Are There Depictives in Adyghe Vydrin Final

8/11/2019 Are There Depictives in Adyghe Vydrin Final

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Arseniy Vydrin, Saint Petersburg

Are there depictives in Adyghe?

1. Introduction1

The term depictive secondary predicate (or simply depictive) is used here in

the sense specified by Eva Schultze-Berndt and Nikolaus P. Himmelmann(SCHULTZE-BERNDT & HIMMELMANN 2004; HIMMELMANN & SCHULTZE-BERNDT 2005), who developed the following seven criteria for distinguishingdepictive secondary predicates from simple predicates and adverbs (2004, 77-78):

A depictive secondary predicate construction is a clause-level construction whichmeets the following seven criteria:

i. It contains two separate predicative elements, the main predicate and the depic-tive, where the state of affairs expressed by the depictive holds within the timeframe of the eventuality expressed by the main predicate.

ii. The depictive is obligatorily controlled, i.e., there exists a formal relation to oneparticipant of the main predicate, the controller, which is usually interpreted as a

predicative relationship (i.e., the depictive predicates an eventuality of the control-ler). The controller is not expressed separately as an argument of the depictive.

iii. The depictive makes a predication about its controller which is at least in partindependent of the predication conveyed by the main predicate, i.e., the depictivedoes not form a complex or periphrastic predicate with the main predicate.

iv. The depictive is not an argument of the main predicate, i.e., it is not obligatory.

v. The depictive does not form a low-level constituent with the controller, i.e., itdoes not function as a modifier of the controller.

vi. The depictive is non-finite (it is not marked for tense or mood categories), or thedependency of the depictive on the main predicate is indicated in other formal ways.

1 Financial support for this study was provided by RGNF 06-04-00194. I thank Yakov Testelets,Yuriy Lander, Christoph Schroeder and Winfried Boeder for their comments on the paper, aswell as all participants of the second workshop on depictive secondary predicates (Oldenburg,December 710, 2005) for their discussion of the Adyghe material presented in the workshop. Ialso express my gratitude to all my consultants, Adyghe native speakers, especially to RitaTlevtsezheva who provided most of the examples included in this paper. All errors are mine.


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vii. The depictive is part of the same prosodic unit as the main predicate.

This concept of depictives is certainly useful for many European languages. Yetit is by no means evident that it should work for languages of a different typol-ogy. In this paper, I will discuss this issue using the data of Adyghe, a polysyn-thetic ergative language of the West Caucasian (Abkhaz-Adyghe) family.

Adyghe is spoken by around 130 000 people, mainly in the Adyghe Republic,Russian Federation. Native Adyghe speakers are also found in Turkey, Syria andother countries (KOEMJAKINA2000, 37-38; KORJAKOV2006, 22-23). Adyghe issubdivided into the Abzakh, Shapsug, Bzhedugh and Temirgoi (Chamgui) dia-lects. This study is based on the Temirgoi dialect as spoken in the village of

Haqurinohabl, where it is influenced by the Abzakh dialect spoken nowadays bysome of the village residents.2

In the first section, I will examine the main functions of the suffix -ew, theonly suffix which can express the depictive meaning. Then I will show that ad-

jectives with depictive meaning obligatorily agree with their controllers in per-son and that forms in -ew with person agreement can be marked by differenttense forms. The latter means that Adyghe forms in -ewviolate the first criterionmentioned above (being in the time frame of the eventuality expressed by themain predicate). Thus according to Schultze-Berndt and Himmelmanns criteriathey cannot be considered as depictive secondary predicates.

Person agreement is a property of predicates in Adyghe. As to participant-oriented adjectives in -ew, only a small number of them can express depictivemeaning without person agreement markers. This class of adjectives is unstableand varies with different speakers. Only these adjectives can be called true de-

pictives in Adyghe.In the following section, I will examine the use of -ewwith nouns (He came

to the meeting as a director) . Nouns with depictive meaning permit omissionof person agreement with their controllers and cannot be marked by tense suf-fixes. They are more productive than adjectives, which permit the omission of

person agreement while preserving their orientation to one of the participants.The only thing that might prevent us from classifying participant-oriented nounsin -ewas true depictives is the fact that they are not in the scope of negation ofthe main predicate.

I conclude with the hypothesis, which needs to be tested on a wider range ofmaterial, that in a polysynthetic language with extensive agreement and weak

2 The material for this paper was collected during my fieldwork in Haqurinohabl, ShovgenovskyDistrict, Adyghe Republic, Russian Federation in 2005 and 2006. The Abzakh variety repre-sented there can be somewhat different from the variety described by Catherine PARIS(1989).


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contrast between noun and verb, true depictives in the sense of Schultze-Berndtand Himmelmann may not be a productive phenomenon.

2. The suffix -ew

The only candidate for a depictive marker is the suffix -ew, which has at leastfour functions.3

2.1 Main functions of the suffix -ew

1) The suffix -ewconverts adjectives into adverbs (1)-(3):

(1) psEnBe psEnB-ewfast (adj.); light, easy (adj.) quickly; easily

(2) fabe fab-ewwarm warmly

(3) daxe dax-ewbeautiful beautifully

2) -ewoptionally marks the second argument ((5) vs. (4)) or the third argument((7) vs. (6), (8) vs. (7)) of some predicates such as become, nominate, con-sider. Grammars call -ew in this function an adverbial case (JAKOVLEV &AXAMAF 1941; ROGAVA& KERAEVA1966; ZEKOX2002).

(4) maSjEnjEst sE-HwE-St

engine.driver 1SG-become-IRRI am going to be an engine driver (when I grow up).

(5) maSjEnjEst-ew sE-HwE-Stengine.driver-ADV 1SG-become-IRRI will become an engine driver (when I grow up).

(6) djErektor s-a-S&E-R-epdirector 1SG-3PL-make-PST-NEGI was not nominated director.

(7) djErector-ew s-a-S&E-R-epdirector-ADV 1SG-3PL-make-PST-NEGI was not nominated director.

3 In this paper I will not discuss the functions of this suffix in the closely related Kabardian lan-guage, where it may have somewhat different functions. For -ew in Kabardian, see JAKOVLEV(1948); ABITOV et al. (1957); KUIPERS(1962); BAGOV(1970); COLARUSSO(1992).


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(8) se sE-{wS-ew ze-se-LEte-ZEI 1SG-clever-ADV REFL-1SG-consider-REI consider myself clever.

3) -ewcan be used to form adverbial participles (converbs) from verbal stems.Giorgi Rogava and Zainab Keraeva (ROGAVA& KERAEVA 1966, 170-236)state that adverbial participles cannot be marked for mood categories, thoughthey can be used with all tense suffixes of dynamic verbs:

(9) Kwen to go

Kw-ew while he is going (go-ADV)

K

w

a-R-ew while he was going (go-PST-ADV)Kwe-Ra-R-ew while he had been going (go-PST-PST-ADV)

KwE-St-ew while he will go (go-IRR-ADV)

Tense in Adyghe adverbial participles does not obligatorily coincide with thetense of the main predicate. Thus they do not satisfy Schultze-Berndt &Himmelmanns first and sixth criteria for a depictive secondary predicate con-struction. As Adyghe adverbial participles cannot be candidates for depictives, Ido not discuss them in this paper.

Adyghe also possesses converbs marked by -ze (dialectal -re, -zere), -me(conditional suffix), -Be(labelled conditional second in some grammars) andtheir various derivates. All of them can be marked by various tense forms andwill not be discussed here.

4) -ewcan mark relative construction heads(10) se s-S&e-r-ep njepe gWEpSEs-ewE-gWE jE-LE-r

I 1SG-know-DYN-NEG today idea-ADV 3SG-heart LOC-lie-ABSI dont know the ideas he has today.

2.2 -ewconstructions with depictive meaning

The following example shows that -ew can form constructions with depictivemeaning. It can have two readings: Ramazan is walking around Moscow joy-fully, where Cef-ewis an event-oriented adverb; and Ramazan is joyful as hewalks around Moscow where Cef-ewis participant-oriented.

(11) ramazan Cef-ew moskwa qE-S-je-KwEheRamazan joyful-ADV Moscow DIR-LOC-LOC-walkRamazan is walking around Moscow being joyful / joyfully.

This brings up the issue of how one can formally distinguish between partici-pant-oriented and event-oriented forms in -ew.


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One of the criteria that could be used for distinguishing between event-ori-ented adverbs and participant-oriented adverbs in Adyghe seems to be the ca-

pacity of the latter to take the plural agreement suffix -x. Usually, this suffix isnot found with event-oriented adverbs (12), while it is obligatory with partici-

pant-oriented adverbs when the controller is in the plural (13).

(12) SE-re SEpHwE-re Cef-ew adEga-bze-rbrother-& sister-& joyful-ADV Adyghe-language-ABS

zer-a-Ra-I&e

RECP-3PL-CAUS-knowThe brother and the sister learn the Adyghe language with enjoy-

ment [joyfully].(13) SE-re SEpHwE-re CefE-x-ew adEga-bze-r

brother-& sister-& joyful-PL-ADV Adyghe-language-ABS

zer-a-Ra-I&e

RECP-3PL-CAUS-knowThe brotheriand the sisterj learn the Adyghe language with enjoy-ment [joyfuli+j].

Nonetheless (14) and (15) show that this contrast is not strong, since here wefind the plural marker with e v e n t - o r i e n t e d forms in -ew.However, notethat in these examples the adverbials are separated from their possible control-lers. This suggests that p a r t i c i p a n t - o r i e n t e d forms in -ewwith the plu-ral marker cannot be separated from their controllers. By contrast, e v e n t -o r i e n t e d forms in -ew can be marked with the plural marker only if they are

placed near the predicate.

(14) SE-re SEpHwE-re adEga-bze-r CefE-x-ewbrother-& sister-& Adyghe-language-ABS joyful-PL-ADV

zer-a-Ra-I&e

RECP-3PL-CAUS-knowThe brotheri and sisterj learn the Adyghe language joyfully /*joyfuli+j.

(15) SE-re SEpHwE-re jeGaPe-m CefE-x-ewbrother-& sister-& school-ERG joyful-PL-ADV


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adEga-bze-r zer-a-Ra-I&eAdyghe-language-ABS RECP-3PL-CAUS-knowThe brother and sister joyfully learn the Adyghe language atschool.*The brotheriand sisterj learn the Adyghe language at school joy-fuli+j.

The question we have to answer is what Cef-x-ewjoyful in (13) is. Is it a spe-cialized participant-oriented adverb (i. e. a depictive) or a general subordinatedconverb similar to what we saw in 2.1?

In the next section I will show that in Adyghe, the number agreement of par-

ticipant-oriented forms in -ewlike Cef-x-ewjoyful in (13) and their adjacencyto the controller are not sufficient to classify them as depictives.

3. Person agreement of participant-oriented forms in -ew

3.1 Person agreement in Adyghe

Adyghe verbs are divided into dynamic and static classes. Table 1 shows the waythe static verb SEtEnto stand agrees with its absolutive argument.

SG PL1. se sE-SEt I am standing te tE-SEt We are standing

2. we wE-SEt You are standing Swe SwE-SEt You are standing3. ar SEt S/he is standing axer SEtEx They are standing

Table 1: Verbal person agreement

Notice that the 3rd person singular remains unmarked. The plural is conveyed bythe suffix -x.

The same person markers occur in predicative nouns:

SG PL1. se sE-pIaI I am a girl te tE-pIaI We are girls2. we wE-pIaI You are a girl Swe SwE-pIaI You are girls3. ar pIaI She is a girl axer pIaIex They are girls

Table 2: Nominal person agreement


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Participant-oriented forms in -ew obligatorily agree with their controller in per-son. With 1stand 2ndperson plural controllers, they can have an optional pluralmarker -x.

(16) sE-VEKw-ew bjEbljEje-m s-jE-Ga-R1SG-little-ADV Bible-ERG 1SG-3SG-read-PSTI read the Bible being a child (When I was a child I read theBible).

(17) te wolejbol LeS-ew tE-rE-raze-[x]-ewwe volleyball strong-ADV 1PL-INSTR-pleased-[PL]-ADVt-je-I&e

1PL-3SG-playWe play volleyball with great pleasure.

(18) we wE-LapV-ew wE-q-jEBe-R seyou 2SG-barefooted-ADV 2SG-DIR-go.out-PST I

sE-b-Ra-Kwete-ZE-n-ew

1SG-2SG-CAUS-go-RE-POT-ADVYou went out barefooted to see me off.

(19) Iwe IwE-VEne-[x]-ew konfet qE-Iw-a-tE-St-epyou.PL 2PL-wet-[PL]-ADV sweets DIR-2PL-3PL-give-IRR-NEGBeing wet you will not get the sweets. (While/since you are wetthey will not give you the sweets.)

We may conclude that in examples like (13) (repeated here for convenience as(20)) forms in -eware zero-marked for the 3rd person:

(20) SE-re SEpHwE-re -CefE-x-ew jeGaPe-mbrother-& sister-& 3-joyful-PL-ADV school-ERG

adEga-bze-r zer-a-Ra-I&e

Adyghe-language-ABS RECP-3PL-CAUS-knowThe brotheriand the sisterj learn the Adyghe language with enjoy-ment [joyfuli+j.].

3.2 Controllers

Most Adyghe predicates can be categorized as monovalent intransitive (Kwento

go), bivalent intransitive (jeZento wait), trivalent intransitive (tE-qE-dE-we-Za-R1PL-DIR-COM-2SG-wait-PSTwe were waiting for you with him), bivalent tran-sitive (edEn to sew), or trivalent transitive (qE-z-de-p-Sa-R DIR-1SG-COM-2SG-

bring-PST you brought him with me).


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Participant-oriented forms in -ew with person agreement can be used withdifferent types of main predicates (intransitive, bivalent transitive, trivalent tran-sitive) and can be controlled by subject of intransitive predicate (21), indirectobject of intransitive predicate (22), subject of bivalent transitive predicate (23),direct object of bivalent transitive verb (24), subject of trivalent transitive predi-cate (25), direct object of trivalent transitive predicate (26) and indirect object oftrivalent transitive verb (27).

(21) se sE-{wES-ew we sE-b-de-KweI 1SG-clever-ADV you 1SG-2SG-COM-goBeing clever I go with you. (Because Im clever Im going to

marry you / Im clever and Im going to marry you. (ironic))(22) se we wE-{wES-ew sE-b-de-Kwe

I you 2SG-clever-ADV 1SG-2SG-COM-goIigo with youjbeing cleverj. (Im going to marry you because youare so clever. (ironic))

(23) we wE-dax-ew qepLanE-r w-e-wEBEyou 2SG-beautiful-ADV tiger-ABS 2SG-3SG-killBeing beautiful you are killing the tiger. (Though you are beauti-ful, you are killing the tiger.)

(24) se we wE-nEbZEB-ew wE-sE-wEBE-StI you 2SG-young-ADV 2SG-1SG-kill-IRRIi will kill youj being youngj. (I will kill you while you are

young.)(25) we wE-dax-ew a-r se qE-z-de-p-Sa-R

you 2SG-beautiful-ADV that-ABS I DIR-1SG-COM-2SG-bring-PSTYou are beautiful and you brought him with me. (lit.: Being beau-tiful you brought her/him with me.)

(26) tE-m a-S se sE-nEbZEB-ew sE-rjE-tE-Rfather-ERG that-ERG I 1SG-young-ADV 1SG-3SG-give-PSTMy father gave mei to somebody when I was youngi. (lit.: Thefather gave meibeing youngito somebody.)

(27) a-S a-r se sE-dax-ewthat-ERG that-ABS I 1SG-beautiful-ADV

qE-s-f-jE-Sa-RDIR-1SG-BEN-3SG-bring-PSTS/hei brought her/himi to mek when I was beautifulk. (lit.: S/hei

brought herj/himjto mekbeing beautifulk.)


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3.3 Semantics of forms with -ew

Depictive-like forms marked with -ew can refer to manner (13), lifetime (16) andcolor (29).

(28) [Saj I&wEVe]NP4 wE-jeIwe

tea black 2SG-drinkYou are drinking black tea.

(29) Saj I&wEV-ew wE-jeIwetea black-ADV 2SG-drinkYou drink tea black. (You drink tea if it is black.)

-ewcan also be used with expressions of similarity (30) and time (31).(30) bl-ew zE-{wanTe-StE.Re

snake-ADV REFL-curve-IPFVS/he was coiling like a snake.

(31) VEf-me CeSE-ew I&wemEB q-a-wERwejE-Rman-ERG.PL night-ADV coal DIR-3PL-collect-PSTThe people were collecting coal at night.

However these forms are event-oriented. Witness the following examples, wherethe similitive phrase bl-ewdoes not agree with its controller in person (32) andnumber (33).

(32) [we] bl-ew / *wE-bl-ew zE-p-{wanTe-StE.Reyou snake-ADV 2SG-snake-ADV REFL-2SG-curve-IPFVYou were coiling like a snake.

(33) axer bl-ew / *ble-x-ew z-a-{wanTe-StE.Rethey snake-ADV snake-PL-ADV REFL-3PL-urve-IPFVThey were coiling like snakes.

-ewis ungrammatical with group numerals (34), though it is allowed with quanti-fied nominals (35).

(34) jure-re se-re t-jE-Tw / *t-jE-Tw-ew twECanE-mYura-& I-& 1PL-LNK5-two 1PL-LNK-two-ADV shop-ERG

tE-Kwa-R

1PL-go-PSTYura and I both went to the shop.

4 The structure of NP will be discussed in 3.4.

5 A linker is a special morpheme which is obligatory with numerals. In its form it is identical tothe possessive marker. However we consider them different morphemes, because possessivejEisused only with some nouns, while the linkerjEis obligatory with all numerals.


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(35) a-xe-r SEsE-Re-x nebgEr-jE-S-ewthat-PL-ABSsit-PST-PL man-LNK-three-ADVThey were sitting together the three of them. (lit.: They were sit-ting as three man.)

In SCHULTZE-BERNDT &HIMMELMANNS(2004) list of possible depictives onecan find expressions with comitative and locative meanings. In Adyghe, in thecase of comitatives and locatives, either the -ewconstruction requires the pres-ence of a subordinated predicate specifying the relation (cf. (36)-(37)) or it is notused at all (examples (38)-(39)).

(36) milicionerE-r ha-xe-r jERwEs-ew a-S

policeman-ABS dog-PL-ABS accompany-ADV that-ERGLEHwE-StE.Re

seek-IPFVThe policeman was seeking her/him with dogs. (lit. The

policemaniwas seeking her/himjwith dogs accompanying himi.)

(37) *milicionerE-r ha-x-ew a-S LEHwE-StE.Repoliceman-ABS dog-PL-ADV that-ERG seek-IPFV

(38) mafe qes qale-m meze-m-Be we-Kweday every town-ERGforest-ERG-INS 2SG-goEvery day you go to the town through the forest.

(39) *mafe qes qale-m mez-ew we-Kwe

day every town-ERGforest-ADV 2SG-go

3.4 Attributive and -ew constructions

When asked to translate Russian sentences with depictive expressions into Ady-ghe, native speakers often provide attributive constructions. This suggests theidea that attributive and -ewconstructions are in some way related to each other.Here I will try to establish what type of attributive construction can be trans-formed into constructions with -ew.

Adyghe has two attributive constructions.6The first is structured as semantichead + attributive, where the attributive is usually an adjective (wEne fEZE-rhouse white-ABS the white house). The second is structured as attributive +semantic head, where the attributive is usually a noun denoting for example

6 It should be noted that the constituents of both constructions phonologically, morphologicallyand syntactically form a single whole. Arguably, it is more correct to label these constructionscompounding or nominal incorporation. However, a discussion of this alternative analysiswould go far beyond the scope of this paper.


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material (pHe pHenTeKwE-r wood chair-ABS the wooden chair).7 The formerattributive construction can be transformed into a construction with -ew, as in(40)-(41), but the latter cannot (42)-(43).

(40) Iwe [bwEtElke neBE]NP-r IwE-qwEta-Re

you.PL bottle empty-ABS 2PL-break-PSTYou broke the empty bottle.

(41) Iwe bwEtElke-r neB-ew IwE-qwEta-Reyou.PL bottle-ABS empty-ADV 2PL-break-PSTYou broke the bottle being empty. (You broke the bottlewhile/when it was empty.)

(42) kole [pHe pHenTeKwE]NP-r

E-Sta-R

Kolja wood chair-ABS 3SG-take-PSTKolja took the wooden chair.

(43) *kole pH-ew pHenTeKw-r E-Sta-RKolja wood-ADV chair-ABS 3SG-take-PST

*kole pHenTeKw-rpH-ew E-Sta-R

Kolja chair-ABS wood-ADV 3SG-take-PST

We thus see that the possibility of a presumed depictive formation correlates tosome extent with the corresponding type of attributive construction: mainly thosedepictives are appropriate and meet the criteria which correspond to the seman-tic head + attributive pattern.

3.5 -ew-predicates formed from pronouns

Forms in -ewwith person markers can even be formed from personal pronounsand the reflexive pronounje-self. It is more typical, however, for such formsto serve as arguments of predicates such asHwEnbecome and I&weI&Enseem.Therefore they do not behave as depictives proper.

(44) se sE-we-r-ew sE-HwE-St jEnE sE-HwE-meI 1SG-you-COP-ADV 1SG-become-IRR big 1SG-become-CONDI will be [like] you when I grow up.

7 The distinction between the first and the second attributive constructions is not clear-cut, nor isthe distinction between adjectives and nouns, both being based on the tradition of Adyghe lan-guage descriptions. There is a class of adjectives which can be postposed and preposed to thesemantic head (e. g. names of colors). There is also a class of nouns which can be preposedand postposed to the semantic head. Arguably, it is more correct not to distinguish between ad-jectives and nouns and to use the term nominal stem for both.


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(45) a-S sE-je


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4.2 Tense-aspect markers

In spite of the fact that forms in -ewwith person markers can be in the scope ofnegation of the main predicate, they can have tense suffixes of their own, whichdifferentiates them from depictives proper (criterion vi). For example:

(47) wE-sEmaGE-ew sEd-a hadaRe-m wE-z-Be-Kwe-StE-r2SG-ill-ADV what-Q funeral-ERG 2SG-REL-RSN-go-IRR-ABSIf you are ill, why are you going to the funeral?

(48) wE-sEmaGa-R-ew sEd-a hadaRe-m wE-z-Be-Kwe-StE-r2SG-ill-PST-ADV what-Q funeral-ERG 2SG-REL-RSN-go-IRR-ABS

If you have been ill, why are you going to the funeral?(49) tE-pSerE-R-ew wedE tE-HwE-ZE-R1PL-fat-PST-ADV thin 1PL-become-RE-PSTWe were fat, [but/and] became thin.

(50) tE-pSerE-Ra-R-ew wedE tE-HwE-ZE-R1PL-fat-PST-PST-ADV thin 1PL-become-RE-PSTWe had been fat, [but/and] became thin.

(51) wE-thamete-n-ew we wE-q-a-Re-LeRwa-R2SG-chairman-POT-ADV you 2SG-DIR-3PL-CAUS-see-PSTYou were nominated as the future chairman. (lit. You were shownthat you will be the chairman.)

The examples above show that the forms in -ew addressed here can have the

following tense suffixes: past (-Re), remote past (-Ra-Re), future (-n). They havethe same form as adverbial participles (converbs) of stative verbs like SEtEnstand (ROGAVA &KERAEVA1967, 234-236):

SEt-ew while he is standing

SEtE-R-ew while he was standing

SEtE-Ra-R-ew while he had been standing

4.3 Parts of speech in Adyghe. Criterion of predicativity

Adyghe displays very little difference between nouns and stative verbs. Muchlike other languages of the same type, like Salishan, Wakashan, or Philippine

(JACOBSEN

1979; VAN

EIJK

&T

HOMH

ESS 1986; J

ELINEK&

D

EMERS 1994;MITHUN1999; DAVIDSON2002), it allows any notionally nominal stem (e.g.

one denoting a material object or a person) to be used as a stem of a stative verbwithout any special verbalizing affix. In the following examples, the wordguest behaves like a finite stative verb (52a) or like a noun (52b). Verbs can be


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used not only as predicates but as arguments as well, as in (53). 8Not only predi-cates but also nouns can be marked by tense (54):

(52) a. a-r haBe / haBe-Rthat-ABS guest / guest-PSTS/he is a guest / was a guest.

b. haBe[-r] qe-Kwe-Stguest-ABS DIR-go-IRRThe guest will come.

(53) KWa-Re-r haBecome-PST-ABS guest(The person) who came is a guest.

(54) BelejeRaGe-StE-r qeRWetteacher-IRR-ABS find.IMPFind the person that will be a teacher! (LANDER & TESTELETS2006)

The only criterion that distinguishes predicates and nouns is the obligatory per-son marking of predicates. Thus forms in -ewwith person agreement are closerto predicates than to adjuncts or depictives.

4.4 Conclusion

On the one hand, forms in -ewwith person agreement are in the scope of nega-tion of the main predicate (and are thus dependent elements); on the other hand,they can be marked with tense suffixes different from those of the main predicate(and thus violate the first and the sixth of Schultze-Berndt and Himmelmannscriteria). Therefore, in accordance with Schultze-Berndt and Himmelmannscriteria of a depictive construction, participant-oriented forms in -ew representadverbial participles (converbs) of stative verbs rather than depictives.

8 Nonetheless, according to Yury LANDER and Yakov TESTELETS (2006) several differencesbetween nouns and verbs can be noted. Verbs in argument uses, unlike nouns, cannot be usedwithout an overt determiner (however, nouns provided with overt tense markers, likeBelejeRaGe-StE-rteacher-IRR-ABSa person who will be a teacher, cannot be used as argumentswithout a determiner as well); only nouns can have pronominal possessive prefixes.


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5. Participant-oriented forms in -ewwithout person markers

In this section I will show that some of the forms in -ewpermit omission of per-son marking.

In most instances, forms in -ewwithout person agreement prefixes are (event-oriented) adverbs, compare (23), repeated here as (55), with (56).

(55) we wE-dax-ew qepLanE-r w-e-wEBEyou 2SG-beautiful-ADV tiger-ABS 2SG-3SG-killBeing beautiful you are killing the tiger. (Though / because youare beautiful, you are killing the tiger.)

(56) we dax-ew qepLanE-r w-e-wEBEyou beautiful-ADV tiger-ABS 2SG-3SG-killYou are killing the tiger elegantly.

In some forms, person or 3rdperson number marking may not be omitted. Theydo not function as adverbs, probably because their event orientation is less obvi-ous:

(57) se sE-qe-Kwa-R sE-melaB-ew / *melaB-ewI 1SG-DIR-go-PST 1SG-hungry-ADVI came hungry.

(58) a-xe-r qe-Kwa-Re-x melaBe-x-ew / *melaB-ewthat-PL-ABSDIR-go-PST-PL hungry-PL-ADVThey came hungry.

(59) wE-s-LeRwE-R wE-VEn-ew / *VEn-ew2SG-1SG-see-PST 2SG-wet-ADVI saw that you were wet.

Still, there is a small set of adjectives that allow omission of person agreementwhile preserving the orientation to one of the participants. These arepVanena-ked, I&wejdirty, pSerEfat, nEbZEB young, sEmaGsick.

(60) [we] wE-I&wej-ew cirkE-m wE-Kwe-St-epyou 2SG-dirty-ADV circus-ERG 2SG-go-IRR-NEG[As/if] you are dirty, you wont go to the circus.

(61) [we] I&wej-ew cirkE-m wE-Kwe-St-epyou dirty-ADV circus-ERG 2SG-go-IRR-NEG

You wont go to the circus dirty.The list of such adjectives may be not complete, and it varies with different na-tive speakers. For example, some native speakers do not omit person agreement


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of nEbZEB young andpSerE fat. However, all the speakers I consulted canomit the person agreement with the adjectivepVanenaked.

5.1 Controllers

The above-mentioned adjectives can be controlled by an intransitive subject as in(61), a transitive subject (63) and a transitive object (65) of a bivalent transitiveverb.

(62) [se] sE-pVan-ew pjersidska-bzeI 1SG-naked-ADV Persian-language

ze-z-Ra-S&e-r-epREFL-1SG-CAUS-know-DYN-NEGWhen/if Im naked, I dont learn Persian. (Russian: Kogda jagolyj, ja ne uu persidskij jazyk.)

(63) [se] pVan-ew pjersidska-bze ze-z-Ra-S&e-r-epI naked-ADV Persian-language REFL-1SG-CAUS-know-DYN-NEGBeing naked I dont learn Persian (Russian: Ja golyj ne uu per-sidskij jazyk.)

(64) tE-nEbZECe[-x]-ew zawe-m t-a-Se-Ra-R1PL-young[-PL]-ADVwar-ERG 1PL-3PL-bring-PST-PSTTheyitook usj to the war being youngj (When we were young wewere taken to war.) (Russian: Kogda my byli molodymi, nas

zabrali na vojnu.)(65) nEbZECe-x-ew zawe-m t-a-Se-Ra-Re[-x]

young-PL-ADV war-ERG 1PL-3PL-bring-PST-PST-PLBeing young we were taken to war.9 (Russian: Nas zabrali navojnu molodymi).

With trivalent transitive verbs, person marking can be omitted only if the con-troller of the form in -ewis the subject (67) or the direct object (68).

(66) we wE-pVan-ew se a-S sE-qE-de-p-Sa-Ryou 2SG-naked-ADV I that-ERG 1SG-DIR-COM-2SG-bring-PSTBeing naked you brought me somewhere with somebody. (Whenyou were naked you brought me somewhere with somebody).

9 According to some speakers interpretation, in this sentence, the controller cannot be the absolut-ive of the main predicate. For other speakers, however, the interpretation given was the only pos-sible one. With this reading, the plural suffix is obligatory.


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(67) we pVan-ew se a-S sE-qE-de-p-Sa-Ryou naked-ADV I that-ERG 1SG-DIR-COM-2SG-bring-PSTid.

(68) tE-m a-S se nEbZEB-ew sE-rjE-tE-Rfather-ERG that-ERG I young-ADV 1SG-3SG-give-PSTThe father gave meito somebody being youngi. (The father gaveme to somebody when I was young.) (Russian: Otec obdal emumenja moloduju.)

If personal pronouns are omitted from sentences with trivalent transitive predi-cates, the only controller of forms in -ewwill be the direct object (which, if ex-

plicitly expressed, is marked by the absolutive with this kind of predicate).(69) pVan-ew sE-qE-de-p-Sa-R

naked-ADV 1SG-DIR-COM-2SG-bring-PSTYouibrought mejwith somebody being nakedj. (When I was na-ked you brought me somewhere with somebody.)

WithpVan-ewnaked used in sentence-final position, any participant may be thecontroller:

(70) we se a-S sE-qE-de-p-Sa-R pVan-ewyou I that-ERG 1SG-DIR-COM-2SG-bring-PST naked-ADVYoui brought mej with somebodyk beingi/ j / k naked. (WhenI/you/he was/were naked you brought me somewhere with some-

body.)

5.2 Negation test

As for the scope of negation, my data are controversial. Examples obtained fromsome native speakers show that participant-oriented adjectives which can omit

person markers are not in the scope of negation of the main predicate:

(71) se I&wej-ew wEnE-m sE-Kwa-R-epI dirty-ADVhome-ERG 1SG-go-PST-NEGBeing dirty, I didnt go home.

(72) se njepe jeGaPe-m sEmaG-ew sE-Kwa-R-epI today school-ERG ill-ADV 1SG-go-PST-NEG

Being ill, I didnt go to school today.Thus the considered forms cannot be counted as true depictives, but participant-oriented adverbs such as the English enthusiastically in John opened the doorenthusiastically (HALLIDAY1967, 64) or the Russian naronopurposely, nazlo


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to spite (always agent-oriented) or polnostju completely, astino partly(always patient-oriented).

Examples obtained from other native speakers show that the reviewed formsare in the scope of negation of the main predicate (73), and can be viewed as truedepictives. Example (73) can be used in two contexts: (a) I was so dirty todaythat I decided not to go home; (b) I washed myself and went home clean to-day.

(73) njepe wEne-m I&wej-ew sE-Kwe-ZE-R-eptoday home-ERG dirty-ADV 1SG-go-RE-PST-NEGToday I didnt go home dirty.

5.3 Tense markers

Participant-oriented adjectives in -ewwithout person agreement prefixes cannothave tense markers (74)-(75).

(74) wE-sEmaGa-R-ew sEd-a hadaRe-m wE-z-Be-Kwe-StE-r2SG-ill-PST-ADV what-Q funeral-ERG 2SG-REL-RSN-go-IRR-ABSIf you have been ill, why are you going to the funeral?

(75) *sEmaGa-R-ew sEd-a hadaRe-m wE-z-Be-Kwe-StE-rill-PST-ADV what-Q funeral-ERG 2SG-REL-RSN-go-IRR-ABS

5.4 Conclusion

The participant-oriented forms in -ewwithout person markers cannot be markedfor tense. They are in the scope of negation of the main predicate (according tothe data received from some native speakers). Consequently we can concludethat the discussed forms can be viewed as true depictives.

6. Nouns

6.1 Nouns marked by -ew

-ewcan be attached not only to adjectives but to nouns as well. As we have seenin the first section, -ew can mark the arguments of some predicates (4)-(8). How-

ever, non-arguments can also be marked by -ew (76). In these cases, personmarkers are optional:


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(76) se [sE]-deputat-ew sobranije-m sE-qE-SE-gwESE?a-RI 1SG-deputy-ADV meeting-ERG 1SG-DIR-LOC-speak-PSTAs a deputy, I spoke at the meeting.

Sometimes, under unknown conditions, participant-oriented nouns marked with-ew cannot take person markers in contrast to adjectives in -ew:

(77) se [*sE-]haB-ew sE-qe-Kwa-RI [1SG-]guest-ADV 1SG-DIR-go-PSTI came as a guest.

Nouns in -ewcan agree with their controller in number:(78) we djepwEtat-ew tE-qE-{wE-b-Re-KwE-Styou deputy-ADV 2SG-DIR-LOC-1SG-CAUS-go-IRRYou will dismiss us as deputies.

(79) we djepwEtat-x-ew tE-qE-{wE-b-Re-KwE-Styou deputy-PL-ADV 2SG-DIR-LOC-1SG-CAUS-go-IRRid.

6.2 Tense-aspect suffixes

Participant-oriented nouns in -ew cannot have tense markers.

(80) se zexahe-m djeputatE-Re-m fEd-ew

I meeting-ERG deputy-PST-ERG like-ADVsE-qE-SE-gwESE{a-R

1SG-DIR-LOC-speak-PSTAs a former deputy I spoke at the meeting.

(81) * se zexahe-m djeputatE-Re-ew sE-qE-SE-gwESE{a-RI meeting-ERG deputy-PST-ADV 1SG-DIR-LOC-speak-PST

6.3 Controllers

Nouns in -ew without person markers can be controlled by the subject of anintransitive verb (82), or the object of a bitransitive verb (83). Nouns in -ewcannot be controlled by agents of bitransitive verbs (83).

(82) se [sE-]thamat-ew sE-qe-Kwa-RI [1SG-]chief-ADV 1SG-DIR-go-PSTI came as a chief.


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(83) we djepwEtat-ew tE-qE-{wE-b-Re-KwE-Styou deputy-ADV 1PL-DIR-LOC-2SG-CAUS-go-IRRBeing deputiesj/ *i, youiwill dismiss usj. (Although we are depu-ties, you will dismiss us / * Although you are the deput, you willdismiss us.)

6.4 Negation test

The following example has only one reading: Because I was a deputy, I did notspeak at the meeting. This means that the considered nouns in -eware not in the

scope of negation of the main predicate.(84) se {aIhatjet-ewsE-qE-SE-gwESE{a-R-ep mE zexahe-mI deputy-ADV 1SG-DIR-LOC-speak-PST-NEG this meeting-ERGBeing a deputy, I didnt speak at the meeting.

6.5 Depictive expressions with modifiers

Nouns in depictive function can be modified by possessor phrases and otherattributes.

In the first case, -ewconstructions do not change. Possessors are marked withthe ergative case and precede the noun which is marked with the possessive

prefix (85). The construction is similar to simple possessive constructions (86).

(85) gosdume-m jE-djeputat-ew wE-{w

E-d-Re-K

w

E-StState.Duma-ERG POSS-deputy-ADV 2SG-LOC-1PL-CAUS-go-IRRWe will dismiss you as a State Duma deputy.

(86) se se-LaRwE mE Me-m jE-mEl pSer-xe-rI 1SG-see this man-ERG POSS-sheep fat-PL-ABSI see the fat sheep of this man.

With non-possessive modifiers of participant-oriented nouns, an -ewconstructionis possible only with the word fed-ew like-ADVwhich derives from the verbfedEn look like, resemble. If the noun is in the plural, the plural marker isattached to fedelike (87).

(87) se djeputat dej fed-x-ew IwE-{wE-z-Re-KwE-StI deputy bad like-PL-ADV 2PL-LOC-1SG-CAUS-go-IRR

I will dismiss you as [you are] bad deputies.(88) *se djeputat dej-x-ew IwE-{wE-z-Re-KwE-St

I deputy bad-PL-ADV 2PL-LOC-1SG-CAUS-go-IRR


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References

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BAGOV, P. M. (red.) 1970: Grammatika kabardino-erkesskogo literaturnogojazyka. Moskva

COLARUSSO,J. 1992:A grammar of the Kabardian language. CalgaryDAVIDSON,M. 2002: Studies in Southern Wakashan (Nootkan) grammar. Diss.

University of New York at BuffaloHALLIDAY,M.A.K. 1967: Notes on transitivity and theme in English, part 1. In:

Journal of Linguistics3, 37-81

HIMMELMANN,N. P. & SCHULTZE-BERNDT, E. 2005: Issues in the syntax andsemantics of participant-oriented adjuncts: an introduction. In:Himmelmann, N. P. & Schultze-Berndt, E. (eds), 1-69

HIMMELMANN,N.P.&SCHULTZE-BERNDT,E. (eds.) 2005: Secondary predica-tion and adverbial modification. The typology of depictives. Oxford

JACOBSEN, W. 1979: Noun and verb in Nootkan. In: Efrat, B. (ed.), The VictoriaConference on Northwestern Languages, 1976. Victoria (= British Co-lumbia Provincial Museum, Heritage RecordNo. 4.), 83-155

JAKOVLEV, N. F. 1948: Grammatika literaturnogo kabardino-erkesskogojazyka. Moskva, Leningrad

JAKOVLEV, N. F. & AXAMAF, D. A. 1941: Grammatika adygejskogo literatur-nogo jazyka.Moskva, Leningrad

JELINEK, E. & DEMERS, R. A. 1994: Predicates and Pronominal Arguments inStraits Salish. In:Language70, 697-736

KORJAKOV,Yu. B. 2006:Atlas kavkazskix jazykov. MoskvaKOEMJAKINA, V. A. 2000: Adygejskij jazyk. In: MacConnell, G. D. & Soln-

cev, V. M. & Mixalenko, V. I. (eds), Pismennye jazyki mira. JazykiRossijskoj Federacii: Sociolingvistieskaja nciklopedija.Moskva, 37-54

KUIPERS, A. H. 1962: The Circassian Nominal Paradigm: A Contribution toCase-Theory. In:Lingua11, 231-248

LANDER,Yu. A. &TESTELETS, Ya. G. 2006: Nouniness and Specificity: Circas-sian and Wakashan. Handout presented at Universals and Particulars inParts-of-Speech Systems, Amsterdam, June 10th2006

MITHUN,M. 1999. The languages of Native North America. Cambridge

MLLER-BARDEY, Th. 2005: Adverbials and depictives as restrictors. In:Himmelmann, N. P. & Schultze-Berndt, E. (eds), 107-141

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PARIS,C. 1989: West Circassian (Adyghe Abzakh dialect). In: Hewitt, G. (ed.),Indigenous languages of the Caucasus. Vol. 2. The North West Cauca-sian languages. Delmar, New York, 155-260

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List of abbreviations / Abkrzungsverzeichnis

1 first person erste Person2 second person zweite Person3 third person dritte PersonABESS abessive AbessivABL ablative AblativABS absolutive Absolutiv

ACC accusative AkkusativACT active AktivACTP active participle Partizip AktivAD localizationnear Lokalisierung beiADESS adessive AdessivADJ adjective AdjektivADV adverbial Adverbial(is)ADVP adverbial participle AdverbialpartizipALL allative AllativANT anterior vorzeitigAOBL attributive oblique attributiver ObliquusAOR aorist Aorist

ART article ArtikelASP aspect AspektASS assertive AssertivATTR attributive attributivAUX auxiliary AuxiliarBEN benefactive Benefaktiv, BenefizientCAUS causative KausativCJ conjunction KonjunktionCOH coherence particle KohrenzpartikelCOLL collective Kollektives NumeraleCOM comitative KomitativCOMP complementiser complementiserCOND conditional KonditionalCONJ subjunctive KonjunktivCONNEG connegative KonnegativCONT localizationin contact Lokalisierung in KontaktCOP copula Kopula


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CS constructus Status constructusCVB converb KonverbDAT dative DativDEF definite definitDEL delative DelativDEM demonstrative DemonstrativDET determiner DeterminansDIM diminutive DiminutivDIR directional DirektionalDISTR distributive marker DistributivDU

dual DualDUR durative DurativDYN dynamic dynamischELAT elative ElativEM epistemic marker epistemischer MarkerERG ergative ErgativESS essive EssivEVENT eventualis EventualisEVID evidential Evidential(is)F feminine FemininumFACT factive FaktivFOC focus FokusFUT future FuturGEN genitive GenitivGER gerund GerundiumHAB habitual HabitualisHPL human plural menschlicher PluralHUM human menschlichIDEO ideophonic form IdeophonILL illative IllativIMP imperative ImperativIMPERF imperfect ImperfektIMPERS impersonal Impersonale/unpersnlichIN localization inside Lokalisierung inINCH inchoative Inchoativ

IND indicative IndikativINDF indefinite indefinitINESS inessive InessivINF infinitive InfinitivINS instrumental Instrumental


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INSTR instrumental preverb InstrumentalprverbINSTRC instructive InstruktivINT intensive IntensivINTER localizationbetween Lokalisierung zwischenIPFV imperfective ImperfektivIRR irrealis IrrealisJUNC junctor JunktorJUSS jussive JussivLAT lative LativLIG ligature LigaturLNK

linker VerbindungselementLOC locative LokativM masculine MaskulinumMANN manner Modal-MREL modus relativus Modus relativusN neuter NeutrumN noun (categorial symbol) Nomen (Kategorialsymbol)NEG negation NegationNEGV negative verb negatives VerbNMLZ nominaliser NominalisiererNOM nominative NominativNONHUM non-human nicht-menschlichNP noun phrase (categorial symbol) Nominalphrase

(Kategorialsymbol)NUM numeral NumeraleOBJ object ObjektOBJPRO object pronoun ObjektpronomenOBL oblique case (Casus) ObliquusOBLIG obligative ObligativP-MARKIERT person marked personal markiertPART partitive PartitivPASS passive PassivPASSP passive participle Partizip PassivPERF perfect PerfektPERSPRON personal pronoun Personalpronomen

PFV perfective PerfektivPL plural PluralPLQPF pluperfect PlusquamperfektPOR possessor PossessorPOSS possessive Possessiv


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POSTP postposition PostpositionPOT potential PotentialisPP prepositional phrase PrpositionalphrasePRS presentative PrsentativPRED predicative / predication prdikativ / PrdikationPRFP perfect participle Partizip PerfektPRO pronoun / Pronomen /

pronominal (stem) pronominal(er Stamm)PROGR progressive VerlaufsformPRP preposition PrpositionPRS

present PrsensPRT preterite PrteritumPST past PrteritumPTCL particle PartikelPTCP participle PartizipPUM possessum PossessumRE reversive-refactiveRECP reciprocal reziprokREDUPL reduplication ReduplikationREFL reflexive ReflexivREL relative RelativRESULT resultative ResultativRSN reason GrundQ question marker Fragemorphem, -partikelS sentence / clause (categorial symbol) Satz (Kategorialsymbol)SG singular SingularSUBL sublative SublativSUP localization on Lokalisierung aufSUPESS superessive SuperessivSUPERL superlative SuperlativTRANSL translative TranslativV verb (categorial symbol) Verb (Kategorialsymbol)VERBN verbal nounVOC vocative VokativVP verb phrase (categorial symbol) Verbalphrase

(Kategorialsymbol)X...X circumfix Zirkumfix& associative particle Verknpfungspartikel

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