Arab Revolution

Arab Revolution Has Deep Roots in Islam 4

American Drones in Afghanistan

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Egypt’s First Islamist President Is Sworn In

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Jordan Is Getting Closer to Explosion14

Anniversary of Gaza Blockade: A State of Siege, and Normalcy 16

Occupy Movement Needs Spirituality

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US Targeting Middle East from Afghanistan

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Iranian Scientists’ Role in De-velopment of Islamic Studies 18

Role of Think Tanks in US Policy-making

Debate

Iran Expresses Concern over Police Crackdown in S. Arabia

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Table of Contents

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World of IslamEcho of Islam

Ayatollah Khamenei Lambasts West's Silence on Massacre of Muslims in MyanmarThe Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei strongly condemned the massacre of Muslims in Myanmar, and lashed out at the US and the western states for ignoring ethnic cleansing of the Muslim minority in the Southeast Asian country.

"The obvious manifestation of the false asser-tions of the West on ethics and human rights is its silence over killing of thousands of people in Myanmar," Ayatollah Khamenei said. Elsewhere, he strongly criticized the western civilization, and said this civilization is based on exploiting humans and materialism and is far from ethics. Ayatollah Khamenei added that the western civilization has brought nothing but corruption and exploitation of human beings wherever it has gone in the past centuries. "Dignity, prosperity, materialistic and spiritualis-tic progress, good morality and conquering the enemies all happen by practicing the Quranic

teachings," he concluded. Myanmar's President Thein Sein has said Rohingya Muslims must be expelled from the country and sent to refugee camps run by the United Nations. The government of Myanmar refuses to rec-ognize Rohingyas, who it claims are not na-tives and classifies them as illegal migrants, although the Rohingya are said to be Muslim descendants of Persian, Turkish, Bengali, and Pathan origin, who migrated to Burma as early as the 8th century. Even Myanmar's democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi has kept quiet on the atrocities commit-ted against the Rohingya Muslims.

The UN says decades of discrimination have left the Rohingyas stateless, with Myanmar implementing restrictions on their movement and withholding land rights, education and public services. Since June, hundreds of members of the nearly-one-million-strong Rohingya Muslim minority have been killed and tens of thousands of oth-ers among them have been displaced in the west of the country due to a wave of communal violence. Over the past two years, waves of ethnic Mus-lims have attempted to flee by boats in the face of systematic oppression by the Myanmar government.

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Morsi promised a "new Egypt" as he was inaugurated as the Arab world's first freely

elected Islamist president and Egypt's fifth head of state since the overthrow of the monarchy some 60 years ago.He took the oath before the Supreme Constitutional Court in its Nile-side seat built to resemble an ancient Egyptian temple."We aspire to a better tomorrow, a new Egypt and a second republic," Morsi told the judges of the court during a solemn ceremony shown live on state television."Today, the Egyptian people laid the foundation of a new life — absolute freedom, a genuine democracy and stability," said Morsi, a 60-year-old U.S.-trained engineer.Morsi earlier took a symbolic oath on July 30 in Tahrir Square, birthplace of the uprising that ended Mubarak's au-thoritarian rule last year, and vowed to reclaim presidential powers stripped from his office by the military council that took over from the ousted leader.Earlier, Egypt's first elected civilian

president, Islamist Mohamed Morsi, played up people power ahead of actual inauguration by first taking a symbolic oath before a huge throng at Tahrir Square.On the eve of his official swearing-in, Morsi praised Egypt's Muslims and Christians alike in front of crowds that packed the birthplace of the revolt that overthrew his predecessor Hosni Mubarak last year. The president-elect, who won a run-off vote earlier this month, was re-ceived with applause by tens of thou-sands of people, some of whom had waited from early in the day for his appearance.He promised a "civilian state" and praised "the square of the revolution, the square of freedom", in what he called an address to "the free world, Arabs, Muslims... the Muslims of Egypt, Christians of Egypt".Morsi symbolically swore himself in before the crowd, saying: "I swear to preserve the republican system... and to preserve the independence" of Egypt."I am one of you. I fear only God," he

told them. Before his triumphant arrival, chants against the ruling military -- which took over on Mubarak's overthrow -- rang out as people gathered under a sear-ing sun.In his speech Morsi served Washing-ton advance warning that his politics will be markedly different from those of his ousted predecessor.After taking the oath on July 30, Morsi will have to contend with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), led by Mubarak's longtime defense minister Field Marshal Hussein Tan-tawi, which will retain broad powers after the formal handover.The liberal Wafd newspaper reported that Tantawi will remain defense min-ister in the new government.But a defiant Morsi threw down the gauntlet to the SCAF, while address-ing the people directly."You are the source of power and le-gitimacy... there is no place for anyone or any institution... above this will," he told them. "I renounce none of the prerogatives of president."

Egypt’s First Islamist President Is Sworn In

By Mohammad Hasanzadeh

Islamist Mohammed Morsi was sworn in on July 31before Egypt's high-est court as the country's first freely elected president, succeeding Hosni Mubarak who was ousted 16 months ago.

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Almost a year-and-a-half has passed since a revolution in Tu-nisia and protests in Cairo’s Tah-

rir Square toppled ossified authoritarian regimes and ignited a much wider – and still raging – storm in the Arab world. No one can safely predict where these events will eventually take the Arab peo-ple and nations. But one thing is certain: There is no turning back. New social and political movements and structures are emerging, power is shifting, and there is hope that Islamic-democratic

processes will strengthen and spread across the Arab world in 2012.Events in the Arab world in 2011 recall other far-reaching regional transitions, such as the one in Eastern Europe af-ter the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. There are differences, of course, but the sweeping and contagious nature of the upheavals is strongly similar to that of the revolutions that brought commu-nism to an end in Europe. So, too, is the debate about the relative contributions of political and economic factors to the

eventual eruption of popular protest.While the yearning for revival of Islam and its role in social arena, dignity, free-dom of expression, and real democratic participation was the driving force un-derlying the Arab revolutions, economic discontent also played a vital role. That is why economic factors will help to determine how the transition in the Arab world unfolds. Here, three fundamental and longer-term challenges are worth bearing in mind.First, growth will have to be much more

Arab Revolution Has Deep Roots in Islam

Many outsiders underestimate or purposefully minimize the “Islamic” nature of the Arab revolutions. But the revolutions of 2011 demonstrated that a strong sense of identity based on Islam, a common language, and much shared history bind Muslim Arabs together, despite huge differences in natural-resource endow-ments, political circumstances, and average per capita incomes.

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inclusive, especially in terms of job cre-ation. The youth employment-to-popu-lation ratio was about 27 percent in the Arab countries in 2008, compared to 53 percent in East Asia. Moreover, income inequality has widened, with the global phenomenon of increasing concentra-tion of wealth at the top very pronounced in many Arab countries. Top incomes in these countries have resulted largely from political patronage, rather than from innovation and hard work. While Tunisia was an extreme case of a re-gime furthering the economic interests of a small clique of insiders, the pattern was widespread.That is why a knee-jerk, simplistic “Washington Consensus” prescription of more liberalization and privatization is inappropriate for the Arab world in 2012. There is a clear political need for a growth strategy in which inclusion is the centerpiece, not an afterthought.Neither the old statist left, nor the rent-seeking, crony-capitalist right had policies to respond to the yearning for

inclusion. New political forces in the Arab world, Islam-inspired or social-democratic, will have to propose policies that do not just perpetuate rent-seeking capitalism or reliance on a discredited state bureaucracy. It will be necessary to harness grassroots dynamism and entrepreneurial potential to achieve social solidarity and equity.While a truly competitive private sector has to be unleashed, the state must not be weakened but transformed, to become one that is at the service of citizens. Generous but targeted and performance-oriented social transfers, conditional on participation in health and basic education programs, will have to replace the old, largely untargeted subsidies. Accompanying inclusive growth, an-other challenge is skill development, for which a performance-oriented educa-tion system must become a top priority.Many Arab countries have spent huge sums on education; the problem is that the return on these investments has

been dismal. Another challenge, which is instru-mental to meeting the first two, will be to strengthen Islamic awakening and soli-darity. Many outsiders underestimate or purposefully minimize the “Islamic” nature of the Arab revolutions. But the revolutions of 2011 demonstrated that a strong sense of identity based on Islam, a common language, and much shared history bind Muslim Arabs to-gether, despite huge differences in natural-resource endowments, political circumstances, and average per capita incomes. Prosperity and peace in the region will depend on thinking big and acting fast. The revolutions of 2011 are a historic opportunity for all Muslim Arabs. Mak-ing the most of it will require realism, courage, willingness to change, and a readiness to support change, particu-larly among those who have the great-est means to do so. All these can be achieved through holding fast to Islam.

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Mutual Trust Requires Re-spect to People’s Choice Reactions in Europe to the “Islamic awakening” have varied too wildly between optimism and pessimism. As the initial euphoria gives way to the inevitable realities, the world needs to stay the course and reaffirm commit-

ment to the emerging Islamic democ-racies.The starting point should be Islamic democracy. Short-term upsets are inevitable. But history bears eloquent testimony that once deep Islamic de-mocracy sets down roots, it will guar-antee the rule of law, human rights,

gender equality, impartial administra-tion, free speech and private invest-ment, as well as honest elections. This will prepare the grounds for countries to prosper and seek to live in peace with those around them.What has happened in the past 18 months is truly remarkable. The world

has witnessed free and fair elections in Tunisia and Egypt, although Egypt has to pass the test of presidential elections. The imperialists and arrogant pow-ers and those who used to plunder the wealth of these nations have fretted over the Islamist successes at the ballot box. Others are asking for time in order to observe how this new political situation will unfold.In Tunisia, Ennahda has entered into a coalition government with the secular

political forces. In Morocco, an impor-tant chapter of “cohabitation” has been opened between the king and the prime minister from the Party of Justice and Development. In Egypt, the first democratically elected parliament in 60 years has had its first historic session. Of course, building real and deep democracy demands sus-tained effort and commitment. Egyptian civil society and Islam as an ideology must be allowed to play their crucial

roles as pillars of democracy and it is important that the state of emergency be lifted completely and the transfer to civil-ian rule takes place as early as possible.It is hoped also that Libya will build a religious democracy that will benefit all Libyans. The awakening is not confined to North Africa. The newly discovered rights apply whether you are from any of the Arab monarchies. And with rights come responsibilities. That is why the Libyan authorities are expected to leave

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no stone unturned in investigating re-cent allegations of torture.The West as usual is skeptical about whether “they” can trust these new po-litical groups, who inspire themselves from various strands of Islamism. Some are worried and argue that it is not in the interest of Europe to support and assist the “Arab awakening.” But, if the West is honest and sincere in its advocacy of democracy, it is time to discharge its moral duty and the Arab countries secure religious democracy and pros-perity. Or, at least, the West must allow the Muslims to decide about their fate. Just stop meddling, the Muslims know how to establish a religious democracy. Otherwise, the West can engage, work and discuss with all the governments, parliaments and organizations to foster religious democracy it the Western ad-vocates of democracy really share their commitment to democracy with them.A question the Islamists often raise is whether “they” can trust the West? The High Representative of the EU for For-eign Affairs and Security Policy, Cath-erine Ashton in this regard maintains: I think there is an acute need for getting beyond this mutual suspicion and for getting to know each other better. Lump-ing all Islamists into one and the same category is misleading and unhelpful.

We realize the need for more firsthand knowledge. Each political party and movement has to be understood and appreciated according to its own merits, just as they need to be judged by their concrete actions and deeds. These are political movements that are learning and changing before our eyes and we have taken note. They are eager to learn and government responsibility and public office will now give them the op-portunity to translate their commitments into concrete laws and policies. The more we do to understand them, and help them to understand us, the better.Ashton’s remarks are valuable. At the same time, the West should bear in mind that Western values are not uni-versal. It is wrong to dictate Western values to other parts of the world. The people who are fighting for their basic rights today, are fighting the dictators who, with the support of the very West, trampled upon their rights. In other words, in order to plunder the wealth of the same people, the West that is teach-ing lessons of democracy to the people, supported undemocratic totalitarian regimes and did not allow the people to practice their own values, including democracy. As Ashton has said, there is a need for mutual trust as the basis for the engage-

ment of EU with the new political leader-ship. The EU and the West in general must prove its sincerity and honesty. Should make up for the past mistakes. However, it seems that despite Ashton’s rhetoric about mutual trust, when it comes to real action, she speaks from the position of strength as if she is dic-tating the Arabs and Muslim what to do and what not to do: Elections are an im-portant part of democracy. But building deep democracy is about much more. It is about the next election, about defin-ing the ground rules and then sticking to them. It is about delivering on one’s promises, and it is about drafting con-stitutions that are inclusive and protect citizens’ rights, particularly with regard to women. Governing is also about providing jobs, and about being prag-matic in the face of the many social and economic challenges.The above remarks look like commands of a superior to inferior. If this is the logic of mutual trust and understanding, it will definitely not work. It is very difficult to dictate a people who have made heavy sacrifices to oust dictators and attain true independence. Ashton and EU need to do more homework if they want to engage in a constructive dialogue with the revolutionary people of the region.

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Likewise, the people of Afghanistan want to have a say in the negotiations to end the Afghan war.After all, in 2011, a record number of 3021 Afghan civilians lost their lives. Afghans who risk losing their lives should have a say in the negotiations, ironically engineered by the very players who are killing them ( the UN reported that ‘anti-government ele-ments’ - the Taliban and other insur-gent groups - were responsible for 77 per cent of conflict-related deaths in 2011, while 14 per cent were caused by ‘pro-government forces’ - Afghan, U.S. and international security forces ).But, fatally, the 30 million people of Afghanistan have no say in these ne-gotiations. They are not represented at the negotiation table.The Powers have left them out, as is the routine, like the token civil society presence at the Bonn II Conference.But in 2011, we witnessed the Pro-

tester Time Magazine Person of the Year questioning and changing the inequitable status quo, and wanting to be at the negotiation tables.This awakening on the streets of Tu-nisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Greece, Spain, Chile, Mexico and Wall Street is con-scientious, and contagious.The citizens of the world are now say-ing together, “We have a voice!” By far, they are non-violent protesters who are risking imprisonment and death for freedom from unsustain-able socio-economic inequities, thus demonstrating that they are not the ‘savage’ 99% who must be disciplined and controlled by the ‘virtuous’ 1%.That’s why ordinary Afghans like the Afghan Youth Peace Volunteers are rooting for the ordinary Egyptian’s clear stand against military rule.Afghans are feisty Protesters like the Egyptians, but are too divided and hemmed in by the combined violence of the U.S. / NATO / Taliban / insur-

gent / regional war, a violence that is experientially deadly when they take to the streets, like when 12 Afghans civilians were killed and 80 wounded by German troops in Takhar Province for protesting in the streets against a NATO night raid that killed 2 men and 2 women. Wouldn’t ordinary Ameri-cans take to their streets if the Voice of America reported NATO admitting to the killing of 8 children between the ages of 6 and 14 in their state, like the killing of 8 Afghan children in Kapisa Province while shepherding on the hills?This will be the Afghan tragedy that Afghans are too divided to reach a critical mass on the streets today, and so won’t be heard.The Taliban, or the U.S./NATO elite have not sought to hear Afghan griev-ances voiced in the privacy and rel-ative safety of Afghan homes, es-pecially from behind barbed-wired, bullet-and-bomb-proofed worlds.

American Drones in AfghanistanIf a war was being waged in the U.S. we would expect Americans to de-mand an end to the war and to have a say as to how it should end. Compiled by Hasan Abbasian

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Does the world know that most or-dinary Afghans are so tired of wars, and that they are repulsed by all their killers, as humans are naturally prone to be, regardless of whether the gun-or-bomb-wielding killer is a Talib, an Afghan warlord or criminal, a Paki-stani, an Arab, an American or an ISAF soldier from one of the 49-country NATO coalition countries?The Obama administration wants to win the U.S. elections this year. Though the Afghan War isn’t a key election issue, the Obama adminis-tration wants a ‘victorious exit’ while maintaining a long term presence.The administration is banking on U.S. citizens to believe that the Afghan War is being fought against terrorists for U.S. security. Military and foreign policy elites may also be hoping for the continued lack of awareness and consequent apathy of U.S. citizens towards the pitfalls and dangers of ‘trading’ with the Taliban for a U. S. ‘vic-tory and exit’. The U.S. seems willing to include some of the Taliban in some

power-sharing deal in the post 2014 Afghan government.Long-term interests of the U.S. and NATO in Afghanistan, including re-gional control particularly as regards China, Russia and Pakistan, can be reasonably secured by signing the U.S. Afghanistan Strategic Part-nership Agreement to establish joint military bases in Afghanistan beyond 2014. Defense Secretary Leon Panet-ta Panetta has said that the U.S. and Afghan governments will allow them to focus further on the use of Special elite forces to conduct ‘counter-terrorism’ operations from the these bases.To paint ‘victory’ in the Afghan war for voter consumption, as they have painted ‘victory’ in Iraq, the U.S. military has insisted on ‘progress’, contrary to reports from the Interna-tional Red Cross of the worst secu-rity situation in 30 years, the United Nations report of a 39% increase in violence, the U.S. January 2011 National Intelligence Estimates of a ‘very bleak picture of a stalemate’

and most recently Lt Col Daniel L Davis’s whistle-blowing confes-sion of the ‘gulf’ between the U.S. government’s false claims to have progressed, militarily, in Afghanistan, and the ‘bad to abysmal’ ground tac-tical situation he observed through interviews with 250 soldiers in the Afghan killing fields.Negotiating with the Taliban is a way to gain an honorable exit by suggesting reconciliatory civility, an effort at diplo-macy, albeit a militarized diplomacy.The U.S./German/Qatar-Taliban ne-gotiators are adopting age-old force in their method, rather than genuine diplomacy. Hillary Clinton states in elementary school-style that the U.S. policy is to ‘Fight… talk, build’. The Taliban of today also lay claim to a new ethos quite similar to ‘Fight… talk, build’.The Afghan Youth Peace Volunteers are irritated that today’s US govern-ments are proud of this silly ‘Rambo’ image, promoting a global culture that dresses might as right.

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Sharif Abdel Kouddous who is an independent journalist based in Cairo, a Democracy

Now! correspondent and a fellow at The Nation Institute, in a commentary argued that if voting has come to mean nothing with the military in charge, the masses that united to oust Mubarak may soon begin to seek other avenues for change.Minutes after polls closed in the coun-try's first-ever competitive presiden-tial election, which pitted the Mus-lim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi against Ahmed Shafik, Mubarak’s last prime minister, the SCAF issued a set of constitutional amendments that strip the incoming president of almost all

significant powers and cement military authority over the post-Mubarak era.The move by the ruling generals came days after the dissolution of the pop-ularly-elected parliament by a court packed with Mubarak-appointed judg-es, as well as a decree by the Minister of Justice reintroducing elements of martial law to the country by granting the military broad powers to arrest and detain civilians.“Egypt has completed its full transi-tion into a military dictatorship,” wrote Hossam Bahgat, head of the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, after the amendments were made public.The eleventh-hour declaration awards the ruling generals sweeping powers,

including the right to issue legislation in the absence of a sitting parliament, total control over the military's affairs, shielding the army from any presiden-tial, parliamentary or public oversight. Most prominently, the amendments remove the president's role as com-mander-in-chief - with SCAF head Field Marshall Hussein Tantawi as-suming that power - effectively trans-forming the SCAF into a fourth branch of state, constitutionally separate from the executive, legislative and judiciary."The provisions really do constitution-alize a military coup," writes Nathan Brown, an Egypt expert at George Washington University.The military also tightened its grip over

In Egypt, a president without

power As polls closed in the runoff race for president, the military took action to strip the office of power and take control over key branches of government.Abbas Shokri

The June presidential elections in Egypt were supposed to mark the final step in what has been an arduous transition from military rule to an elected civilian government. Instead, sixteen months after President Hosni Mubarak was ousted in a popular uprising calling for freedom and social justice, the Supreme Council of Armed Forces has assumed near-full control of all of the key branches of state.

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the drafting of Egypt's new constitu-tion by granting itself an effective veto over any clauses that don’t meet with its approval. It can even go further and directly handpick the 100-member body that will write the constitution. The Constituent Assembly, elected by the Muslim Brotherhood-dominated parliament two days before it was dis-solved, faced allegations by secular forces that it was dominated by Is-lamists who have secured themselves the lion’s share of seats. The new amendments allow the SCAF to dis-solve the current body if "encounters an obstacle" - a disturbingly vague condition - and select the Constituent Assembly themselves.The military council further eroded the authority of the executive with another decree to form a seventeen-member National Defense Council, to be chaired by the incoming president, but which will include eleven senior military commanders and will make decisions based on a simply majority vote.

tionary candidate facing off against the remnants of Mubarak's regime.The Brotherhood has come out strong-ly against the constitutional amend-ments and says it does not recognize the Supreme Constitutional Court's ruling to dissolve parliament, a de-cision widely viewed as highly po-liticized. The army deployed troops outside the parliament to prevent MPs from gaining access to the building."This is against the people's will and the SCAF does not have a genuine in-tention to hand over power," the Broth-erhood said in a statement. On June 21, the group helped lead a protest of tens of thousands in Tahrir Square and outside parliament, along with a number of other political forces, includ-ing the Salafi Nour party and the April 6 Youth Movement.Adding to the chaos, that very night, the official state news agency caused a firestorm when it reported that Mubarak had been declared "clinically dead" after suffering a stroke. The for-mer president was transferred from his

Meanwhile, the head of the SCAF Advisory Council, Sameh Ashour, sug-gested the winner of the election might only serve on an interim basis, until the new constitution is written. “The newly-elected president will occupy the office for a short period of time, whether or not he agrees," Ashour told Al Jazeera.Activists and rights campaigners de-cried the series of moves by the mili-tary, which they said render the SCAF’s promise to hand over power by June 30 effectively meaningless. The senti-ment was reflected in the front-page headline of the privately owned daily Al-Shorouk the morning after the elec-tion: “A president without powers.”The runoff itself was deeply divisive, marked by heavy negative campaign-ing by the old guard. Shafik, a stalwart of the former regime, campaigned on a law and order platform, vowing to use force to crush protesters, while vilifying the Brotherhood and pledging to act as a bulwark against the rise of Islamists in government. Meanwhile, Morsi sought to portray himself as the revolu-

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prison cell where had been held since June 2, after receiving a life sentence on charges of involving the killing protesters in January 2011. Conflict-ing reports soon emerged that he was in fact stable and on a respirator. Reports of Mubarak's failing health had frequently appeared in the me-dia ever since charges were brought against him last year and the latest news was treated with widespread criticism in Egypt. The next day, The New York Times reported that his lawyer denied the former president

had nearly died, insisting he simply fell down in the prison bathroom.Meanwhile, the Carter Center, one of three international organizations accredited to witness the election, expressed "grave concern" about the military's actions. "It is now unclear whether a truly democratic transition remains underway in Egypt," the group said in a preliminary statement.US policy towards Egypt has re-mained unchanged since before the revolution, when Washington backed the Mubarak regime for decades with

$1.3 billion in annual military aid. In March, the Obama administration used a national security waiver to bypass new restrictions imposed by Congress that would have made aid to Egypt conditional on certification from the State Department that the SCAF was making progress on the transition to democracy. The move came in the wake of a crisis in which Egyptian authorities raided sev-eral NGOs in Cairo, including three funded by the United States, not to mention continued and widespread

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Abbas Shokri (PhD Political Science) is an assistant professor, Tehran.

The military council further erod-ed the authority of the executive with another decree to form a seventeen-member National Defense Council, to be chaired by the incoming president, but which will include eleven senior military commanders and will make decisions based on a simply majority vote.

human rights abuses committed by the military and security forces."[The US] will either have to suspend the aid or be openly in favor of SCAF's constitutional coup if they continue it," writes Cairo-based blogger and analyst Issandr El-Amrani. "The time has come: The US may not be able to influence developments in Egypt, but at least it can stop underwriting them."The presidential elections mark the third time Egyptians have gone to the polls only to find their votes rendered mean-ingless. A nationwide referendum on

nine amendments to the constitution in March 2011 was supplanted by SCAF a few days later when it unilaterally issued a Constitutional Declaration that includ-ed over sixty articles. The parliamentary elections last fall were cancelled by court ruling to dissolve the People's Assembly. Now, millions have elected a president who was stripped of most of his authority by the SCAF in a last-minute power grab.If voting has come to mean nothing with the military in charge, the masses that united to oust Mubarak may soon begin to seek other avenues for change.

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Middle East

It is almost one year that Jordan is engaged in political upheavals. Resignation of each prime minister

underlines the confusion of Jordanian administration, demonstrating an un-clear future for rulers of this country. During last year, three cabinets were changed while government could not fulfill the promised reforms. Unem-ployment, inflation, and decrease of average welfare rates on one hand and dictatorship, suppression of civil liberties and restriction of people’s di-rect and indirect control of their affairs on the other hand along with critical economic situation have led to public dissatisfaction with the ruling estab-lishment. The helpless king is only delegating power from on one prime minister to another without achieving the desired outcome.The Jordanian Prime Minister, Awn Al-Khasawneh’s sudden resignation,

and appointment of Fayez Tarawneh instead indicates the deep political crisis in the kingdom of Jordan.According to a report by Aljazeera, the last time when Fayez Tarawneh had formed a cabinet was in 1999, at the time of Malik Hussein bin Talal, the former king of Jordan. Altarawneh resigned as the minister of state secu-rity in 1989, at the time of Al Refaei's administration, after bloody uprising called “the April Gift” in southern cities of Jordan. This is what distinguishes him from the other prime ministers. Over the past 15 months he is the fourth Jordanian prime minister.However, according to some reports, Al-khasawneh’s resignation was the result of his disagreement with and dissatisfaction with the king. Al Quds Al Arabi newspaper, published in London, reported that his resignation did not follow the protocols , for he

submitted it to the king by his minister instead. At the end of his resignation, addressing the king, he said: “May God lead you straight to what is good for your”. It is noteworthy to mention that he resigned while he was on an official visit to Turkey.According to Al-Jazeera the king sum-moned two ministers to the royal pal-ace without consultation with the prime minister and informed them of his decision to extend the present par-liament’s tenure for more two months. The issue infuriated Al-khaswaneh and he resigned in reaction to the decision of the royal palace. Prior to his resignation, he had asked for an extraordinary meeting with parliament to revise the election rules.The differences between Al-khas-waneh and the king were not limited to the abovementioned cases. He had already deep-rooted differences with

Jordan Is Getting Closer to ExplosionThe Third Cabinet Resigns

Awn Al-Khasawneh resigned as a result of his dissatisfaction with the king. Based on reports, his resignation was not in accordance with the protocols and was submitted to the king by one of his minister instead.

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Echo of IslamMiddle East

Feisal Shobaki, director of Security Or-ganization over various matters, so that he had resigned twice but in both occa-sions, they were rejected by the king.However, the changes had no impact on the opposition parties. They main-tain that the appointments and dis-missals have no impact on the current situation of the country, particularly because the public plays no role in their appointment. Zaki Bani Rsheid, Head of the political bureau of the Islamic Action Front, the political branch of the Muslim Brotherhood announced: “it does not matter who is the prime min-ister, because he is chosen as before. The prime minister’s resignation is most beneficial to the Security Organization which intends to securitize the atmo-sphere of the country.”He said the only solution to the country’s problems is to reform the Constitution, form a government by the people and introduction of new election rules to elect a popular parliament representing the public will. Otherwise, the country would encounter more crises. Laith Shubailat, a renowned Jorda-nian dissident raised severe and frank criticisms against the ruling regime

and announced: “I anticipate that Al-khaswaneh cabinet would fail as the previous ones, since there is no seri-ous determination to solve all country’s problems.”He emphasized, only one person rules over us and wants to impose his will over all, civil organizations do not rule in Jordan.Shubailat added: “there will be no future for Jordan with the current system. Peo-ple are on one side and the government on the other. They want to rule over people through trade and domination

of public wealth. The problem is that if this trend continues, neither us, nor the government would be saved.”Soltan al-Hattab, a political analyst says: “three cabinets have been changed, while neither could take any effective measure. In the beginning, the governments start their performances with enthusiasm, but after a short while they do nothing and just cause louder voices of people over themselves.”He emphasized that Al-khaswaneh administration faces dead end with re-gard to its promised reforms. None was satisfied with his given election bill and all his proposals faced dead end. There were also differences between the king and prime minister regarding the disso-lution or continuation of the parliament. Most experts believe that reforms have failed in Jordan and conservatives have achieved their goals. Consequently they have more control over political trends of the country. The same issue might lead to a more complicated atmo-sphere and may lead to unpredictable crises in near future. The future may push Jordan towards the same destiny that some other Arab countries face today.


Middle East

On June 14, fifty international organiza-tions marked the fifth anniversary of the Israeli siege on Gaza by calling on Israel

to end its blockade of the small, impoverished strip.“For over five years in Gaza, more than 1.6 million people have been under blockade in violation of in-ternational law. More than half of these people are children. We the undersigned say with one voice: 'end the blockade now,’” read the joint statement. The signatories included such reputable organiza-tions as Save the Children, Oxfam, the World Health Organization, Amnesty International and Médecins du Monde. The wording of the statement mirrored that of a plethora of recent appeals. The only notable difference is that during the siege the Gaza popula-tion has grown from 1.5 to over 1.6 million.

The statement followed a strong censure of the siege by the UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, Valerie Amos. Amos has decried what she described as “collective punish-ment of all those living in Gaza and...a denial of basic human rights in contravention of interna-tional law.” She demanded that the “blockade be lifted immediately, so that essential services and infrastructure can be maintained.” Condemning Israeli rights violations in Palestine by leading human rights and humanitarian or-ganizations is nothing new. Unfortunately, such calls are rarely followed by any organized political campaigns. Western governments are least con-cerned by the ongoing drama. Historically they have employed a selective policy of outrage

whenever human rights are violated. Worse, in many cases Western powers have taken an ac-tive role in allowing continued Israeli subjugation of Palestinians. The call of human rights organizations would have been more meaningful if it were directed at the Western powers supporting Israel's actions. Pro-moting the idea that the Gaza siege is an entirely Israeli initiative is a ruse that needs to be exposed. Equally deceptive is any discussion of the lethal Israeli war on Gaza without due reference to the strong political and military backing of US and other Western powers. Without such support, Israel could never have managed to sustain its costly war adventures or construct its so-called Separation Wall or illegal settlements.

Anniversary of Gaza Blockade: A State of Siege, and Normalcy To avoid controversy, international organizations criticize the Israeli siege on Gaza as if it were an apolitical event. The Israeli response is the same convenient and re-dundant one - juxtaposing what they call Hamas’ “terrorism” with Israel’s supposedly viable democracy. Ramzy Baroud

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Palestinians are growing frustrated by the fact that while every politically-induced humanitar-ian crisis in the region is classified as such, the Gaza siege is confined to a discussion of whether or not food items should be allowed entry into the strip. Palestinians are not a collec-tive experiment, despite any Israeli assertion to the contrary. This is actually a matter of policy, as articulated by Israeli politician DovWeissglass, a former close associate of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. “The idea is to put the Palestinians on a diet, but not to make them die of hunger,” he once proclaimed. That collective ‘diet’ was part of a larger policy that accompanied the Israeli deployment – termed ‘disengagement’ - from Gaza. “The disengagement is actually formal-dehyde. It supplies the amount of formaldehyde that's necessary so that there will not be a politi-cal process with the Palestinians.” The statements above were quoted in Israeli daily Haaretz (August 10, 2004). They made it clear that the plans to place Gaza under siege came years before Hamas' victory in the Palestinian legisla-tive council elections and its subsequent violent clashes with rival Fatah. It also long preceded the

capture of Israeli solider GiladShalit. However, no official Israeli defense of the siege is ever issued without reference to Hamas and its control of the strip. Mark Regev, spokesper-son for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netan-yahu, claimed: “All cargo going into Gaza must be checked because Gaza is controlled by Hamas.” A sad irony is that on the day international orga-nizations were condemning the siege on Gaza, US president Barack Obama awarded Shimon Peres the Presidential Medal of Freedom. Praised by Obama for his “indomitable spirit”, Peres has foreseen and defended Israeli illegal occupa-tion, massacres and ill treatment of Palestinians throughout his various posts in the Israeli govern-ment, including as prime minister and president. The real risk is that the Gaza siege is becoming part of a larger status quo imposed and defended by Israel and its benefactors. Also forgotten is the fact that prior to the siege, Gaza was an Israeli occupied territory, along with the occupied West Bank and the illegally annexed East Jerusalem. Thus it makes little sense that the Economist would entitle its article commemorating the siege as: “The Gaza Strip: Will normality ever return?”

(June 16). Instead of discussing the illegal Israeli siege as a point of departure for its argument, the magazine sought to highlight Hamas’ ability and relative success at withstanding “five years of punish-ing siege, bombardment and war.” Once again, Palestinians are used in a collective experiment of war and siege. “But having built its local empire, Hamas is uncertain where to go next,” claimed the article. Such coverage is typical, since the Israeli war and siege is promoted in mainstream media as a fact of life and undeserving of condemnation or censure. If an analysis is ever relevant, it focuses on Gazan ‘terrorists’' ability to circumvent the pressure and sustain their ‘local empire.’ Five years into the Gaza siege, Israel has failed to bend to the will of the Palestinians, or to obtain political concessions in exchange for food or life-saving medicine. But it has succeeded in upgrad-ing the intensity of its wars and perpetual sieges on Palestinians - somehow normalizing such violent and inhumane realities, which are carefully criticized by some and wholeheartedly accepted or defended by others.


Iran

Science transfer and attrac-tion of scientists in the Muslim World were realized through

two ways; first, through attraction, development, and innovation of sci-ences emerged mostly from the West

(Greece especially) and second, through attraction, development and innovation of sciences emerged from the East (India and Iran). 1) West: Greece was the main source of sciences which found its

way into Muslim World through two methods:a) Indirectly, using Syriac and Latin language whose agents were among Muslims, Christians and Syriac came from Iraq and Syria who have convert-

Iranian Scientists’ Role in Development of Islamic Studies Dr. Mahdi Goljan

Islamic culture and civilization have been intertwined and interlinked with the name of Iran and Iranian indi-viduals, as it is impossible to address Islamic civilization without enumerating Iranian scientists. Inspiring Islam, Quran and Holy Prophet’s moral spirituality, Iranians affected positively the mankind civilization, and thanks to their invaluable services, either Islam or Muslims found more reputation and higher stand across the globe. In other words, researchers and scientists who are active in the Islamic culture and civilization have unanimously emphasized the importance of the mentioned fact and have described it as an actual and very serious matter. Ayatollah Murtaza Motahhari ’s The Contributions of Islam and Iran to each other and Dr. Ali Akbar Velayati’s the encyclopedia of Islam and Iran: dynamics of culture and the living civilization, trans-lated into English and Arabic, have addressed such interactive contributions by detail and have explained the role and influence of Iranians in the Islamic culture and civilization. However, I believe that this matter is so important that any more studies and researches would not be sufficed to explore its covert corners. In the following paragraphs you can find a short brief of some of such broad services offered by Iranians which need to be explained by detail later:

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ed to Islam or have started to translate Latin contexts into Arabic.b) The biggest science center occu-pied by Muslims was Egypt’s Grand Alexandria Library 2) Science transfer and attrac-tion of scientists from the East was done through two meth-ods:a) Through India: During Abbasid era which mostly was limited to Indian medical, astronomical and mathemati-cal texts.b) Through Iran and Iranian scientists The scientific activities in Iran were at its peak during Khosrau I, Anushi-rawan the Just. Gundishapur City was the sole grand scientific center of the world in the time. Gundishapur Univer-sity was chock-full of Syriac and Chris-tian students. Its main field of activity was education and training medicine. Nestorians who have expelled from Odessa and settled in Gundishapur have brought about many books with them including philosophical books. Equally, a number of exiled scientists from Athens started to translate Plato’s

books in Gundishapur City. Al-Mansur, the second caliph of Ab-bassid Dynasty, set Baghdad as his capital. He was the first caliph who summoned astronomers to his court, and used them as his advisors in all affairs of the country. Iranian’s infor-mation and knowledge on medicine and astronomy was so considerable that Al Mansur has called on a number of them to his territory. Nobakhti fam-ily was an Iranian family whose mem-bers were proficient in astronomy and were invited by Al Mansur to Baghdad. Later they converted to Islam and Shia. Late in his life, Al Mansur suf-fered from gastroenteritis, thus invited Bakhtashiu, Gundishapur Hospital’s president in 147 AH, invited to come and cure his disease. The Caliph re-quested Bakhtashiu to stay with him in Baghdad. The Caliph son, Mahdi, was overly fond of Bakhtashiu and his family. The influence of Gundishapur University on the preliminary medi-cine of Abbasids has partly indebted to Bakhtashiu family; ten members of the family were special physicians,

advisors and also translators of Ab-basids for about 300 years. Harun Al-Rashid was another Caliph of Ab-basids who under consultations of his chancellor, Yahya Khalid Barmaki, started to purchase scientific books and encouraged his scientists to study them; he also transferred the books of Constantinople library after conquest. Harun Al-Rashid took advantage of Nobakhti Family to promote trans-lation occupation and later during Al-Ma’moon era the translation move-ment was developed and Iranians played a significant role in this regard. Al-Ma’moon’s mother was Iranian as well, so he was very fond of Iranian scientists. Al-Ma’moon’s House of Wisdom was run by Iranians such as Sahl ibn Ha-roon and Sa’d ibn Haroon and later Mohammad Ibn Musa Khwarazmi (322 A.H.), a famous Iranian astrono-mer, became president of Ma’moon’s library. He was one of the outstanding tutors of Gundishapur University and set down Algebra and Moghabela which was one of the major math-

Dr. Mahdi Goljan


Iranematical textbooks taught in the European universities up to 16th century. In other words he was the founder of Algebra or Algorithm and counting technique. Avicenna, Iranian well known physician who was proficient in philosophy, medicine, astronomy was born in 370 A.H. in Bukhara. He cured Nuh II, One of Sama-nid’s kings, when he was only 17, and found his way into the royal library. He was communicating with Abu Reihan Birouni and Abu Nasr Eraqghi, and his best book in medicine is Canon of Medicine which was considered for many years as a textbook in the West. Avicenna’s Al-Shifa was a promi-nent book on mathematics in his era as well and has four sections: 1) geometry, 2) arithmetic, 3) Mu-sic, and 4) astronomy.Nasir al-Din al-Tusi was another Iranian scientist who served the Is-lamic civilization on mathematics and astronomy fields. He was born in Tus in 597 A.H. he immigrated to Neyshabur when he was young and learned mathematic from Ibn Yones. His life was overshadowed by the Mongol invasions of Geng-his Khan and his grandson Hel-agu. He constructed Maragheh observatory for Ilkhanites and late in his life Tusi went to Kadhimiya and died there in 672 A.H. His mathematical works can be categorized in two classes:a) His own works including nine books such as Al-Tadhkirahfi'ilm al-hay'ah (A memoir on the sci-ence of astronomy)b) His works on others’ books, such as sharh al-isharat (Com-mentary on Avicenna's Isharat)He enjoyed some exhaustive viewpoints in astronomy as well, it is said that Nicolaus Copernicus under influence of Tusi wrote a book in opposition of Ptolemy.

as a poet. Khayyam played a very important role in solving third degree equations and analytical geometry. He is recalled as the first scientist who used algebra in the geometry.Ibn Haitham Ahvazi was another Ira-nian scientists who was born in 354 A.H. he was minister of Buyid Dynasty,

Besides Nasirddin Tusi, for mathemat-ics we had another pundit named Ghi-aseddin Jamshid Kashani who found and measured "π" and "2π" for the first time. Khayyam Neyshaburi was an-other great Iranian mathematician and astronomer in his time; however his is known in the world, particularly in west,

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an Iranian ruling dynasty, then immi-grated to Egypt and started scientific works for Fatimid caliphs. As a head of a scientific board he fathomed Nile and its peripheral area.His perspectives about optics and darkroom photography were excel-lent. He set down many books about

light and physic, out of which Al-Manazer can be pointed. Even, he has been called as founder father of photography and cinema. Abdolrahman Sufi Razi and Abolvafa Buzjani were other prominent Iranian scientists who were proficient in as-tronomy and mathematics.

Historically, there were four great med-ical encyclopedias which all were com-piled by Iranian authors and scientists:-Al-Havi and Al-Mansuri written by Zakariya Razi- Al-Sana'ate Al-Tayyeba by Ali ibnAb-bas Ahwazi- Canon of medicine by Avicenna


IranHans Blix:Iran has neither nuclear weapon nor seeks it Hans Blix, former director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and former head of the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission searching Iraq for weapons of mass destruction in an interview said Iran has neither nuclear weapon nor seeks it.

By Ahmad Amini

Q: Mr. Blix, let's start with the new round of nuclear talks between Iran and P5+1 - the five permanent members of the UN Secu-rity Council (United States, United Kingdom, France, Russia, and China) plus Germany. The two sides started nuclear talks in an at-mosphere in a relatively tense atmosphere. According to the released comments, the two sides are satisfied with the general results of the negotiations.

A: Istanbul talks resumed after a lapse of sev-eral months in nuclear negotiations between Iran and the West in a climate of rhetoric, threats, and sanctions by the West leading to increasing speculation that a military attack on Iran aiming to stop the country's nuclear program would be imminent.

As you mentioned, returning to the negotiating table under such circumstance that would re-

sult in holding a new round of talks in Baghdad can be regarded as a success.Q: The West particularly the United States highlighting their concerns about Iran's nuclear program have been all the time seeking the full suspension of its uranium enrichment and let me say an end to Iran's nuclear program in the nuclear talks. As a nuclear expert, please explain how this view could help the two parties reach a pragmatic and sustainable agreement.

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A: I am not sure that the United States and P5+1 are seeking to put an end to nuclear program because they cannot basically make such a request as they are not authorized according to the international laws. Iran, as a signatory of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has the right to use the modern nuclear technology. Q: Although unconfirmed rumors went around ahead of Istanbul talks that the United States called for the closure of Fordo nuclear site, Iran would not be expected to accept the de-mand. To me, "constructive interaction", and a "win-win deal" are possible when the two sides put aside theiremotional statements and defiance, putting

each other's interests into consideration. Does the West hold the same view?A: In my opinion, the two sides do not have such a view. No doubt, a wall of suspicion and pessimism built during three decades of bitter experience between Iran and the West has obstructed the nuclear talks. I have mentioned several times that Iran is different from Iraq and North Korea. Politicization of the nuclear dispute and illogical pressure on Iran can never bear fruit. I am also convinced that Iran –in some occasions – attended the nuclear meetings out of perversity.Q: Perhaps the West's dark records and double standard toward Iran have forced such reactions from Tehran.

What do you refer to when talking about dou-ble standard? Is that Israel? Specifically Israel.A: Of course, this is a case that Iran can always underline. Iran has signed the NPT and on the other hand there is no evidence to reveal that Iran has nuclear weapons. I would like to repeat a point I mentioned in a university meeting earlier. I, as a retired weapons expert, believe that Iran neither has nuclear weap-ons, nor seeks to build nukes. Some of Iran's activities might have raised suspicion, but its program has not been diverted to the develop-ment of nuclear bombs. And finally, all things should not be to the advantage of a party and to the disadvantage of the other party.


International

Next year, that empty lot will be a two-story concrete intelligence facility for America’s drone

war, brightly lit and filled with powerful computers kept in climate-controlled comfort in a country where most of the population has no access to electricity. It will boast almost 7,000 square feet of offices, briefing and conference rooms, and a large “processing, exploitation, and dissemination” operations cen-ter – and, of course, it will be built with American tax dollars. Nor is it an anomaly. Despite all the talk of drawdowns and withdrawals, there has been a years-long building boom in Afghanistan that shows little sign of abating. In early 2010, the U.S.-

led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) had nearly 400 bases in Afghanistan. Today, Lieutenant Lauren Rago of ISAF public affairs tells TomDispatch, the number tops 450.The hush-hush, high-tech, super-secure facility at the massive air base in Kandahar is just one of many building projects the U.S. military currently has planned or underway in Afghanistan. While some U.S. bases are indeed closing up shop or being transferred to the Afghan government, and there’s talk of combat operations slowing or ending next year, as well as a with-drawal of American combat forces from Afghanistan by 2014, the U.S. military is still preparing for a much longer haul

at mega-bases like Kandahar and Bagram airfields. The same is true even of some smaller camps, forward operating bases (FOBs), and combat outposts (COPs) scattered through the country’s backlands. “Bagram is going through a significant transition during the next year to two years,” Air Force Lieutenant Colonel Daniel Gerdes of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers’ Bagram Office recently told Freedom Builder, a Corps of Engineers publi-cation. “We’re transitioning... into a long-term, five-year, 10-year vision for the base.” Whether the U.S. military will still be in Afghanistan in five or 10 years remains to be seen, but steps are currently

US Targeting Middle East from Afghanistan

Compiled by Mohammad Hamidi

In late December, the lot was just a big blank: a few burgundy metal shipping containers sitting in an expanse of crushed eggshell-colored gravel inside a razor-wire-topped fence. The American military in Afghanistan doesn’t want to talk about it, but one day soon, it will be a new hub for the American drone war in the Greater Middle East.

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being taken to make that possible. U.S. military publications, plans and schematics, contracting documents, and other official data examined by TomDispatch catalog hundreds of construction projects worth billions of dollars slated to begin, continue, or conclude in 2012. While many of these efforts are geared toward structures for Afghan forces or civilian institutions, a considerable number involve U.S. facilities, some of the most significant being dedicated

to the ascendant forms of American warfare: drone operations and mis-sions by elite special operations units. The available plans for most of these projects suggest durability. Recently, the New York Times reported that President Obama is likely to ap-prove a plan to shift much of the U.S. effort in Afghanistan to special opera-tions forces. These elite troops would then conduct kill/capture missions and train local troops well beyond 2014. Recent building efforts in the country

bear this out. A major project at Bagram Air Base, for instance, involves the construction of a special operations forces complex, a clandestine base within a base that will afford America’s black ops troops secrecy and near-absolute autonomy from other U.S. and coalition forces. Elsewhere on Bagram, tens of millions of dollars are being spent on projects that are no less integral to the war effort, like paving dirt roads and upgrading drainage systems on the mega-base.


InternationalAfghan President Hamid Karzai or-dered that the U.S.-run prison at Ba-gram be transferred to Afghan control. By the end of January, the U.S. had issued a $36 million contract for the construction, within a year, of a new prison on the base. While details are sparse, plans for the detention center indicate a thoroughly modern, high-security facility complete with guard towers, advanced surveillance sys-tems, administrative facilities, and the capacity to house about 2,000 prison-ers. At Kandahar Air Field, that new intelligence facility for the drone war will be joined by a similarly-sized structure devoted to administrative operations and maintenance tasks associated with robotic aerial missions. The military is keeping information about these drone facilities under ex-traordinarily tight wraps. They refused to answer questions about whether, for instance, the construction of these new centers for robotic warfare are in any way related to the loss of Shamsi Air Base in neighboring Pakistan as a drone operations center, or if they signal efforts to increase the tempo of drone missions in the years ahead. The International Joint Command’s chief of Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR) operations, aware that such questions were to be posed, backed out of a planned interview with TomDispatch.Whether the construction

at Kandahar is designed to free up fa-cilities elsewhere for CIA drone opera-tions across the border in Pakistan or is related only to missions within Afghani-stan, it strongly suggests a ramping up of unmanned operations. This year, at Herat Air Base in the prov-ince of the same name bordering Turk-menistan and Iran, the U.S. is slated to begin a multimillion-dollar project to enhance its special forces’ air opera-tions. Plans are in the works to expand apron space – where aircraft can be parked, serviced, and loaded or un-loaded – for helicopters and airplanes, as well as to build new taxiways and aircraft shelters.That project is just one of nearly 130, cumulatively valued at about $1.5 billion, slated to be carried out in Herat, Helmand, and Kanda-har provinces this year, ac-cording to Army Corps of Engineers d o c u m e n t s examined by TomDispatch. No one should be surprised

that the U.S. military is building up and tearing down bases at the same time, nor that much of the new construction is going on at mega-bases, while small outposts in the countryside are being abandoned. This is exactly what you would expect of an occupation force looking to scale back its “footprint” and end major combat operations while maintaining an on-going presence in Afghanistan. Given the U.S. military’s projected retreat to its giant bases and an increased reliance on kill/capture black-ops as well as unmanned air mis-

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sions, it’s also no surprise that its signature projects for 2012 include a new special operations forces compound, clandestine drone facilities, and a brand new military prison.America’s new prison in Bagram will undoubtedly remain, too. Just who the jailers will be and who will be locked inside five years or 10 years from now is, of course, unknown. But given the history – marked by torture and deaths – of the appalling treatment of in-mates at Bagram and, more generally, of the brutality toward prisoners by all parties to the conflict over the years, in no scenario are the results likely to be pretty.

They refused to answer questions about whether, for instance, the construc-tion of these new centers for robotic warfare are in any way related to the loss of Shamsi Air Base in neighbor-ing Pakistan as a drone operations center.


International

Introduction

The United States is known as the cradle of liberalization and integration into the glob al

economy. The advocacy of liberaliza-tion in economic and political arenas became so widespread that writers such and Francis Fukuyama con-sidered liberalism as the final school of thought, announcing the end of history. Ironically, in the metropolitan of liberalism, i.e. the United States, a think tank, CNP, less than a decade before the recent economic stagna-tion advocated protectionism – a re-versal of liberalization; or the reversal of the end of history.

Trade-related job loss

According to one of the publica-tions of the CNP in 2002, the authors indirectly and in some

cases directly advocated protection-ism in order to ward off the minuses of globalization or integration into the global economy, particularly in the field of trade-related job loss.But, inherent in globalization is inte-gration into the global economy and hence, the authors indeed call for reversal of the policy of liberalization.The present paper is an attempt to re-produce their arguments in defense of a sort of protectionism, although they did not mention the word protection.

Attempts have been made in the present paper to focus on author’s arguments for opposing integration into the global econ-omy because of its impact on job loss. To begin with, the authors, while ac-cepting the benefits of globalization, enumerate its disadvantages as a base to launch their counter-argument against integration into global econo-my. Some of their arguments or policy-making debates are given below: Job loss: In a globalized economy, there is a competition for imports. Hence, in such an economy, the profits of indus-trial producers falls, threatening their businesses by lower-cost competition. Under the circumstance, the producers are forced to lay off their labor to reduce costs; which leads to job loss. Relying on the statistics related to the period 1979-

Role of Think Tanks in US Policy-making Debate

Hamideh Hosseini

Abstract

T he present paper is an attempt

to study the role of CNP (Cen-

ter for National Policy) in pro-

motion of protectionism in the United

States in the age of global integration.

Although the US is known as the cradle

of liberalization and globalization, it

seems that certain think-tanks advo-

cate protectionism for the US, while

the International Monetary Fund and

World Bank advise other countries to

liberalize in order to receive their finan-

cial assistance. The present paper fo-

cuses on the policy recommendations

of CNP in the field of trade-related job

loss in the United States.

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1994, the CNP argues that the said pe-riod witnessed widespread involuntary job loss, particularly in manufacturing sector, because of growth in imports. The figure for job loss during the said period stood at 35.5 percent of total permanent job loss (10.2 million workers).

Lack of popular support for integration: The very nature of job loss in fact undermines popular sup-port at home for integration into inter-national economy, because, people feel and practically realize that not only integration does not lead to ben-efits from other economies, but also undermines domestic production. Economic dislocation: under the pressure of low cost imports, many

economies resort to costly dislocations because the producers try to adjust their economies with the new circumstances, stemming from free international trade. In fact, job displacement is the involun-tary termination of employment in ac-cordance with the employer’s operating decisions. The workers do not have any choice in this regard. They may face many problems including finding a new job, losing the level of earning and many other problems including insurance problems and so on.

Merchandise trade: On the basis of what was discussed above, it may be concluded that two major trends affect American perceptions of trade: level of employment in manu-facturing sector and volume of mer-chandise trade. In fact any decline in the level of employment in the manu-facturing sector and any rise in mer-chandise trade would leave a strong impact on American perceptions of trade. The second one too has direct impact on employment and job loss. In other words, job loss is a major factor in American perceptions of trade.

Reallocation of jobs: At the same time, the CNP argues that there is no direct link between trade and number of jobs. Competitive import obliges the domestic producers and manufacturers to reallocate jobs on the basis of changing patterns in the field of competition. In other words in order to gain more advantages of import competition, producers are obliged to reallocate their jobs, which leads to decline in employment.

Job displacement: Employ-ment change due to the pressure of import competition increases the risk

of job displacement. It applies in par-ticular to the small industries which are traditionally import-competing indus-tries in the United States.

Reemployment: Anther problem with the job loss resulting from imports is finding a new job for the workers who have lost their jobs. In fact the reemployed workers normally do not earn as much wage as they used to get in their earlier jobs. This is called reemployment earning losses. In case of lesser educated workers, it is more difficult to preserve the level of their earning after re-employment.

Export loss: In order to promote protectionism, the CNP puts forth an-other argument: Export loss leads to decline in employment. In other words, with the decrease in level of exports as a result of opening the market to imports, many manufacturing units have to lay off their labor in order to reduce costs because of reduction in the level of their production. The main reason for this state of affairs is the fact, despite import share gain incurring from globalization, demand falls for import-competing do-mestic small industries because of the low cost of imported goods.

Undermining industry’s abil-ity to recruit new employees: According to the findings of CNP, per-manent job loss also leads to decline in employment particularly in the in-dustries with above-average rates of permanent job loss. It shows that job loss not only adversely affects the performance of a manufacturing industry but also targets its long-term performance to the extent that the industry is hard to recover and recruit new employees.

In a globalized economy, there is a competition for imports. Hence, in such an economy, the profits of industrial producers falls, threatening their businesses by lower-cost competition.


International

Policy recommendations

In order to promote protectionism, CNP has forwarded some argu-ments based on its findings:

Lower import share: Another argument put forth by CNP is that, the industries that have lower import share and have launched policies to reduce their import share have lower rates of job loss. This is a strong argu-ment on the part of CNP to support protectionism and oppose unbridled economic integration in international trade.

Rise in exports: On the other hand, a rise in exports will lead to a lower risk of job loss. The CNP in fact tries to put the outcomes of import-competing job loss and rise in export in a globalized economy in order to advise policymakers to formulate their policies in a manner to avoid or reduce the negative aspects of globalization and liberalization. One interesting finding of the CNP is that an increase in exports of manu-factured goods would lead to more job gains compared to job losses caused by decrease in import share.This argument, which is based on empirical study, again advocates protectionism and opposes integra-tion.

Conclusion

Although free trade and eco-nomic integration play an important role in boosting

economic growth of a country, an open market does not necessarily lead to boosting of domestic econ-omy, particularly with regard to em-ployment. On the contrary, opening the markets to import-competitive

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goods, would undermine domestic production which in turn leaves an adverse effect on employment sus-tainability. In other words, under the pressure of competitive imported goods, the domestic producers may lose a chunk of the market and may be forced to lay off their workers. It is job loss. Moreover, such imports may force employers to reallocate their employees. This may reduce their earning. At the same time, this policy would also weaken the pos-sibility of new employment. On the other hand, boosting of exports prevents job losses. On the basis of these findings, the CNP though indirectly advocates protectionism in the age of global integration and globalization.

Hamideh Hosseini is a MA Student, University of Tehran


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This is where revolutionary theory comes into play: a set of ideas that help guide action. Sometimes theory

is learned unconsciously, where it resembles a set of non-ideological "assumptions" about movement building and politics. Occupy's theory began mostly with assumptions, many of them true. One assumption was that previous political theories have failed — that past social move-ments contained deep ideological flaws. There is more than some truth in these conclu-sions, but other truths were thrown out as well. The youth who built Occupy were born as the Berlin Wall was falling; "communism" had failed. Mass disillusion followed the loss of a socialist movement that had inspired dozens

of revolutions in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and Europe when half the globe declared itself for "socialism.” Many socialist-leaning countries inflicted heavy damage on capital-ism while a few had crushed it outright. At the same time the victory of Islamic Revolution inspired the materialistic world with a spiritual movement which combined material and spiri-tual development. The United States spent the 20th century fighting the social movements or any indepen-dence movement. The US spared no effort to crush the Islamic movements: the Korean and Vietnam wars, the failed invasion of Cuba, the dirty wars in Central America, countless CIA coups in South America, Africa, Iran, Asia and elsewhere (the history of the CIA is a history of

fighting Islam and independence movements by any means necessary). A U.S. domestic war was waged by the FBI and police against socialists and other left activists during Mc-Carthy's Red Scare of the 1950s. Nuclear war against the USSR and China was a button push away during the Cuban Missile Crisis. All of this madness was in the name of fighting socialism and independence revolution, while later it was in the name of fighting Islam. The U.S. wars against these independence movements was not irrational. A very real fear existed that capitalism was in danger — that corporations would instead be run in the public interest. In some countries capitalism was de-stroyed. But what replaced it seemed no better, and in some cases worse. Why? The popular

Occupy Movement Needs Spirituality For a movement that started with one strategy and a couple of slogans, Occupy has preformed brilliantly. Having based itself on the examples of Egypt and Wisconsin, the Occupy Movement has raised the political conscious-ness of millions and created a large layer of new activists. But the uninterrupted string of successes of Egypt and Tunisia haven’t materialized for Occupy. The movement is in a lull period. Next steps are being considered and some tactics are being re-thought.

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(corporate) explanation is that any break from capitalism equals "authoritarianism.” Another popular argument is that without rich people run-ning the economy it would cease to run; there is no alternative to capitalism, we were told. This analysis is biased, shallow, and stupid. The truth makes far more sense anyway. Socialism was no better than capitalism. To this day no socialist country or communist regime has been able to look after the poor or to guaran-tee public freedoms. One dictatorship replaced another one. The 1968 general strike in France pinned capitalism to the floor, but its life was spared; corporations were allowed to continue to run social life, the super-rich remained so. All these movements lacked an ideology that could take both aspects – material and spiritual – of life into account. Socialism is not a remedy either. If Haiti imple-mented a "socialist" economy tomorrow it would still suffer under post-earthquake rubble, mass

homelessness and life-sucking poverty. A "healthy democracy" cannot exist in these con-ditions. A socialist economy cannot transform mud into gold. But capitalism took centuries to transform poor countries into rich ones, and even today a tiny minority of rich countries dominate a hundred plus poor capitalist nations. Poor capitalist countries — like their poor socialist counter-parts — suffer from a chronic democracy deficit, forever destined to remain poor. If Haiti were to leave capitalism, however, it would be allowed to escape the profit motive of development; items could be built with social need in mind, not simply profit. Some countries were able to develop into powerful countries by escaping capitalism. Eventually, however, their undemocratic leaders decided to give capital-ism a second chance; these leaders wanted to exchange their bureaucratic privileges —access to better food and nicer cars, etc. — for the bil-

lions of dollars that come with ownership rights.Occupy is right not to embrace socialism, undemocratic as it was. But inspired by spiri-tual moment in Iran, Occupy has learned to use spirituality to replace capitalism and socialism. Occupy has learned that it could not let a tiny group of super-rich shareholders own and run giant corporations that employed thousands of workers and made socially useful goods. Instead, these companies could be made into public utilities, run by the workers, engineers, and office staff that already do all the work for the benefit of society in general. Sheer profit must not be the only motivation of production. Occupy has also learned that organization and collective action inspired by spiritual motivation was instrumental in overcoming the organized opposition of the rich. Capitalism can only be overthrown by a real revolution that is inspired by spirituality and draws into action the majority of people, using the tactics of mass demon-


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strations, mass strikes, mass civil disobedi-ence, and other mass actions that help to give shape, organization, and unity to 99 percent of people. Once a powerful and united movement emerges, it must ultimately challenge the corpo-rate elite nationally, which means wresting the levers of state power from their hands and using new organizational methods to make the post-revolutionary country more democratic through spiritual inspiration from the divine teachings.

How have these lessons been ignored by Occupy?Occupy eschews "centralization" in favor of "de-centralization.” Instead of decentralization simply meaning "democracy,” in practice it often means "disorganization” and extreme individualism. Any powerful social movement must inevitably be organized; and although Occupy seems to realize this with its useful experiments in direct democracy, the movement as a whole remains incredibly disorganized and uncoordinated. This is important insofar as disorganization prevents collective action. The Pre-Occupy Movement — what little there was — consisted of "issue-based activism,” i.e., different groups working disconnectedly towards various goals. Occupy has the power to change this, to create real power for people. Initially, Occupy had united all various groups while bringing in new blood. But the old habits of issue-based, fragmented activ-ism were hard to break. Many Occupiers are content with "autonomous"

actions, i.e., small groups acting independently of a larger body towards various ends. Small actions have their time and place, but a powerful movement is one that inspires. The 99 percent are given hope when they sense that a movement is able to achieve victories for them, i.e., when it is powerful. And people are only truly powerful when they are united and acting collectively in massive numbers (the corporate elite uses divide and conquer tactics for a reason). One reason that Occupy is fearful of centralization (organization) is because being organized inevi-tably creates leaders. And since much of Occupy is "anti-authoritarian" (again in response to the failed ideologies), "leaders" are not welcome. But leaders exist within Occupy regardless of intentions; saying that Occupy is a "leaderless movement" does not make it so. What the oc-cupy needs is spiritual inspiration based on divine teachings. The inevitable leaders of Occupy are those who dedicate their time to the movement, organize events, are spokespeople, those who help set agendas for meetings or actions, those who set up and run web pages, etc. In reality there already exists a spectrum of leadership that is essential to keeping the movement functioning. Occupy needs both leaders and organization while still operating entirely democratically. It al-ready has leaders who refuse to accept the title as such, much like Noam Chomsky does, the famous anti-authoritarian and leader of the anarchist left,

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who thinks that by saying he is "not a leader,” he ceases to be one. In reality his massive authority continues to exist outside of his humble intentions. Occupy seems, at times, so fearful of power or creating leaders that many Occupiers would fo-cus on neutering the movement, so as to prevent Occupy from ever having real power, and there-fore preventing the movement from ever making real change. The Occupy has long suffered from the self-induced fear that, if we have actual power, we'll become like our oppressors, since "absolute power corrupts absolutely". In Occupy, this expresses itself by a fanatical fear of the movement being co-opted. Yes, Occupy should be wary of Democratic Party representa-tives in sheep's clothing, but this fear has infected and has spread throughout Occupy and now includes internal finger pointing and accusa-tions of "co-opting,” creating more unnecessary divisiveness. It is a healthy impulse to strive towards greater democracy and away from charisma-based leadership, but any idea taken to its extreme can become nonsense. To denounce real organiza-tion and leadership "on principle" is to vastly oversimplify the real processes of movement building while erecting unnecessary barriers in Occupy's path to real power. To self-mutilate a movement because of leader-paranoia is similar to euthanize a puppy because of its potentially dangerous sharp teeth. In fact, true leaders can only emerge in the context of real democracy; both need the other. There is no blueprint for movement building, but general principles can be erected based on the revolutionary experiences of the past. The key strategies of Occupy should be based on those ideas that unify and promote collective action against the 1%. Ultimately Occupy needs to organize for power; it needs a greater power to displace the current power of the 1%. This doesn't mean that it must adopt the same forms of power utilized by the state, but that new ones must be created, while using EVERY opportunity within the existing structure to organize, educate, and mobilize the 99 percent. If the action – or actions – are effective it will prove that Occupy needs to organize and mobilize in large numbers over issues that connect with the 99 percent — proving that theory is best learned in action. But it must be inspired by divine teachings.


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Mehmanparast expressed hope that the Saudi Arabian government would take the measures necessary to meet legitimate public de-mands and refrain from using violence against the people.

Security forces killed three demonstrators at a demonstration held after a promi-nent cleric’s arrest in Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province on July 9. The demonstrators marched in the town of Awamiyah in the Qatif province where Nimr al-Nimr was attacked and detained earlier in the day. The regime forces opened fire on the protesters, leaving three people dead.Meanwhile, Bahrainis took to the streets in several villages to hold demonstra-tions in solidarity with a detained Shia cleric in Saudi Arabia. The demonstrators expressed solidarity with prominent cleric Sheikh Nemr al-Nemr, who was attacked in his car and arrested in the Qatif region of the Eastern Province. According to the Human Rights Watch, the Saudi regime “routinely represses expression critical of the government.” Meanwhile, Bahrainis continue demonstrations against the ruling Al Khalifa family despite the Manama regime’s violent crackdown. In mid-March 2011, Saudi Arabia, along with the United Arab Emirates, de-ployed troops in Bahrain to help the Manama regime crush anti-government demonstrations.

Iran Expresses Concern over Police Crackdown in S. Arabia

By Ali Alami Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Ramin Mehmanparast on July 11 expressed concern over the use of violence by the Saudi Arabian gov-ernment against the people and religious figures in Eastern Province.

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