measures, forexample, is enhanced by the nature and placement of thenotation cancelling thern in the autograph, and by theirunequivocal presence in both authentic copies,Questions as to the genre of this piece must of coursebe cons idered in the larger context of contemporarymusicians' habits in naming their compositions. Butthe vivid chronicle of Haydn's struggles rrith thispiece- -particularly with its unorthodox ending- -maywelI be related to his uncertainty about what it was hehad created.

THE EARLY ENSEMBLE DIVERTIMENTI OF JOSEPH HAYDNJames Webster, Cornell UniversitY

This paper surveys Joseph Haydn' s early ensembledivertimenti for four and more parts, on the basis of a

Thursday afternoon

systematic investigation of the sources. In thisrepertory the problern of definition is critical.Despite their outward diversity, Haydn's earlydivertirnenti constitute a genre- -but of a special"inclusive" kind quite different from our modernconception.

Haydn composed just over thirty such works.Twenty- eight can be authenticated; a few additionalones ate "plausibIe, " but lack documentation. (Sornefarniliar works must be discarded. ) Most of therndoubtless originated before Haydn's employrnenc byEsterh6zy; only about five postdate L7 6I. It is thelargest genre within his pre-EstexinSzy instrumentalmusic.

On the basis of instrumentation, forn, and size,several clear subgroups emerge: the tiny orchestral"scherzandi"; tiny wind-band works; large-sca1e mixedworks i 9; quartet- like sextets with two horns; looselywritten mixed works without horns. Stylistically, mostare related to the ten early string quartets, whichwere also ca11ed "divertirnenti". They exhibit the samefive-movement form (or closely related variants), butthey add prominent musical contrasts based on theparticular instrumentation of each work. On an equallysinall scale and in an equally light sty1e, theydemonstrate the same level of mastery.

Haydn cornposed few divertimenti between the early1760s and the lyre notturni of'L788-90. By then, theentire concept of the genre had changed, to sornethingvery like our own. This change illurninates thedifferences between Viennese music (and musical life)after c. 1780- -the "Classical" period- -and the decadesthat came before it.

A LARGE-SCALE PROCESSIVE DESIGNIN BEETHOVEN' S OPUS 132

Greg Vitercik, Middlebury College

The third mo.vement of Beethoven's A minor StringQuartet, O?us L32, the Heiliger Dankgesang einesGenesenen an die Gottheit. in der Ilrdischen Tonart, haselicited a wide range of critical appraisals, but thefunction of the ambiguous harmonic language of thismovement in the latger design of the quartet hasreceived little attention. The present paper is aprelirninary attenpt to explore this larger structuralissue.

In a study of the first novement of this quartet,Carl Dahlhaus has provided two valuable tools for thisundertaking, suggesting that the motivic substance ofthe work is best understood as an abstract diastematicconfiguration- -sinply two half-steps- -and observingLhat this is deployed at level considerablv bel ow

ThursdaY afternoonI

rheme srops on a dranatic root-Pistti"'" "X;;3:ltti:; ::ii : :il""::*i::.' ;' i"'."':' 1"

"'1"'

o'''"" "" I li' " u "'the most t"t"tx"u-r-e---oi the piece'c

eccentricities 'surely, ls 1ts ";l;tgt-

a p1.ain rttt"t"ttttt of the

theme abruptly ut""*f,"'-"ff as the music launches into a

huge, inpassione i''- "^A-"i'^ with various kinds of

f ar- f lung keyboard f iguration and. lo.ng "-t^t",tj,l*"*t ::indeterminate tonaiity." This peculiarity' no doubt' rswtrat 1ed the contemporary reviewer in the first volumeof the Amz xo t"t".i thai this "melancholy Andante. sounds almost 1lke a free fantasy."

We have rather an abundance of authentic sourcesfor this work: a dated autograph that surely served-asa stichvorlage for the first edition, the first editionitself, and two manuscript copies ( the second veryrecently come to light) signed by Haydn. Butdespite--and, in part, because of--this richness ofsources, the composition is attended by intriguinguncertainties. For whom was this ,,professional"keyboard work written? The names of four women, two ofthern well-known pianists, r\rere quickly associated withit. On a more fundamental 1eve1, there remain rnaj ortextural problems. The rnost glaring of these concernsa five-measure connective passage betrreen the close ofthe variations and the return of the first theme; itwas cancelled--by a foreign hand, in our opinion--inthe autograph, and has remained absent from a1I but oneof the editions (and all recordings known to us). Andwhat are we to think as to the genre of this work? Theauthentic sources transmit three suggestions : " sonata"(the autograph and one of the manuscript copies), "unpiccolo divertimento" (the other copy), and"variations " ( the first edition) .

A study of the autograph and the other authenticsources casts light on some of these p'uzzles. Thelegitinacy of those five connecting measures, forexample, is enhanced by the nature and placement of thenotation cancelling thern in the autograph, and by theirunequivocal presence in both authentic copies,Questions as to the genre of this piece must of coursebe cons idered in the larger context of contemporarymusicians' habits in naming their compositions. Butthe vivid chronicle of Haydn's struggles rrith thispiece- -particularly with its unorthodox ending- -maywelI be related to his uncertainty about what it was hehad created.

THE EARLY ENSEMBLE DIVERTIMENTI OF JOSEPH HAYDNJames Webster, Cornell UniversitY

This paper surveys Joseph Haydn' s early ensembledivertimenti for four and more parts, on the basis of a

Thursday afternoon

systematic investigation of the sources. In thisrepertory the problern of definition is critical.Despite their outward diversity, Haydn's earlydivertirnenti constitute a genre- -but of a special"inclusive" kind quite different from our modernconception.

Haydn composed just over thirty such works.Twenty- eight can be authenticated; a few additionalones ate "plausibIe, " but lack documentation. (Sornefarniliar works must be discarded. ) Most of therndoubtless originated before Haydn's employrnenc byEsterh6zy; only about five postdate L7 6I. It is thelargest genre within his pre-EstexinSzy instrumentalmusic.

On the basis of instrumentation, forn, and size,several clear subgroups emerge: the tiny orchestral"scherzandi"; tiny wind-band works; large-sca1e mixedworks i 9; quartet- like sextets with two horns; looselywritten mixed works without horns. Stylistically, mostare related to the ten early string quartets, whichwere also ca11ed "divertirnenti". They exhibit the samefive-movement form (or closely related variants), butthey add prominent musical contrasts based on theparticular instrumentation of each work. On an equallysinall scale and in an equally light sty1e, theydemonstrate the same level of mastery.

Haydn cornposed few divertimenti between the early1760s and the lyre notturni of'L788-90. By then, theentire concept of the genre had changed, to sornethingvery like our own. This change illurninates thedifferences between Viennese music (and musical life)after c. 1780- -the "Classical" period- -and the decadesthat came before it.

A LARGE-SCALE PROCESSIVE DESIGNIN BEETHOVEN' S OPUS 132

Greg Vitercik, Middlebury College

The third mo.vement of Beethoven's A minor StringQuartet, O?us L32, the Heiliger Dankgesang einesGenesenen an die Gottheit. in der Ilrdischen Tonart, haselicited a wide range of critical appraisals, but thefunction of the ambiguous harmonic language of thismovement in the latger design of the quartet hasreceived little attention. The present paper is aprelirninary attenpt to explore this larger structuralissue.

In a study of the first novement of this quartet,Carl Dahlhaus has provided two valuable tools for thisundertaking, suggesting that the motivic substance ofthe work is best understood as an abstract diastematicconfiguration- -sinply two half-steps- -and observingLhat this is deployed at level considerablv bel ow

ThursdaY afternoon

that of the thematic surface, saturating the texturewithout being confined to nornal processes of rnotivictransformation and thematic development.

Applied to the whole of the quartet, this insightilluminates a design that focuses on shiftinginflectional tensions within one element of this"subthematic" configuration: the f-e half-step firstpresented in the opening measures of the firstmovement. Within this design, the precarious tonalmodal balance of the Dankgesang emerges as a node ofextreme ambiguity in which any sense of a stableinflectional relation between f and e is completelyobscured, generating tensions that spill over into thefollovring movements--tensions for which no normalprocess of resolution seems appropriate.

SCHUMANN'S IM LEGENDENTONAND FRIEDRICH SCHLEGEL'S ARABESKE

John J. Daverio, Boston Universicy

The writings of Friedrich Schlegel, perhaps thechief early romantic critic/philosopher, have receivedlittle attention frorn musical scholars. While music didnot much figure in SchIegeL's romantic programme (hewas indeed a litcle suspicious of it), there arenumerous aspects of his literary theory that are usefulin assessing the more disruptive qualities ofnineteenth-century musical form. This paper examinesthe concept that was at the heart of Schlegel'scritical theory: the Arabeske (arabesque), a notiondeveloped principally in his "GesprSch riber die poesie"(L799) and Atheneum Fragmenre (I797 /99) . In a limiredsense, the arabesque refers to digressiveinterpoLations that intentionally disturl thechronological flow of a typical narrative; as a totalform, the arabesque tempers a seemingly

"h"oti.diversity through a deliberately .or,"""1"d logicatprocess.

:: 'fJ-.". *1.*:l^".:_1:t:", rhis rwof old principle is::q : :. " "*n-.j_.- ^ ::

rh^e f i r s r, *;;;;" ; ; "'# ","";i1"";1i ""' ;[?:;:","*:E:=+,. of."" 17, -s;;;"rr]'

.'".""""r11X.J :l I :l .'" ff,,:"' : ^ .i," il: -';';. " : ; i' ;' ;:;'" ":"r"

".'i' : ::.. :form. While most --rnrveE! J rranorlng ot sonataLeeend.enton /o -^r.."11":a:ao1" view the cenrral ]nHf" .*trtff" . ^,-", i :

r r _ ; ; ;;;i " "

o' "

. i I i I o .."?", . u"""1,. .,,t= tsubscitute for th u unafakterstlick) as aclose anat-"r. -^-_.^,more. usual d"rulopra.I-"u.tior,, a11o"."n""".""tJ;.r,1,,:,.:_"^"_i-"'.r.,".""iJ."r"r"..":""01.;.r""....r.r'""r1,r.i

: :. Jr1', .' " i' q i t,'ia t J'-J ; ;; : " "'"' ; : ;::' "" .il 1;' ; : : : : i : :earlier: i - ____::: H!vLcss Degun some"a"u""or"'r'--'ir^t"., ",

rnusical "daydream,arabesque in .n. 1i*i."'i"'"""i'"". ".,ff.."?:;;"r'.: # .i:

Thursday afternoon

Schlegelian arabesque as total form liker,rise inform themovement as a whole: "absichtliche Versehiedenheit"( intentional variety) is suggested through the absolutecontrasts, formal and thematic, between the ImLegendenton and its surroundings; "witzigeKonstruktion" (witty design) through the veiled motiviclinks that connect it with the remainder of themovement; and "unendliche Fii11e" (infinite richness)through Schumann' s mixture of sonata form, rondo ,Charakterstiick, and Lied (the An die ferne Geliebtequotation). Thus, the movement emerges as a dialecticplay of what Schumann called " smaller" and "higher"f orms -

Even though there is little evidence to suggestthat Schumann was directly influenced by SchIegel'stheories (Schumann's own Arabeske, Opus 18, has nothingto do with Schlegel's critical category) , remarkablesirnilarities can be noted in their critical thought.For both of them, the fragment- - Schlegel's digressivearabesque, and Schumann's notion of the oapil-1on! - -wasthe basis of romantic form.

A REJECTED MOVEMENT FOR SCHUMANN'S REQUIEM, OPUS 148Gregory W. Harwood, Wichita State University

The opening movements of the Requiern areremarkable in several ways. In the Introit, Schumanndeparts from the standard formal organization of otherRequiem settings. Instead of setting the verse "Tedecet hymnus" as part of the Introit, Schumann begins aseparate movement in which he treats the "Te decet"with the "Kyrie eleison" - - first each of these sectionsindividually , then the two texts and the ir theme scornbined contrapuntally. The dramatic shift from theopening in D-f1at major to the ne$r movement in A najorunderscores the novel formal design.

The continuity draft for the Requiem shows that"Requiem aeternam" was a particularly difficultmovenent for the composer. The manuscript contains twosettings: the rather peaceful version in D-f1at, whichSchumann used in the completed work, and a moreanguished and dramatic setting in D minor, which makesextensive use of chrornatic dissonance for expressivepurposes . This later vers ion is nearly conplete indraft forrn, but the manuscript shows a large number ofdeleted passages and revisions. The continuity draftalso indicates that the novel formal design wasprobably not preconceived, but came to Schumann in thecourse of his compositional struggles over the firsttwo movenents.

A study of the continuity draft reveals 1) somereasons that might have led Schumann to abandon the Dminor version, 2) the role of large-sca1e formal

L1

SCHUMANN ANDR. Larry Todd, Duke

BRUCKNERUnivers ity, Chair

Eures of the

ThursdaY afternoon

that of the thematic surface, saturating the texturewithout being confined to nornal processes of rnotivictransformation and thematic development.

Applied to the whole of the quartet, this insightilluminates a design that focuses on shiftinginflectional tensions within one element of this"subthematic" configuration: the f-e half-step firstpresented in the opening measures of the firstmovement. Within this design, the precarious tonalmodal balance of the Dankgesang emerges as a node ofextreme ambiguity in which any sense of a stableinflectional relation between f and e is completelyobscured, generating tensions that spill over into thefollovring movements--tensions for which no normalprocess of resolution seems appropriate.

SCHUMANN'S IM LEGENDENTONAND FRIEDRICH SCHLEGEL'S ARABESKE

John J. Daverio, Boston Universicy

The writings of Friedrich Schlegel, perhaps thechief early romantic critic/philosopher, have receivedlittle attention frorn musical scholars. While music didnot much figure in SchIegeL's romantic programme (hewas indeed a litcle suspicious of it), there arenumerous aspects of his literary theory that are usefulin assessing the more disruptive qualities ofnineteenth-century musical form. This paper examinesthe concept that was at the heart of Schlegel'scritical theory: the Arabeske (arabesque), a notiondeveloped principally in his "GesprSch riber die poesie"(L799) and Atheneum Fragmenre (I797 /99) . In a limiredsense, the arabesque refers to digressiveinterpoLations that intentionally disturl thechronological flow of a typical narrative; as a totalform, the arabesque tempers a seemingly

"h"oti.diversity through a deliberately .or,"""1"d logicatprocess.

:: 'fJ-.". *1.*:l^".:_1:t:", rhis rwof old principle is::q : :. " "*n-.j_.- ^ ::

rh^e f i r s r, *;;;;" ; ; "'# ","";i1"";1i ""' ;[?:;:","*:E:=+,. of."" 17, -s;;;"rr]'

.'".""""r11X.J :l I :l .'" ff,,:"' : ^ .i," il: -';';. " : ; i' ;' ;:;'" ":"r"

".'i' : ::.. :form. While most --rnrveE! J rranorlng ot sonataLeeend.enton /o -^r.."11":a:ao1" view the cenrral ]nHf" .*trtff" . ^,-", i :

r r _ ; ; ;;;i " "

o' "

. i I i I o .."?", . u"""1,. .,,t= tsubscitute for th u unafakterstlick) as aclose anat-"r. -^-_.^,more. usual d"rulopra.I-"u.tior,, a11o"."n""".""tJ;.r,1,,:,.:_"^"_i-"'.r.,".""iJ."r"r"..":""01.;.r""....r.r'""r1,r.i

: :. Jr1', .' " i' q i t,'ia t J'-J ; ;; : " "'"' ; : ;::' "" .il 1;' ; : : : : i : :earlier: i - ____::: H!vLcss Degun some"a"u""or"'r'--'ir^t"., ",

rnusical "daydream,arabesque in .n. 1i*i."'i"'"""i'"". ".,ff.."?:;;"r'.: # .i:

Thursday afternoon

Schlegelian arabesque as total form liker,rise inform themovement as a whole: "absichtliche Versehiedenheit"( intentional variety) is suggested through the absolutecontrasts, formal and thematic, between the ImLegendenton and its surroundings; "witzigeKonstruktion" (witty design) through the veiled motiviclinks that connect it with the remainder of themovement; and "unendliche Fii11e" (infinite richness)through Schumann' s mixture of sonata form, rondo ,Charakterstiick, and Lied (the An die ferne Geliebtequotation). Thus, the movement emerges as a dialecticplay of what Schumann called " smaller" and "higher"f orms -

Even though there is little evidence to suggestthat Schumann was directly influenced by SchIegel'stheories (Schumann's own Arabeske, Opus 18, has nothingto do with Schlegel's critical category) , remarkablesirnilarities can be noted in their critical thought.For both of them, the fragment- - Schlegel's digressivearabesque, and Schumann's notion of the oapil-1on! - -wasthe basis of romantic form.

A REJECTED MOVEMENT FOR SCHUMANN'S REQUIEM, OPUS 148Gregory W. Harwood, Wichita State University

The opening movements of the Requiern areremarkable in several ways. In the Introit, Schumanndeparts from the standard formal organization of otherRequiem settings. Instead of setting the verse "Tedecet hymnus" as part of the Introit, Schumann begins aseparate movement in which he treats the "Te decet"with the "Kyrie eleison" - - first each of these sectionsindividually , then the two texts and the ir theme scornbined contrapuntally. The dramatic shift from theopening in D-f1at major to the ne$r movement in A najorunderscores the novel formal design.

The continuity draft for the Requiem shows that"Requiem aeternam" was a particularly difficultmovenent for the composer. The manuscript contains twosettings: the rather peaceful version in D-f1at, whichSchumann used in the completed work, and a moreanguished and dramatic setting in D minor, which makesextensive use of chrornatic dissonance for expressivepurposes . This later vers ion is nearly conplete indraft forrn, but the manuscript shows a large number ofdeleted passages and revisions. The continuity draftalso indicates that the novel formal design wasprobably not preconceived, but came to Schumann in thecourse of his compositional struggles over the firsttwo movenents.

A study of the continuity draft reveals 1) somereasons that might have led Schumann to abandon the Dminor version, 2) the role of large-sca1e formal

L1

SCHUMANN ANDR. Larry Todd, Duke

BRUCKNERUnivers ity, Chair

Eures of the

YThursdaY afternoon

concerns in his compositional decisions, and 3) hisincreasing sensitivity to text expression.

THE KECKE BESERL AND BRUCKNER'S SYMPHONIC SYNTHESISStephen Parkany, Amherst College

In the early 1850s, while still in provincialLinz, Bruckner fe11 in with a tiny coterie of rnusiciansthere who embraced the avant-garde scores of Tristanund Isolde and the Faust Syrnphony. (His previous,better-known studies !{ith Simon Sechter and OttoKitzler had been remarkable more for sr{reat than fordistinctive inspiration. ) These new enthusiasms leddirectly to the extraordinary formal innovations of hisHabilitationsschrift, rhe Synphony No. 1 of 'J-865-66 .Relishing its boldness, Bruckner nicknamed the symphonydas kecke Beserl , or loosely, " the fresh kid. "

I evaluate the progressive emphasis upon thedynarnic concept of ',intensification" (Steigerung) inthe influential text Kitzler assigned Bruckner, E. F.Richter's Grundziige der rnusikalischen Form (1g52), andapply the concepc to the neglected Symphony No. 1, inwhich Bruckner first synthesized such progressiveformal techniques with traditional schemata. If we cancredit his later claim that this r,rork r{ras still hisrrmost difficult and best," this must be due to irsTristan- 1ike mastery of extensive linear bassprolongations and of motivic developing variation,growing (as in Tristan and the Faust Synphony) from asingle dissonant kernel. The complex yet cogentlyexpressive formal process that results renders thekecke Beserl a landmark in what otherwise were thesymphonic doldrums of the l86Os.

RESPONDENT: Paul Hawksharrr, yale University

TOWARD AN UNDERSTANDING OF BRUCKNER'S REVISIONSMariana Sonntag, University of Chicago

Notwithstanding all the attention accorded therevisions of Bruckner's symphonies, we are no closer toa musical understanding of how they were made or why(except in instances vhere he alleviated unwieldy orespecially long mowements) How did Bruckner

"o^L tomake these specific alterations and why these specificpassages? The revisions do not reveal rnuch ";:,Bruckner,s approach to the synphony b.;;"";*;;^,:o:"'post-compositional- -nade after Bruckner h",t ".^'l .:.intents and purposes , finlshed the oi""-*",^--ror _al1after it had already been p.rform.i - -'' L drrQ ottenFassungen thus leave us u,{rL rrre variousproducrs- -essentiatly, "before" ";;il"t."tt,o or"lillif"o

Thursday afternoon

With the diverse source materials available forthe firs t movement of the Ninth Syrnphony, however , aclearer picture of Bruckner's musical intentions isattainable. Numerous sketches and drafts for theentire work a1low us to observe Bruckner' scompositional process, including revisions, in greaterdetail. The entire evolution, from initial conceptionthrough various stages to the final product, is clearlydiscernible.

This paper wi11, first, examine specific passagesfrom the first movement of the Ninth, focusing onBruckner's compositional process and how it revealscharacteristics of his stylistic maturity. Second, thestructural, harmonic, and orchestral changes fron thispre-compositional environment will be related to thepost-compositional revisions of previous syrnphonies.In conclusion, by delving further into the birth andgrowth of his ideas, rather than sirnply relying on"before" and "after" pictures, we can achieve a morethorough understanding of Bruckner's revisions andbetter estimate his contribution to the development ofthe romantic syrnphony.

RESPONDENT: Paul Hawkshaw

TWENTIETH- CENTURY TOPICSDouglass M. Green, University of Texas, Austin, Chair

THE OFFSTAGE CHORUS IN JAN;.dEK'S LATE OPERASMichael Beckerman, I^Iashington University, St. Louis

Taken co1lective1y, Jan6dek's final four operascomprise a vast dramatic and philosophical tapestrywhich, in terms of scope and ambition, is analagous toWagner's Ring. Much of the power of these worksderives from a basic dichotorny between realism, on theone hand, and a blend of pantheism, mysticism, andsymbolisrn, on the other. The realistic aspect has beenfrequently noted: the settings are invariably takenfrom everyday life--whether a spa, a pub, backstage atthe theater , or a prison camp - - and the Ianguage isdesultory and quotidien. Furthermore, Jan6dek used theintonational patterns of human speech as a model forhis vocal rdriting, another hallmark of realism. Theless explicit side of Jan5dek's artistic personality,however, his preoccupation with death and rebirth, hasappeared by its very nature to be impervious torigorous examination.

This study proposes to explore the "anti-rea1ist"side of Jan6dek's operas through an analysis andinterpretaion of the composer's individual use of theoffstage chorus. Depicting, in Jan6dek's own words,"the voice of the forest" (The Cunning Little Vixen),

t2

YThursdaY afternoon

concerns in his compositional decisions, and 3) hisincreasing sensitivity to text expression.

THE KECKE BESERL AND BRUCKNER'S SYMPHONIC SYNTHESISStephen Parkany, Amherst College

In the early 1850s, while still in provincialLinz, Bruckner fe11 in with a tiny coterie of rnusiciansthere who embraced the avant-garde scores of Tristanund Isolde and the Faust Syrnphony. (His previous,better-known studies !{ith Simon Sechter and OttoKitzler had been remarkable more for sr{reat than fordistinctive inspiration. ) These new enthusiasms leddirectly to the extraordinary formal innovations of hisHabilitationsschrift, rhe Synphony No. 1 of 'J-865-66 .Relishing its boldness, Bruckner nicknamed the symphonydas kecke Beserl , or loosely, " the fresh kid. "

I evaluate the progressive emphasis upon thedynarnic concept of ',intensification" (Steigerung) inthe influential text Kitzler assigned Bruckner, E. F.Richter's Grundziige der rnusikalischen Form (1g52), andapply the concepc to the neglected Symphony No. 1, inwhich Bruckner first synthesized such progressiveformal techniques with traditional schemata. If we cancredit his later claim that this r,rork r{ras still hisrrmost difficult and best," this must be due to irsTristan- 1ike mastery of extensive linear bassprolongations and of motivic developing variation,growing (as in Tristan and the Faust Synphony) from asingle dissonant kernel. The complex yet cogentlyexpressive formal process that results renders thekecke Beserl a landmark in what otherwise were thesymphonic doldrums of the l86Os.

RESPONDENT: Paul Hawksharrr, yale University

TOWARD AN UNDERSTANDING OF BRUCKNER'S REVISIONSMariana Sonntag, University of Chicago

Notwithstanding all the attention accorded therevisions of Bruckner's symphonies, we are no closer toa musical understanding of how they were made or why(except in instances vhere he alleviated unwieldy orespecially long mowements) How did Bruckner

"o^L tomake these specific alterations and why these specificpassages? The revisions do not reveal rnuch ";:,Bruckner,s approach to the synphony b.;;"";*;;^,:o:"'post-compositional- -nade after Bruckner h",t ".^'l .:.intents and purposes , finlshed the oi""-*",^--ror _al1after it had already been p.rform.i - -'' L drrQ ottenFassungen thus leave us u,{rL rrre variousproducrs- -essentiatly, "before" ";;il"t."tt,o or"lillif"o

Thursday afternoon

With the diverse source materials available forthe firs t movement of the Ninth Syrnphony, however , aclearer picture of Bruckner's musical intentions isattainable. Numerous sketches and drafts for theentire work a1low us to observe Bruckner' scompositional process, including revisions, in greaterdetail. The entire evolution, from initial conceptionthrough various stages to the final product, is clearlydiscernible.

This paper wi11, first, examine specific passagesfrom the first movement of the Ninth, focusing onBruckner's compositional process and how it revealscharacteristics of his stylistic maturity. Second, thestructural, harmonic, and orchestral changes fron thispre-compositional environment will be related to thepost-compositional revisions of previous syrnphonies.In conclusion, by delving further into the birth andgrowth of his ideas, rather than sirnply relying on"before" and "after" pictures, we can achieve a morethorough understanding of Bruckner's revisions andbetter estimate his contribution to the development ofthe romantic syrnphony.

RESPONDENT: Paul Hawkshaw

TWENTIETH- CENTURY TOPICSDouglass M. Green, University of Texas, Austin, Chair

THE OFFSTAGE CHORUS IN JAN;.dEK'S LATE OPERASMichael Beckerman, I^Iashington University, St. Louis

Taken co1lective1y, Jan6dek's final four operascomprise a vast dramatic and philosophical tapestrywhich, in terms of scope and ambition, is analagous toWagner's Ring. Much of the power of these worksderives from a basic dichotorny between realism, on theone hand, and a blend of pantheism, mysticism, andsymbolisrn, on the other. The realistic aspect has beenfrequently noted: the settings are invariably takenfrom everyday life--whether a spa, a pub, backstage atthe theater , or a prison camp - - and the Ianguage isdesultory and quotidien. Furthermore, Jan6dek used theintonational patterns of human speech as a model forhis vocal rdriting, another hallmark of realism. Theless explicit side of Jan5dek's artistic personality,however, his preoccupation with death and rebirth, hasappeared by its very nature to be impervious torigorous examination.

This study proposes to explore the "anti-rea1ist"side of Jan6dek's operas through an analysis andinterpretaion of the composer's individual use of theoffstage chorus. Depicting, in Jan6dek's own words,"the voice of the forest" (The Cunning Little Vixen),

t2

Y

ThursdaY afternoonL4

,rhe waves of rhe vo1ga,,(K6t'a Kabanov6), -"things and

shadows " (Makropolus ) , and convicts (E4m-jtE-!'9'gE-c---9Ethe Dead), these ll-s't'ant and usually wordless "no::::'share a common (and even commonplace) musical protrre:the simple :I-4-5 interval pattern. This is notfortuitous, since the careful dramatic placement , ofthese choruses makes explicit their symbolic functionin representing the central theme of Jan56ek's operas:the restoratlon of natural cycles.

GREAT-RAG-SKETCHESTom Gordon, Bishop' s University, Qu6bec

Thursday afternoon

THE PATH FROM EXPRESSIONISM: WEBERN.S TRANSITIONFROM INSTRUMENTAL TO VOCAL WORKS, L973-1924

Anne C. Shreffler, Harvard University

Webern's middle-period songs (Opp. 12-L6) aretraditionally seen as the composer' s attempt to writelonger pieces by using text as a scaffolding. In hissongs from the decade L973-24, i^Iebern seems to breakdecisively with aphoristic expressionism (asexempl-ified in the instrumental miniatures, Opp. 6, 7 ,9,10 and 11) and to begin to work out the elements ofhis future twelve-tone technique.

The conventional view, based entirely on publishedversions, is rnisleading. Many of the middle-periodsongs exist in earlier vers ions that differconsiderably from the published ones. Autographmanuscripts ( in the Pierpont Morgan Library) ofWebern's songs Opus 13/II and Opus L5/I, III, and Vpreserve readings dating from as early as ten yearsbefore publication. The early versions, never beforediscussed, reveal a concern with expressionistic colorand brief gestures, while the revisions reflectWebern's growing preoccupation with the more abstractpossibilities of line and motive. When preparing hisworks for publication in !924, Webern "updated" them inorder to bring them closer to the spirit of his currenttrrrelve - tone works . In doing this , he rernoved f rom viewa crucial stage of his musical development.

The rnissing stage can be found in the earlyversions of Webern's Opp, 13 and 15 and in unpublishedsongs from the same period ("Leise Diifte" and

closely related to the earlier aphoristic sty1e, inparticular to the Orchestra Pieces, Opus 10, Examiningthese songs gives us a more complete picture ofWebern's development in the crucial decade before 1924.

THE DEDICATIONEN I GMASB r enda

OF BERG' SIN THE

Dalen, Yale University

L5

Unl ike its straightforlrard companlons,Stravinskyt s Piano-Rag-Music is neither parody norgenre portrait. Rather, as the hyphens in the tiCleinply, it is a collage of quasi-improvisatoryfragments , an anomoly in Stravinsky' s oeuvre for itsrej ection of meter and its eccentricities of structure.The evolution of Piano-Rag-Music is documented in adisproportionately large quantity of sketches. Closeexamination of these substantiates the very particularnature of the work and certain hypotheses onStravinsky' s compositional process.

The earliest sketches for Piano-Rag-Music datefrom the winter of 1918. By the time the twelve-pageholograph was inked in June 1919, the composer hadfi1led 55 pages in two sketchbooks. Comparison of thework's published form with these sketches leads to thefollowing conclusions :

1) Stravinsky's pre-occupations in Piano-Rag-Musicrrere essentially rhythmic. While pitch configurationsvary 1itt1e from the earliest sketches, as many as fivevariants can be found for each rhythmic form.

2) The work's opening motto evolved through a processof distillacion across the sketches. Rather thangenerating the composition, the work's openingmeasures, virtually the last to appear in the sketches,were generaced by it.

3) The abrupt disjunctions which articulate the workveil a fundamental unity. Continuity was "composedout" of the materials in the course of sketching, asfragment order was continuously realigned'

4) A collage form is suggested at every stage ofcomposition. The sketches indicate aninterchangeability of rhythmic motives, I'hile theholograph implies that the materials may be performedin other than the Published order.

The "Great-Rag-Mus1c" sketches (one nf +Lcomposer' s worklng titles ) reweal Stravinskv "-"^', ^--i"'the possibllities of composed improvisait;'"'.:iliCdeweloplng the central techniques that

"t "r^.nll, _:t',.f.style from P6trouchka onward ---*vLcr rze his

In February 1925, the Viennese periodical Pult undTaktstock printed the curious "Open Letter, " in whichAlban Berg officially dedicaced his newly cornpletedChamber Concerto to Arnold Schoenberg. A briefcommentary on certain noteworthy structural andprogrammatic features of the composition accompaniedthis dedication. The cursory nature of Berg's remarksnotwithstanding, the "Open Letter" was upheld by hisearly biographers as the authoritative and definitiveanalysis of the concerto, and its influence can betraced throughout the Iiterature to the present day -This process of dissemination may, in fact, have

Y

ThursdaY afternoonL4

,rhe waves of rhe vo1ga,,(K6t'a Kabanov6), -"things and

shadows " (Makropolus ) , and convicts (E4m-jtE-!'9'gE-c---9Ethe Dead), these ll-s't'ant and usually wordless "no::::'share a common (and even commonplace) musical protrre:the simple :I-4-5 interval pattern. This is notfortuitous, since the careful dramatic placement , ofthese choruses makes explicit their symbolic functionin representing the central theme of Jan56ek's operas:the restoratlon of natural cycles.

GREAT-RAG-SKETCHESTom Gordon, Bishop' s University, Qu6bec

Thursday afternoon

THE PATH FROM EXPRESSIONISM: WEBERN.S TRANSITIONFROM INSTRUMENTAL TO VOCAL WORKS, L973-1924

Anne C. Shreffler, Harvard University

Webern's middle-period songs (Opp. 12-L6) aretraditionally seen as the composer' s attempt to writelonger pieces by using text as a scaffolding. In hissongs from the decade L973-24, i^Iebern seems to breakdecisively with aphoristic expressionism (asexempl-ified in the instrumental miniatures, Opp. 6, 7 ,9,10 and 11) and to begin to work out the elements ofhis future twelve-tone technique.

The conventional view, based entirely on publishedversions, is rnisleading. Many of the middle-periodsongs exist in earlier vers ions that differconsiderably from the published ones. Autographmanuscripts ( in the Pierpont Morgan Library) ofWebern's songs Opus 13/II and Opus L5/I, III, and Vpreserve readings dating from as early as ten yearsbefore publication. The early versions, never beforediscussed, reveal a concern with expressionistic colorand brief gestures, while the revisions reflectWebern's growing preoccupation with the more abstractpossibilities of line and motive. When preparing hisworks for publication in !924, Webern "updated" them inorder to bring them closer to the spirit of his currenttrrrelve - tone works . In doing this , he rernoved f rom viewa crucial stage of his musical development.

The rnissing stage can be found in the earlyversions of Webern's Opp, 13 and 15 and in unpublishedsongs from the same period ("Leise Diifte" and

closely related to the earlier aphoristic sty1e, inparticular to the Orchestra Pieces, Opus 10, Examiningthese songs gives us a more complete picture ofWebern's development in the crucial decade before 1924.

THE DEDICATIONEN I GMASB r enda

OF BERG' SIN THE

Dalen, Yale University

L5

Unl ike its straightforlrard companlons,Stravinskyt s Piano-Rag-Music is neither parody norgenre portrait. Rather, as the hyphens in the tiCleinply, it is a collage of quasi-improvisatoryfragments , an anomoly in Stravinsky' s oeuvre for itsrej ection of meter and its eccentricities of structure.The evolution of Piano-Rag-Music is documented in adisproportionately large quantity of sketches. Closeexamination of these substantiates the very particularnature of the work and certain hypotheses onStravinsky' s compositional process.

The earliest sketches for Piano-Rag-Music datefrom the winter of 1918. By the time the twelve-pageholograph was inked in June 1919, the composer hadfi1led 55 pages in two sketchbooks. Comparison of thework's published form with these sketches leads to thefollowing conclusions :

1) Stravinsky's pre-occupations in Piano-Rag-Musicrrere essentially rhythmic. While pitch configurationsvary 1itt1e from the earliest sketches, as many as fivevariants can be found for each rhythmic form.

2) The work's opening motto evolved through a processof distillacion across the sketches. Rather thangenerating the composition, the work's openingmeasures, virtually the last to appear in the sketches,were generaced by it.

3) The abrupt disjunctions which articulate the workveil a fundamental unity. Continuity was "composedout" of the materials in the course of sketching, asfragment order was continuously realigned'

4) A collage form is suggested at every stage ofcomposition. The sketches indicate aninterchangeability of rhythmic motives, I'hile theholograph implies that the materials may be performedin other than the Published order.

The "Great-Rag-Mus1c" sketches (one nf +Lcomposer' s worklng titles ) reweal Stravinskv "-"^', ^--i"'the possibllities of composed improvisait;'"'.:iliCdeweloplng the central techniques that

"t "r^.nll, _:t',.f.style from P6trouchka onward ---*vLcr rze his

In February 1925, the Viennese periodical Pult undTaktstock printed the curious "Open Letter, " in whichAlban Berg officially dedicaced his newly cornpletedChamber Concerto to Arnold Schoenberg. A briefcommentary on certain noteworthy structural andprogrammatic features of the composition accompaniedthis dedication. The cursory nature of Berg's remarksnotwithstanding, the "Open Letter" was upheld by hisearly biographers as the authoritative and definitiveanalysis of the concerto, and its influence can betraced throughout the Iiterature to the present day -This process of dissemination may, in fact, have

FridaY morning16

deterred scholarry efforts to ex.plain incongruities

apparent ln .n.

"Jt-t-"-i,-- "''a

iti'"atl"a a tho:?:ih

l.nvestigation of '"i;t' ui"et"pl'it"i and musical

significance,A critical reading of the original tt*t1*^l'

conjunction atith J" -"aiay of relevani sources- -among

ttrem, Berg's correspondence, essays by schoenb ttCl -"?lEand webern, the riterary and rnusital works cited in cnel-etter, contemporary ieriodical literature, an-d thesketches for the Streg!ci----g-r!-ee!E9---sheds light onBerg's eonplex motivatlon for writing the letter, andsuSgests several possible interpretations of itscontents, all of whictr must be understood qtithin thecontext of his relati,onship to Schoenberg.

The "Open Letter' reflects Berg,s increasingambiwalence towards his former teacher, as well asrecent developments in his own career. His avowedindebtedness to Schoenberg for the concerto's technicalinnovations can be discredited on the basis of evidencegleaned frorn correspondence, sketches, and analysis ofthe Serenade, Opus 24, and the Wind Ouintet, Oius 26.The sketches also provide further insight into theunderlying program for the concerto, alluded to in theclosing paragraphs of the letter.

RESPONDENT: Douglass M. Green

Friday morning

errors, such as the translation of "estiva" as" sackbut, " and mis intetpretations of notational syrnbolsstill appear in the best critical editions andstylistic studies. A substantial number of particularsabout rnusic are never reported because text critics areunaware of their import.

A critical evaluation of the references to musicin O1d Occitan r{rritings makes possible a more completepicture of the trobadors and their songs than mostmusicological studies offer. This paper wilI firstpresent a brief description of the literary sources,already well-knovn to philologists. The allusions inthem to nusic r+i11 then be surveyed by topic, includingtypes and use of instruments, melodic genres and style,evidence pertaining to oral and written transmission,the social status and skills of trobadors and joglars,and the role played by music in the society.

WORDS AND MUSIC IN LATE TRECENTO FLORENCEJohn N6das, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill

Songs by Italian composers of the generationfollowing Francesco Landini are characterized by astrong mixture of foreign influences and native talent.Nowhere is this diversity of styles more apparent thanin the final layers of Florentine canzonieri cornpiledc. L400 -L420 , including all- -or significantportions - - of the Lucca/Perugia codex, London 29981 ,Paris 568, the Squarcialupi codex, and San Lorenzo22LL These sources served as collections devoted toboth the musical past and up-to-date native and foreignpolyphony- -testaments to the large-scaIe exchange of

L7

FRIDAY, 7 NOVEMBER, 9 : 00 - 12 : 00 A. M

TEXT AND MUSICDon M. Randel, CorneII University, Chair

REFERENCES TO MUSIC IN OLD OCCITAN LITERATUREElizabeth Aubrey, University of Iowa

The materials available for studying the music ofthe trobadors are not limited to the musical and poetictexts. Epic poems and narrative works, the vidas,epistolary and didactic writings, and O1d Occitantreatises on literary and linguistic conventions, suchas the Leys d'Amors, have yielded significantinformation on the compos itions and performancepractices of the trobadors and j oglars. While many ofthese sources have already been plumbed forinformation, much of what we know still depend.s onanalyses made in the late nineteenth and earlytwentieth centuries.

Many details about the nusicians and their musichave gone undetected or misunderstood becausemusicologists have left the task of evaluating thedocumentary evidence largely to philologists. Obvious

ideas that shapedcomposition.

In a fast-paced Italian cultural rnilieu in whicholder courtly patronage in northern Italy had largelybeen supplanted by that of various contenders to thepapal throne and of a merchant aristocracy, composersof a more cosmopolitan bent found their receivedcompos itional styles continually challenged. Thefeatures of songs wriCten by composers with strong tiesto Florence- -Pao1o, Andrea, the Mazzuolis, AntonioZacarias, as well as a number of minor or unknownwriters--have been studied in some detail. In its fastrate of stylistic change, fueled by experirnentation andoutside influences, the Florentine song repertoryreflects ne\{ poetic tastes, a more naturalnon- formulaic text-music relationship, variedperformance practices, "popular' melodic andcontrapuntal elements, and innovative formalstructures. Beyond a broad stylistic range exhibitingboth the rhythnic intricacies of the Ars subtilior andsimply-set works, the best of these songs madesignificant contributions in their greater voice

Ehe developrnent of Italian song

FridaY morning16

deterred scholarry efforts to ex.plain incongruities

apparent ln .n.

"Jt-t-"-i,-- "''a

iti'"atl"a a tho:?:ih

l.nvestigation of '"i;t' ui"et"pl'it"i and musical

significance,A critical reading of the original tt*t1*^l'

conjunction atith J" -"aiay of relevani sources- -among

ttrem, Berg's correspondence, essays by schoenb ttCl -"?lEand webern, the riterary and rnusital works cited in cnel-etter, contemporary ieriodical literature, an-d thesketches for the Streg!ci----g-r!-ee!E9---sheds light onBerg's eonplex motivatlon for writing the letter, andsuSgests several possible interpretations of itscontents, all of whictr must be understood qtithin thecontext of his relati,onship to Schoenberg.

The "Open Letter' reflects Berg,s increasingambiwalence towards his former teacher, as well asrecent developments in his own career. His avowedindebtedness to Schoenberg for the concerto's technicalinnovations can be discredited on the basis of evidencegleaned frorn correspondence, sketches, and analysis ofthe Serenade, Opus 24, and the Wind Ouintet, Oius 26.The sketches also provide further insight into theunderlying program for the concerto, alluded to in theclosing paragraphs of the letter.

RESPONDENT: Douglass M. Green

Friday morning

errors, such as the translation of "estiva" as" sackbut, " and mis intetpretations of notational syrnbolsstill appear in the best critical editions andstylistic studies. A substantial number of particularsabout rnusic are never reported because text critics areunaware of their import.

A critical evaluation of the references to musicin O1d Occitan r{rritings makes possible a more completepicture of the trobadors and their songs than mostmusicological studies offer. This paper wilI firstpresent a brief description of the literary sources,already well-knovn to philologists. The allusions inthem to nusic r+i11 then be surveyed by topic, includingtypes and use of instruments, melodic genres and style,evidence pertaining to oral and written transmission,the social status and skills of trobadors and joglars,and the role played by music in the society.

WORDS AND MUSIC IN LATE TRECENTO FLORENCEJohn N6das, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill

Songs by Italian composers of the generationfollowing Francesco Landini are characterized by astrong mixture of foreign influences and native talent.Nowhere is this diversity of styles more apparent thanin the final layers of Florentine canzonieri cornpiledc. L400 -L420 , including all- -or significantportions - - of the Lucca/Perugia codex, London 29981 ,Paris 568, the Squarcialupi codex, and San Lorenzo22LL These sources served as collections devoted toboth the musical past and up-to-date native and foreignpolyphony- -testaments to the large-scaIe exchange of

L7

FRIDAY, 7 NOVEMBER, 9 : 00 - 12 : 00 A. M

TEXT AND MUSICDon M. Randel, CorneII University, Chair

REFERENCES TO MUSIC IN OLD OCCITAN LITERATUREElizabeth Aubrey, University of Iowa

The materials available for studying the music ofthe trobadors are not limited to the musical and poetictexts. Epic poems and narrative works, the vidas,epistolary and didactic writings, and O1d Occitantreatises on literary and linguistic conventions, suchas the Leys d'Amors, have yielded significantinformation on the compos itions and performancepractices of the trobadors and j oglars. While many ofthese sources have already been plumbed forinformation, much of what we know still depend.s onanalyses made in the late nineteenth and earlytwentieth centuries.

Many details about the nusicians and their musichave gone undetected or misunderstood becausemusicologists have left the task of evaluating thedocumentary evidence largely to philologists. Obvious

ideas that shapedcomposition.

In a fast-paced Italian cultural rnilieu in whicholder courtly patronage in northern Italy had largelybeen supplanted by that of various contenders to thepapal throne and of a merchant aristocracy, composersof a more cosmopolitan bent found their receivedcompos itional styles continually challenged. Thefeatures of songs wriCten by composers with strong tiesto Florence- -Pao1o, Andrea, the Mazzuolis, AntonioZacarias, as well as a number of minor or unknownwriters--have been studied in some detail. In its fastrate of stylistic change, fueled by experirnentation andoutside influences, the Florentine song repertoryreflects ne\{ poetic tastes, a more naturalnon- formulaic text-music relationship, variedperformance practices, "popular' melodic andcontrapuntal elements, and innovative formalstructures. Beyond a broad stylistic range exhibitingboth the rhythnic intricacies of the Ars subtilior andsimply-set works, the best of these songs madesignificant contributions in their greater voice

Ehe developrnent of Italian song

YI

Friday morning Friday morning L9

have been placed, if not in complete detail, at leastwith some measure of precision. From carefulcomparison of the remaining sources several conclusionsmay be reached: 1) Obrecht often omitted parts, evenlengthy sections, of the Mass text, especially in theCredo; 2) conternporary copyists \4rere often as perplexedwith text underlay as modern editors and sometimesresorted to rnisleading emergency measures; 3) whereObrecht left a work Irith incomplete text and r^rherethere is not enough music to accommodate a1l the words,even broader aspects of text underlay must alwaysremain conj ectural; 1+) Obrecht certainly inLended.cantus firmus texts to be sung in three of his massesand in alI probability in at least five additionalones. It is uncertain to what extent these conclusionsare applicable to the works of other composers, buttheir irnplications are worth exploring.

18

equality (through a variety of irnitative procedures) 'structural .oh"..n"" (especially through rnotivicconstructlon), and attention to declarnatiott ^ ?ttdexpressive gestures. These texturally clarifyingfeatures nay also be found in the Mass music of theperiod.

TEXTS ANDEARLY CHANSONS

Graeme M. Boone

TEXTING IN THEOF GUILLAUUE DUFAY

, Harvard University

In recent years, studies of fifteenth-centurychansons have increasingly turned. to the poetic textsas a crucial element in their analysis. Nonetheless,no system has been found to explain the way composersset about putting the texts to music, a dilemmaevidenced in the persistence of arnbiguities in textunderlay. On the contrary, some recent trends pointaway from overall systems, focusing ratherupo. theconscious distinctness of the individual piece.

This paper will outline a simpla rheory thatexplains Dufay's early text-setting p.o"!drr.=.Established by a strong consensus of sJurc. readings,the theory permits correction of errors not only in Ihecollected edition, but ultimately in the Lriginalsources thenselves, and provides tirereby a firm iasisfor underlay in this repertory. Its impact on musicalanalysis is extensive; and when considered in Largerperspective, it appears as part of a remarkably unifiedFrench song technique ranging frorn the thirieenth tothe sixteenth centur_ies. Flnally, the text-settingrules will be considered in relLtionship to middleFrench poetics in general, wherein it vrilI be seen thateach serves to clarify the other in new and significantways.

TOP]CS IN CATHOLICCraig Monson, Washington Univers

MUSICiry, Sr. Louis, Chair

ON THE TEXTING OF OBRECHT MASSESBarton Hudson, West Virginia Univers ity

Munich, Universit6tsbibliothek Ms. 20 Art. Z3gcontains Obrecht's Missa Fors seulement with a notationindicating Chat it was copied by Heinrich Glareanus andPeter Tschudi from a manuscript in the composer's ownhand (ab exemplari eiusdem, i.hand (ab exemplari eiusdem, i. e. Hobrechti, descripta) .S ince the Munich nanuscript gives everv evi denno ^1pt gives every evidence of

O SACRUM CONVIVIUMA STUDY OF MOTET TRADITIONS IN LATE l6TH.CENTURY ITALY

Michble Fromson, University of pennsylvania

During the Counter-Reformation, Italj.an composerspublished motets on thousands of different t.*t". Themost popular was the antiphon sacrum convivium,,which was set at least twenty- two times between fSiSand 1605. This paper is based on a comparative studyof these settings.

I begin by investigating the external features ofal1 these settings - - their finals and hexachordalsyst-ems, mensuration shifts, repetition schemes, andliturgical designations. Such features reveal theexistence of three separate compositional trad.itionsthat seem to have been established just after theCouncil of Trent in settings by Andrea Gabrieli,Giaches de Wert, and Palestrina. Soon young composersbegan to imitate these settings, most often onewell-known in their own geographic region. Venetiansmodeled their settings on Gabrieli,s notet, whereasMantuan and Cremonese composers usually imitated. Wert,ssecting. In Rome (and certain ocher centers in Italy),composers seem to have adopted palestrina's motet astheir mode1. Thus the three traditions established byGabrieli, Wert, and Palestrina can in most cases beassociated with the cities in which they worked_ _withVenice, Mantua, and Rome.

In order to view these traditions more closely, Iturn to the earliest and latest settings from eachgroup- -works of Gabrieli (f565) and Giovanni Croce

hawing been carefully prepared, it should give a soodidea of rhe srare of rhe Mass when th; "o..1])

: I : : :l::. I^t-': .': - .3j, ^o^i' "^t," " t^i:

^ i n t e r e s t i s .";:" " ; : ; :distribution--some voices of some sa.ri^-^ --': rs^L

underlaid, some provided onlv .i;;-'^',:lt-t cornpletelyunderlaid, some prowided only with

"ro" .*uv,receI)

limited to inciDi ts Tn ^+L^- drru somelimited to incipits. In some other mas-o-' someshown stemmatically where simil ar .-^.._l-"J- I u can beshown stemmatically where similar

" -""o lt can benounts of c"*t rnr"t

YI

Friday morning Friday morning L9

have been placed, if not in complete detail, at leastwith some measure of precision. From carefulcomparison of the remaining sources several conclusionsmay be reached: 1) Obrecht often omitted parts, evenlengthy sections, of the Mass text, especially in theCredo; 2) conternporary copyists \4rere often as perplexedwith text underlay as modern editors and sometimesresorted to rnisleading emergency measures; 3) whereObrecht left a work Irith incomplete text and r^rherethere is not enough music to accommodate a1l the words,even broader aspects of text underlay must alwaysremain conj ectural; 1+) Obrecht certainly inLended.cantus firmus texts to be sung in three of