Arms and the Men

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Arms and the Men; 14th Century Japanese Swordsmanship Illustrated by Skeletons fromZaimokuza, near Kamakura, JapanAuthor(s): Myra ShackleySource: World Archaeology, Vol. 18, No. 2, Weaponry and Warfare (Oct., 1986), pp. 247-254Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/124618

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A r m s a n d t h M e n

4 t h e n t u r y

Japanese

swordsm nship

illustrated

y

skeletons f r o m Zaimokuza

n e a r Kamakura J a p a n

Myra Shackley

Historical background

In

July

1333

troops

of

the

Emperor Go-Daigo

won a

famous

victory

after a

five

day

battle

against

the

armies

of

the

Hojo regents defending

their

headquarters

in

Kamakura

(Fig.

1).

The battle

cemetery

at Zaimokuza

(Suzuki

1956) dates

from

one phase

of

the attack

on

Kamakura,

the defence

of

Midare-bashi

bridge where,

after stubborn and

heroic

resistance lasting

several

days,

the defenders

began

to waver

against

the

Imperial troops

and

eventually

retired

in

confusion

(Lu 1974).

Their defeat ended the Kamakura

(Minamoto) period

of

Japanese history (1185-1333)

and the

government

was

transferred

back to

Kyoto during

the

Kemmu

Restoratiorn

1333-1336).

During

late Kamakura

times

the Hojo family had technically been only regents acting as advisors to a young and

ineffective

Minamoto

military

commander

(the Shogun),

himself

nominally ruling

on

behalf

of

the

Emperor.

In

practice they

controlled

all

real

power,

the

Emperor

in

Kyoto

being merely

a

figurehead.

The

success

of

the

Emperor Go-Daigo was, however,

shortlived

and in 1336 one of his own

generals

rebelled and

the

subsequent power

shuffle

led

to the two rival courts

of

the Nambokucho

era

(1336-1392)

and

eventually

to

the rule

of

the

Ashikaga Shoguns

in

the

succeeding

Muromachi or

Ashikaga period (1392-1568).

Weapons,

armour and

swordsmanship

Against

this

background

of civil disturbance

it is

not

surprising

that

during

the Kamakura

period Japanese

swordsmiths achieved their

highest

level of technical

expertise.

The

character of

battlefield

combat

changed during

the 14th

century,

with

the

mounted

warriors

equipped

with

long

tachi

being gradually replaced by infantrymen (Fig. 2).

This

change

in

emphasis

was

largely

a

result

of the

Mongol

invasions of 1274 and

1281,

when

the 'classic'

ideal of formal

heroic

single

combat

proved

ineffective

against opponents

with

less

elevated chivalric

principles.

One result

was

the

eventual

development

of a

new

type

of sword

called

a

katana,

carried

edge upwards

thrust

through

a

sash

(obi),

to

World

Archaeology

Volume

18

No.

2

Weaponry

and

warfare

(

R.K.P. 1986

0043-8243186118021247

1.50/1



248 Myra Shackley

Mt

Fl

HO

A

Kamtakra

HOKKAIDO

A X

~~~PENINSULA .

PEN

INSUL

ZAIMOKUZA

\X'

0

TOKYO

C)

0

C)

.KYUSHU

0

300 km

Figure

1

Location

of

Kamakura.

supplement

and

ultimately replace

the

tachi, slung edge

downwards from

the belt

(Joly

and

Hogitaro 1913).

A

warrior of this

period may

often

have carried more than one sword in

addition to the

bow

which was his

principal weapon,

one tachi at

his

side with a shorter

sword thrust

through his obi, and occasionally with a long sword (no-tachi) carried across his back

(Fig. 2).

A

typical mid 14th century tachi would

have

been about 2ft.

6ins. long

(Harris,

pers. comm.) although

the

length

of a sword varied with the

height

of the

wearer,

and its



Arms and the Men 249

Figure 2 14th century Japanese

armour.

The

figure

on

the left is

wearing light d6-maru armour in-

cluding cuirass and tassets, and has

three swords,a

nm-tachi

n his

back,

a

shorter tachi slung from his belt

and

a thirdshortsword, ut he has no

helmet. The bushi on the right has a

simple

helmet

kabuto) omplete

with

neckguard shikoro) and is wielding

a

naginata.

He,

too, has a short tachi

and

wears

light

armour

complete

with greaves. (adapted from con-

temporary

croll

paintings).

width, thickness

and

other

dimensions

were

related

by

a

complex

arithmetic

system. A

fixed relationship existed between

the width

of

the

boshi (point)

of the sword and

its

length,

but

this

varied

with

the

style

of the boshi and thus with

the smith

who created

it.

Any

collection of 14th

century

swords illustrates this

great

variability,

which makes

it

impossible

to

distinguish

katana

from

tachi

injuries

but does

enable cuts made

by the

same weapon to be identified (see below).

During tamashigiri (sword testing),

which ensured

that a blade was at least

capable

of

removing

a

man's head

with a

single stroke,

the

blade

could be tested on

the

body

of

a

criminal,

an

old

iron

helmet

or

a thick bundle

of

straw,

these

last

being tricky; although

the blade

was

very sharp

it

could

be

deflected

sideways by

the

straw,

or

by

the metal

of

a

helmet.

Long

blades were

notoriously

unable

to

make well-directioned cuts.

In

the

book

Kantei

Tokugawa Rippo

the

16th

century

swordtester Yamada

Asayemon

notes

that,

in

edged weapon

trials

involving cutting

the head of a

corpse

across the

temple,

blades

may

be difficult

to extract after the

stroke

(Joly

and

Hogitaro 1913),

a

problem

met

with

by

Zaimokuza

swordsmen,

and

evidenced

by injuries

sustained

during

blade removal

(see below).

Contemporary

illustrations are

rare,

but

scroll

paintings

of

the Heike

Monogatori

(Takada 1964),

accounts

of battles

of the

early

Kamakura

period,

show

infantry

and

mounted

warriors

equipped

with

a

bow,

tachi

and

formidable

gleave

or

halberd

(Fig. 2)

called a

naginata.

Similar

weapons

can

be seen on the scroll

painting

Moko-Shurai-

Ekotoba-Emaki,

painted

around

1300 and

dealing

with the

Mongol

invasions.

Previously,

13th

century

classic combat tradition relied

on

single combat,

with

individual horsed and

armoured

warriors

charging

each

other, aiming

to

kill with a

single

sword

stroke,

a

tradition

which

seems

to have been

only slightly

modified

by

the late Kamakura

warriors

at Zaimokuza.

During the early Kamakurawars it is known that warriorswore lamellar armourof two

different

types;

either

a

'great

harness'

(6-yoroi),

for

high ranking

mounted

nobles,

complete

with helmet

and

large

shoulder

and arm

protectors,

or

lighter

d5-maru armour



250 Myra Shackley

which

was initially used by infantry

and consisted

mainly

of cuirass

and

tassets.

However,

the changing military tactics of the 14th

century

were also reflected

in

armour;

nobles

who would previously have been mounted now

fought

on

foot,

exchanging

their

heavy

wide-skirted 6-yaroi armour for lighter d6-maru style but often retaining the large

shoulder

guards

and

helmets

of

the former

(Anderson 1968)D

It

therefore

seems

likely

that the armour worn at Zaimokuza would have been

quite

varied

(Fig. 2); the Moko-

Shurai-Ekotoba-Emaki scroll painting referred to above

shows

warriors in a variety of

different

assemblages,

including some in full 6-yaroi armour but

with

the helmet

replaced by a light cloth cap or scarf (hachimaki).

In the 13th

century strict battle rules

applied;

no

supporters

were to aid the

combatants

and

no

retreat

was permitted.

However,

some writers have claimed that the

image

of the

classical

warriors

of

the Minamoto

bafuku

(military government)

declined

drastically

in

the

subsequent wars until the resuscitation

of

classical

traditions under

Tokugawa Ieyasu

(1542-1616). Warner and Draeger

(1982) claim

that the wars of the

Hojo regency

were

notorious

for

their martial incompetence and

neglect

of

military

ethics,

partly

as a

result

of

the

degradation

of the morals

of

the classical

warrior (bushi) under

the

nepotic civilian

Hojo regents.

This

opinion

is

not universally supported

(Harris,

pers. comm.).

Tactical

changes undoubtedly included the

gradual replacement

of formalised

single

combat

by

different sized tactical units employed in battle formation and at a later date the

bafuku

became

'morally polluted' (Warner

and

Draeger) by

the

appearance

of

ashigaru

('lightfoot soldiers') who

were

mercenary

adventurers not

bushi,

wearing lightweight

armour and

armed with

naginata

rather

than sword or bow

(Fig. 2).

The Zaimokuza

injuries, however, would suggest that classic equestrian combat was still to be found.

The

injuries

Suzuki et

al. (1956)

comprehensively reported

on the

physical anthropology

of the

Zaimokuza

material, currently located in the University

of

Tokyo Museum.

A

total of

275 skulls were

examined by the writer in

1985,

specifically

for

weapon injuries. Of

these

skulls,

26

(9%)

showed a total of

65

measurable

injuries;

95% of these were cuts

from

sharp edged

weapons,

averaging

2.5

cuts/skull;

69%

of

injured

skulls had received more

than 1 cut, but only 3.6% had healed injuries. Full metrical analysis of these injuries was

undertaken,

the

general outlines being presented

below,

supplemented by

observations

derived from

the writer's

experimental

replication

of ancient

sword

techniques.

The vast

majority of injuries (85%) occurred

on

frontal or

parietal bones,

the

largest

group being

sword

cuts across

the frontal bones

(48%),

with left

parietal

cuts also

common

(36%)

but

right parietal cuts

rare

(16%),

presumably because most swordsmen

were

right-handed. No injuries to the occipital bones were observed. Cuts

could

also

occur

either

singly (Plate 1)

or in

groups (27% skulls)

but

these latter

did not

denote

multiple injuries

but were the result of a

single

blow which 'skidded' over the

cranium,

resulting

in

a small linked group of

2-4

cuts,

generally on the forehead (Plate 2). Within

such groups the first blow struck was the highest on the skull, nearest to the hairline if the

injury

was a

frontal

cut,

and always slightly deeper than the others to

which it was

connected

by grooves and furrows

in

the bone. Such cuts were inflicted by the triangular



rms an e en

_

:

.....

.......

..N

_

Plate

1

(left)

Sword utacrosshe left frontal

one,

beneath he hairline. he cut was

probably

fataldue o blood ossand

was

nflictedn mounted ombat

y

the

point

ection

boshi),

fa tachi

or

katana.

Zaimokuza.

Plate

(right)

Skid'

uts

across

he left frontal

oneabove he brow

idge.

Theforcebehind

he

blowhascaused he

blade

o

skidacross hesurface f the

skull,

eaving complex

f

progressively

shallowerndnarrowerutsas the blade lidesdown

he victim'sorehead.

Zaimokuza.

boshi(point)of a swordandvarybetween17-22mm n length. Despitethe fact thatthey

have

not

penetrated

the brain it seems

possible

that

they

were

fatal,

immediately

rendering

he warriorunconscious

rom

loss

of

blood. A further

11%of skulls had a

combination of

isolated and

complex

cuts and

8% exhibited

especially deep,

wide

semicircular

uts that were

easily distinguishable

rom the

sharp

boshi

injuries.

The

remaining

11%

of skulls showed differentcombinationsof

these

injuries.

Most

(78%)

of

the

cuts were

relatively

shallow

(1.5mm deep)

and 90% had

not

penetrated

the internal lamella of the

brain.

Of the

remaining

10% half

were

exceptionally

deep

cuts

through

both

lamellae

nto

the brainwithout

removingany

bone,

but

in

the

remaining

5%

large

pieces

of bone had been

removed,

exposing

the brain.

Suchcuts were sometimes

nflictedat a

shallow

angle,

slicingaway

a

piece

of

the

victim's

head. Several

njuries

were inflicted

by

the

extreme

tip

(kissaki)

of

the

sword,

whichhad

sometimesbeen twisted while

extracting

he

blade,

removing

a

roundelof bone.

Some

depressed

ractures

rom blunt instrumentswere noted

although

hese were rare

(8%

of

skulls);

skull

no.

451,

for

example,

had an

impact

njury

caused

by

a

smalldiameterblunt

instrument

driven nto

the left

eyebrowridge, possibly

a kashira

swordpommel)

or

the

end

of a staff



252 Myra Shackley

In

some cases the attack pattern could be

reconsrructed,

especially where the skull

showed more than one

cut: 7% of skulls produced

'paired'

cuts,

both

done by the same

weapon,

where an initial cut across the victim's left

temple

caused him to fall

forwards,

carried by the momentum of his attack, a second blow then being struck across the

parietal

bone on

the rear

of his

head,

generally bisecting the sagittal suture. Most

of the

cuts are placed with extreme accuracy; nearly

all neatly bisect suture

lines,

or

are

positioned across the

temple,

just under the hairline. It seems doubtful that

such

standardisation could have

been achieved if the victims had been wearing

a

helmet.

The

angle and location of the majority of the injuries suggest

that they were probably

inflicted

from

horseback,

a

mounted

warrior taking

a

flat but forceful swing

at

his

opponent

and

cutting

him

across the

forehead,

the tremendous momentum

of

such

an attack

resulting

in

the 'skidding'

of

the blade across the

skull.

The large deeper cuts

referred to above could have

been the result

of a

duel between

warriors on

foot;

they are characteristically

more semicircular

in

form,

and

seem

to

have

been

made by

a

heavier,

thicker

sword,

also wielded

with considerable force but without

the momentum which produced

frontal 'skids'. These cuts may

on occasion be

very large

(eg.

no. 106/1 with

length

78. lmm)

which was executed

nearly vertically

downwards,

and

are generally at quite a steep

angle,

in contrast

to

the flat-angled

frontal cuts.

In

the case

of no. 106/1

the sword

has been wrenched

out

complete

with a

large

flake of

bone,

cutting

into the brain.

The Zaimokuza finds contrast

with the

pattern

of

cranial injuries

from the

only

other

large

available

14th

century

war

cemetery,

from the battle

of

Wisby

(1361),

in

Sweden.

Inglemark (1939) noted marked divergences in injury patterns between crania from the

three common

graves at

Wisby,

which he

concluded resulted

from variations

in

protective armour. At

Zaimokuza the cuts were the result

of

straightforward

sword

attacks culminating in the boshi cutting

across the forehead;

at

Wisby

more cuts

were

received on

the

sides

of

the head

as a

result

of

slash-and-parry sequences using

a

heavy

two-handed

sword

and

battle axe.

A

further

important

distinction

occurs

in

the

percentage

of

occipital

cuts,

none at Zaimokuza and

14%

at

Wisby. Inglemark (1939)

suggests that these were struck

when the

victim had

turned

his

back

to

run,

or

when

fallen,

either

suggesting

that

the Zaimokuza bushi were

strictly obeying

the dictates

of

bushido or that the mail curtain (shikoro)

at the back

of

the

helmet

provided

adequate

protection. However, at Wisby the armour worn at the time also involved a collar of

mail

protecting the neck

area,

but occipital cuts were still

made,

indicating that the

difference

in

injury

pattern

must reflect

battlefield ethics rather than

variations in armour.

Conclusions

It

is

both

surprising

and interesting

to

find

that the

pattern

of

sword cuts on

the

Zaimokuza bushi

reflects

swordsmanship along

classical

lines,

dominated

by

a

light

sword,

either tachi or

katana (the

two are

differentiated

only by their

method of

carrying,

not by blade widths) used from horseback. Most attacks seem to have been made by a

mounted

warrior

using

a

stroke aimed

directly

at

the centre

of an

opponent's

head,

cutting

him

across the temple

with

the

boshi of the sword.

The concentration of these



Arms

and the Men 253

injuries

at such a

location

suggests

that a metal

helmet

(kabuto)

was

not

being

worn,

perhaps

indicating

that the combatants were

not men of

high rank.

An

alternative

explanation,

that

the kabuto was insufficient

protection

for the

head,

must be

rejected

as

the nature of the cuts suggests that there had been no impediment to the stroke, which

would

certainly have been

deflected,

if

not

completely

blocked, by

the

iron

helmet and

its

attachments.

Although some historians

(eg.

Warner

and

Draeger

1982)

have

suggested a general

slovenliness of

warfare

at

that

time,

individual

sword

training

was

still,

apparently,

being carried

out

in the

classical

tradition,

a

hypothesis

supported by

the lack

of occipital cuts

or

blunt

instrument

injuries

which

coordinates well

with the

warrior code.

The

Zaimokuza warriors

clearly

included

both

cavalry and

infantrymen,

using several

different

types of

swords, which confirms that

the

supposedly 'bureaucratised

bushi'

(Warner and

Draeger

1982)

of late

Kamakura

times still

fought

according

to

the

martial traditions

of

the

classic

hero-warriors of

the Minamoto

bafuku,

more than a

century previously.

Acknowledgments

I

am most

grateful to the

following

individuals and

institutions who

have

contributed to

this

project; Professor Kimio

Suzuki

(Keio

University,

Japan),

Mr

Joe

Earle (Victoria

and

Albert

Museum),

and

Dr

Sarah Bevan

(H.M.

Armouries,

Tower of

London);

Messrs

John

Anderson

and

Victor

Harris

read

through

a

draft

of

this paper and

contributed many useful ideas and suggestions.

The

Zaimokuza skulls are

now in

the

University of

Tokyo Museum, and

were

examined

by the writer with

the kind

permission of

Emeritus

Professor

H. Suzuki and

with the

assistance of Prof. T.

Azakawa

(Tokyo

University,

Japan) during the

tenure of a

Royal

Society

Study

Visit

to

Keio

University, Tokyo.

14.xii. 1985

Department of

Archaeology

University of Leicester

References

Anderson, L. J. 1968.

Japanese Armour. London: Arms

and Armour

press.

Ingelmark, Bo.E. 1939. The

skeletons. In Armour

from the Battle of Wisby

1361 (ed. B.

Thordeman). Stockholm: Vitterhets

Historie Och Antikvitets

Akademien, pp. 149-210.

Joly, H.

L. and

Hogitaro,

I.

1962. The Sword Book (In

Honcho Gunkik6) of Arai

Hakuseki, and

the Book

of Same (Ko Hi

Sei Gi) of Inaba Tsurio.

London: Holland Press.

Lu, D. J.

1974. Sources

of Japanese History. New York:

McGraw Hill.

Suzuki, H., Hayashi, T.,

Tanabe,

G.

and

Sakura,

H.

1956. Medieval

Japanese Skeletons

from

the

Burial Site at Zaimokuza, Kamakura City. Tokyo: Anthropological Society of Nippon, Iwanami

Shoten.

(in Japanese).

Takada,

I.

1964. Nihon Emakimono zenshu.

Vol. 9.

Tokyo:

Kedokawa

Publication.



254 Myra Shackley

Warner,

G. and

Draeger,

D. F.

1982.

Japanese

Swordsmanship. New York and

Tokyo:

Weatherill.

Abstract

Shackley, Myra

Arms and

the Men: 14th century Japanese swordsmanship illustrated by skeletons from

Zaimokuza,

near

Kamakura,

Japan

The 14thcentury n Japanwas a time of complexand protracted eudal

warfare,

accompanied y

changes

n

swordsmanshipechniquesaway

from

the 13th centuryclassical deal. Cranial njuries

on warriorsburied in

the Zaimokuzacemetery (A.D. 1333) suggest

that

single-combat avalry

fightingwas still prevalent,with a lightsword tachi)as the favouredweapon.Thereare indications

that

a heavier blade was also

used,

probably by infantry soldiers. The pattern

of

injuries,

dominated

by cuts across

he

forehead,

mplies

hat the

complexJapanese

helmet

(kabuto)

was not

being

worn and

that the burialsare probably hose

of

mounted

soldiers,

perhaps

of low rank.

Arms and the Men

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Transcript of Arms and the Men