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“I AM EXPOSED TO NOT ONLY THE PARANORMAL, BUT THE DEEPEST SECRETS OF INDIVIDUALS’ LIVES”: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF FLORIDA PARANORMAL

RESEARCH TEAMS

By

STEPHANIE JUENGLING

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT

OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2018

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© 2018 Stephanie Juengling

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To my son Everett

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This research would not have been possible without the generosity and kindness

of the paranormal community here in Florida. At my first paranormal conference, I was

welcomed warmly and introduced to many fantastic people. I would like to thank the

paranormal teams and enthusiasts who provided invaluable insight and information for

this research project.

I would like to thank my committee chair Dr. Pete Collings for his support,

guidance, and feedback on every draft. I’d also like to thank the members of the

doctoral committee, Dr. Bron Taylor, Dr. James Davidson, and Dr. Jack Kugelmass.

Lastly, I would like to show my appreciation for those who provided personal

support. I’m thankful for my family and friends who continually encouraged me,

including my wonderful parents and my amazing grandparents. I’m grateful to Melissa

Dulcey and Bob Davey for patiently sitting through practice presentations and providing

excellent advice. And I’d like to express a special thanks to my husband Ryan Juengling

for his unwavering emotional support and assistance over these past few years.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................. 4

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ 8

LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... 9

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................... 11

ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... 12

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 14

2 THE PARANORMAL IN WESTERN CULTURE: A BRIEF HISTORY .................... 22

Overview ................................................................................................................. 22 Terminology ............................................................................................................ 24

The Pre-Modern Supernatural ................................................................................ 26 The Spiritualist Movement ...................................................................................... 27 Spiritism: The Secular and the Spiritual .................................................................. 29

Psychical Research: The Initial Investigations into Paranormal Studies ................. 31 Parapsychology: Advancements in the Scholarly Pursuit of Paranormal

Phenomena ......................................................................................................... 36 Parapsychology, the New Age Movement, and Skeptics ........................................ 38

The Rise of the Ghost Hunter: Popular Culture and Paranormal Investigators ....... 40 Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 42

3 CRITICAL INTERPRETATIONS OF THE PARANORMAL ..................................... 44

Overview ................................................................................................................. 44 Public Perceptions, Science, and Paranormal Tourism in the Twenty-first

Century ................................................................................................................ 46

Theoretical Approaches: The Significance of Experience ....................................... 55 Discourse and Narrative Analysis: The Significance of Stories ............................... 60 Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 75

4 ETHICS AND ETHNOGRAPHIES .......................................................................... 77

Overview ................................................................................................................. 77 Ethics, Methods, and Cultural Anthropology ........................................................... 77 The Stigmatization and Significance of Paranormal Narratives .............................. 79 Modern Methodologies for the Study of the Paranormal ......................................... 84 The Consequences of Representation: The Ethics of Ethnographies ..................... 91

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Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 97

5 A CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGIST IN A PARANORMAL WORLD ....................... 99

Overview ................................................................................................................. 99 Observing Ghost Hunters Observing Ghosts: Data Collection ................................ 99 Florida Paranormal Investigations ........................................................................ 101

Joining the Team ............................................................................................ 101 My First Ghost Hunt ....................................................................................... 103

Paranormal Research Groups .............................................................................. 106 General Information: How Groups Form and Function ................................... 106 Motivations and Goals: Why People Join ....................................................... 109 Location Types: Where Paranormal Research Groups Investigate ................ 114

Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 119

6 CASE STUDIES: 3 HAUNTINGS ......................................................................... 120

Overview ............................................................................................................... 120 “The human body is the best tool in paranormal research”: Gender and

Performance at Old South Pittsburg Hospital .................................................... 120

Pizza, the Portal, and Personal Experiences ........................................................ 127 Banishing Demons: When a Paranormal Team Calls Upon a Demonologist ........ 135

Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 141

7 ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION ............................................................................ 143

Overview ............................................................................................................... 143

The Cultural Domain of the Paranormal................................................................ 144

Freelist Activity ............................................................................................... 145 Pile Sort Exercise ........................................................................................... 148

Haunting entities ...................................................................................... 152

Non-haunting paranormal entities ............................................................ 154

Explanations for the paranormal .............................................................. 155 Signs of a haunting .................................................................................. 156 Religious and spiritual things ................................................................... 158 Metaphysical things and scientific things ................................................. 160 Taxonomy of freelist entries ..................................................................... 163

Fear and Curiosity: A Comparison Between Two Interviews ................................ 165 Grounded Theory: A Model of Ghost Hunting ....................................................... 176

Epistemology: Orbs, Bigfoot, and Aliens ........................................................ 179 Negotiating Place: The Local Community, Intergroup Relations, Paranormal

TV and Tours, and Science ......................................................................... 188 Conclusion: Tying Together Self and Social Validation ........................................ 194

8 CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................... 199

Paranormal Possibilities ........................................................................................ 201 Concluding Thoughts and Future Research ......................................................... 202

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APPENDIX

A SURVEY ............................................................................................................... 205

B FREELIST ACTIVITY ENTRIES ........................................................................... 216

C THE ETHNOGRAPHER’S CODEBOOK ............................................................... 219

D IMAGE PROMPT ACTIVITY ................................................................................. 222

E FLORIDA PARANORMAL INVESTIGATIONS MISSION STATEMENT, CODE OF HONOR, AND ARTICLES OF ORGANIZATION ............................................ 223

Mission Statement ................................................................................................ 223

Florida Paranormal Investigations Code of Honor ................................................ 224

FPI Code of Honor Policy ..................................................................................... 224

LIST OF REFERENCES ............................................................................................. 226

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................... 233

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LIST OF TABLES

Table page 7-1 Ways of interacting with the paranormal. .......................................................... 160

7-2 Categorical differences between two interview transcripts. .............................. 174

7-3 MAXQDA word frequencies. ............................................................................. 187

B-1 Table of free list entries sorted by frequency.. .................................................. 216

C-1 The ethnographer’s codebook.. ........................................................................ 219

D-1 Descriptions of the image prompts.. ................................................................. 222

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page 5-1 Bar chart of the frequency of each coded reason or goal for joining a ghost

hunting group.. .................................................................................................. 110

6-1 A hallway at Old South Pittsburg Hospital. ....................................................... 123

6-2 The female members of the groups, and FPI leader Bill, reenact a medical checkup in the operating room. ........................................................................ 125

6-3 The Portal device. ............................................................................................. 131

6-4 War Party Paranormal Research team members conduct an EVP session using the Portal device in the garage of Antiques and Uniques. ...................... 132

6-5 The demonologists use frankincense during the deliverance. .......................... 139

7-1 Scree plot of all the freelist entries. ................................................................... 147

7-2 Scree plot of the freelist entry frequencies submitted twice or more by participants. ...................................................................................................... 147

7-3 Initial pile sort of the freelist entries. This pile sort only includes the freelist entries that were listed more than once by participants. ................................... 149

7-4 Pile sort of all the freelist entries submitted by participants. Items are categorized into seven major piles with subcategories in each. ....................... 151

7-5 A simplified version of the second pile sort. It shows the major groupings in each of the seven categories. ........................................................................... 152

7-6 Photograph of trigger objects at Old South Pittsburg Hospital.. ........................ 158

7-7 An investigator using dowsing rods. Dowsing rods are used to interact with paranormal entities during an EVP session. ..................................................... 161

7-8 Scientific tools used in paranormal investigations.. .......................................... 162

7-9 Taxonomy of the freelist entries. ....................................................................... 164

7-10 The main classifications of codes in the codebook. .......................................... 166

7-11 Frequency of codes from two transcripts.. ........................................................ 168

7-12 Bar graph of the frequency of codes applied to Charlotte and Tim’s interview transcripts. ........................................................................................................ 169

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7-13 Grounded theory model for paranormal team practices. .................................. 178

7-14 Ethan and Bill draw an experience they shared................................................ 186

7-15 Word cloud generated from the most frequent words found in the coded interviews, image prompts, and notes.. ............................................................ 187

7-16 Grounded theory model of investigators’ practices. .......................................... 196

A-1 Survey, page 1. ................................................................................................ 205

A-2 Survey, page 2. ................................................................................................ 206

A-3 Survey, page 3. ................................................................................................ 207

A-4 Survey, page 4. ................................................................................................ 208

A-5 Survey, page 5. ................................................................................................ 209

A-6 Survey, page 6. ................................................................................................ 210

A-7 Survey, page 7. ................................................................................................ 211

A-8 Survey, page 8. ................................................................................................ 212

A-9 Survey, page 9. ................................................................................................ 213

A-10 Survey, page 10. .............................................................................................. 214

A-11 Survey, page 11. .............................................................................................. 215

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

DVR

EMF

Digital video recorder

Electromagnetic field

ESP

EVP

El Con Society for the Paranormal

Electronic voice phenomena

FPI

KPI

MUFON

PIA

PKC

PROOF

PSOBFL

TAPS

UFO

Florida Paranormal Investigations

Kissimmee Paranormal Investigations

Mutual UFO Network

Paranormal Information Association

Paranormal Kicks Cancer

Paranormal Research Organization of Florida

Paranormal Society of Bradenton, Florida

The Atlantic Paranormal Society

Unidentified flying object

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

“I AM EXPOSED TO NOT ONLY THE PARANORMAL, BUT THE DEEPEST SECRETS

OF INDIVIDUALS’ LIVES”: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF FLORIDA PARANORMAL RESEARCH TEAMS

By

Stephanie Juengling

December 2018

Chair: Pete Collings Major: Anthropology

This dissertation explores the formation, interaction, and identity of paranormal

research teams in Western society. Also known as ghost hunting groups, these teams

use both scientific and metaphysical tools to investigate various types of reportedly

haunted locations. Paranormal investigators represent a widespread shift in Western

religious and scientific ideologies as they explore questions of spirituality, debate

theories of the afterlife, and attempt to document the existence of supernatural

phenomena. At haunted sites, paranormal investigators seek extraordinary experiences

that shape their worldviews and their relationships with others. This ethnographic

research examines these groups’ simultaneous success and subversion in a larger

social context through methods of cultural anthropology including participant

observation, surveys, and interviews with ghost hunting groups in Florida. It assesses

the cultural domain of the paranormal, the epistemological struggles of defining belief

and defending sanity, and the ways in which paranormal teams negotiate their place in

society. To conclude, this study demonstrates that the underlying relation between the

paranormal groups’ motivations and practices is the pursuit of self and social validation.

By validating their beliefs, experiences, and social significance, paranormal research

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teams deflect social rejection and reach a sense of belonging in both the spiritual realm

and modern society.

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

It was midnight on a Friday, and I was sitting in a leather judge’s chair in an

empty courtroom. The room was dark except for the glowing red exit sign across the

room, and shifting yellow beams filtered through the windows as trees outside swayed

in front of street lamps. I wasn’t alone; two paranormal investigators were also in the

courtroom, standing still at either ends of the room. We had been patiently, quietly

waiting for something to happen. Occasionally, one of the investigators would ask

questions aloud. “Is there anybody here with us tonight? Can you make a noise to let us

know you’re here?” We sat and waited. I strained my ears listening for any abnormal

noise and squinted my eyes across the room to see any strange shadows. From my

vantage point, I could see the entire courtroom with the rows of pews, the tall windows

lining the walls on each side, the main door towards the staircase, and the entryway to

two rooms on either side of the main doors. I focused on noting the differences between

the swaying shadows from the trees outside and the darker shapes of the furniture, door

frames, and base boards.

I was with Florida Paranormal Investigations at the Green Cove Springs historical

courthouse for one of my first investigations. At this point I had learned the basics of

ghost hunting: keep fresh batteries in your voice recorder, ask questions clearly during

EVP sessions, use the buddy system, and focus your senses on your surroundings to

experience anything supernatural. The courthouse is a historical building with two

stories. The downstairs floor has several large conference rooms and offices, and the

upstairs consisted of the courtroom and small side rooms. We set up the equipment in

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the hallway downstairs, including the DVR system1 to cover most of the building with

video feed. After the hour of equipment set-up, we began our first EVP session upstairs.

EVP stands for electronic voice phenomena; when an audio recorder catches a noise or

voice that you can’t hear at the time, only when you play back the recording. In an EVP

session, investigators ask a series of questions out loud, attempting to interact with the

ghostly inhabitants and catch their responses on voice recorders.

As I sat silently in the judge’s chair waiting for Bill2 to ask his next question, I

visually scanned the room. As my eyes lingered on the doorway to the back room on

the left side, a dark solid shadow slid out of sight behind the doorframe. I blinked,

quickly running through my mind possible explanations. There was no one in that back

room, just a few chairs and desk. I saw the two investigators in the courtroom and knew

there was nobody else in the building. The dark shadow was solid, only a few feet high,

and was definitely not shadow play from the trees outside. After this flurry of thoughts

ran through my head, I stood and pointed to the doorway. I described what I saw to Bill

and Ethan, who hurried from their stations to the back room. As Ethan approached the

doorway, the motion sensor he had placed on the floor there went off with a loud shrill

beeping. It had not been triggered when I saw the shadow move. I joined them,

scanning the back room for any signs of something strange, or something to rationally

explain the shadow. There was nothing out of the ordinary.

I don’t know what I saw. But I trust my own senses enough to know in that

moment, I saw something that I couldn’t explain. Perhaps there was a rational

1 DVR is an abbreviation for digital video recording.

2 The protect the identity of participants, all names have been changed.

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explanation, one that we just couldn’t figure out that night. But whatever it was, it was an

extraordinary experience. From that point on, I understood the sensation of

experiencing something ‘paranormal’. It’s not a ghost that pops up and tries to spook

you. It’s subtle. It’s a confusion about what your senses are telling you, because your

brain can’t rationalize what it’s experiencing. You could try to make sense of it, but it’s

not clear what it was. The ambiguity and uncertainty make you question yourself, and

your sanity. This is the root of the paranormal experience; the fear and excitement that

ghost hunters chase comes from not knowing. Many paranormal investigators will tell

you that ‘paranormal’ just means something can’t be explained – yet.

To be clear, this research does not aim to prove or disprove the existence of

paranormal phenomena. It does not assume the nonexistence of the paranormal and

reduce all experiences as psychological, deception, or cases of mistaken identity. I am

not interested in debating the cause of these experiences. As an anthropologist, I am

interested in how the experiences (whatever they may be) are interpreted and framed

within a system of meaning by investigators. Discussion of participants’ paranormal

experiences are relayed without reductive explanations. Rather, how the paranormal

investigators’ express these narratives is one of the foci of this dissertation research.

This research uses narrative analysis to explore what it means to be a

paranormal investigator. Narrative analysis is “the search for regularities in how people,

within and across culture, tell stories” (Bernard 2011:416). The two types of narrative

analysis employed for this ethnography are grounded theory and phenomenology; how

things work and studying the lived experience. Grounded theory is based on inductive

coding of texts, searching for patterns and developing hypotheses while concurrently

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using deductive methods to test those theories. Phenomenology “emphasizes the direct

experience of phenomena in order to determine their essences, the things that make

them what they are” (Bernard and Ryan 2010:258). It also requires putting aside our

personal biases to understand how other people experience things. Bernard and Ryan

(2010:259) list six steps for a phenomenological study:

1. Identify the phenomenon.

2. Identify your biases and put them aside.

3. Gather narratives about the phenomenon from the people who experience it by asking open-ended questions.

4. Use intuition to identify the essential components of the phenomenon.

5. Discuss those essences with representative quotes from the narratives.

6. Repeat steps 4 and 5 until no more information can be gleaned.

The phenomenon that is the focus of this dissertation is the experience of being a

paranormal investigator. To explore this phenomenon, I explore three main research

questions: 1) How do paranormal groups form and function?; 2) How do ghost hunters

embody this identity?; and 3) How are paranormal experiences interpreted and given

meaning? Since this research is largely exploratory, it will explore these three questions

by assessing how and why people join paranormal research teams, what the teams do,

how they understand and express unexplainable experiences, and how they

conceptualize the paranormal. What’s it like to be a ghost hunter? Who are they, what

do they do, when do they do it, where do they go, and why in the world do they spend

their free time chasing down specters in the dark?

For step 2, I reflected on my own beliefs and assumptions. The paranormal

reality television shows experienced a surge in popularity; Ghost Hunters aired in 2004,

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Paranormal State in 2007, and Ghost Adventures in 2008. Around this time, I was an

undergraduate student experiencing a revelation of personal freedom and doing some

self-searching. I had recently switched to an anthropology major, realizing that my

fascination with folklore, urban legends, and supernatural beliefs could be directed at

the study of cultures. I’ll admit, I was fascinated by these paranormal shows. The shows

combined supernatural concepts, scientific gadgetry, and creepy locations in a highly

entertaining format. That’s all I knew about ghost hunters. It wasn’t until the beginning of

the doctoral program that I revisited my interest in the supernatural. And to study

paranormal investigators objectively, I had to identify my biases as a skeptic and my

assumptions about paranormal teams. Both are addressed in Chapter 4, in the section

titled Ethics, Methods, and Cultural Anthropology.

Step 3: Gather narratives. The field methods for this dissertation centered around

collecting narratives from paranormal investigators. I distributed surveys, conducted

semi-structured interviews, and did participant observation with six different ghost

hunting groups in Florida. Chapter 5 discusses these methods. For identifying essential

aspects of the phenomenon (according to step 4), I transcribed all qualitative data and

uploaded it to MAXQDA for coding. The fundamental features of ghost hunting are

revealed through the basic textual analysis and discussed in Chapter 5, accompanied

by illustrative quotes (step 5). Several of these aspects are demonstrated in the three

case studies in Chapter 6. Chapter 7 presents further analysis of that data with a

cultural domain of the paranormal, epistemology, and the social identity of ghost hunting

groups. The final step in the phenomenological study, step 6, is repeating the

identification and discussion of the essential aspects. It includes the repeated testing of

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the themes and models to ensure that I have uncovered as much of the paranormal

investigator experience as possible.

Several fields of study lay the groundwork for this research, and a handful of

authors have focused on this subject specifically. Religious studies, folklore studies, and

cultural anthropologists have long included supernatural beliefs. However, the ghost

hunting phenomena is more than just abstract beliefs; these paranormal investigators

are applying their religious, spiritual, and paranormal beliefs to physical occurrences in

the real world, trying to capture and document these occurrences with technological

devices. To examine how this recent movement in the paranormal field affects

individuals, we must apply a multidisciplinary approach to fully understand it. Cultural

anthropology provides that perspective. I draw on several previous studies which are

reviewed in Chapters 2 and 3. The most notable authors include Hess (1991) who

provides a thorough background on the Spiritualist and Spiritist movements. Blum

(2006), Kripal (2010), and other authors discuss how the modern-day concept of the

paranormal developed from psychical research in the 1800s. These authors apply a

critical and empirical perspective to the reports of anomalous phenomena.

Parapsychology emerged in the 1930s as an academic approach, a field explored by

Hess (1993), Horn (2009), Ward (1977) and Wooffitt (1992). S. Hill (2011, 2012)

comments on modern ghost hunting groups, noting some positive aspects but also

criticizing faults. Other studies that specifically study ghost hunting groups include the

dissertations of Thun (2013), Hanks (2011), and Hausmann (2011). This scholarship

demonstrates the various backgrounds that inform research on paranormal groups.

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This dissertation builds on several themes discussed by these authors: ghost

tourism, community and identity, tools, expertise, science, motivations, and

epistemology. But this study also explores new territory in terms of methods, analysis,

and focus. My ethnographic research was long-term, continuing over the course of four

years at forty paranormal investigations, and includes interviews and surveys with thirty-

four investigators from six different groups. The analysis includes the use of analytic

software MAXQDA to code and analyze texts. These texts come from participant

observation notes, survey data, and transcribed interviews. This dissertation an in-depth

examination of what it means to be a paranormal investigator, and what it means to

have a paranormal experience. Unlike what is portrayed on television where the ghost

hunters seek out spooky ghosts for thrills, these uncanny experiences are interpreted

and given meaning in a wide variety of ways.

For the purposes of this dissertation, the terms “ghost hunter”, “paranormal

researcher”, and “paranormal investigator” will be used interchangeably. This is for ease

of reading. Some paranormal investigators and academic scholars3 view the different

terms as indicating different types of groups, but those distinctions are not universally

recognized among all investigators that I worked with. Therefore, these three terms are

used in this ethnography to refer to individuals who voluntarily join a local, amateur

team that actively pursues paranormal investigations.

To recap, I will briefly describe each of the chapters in this dissertation. In

Chapter 2, I provide an overview of the paranormal in Western culture, focusing on the

3 Academic authors who distinguish between these terms include del Pilar Blanco and Peeren (2010), Hanks (2011), and S. Hill (2011, 2012).

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Spiritualist movement in the 1800s to modern day ghost hunters. Chapter 3 reviews

relevant literature and fields of study to lay a background for this research topic. In

Chapter 5, I introduce my field methods and the basics of paranormal research teams.

In Chapter 6, I describe three case studies illustrate significant themes of the body and

sensory experiences. Chapter 7 is the analysis, which focuses on the surveys, free lists,

and interview data to explore three points: the cultural domain of the paranormal, the

epistemological struggles of belief and knowledge, and the negotiation of social place.

Then I discuss the findings, connect the results back to the literature, and present a

grounded theory model. This model demonstrates that the underlying relation between

the paranormal investigators’ motivations and practices is the pursuit of self and social

validation. Investigators use a variety of methods to validate their beliefs, experiences,

and social significance. These methods are used to deflect social rejection due to the

persistent stigmatization of the paranormal in Western society. By doing so, paranormal

research teams can negotiate a sense of belonging in both the spiritual realm and

modern society. Chapter 8 concludes with a summary of the findings, reflects on how

this research is situated within the academic field of cultural anthropology and

paranthropology, and suggests on how this research can inform future studies of the

paranormal.

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CHAPTER 2 THE PARANORMAL IN WESTERN CULTURE: A BRIEF HISTORY

Overview

The paranormal is a complex topic with a history that dates back thousands of

years in Western society. Traditional interpretations of paranormal phenomena are

associated with religious, supernatural, or mythological beliefs. However, the modern

religious, political, and scientific changes in American society have altered these

supernatural interpretations to more objective, materialistic explanations. This shift in

perceptions accompanied the rise of positivism in the nineteenth century, building the

stage for empirical science. Beginning in the mid-1800s, supernatural claims and

concepts could be explored by individuals with more methodical investigations,

representing an overlap between the spiritual and scientific realms.

While the concept of the paranormal is routinely dismissed by academics as a

legitimate topic of cultural study, a growing number of researchers from diverse fields

such as anthropology, sociology, and parapsychology have turned their focus to the

transformative role of the paranormal in societies around the world. These academic

scholars move beyond descriptive accounts of paranormal beliefs and explore the

relationships between paranormal concepts and the role of liminality, ritual, spirituality,

and science. These studies explore how the supernatural weaves through numerous

features of culture- not only in indigenous tribes and occult groups, but even persisting

in supposedly ‘rational’ Western countries. A more recent development in the realm of

paranormal studies is the formation of ghost hunting groups. These groups have their

origins in the Spiritualist movement of the nineteenth century, which was significant in

how its followers viewed spiritual interactions as investigations of the supernatural.

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Along with the rise of Spiritualism came the creation of skeptical organizations, such as

the Society for Psychical Research. These groups consisted of intellectual elites who

sought to debunk fraudulent claims and document legitimate psychic abilities. In the

twentieth century, these investigations became more systematic through the

establishment of parapsychology laboratories, where extra sensory perceptions were

rigorously tested. By the 1980s, parapsychology was losing credibility in the United

States. But paranormal research was taken up by paranormal enthusiasts, individuals

who called themselves ghost hunters and formed amateur groups to investigate

haunted locations. With the airing of popular paranormal reality television shows, these

groups dramatically increased and remain popular to this day.

The succession of these movements in the United States can be characterized

by a repeating pattern; that “each new movement situates itself as a more scientific

variant of the previous movement” (Hess 1993:32). This pattern and demarcation of the

scientific versus the irrational occurs in the debates among Spiritualists, Spiritists,

psychical researchers, skeptics, and parapsychologists. Each new generation has tried

to distance their practice and theory from the previous generations, cutting ties to avoid

negative associations. By representing themselves as more scientific, these movements

attempt to gain acceptance from the orthodox scientific community and academia. This

“boundary-work” occurs between the ideologies of science, religion, and each other. As

each movement contrasts themselves against the prior (the Other), they actively

construct their own presentation of themselves (the Self) (Hess 1993). These

boundaries are clearly reflected in the terminology used by each movement to describe

themselves.

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Terminology

An important distinction to make is between the varying uses of the terms

supernatural, paranormal, and psychical. While interrelated, these terms reflect

continuous social shifts in which scholars attempted to distant themselves from negative

connotations with superstition and establish themselves as more empirical to gain

acceptance in the scientific community. The term ‘psychical’ was first termed in the early

1870s by Sir William Crookes, who published his series of experiments based on the

psychic medium Daniel Douglas Home (Lomax et al 2011:15). With the publication of a

collection of essays, titled Researches into the Phenomena of Spiritualism, he attracted

other intellectuals to this new study of the abilities of the human mind and spirit. The

term paranormal is relatively recent, compared to the centuries of supernatural stories

and folklore (Lomax et al 2011). The earliest publications of the term occurred in a 1901

collection of French essays and in 1903 in a French book by Dr. Joseph Maxwell,

focused on ‘metapsychical phenomena,’ or strange psychological experiences that

exceed the known boundaries of the human psyche (Lomax et al 2011:14).

Metapsychical and paranormal phenomena were, at the time, defined as spontaneous

and unconscious experiences; for example, telekinesis is the superhuman ability to

move objects by unnatural mental willpower. Other instances of this phenomena

included clairvoyance (seeing unexplainably), clairaudience (hearing unexplainably),

and even the occurrence of a poltergeist1 (Lomax et al 2011).

1 Explained by Lomax et al (2011) as externalized human energies which manifest in a home and cause the manipulation of objects.

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Further into the twentieth century, the term paranormal became more

popularized in English-speaking cultures. By the 1940s, it replaced the term

‘supranormal phenomena’ which was often used by psychical researchers in the early

twentieth century. The term ‘paranormal’ denoted the phenomena that could not be

explained and lay outside socially acceptable knowledge in Western societies.

However, Lomax et al note that as the term became more widely known, it “began

taking on more negative, sinister, or even quasi-demonic meanings” (Lomax et al

2011:14), due to its popularization in the media, especially in horror films and television.

Today, the paranormal can be defined broadly as “a category of alleged phenomena

that are held to operate beyond the normal understandings of reality and the universe”

(Northcote 2007:6). However, Northcote (2007) notes that in non-Western countries, the

‘paranormal’ can be “indistinguishable from mystical, spiritual, and traditional folk

magical beliefs” (Northcote 2007:19). In these countries, the paranormal does not tend

to carry the same stigma as it does in Western society. In fact, many non-Western

cultures do not even differentiate between the supernatural and the natural, but

anthropologists who have Western backgrounds construe these differences in those

dichotic terms. The Western concept of the supernatural is “a broad cover term for a

variety of postulated entities, forces, or ‘beings’ that are usually denominated ‘spiritual’

or ‘superhuman’ and whose effects surpass those possible of achievement by ordinary

human capabilities” (Saler 1977:34). However, many non-Western cultures have

worldviews where the spiritual world aligns and overlaps with the living world. For the

purpose of this dissertation, these terms will be used in the Western context since the

subject of study is Florida ghost hunting groups; however, these problematic

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terminologies are noted because they relate to the how the Western world was

recategorized with the Enlightenment movement. The overall concept of the

paranormal, as treated by the movements and organizations discussed below, does not

strictly include specific beliefs or phenomena but generally includes ghosts, hauntings,

superhuman abilities such as extrasensory perception, cryptozoological creatures such

as Bigfoot, and UFO’s2. Throughout the history of the paranormal, though, the variation

and fluidity of this topic is demonstrated as different generations of people employ this

term to embody their ideas of the uncanny, the unexplainable, and the extraordinary.

The Pre-Modern Supernatural

The concept of ghosts, the continuation of the human soul after death, and the

afterlife as religious beliefs date back thousands of years and are present in cultures

world-wide. These beliefs and stories appear in historical documents, oral histories, and

can be traced through the creation of artwork, monuments, and other structures. In

Classical Antiquity, ghosts appear in Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey; haunted locations are

described by Plutarch, Pliny the Younger, and other Romans (Finucane 1996). Ghosts

continued to be present in the religious narratives and folklore throughout the Middle

Ages and the Renaissance, with varying meanings, roles, and supposed abilities and

intentions (Burton and Grandy 2004). The medieval Catholic Church had a distinct role

in the way that the beings of the afterlife were portrayed; those “early medieval ghosts

were concerned with establishing and emphasizing Christian teachings over a broad

spectrum, from the need to venerate relics to the very existence of immortal souls”

2 UFO is an abbreviation for unidentified flying object. They are usually associated with aliens and extraterrestrial life.

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(Finucane 1996:46). In the latter part of the Middle Ages, the concept of ghosts

demonstrated the reality of purgatory and the value of prayers and sacrifices for the

dead. Europeans were preoccupied with the instructive roles of ghosts and the terrifying

threat of demons and heathen gods, but the Age of Enlightenment prompted an

eradication of superstition and a general dismissal of supernatural creatures and events

(Ward 1977). Until the timely publication of an anthology of ghost stories and the

Spiritualist movement of the late nineteenth century, the supernatural was mostly the

stuff of folklore and legend.

In 1848, a bestselling book was published titled The Night Side of Nature by

Catherine Crowe (Blum 2006). Consisting of numerous ghost stories gathered from

friends, newspaper accounts, and letters, Crowe intended the book to be more than an

anthology of ghost stories; she wrote it as a manifesto, protesting academia’s dismissal

of paranormal experiences as hogwash. Crowe urged the “research community to look

beyond, to see the rare flicker of something genuinely supernatural” (Blum 2006:15),

despite the scientific hostility and scholars’ tendency to disregard all supernatural

claims. However, Crowe argued that these narratives came from “respectable citizens”

(Blum 2006:16), and despite what the phenomena actually was, it deserved

investigation all the same. This popular book undoubtedly “persuaded generations of

readers that believing in ghosts was an acceptable thing” (Blum 2006:13), changing the

general attitude of the paranormal from one of dogmatic skepticism to one of enchanting

possibility.

The Spiritualist Movement

In the same year that The Night Side of Nature was published, two young girls

began reporting that mysterious knocks were coming from inside their home. Their

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claims led to an international religious movement revolving around the communication

with spirits (Blum 2006). Ghosts left the confines of folklore and grew prominent in

popular culture with the rise of the Spiritualist movement in the mid-1800s. In 1848, the

Fox sisters became famous when they claimed to be communicating through rappings

with a spirit in their house, the supposed ghost of a murdered beggar buried under the

cellar floor. These young girls became a sensation, traveling to demonstrate to the

public their ability to communicate with spirits. The Spiritualist belief that the dead can

communicate with the living spread rapidly through the United States and European

countries. During its peak popularity from the 1840s to the 1920s, it drew millions of

followers, mainly from the middle and upper classes (Blum 2006). Psychic mediums

held séances to demonstrate their abilities by channeling spiritual messages. By the

early 1850s, these séances and table tipping were common social events3. The

invention and mass production of the Ouija board made spirit communication accessible

to everyone, not only restricted to the divinely chosen mediums. Despite opposition from

the mainstream church leaders, the phenomena of mediums (people through whom

spirits could connect to the living world) and sensitives (people with unusual sensitivity

to the spirit world) flourished. Spiritualism promised a “more rational basis for the

questions of faith and ultimate meaning” (Hess 1993:19), catering to the public who

were dissatisfied with the Church and academic science. In addition, Spiritualists

believed “that the religious world view could be saved by being placed on the firm

3 Both séances and table tipping center around a psychic medium who contacts the dead and channels supernatural powers. A séance is a general term for these sessions, where members of the public can sit with the psychic to witness these abilities. According to Merriam-Webster, table tipping, table tilting, or table turning is the “lifting or manipulation of a table during a séance attributed to the agency of spirits.”

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foundation of scientific knowledge” (Hess 1993:19). Followers of the Spiritualist

Movement also supported other contemporary social movements and causes such as

the abolition and feminist movement. Spiritualism began to decline in the early

twentieth century but is still currently practiced throughout the United States and the UK

(Hess 1993), though its members constituted <0.3% of a 2014 Religious Landscape

Study by the Pew Research Center.4 The Spiritualist movement was significant because

it represented greater accessibility to the spirit world. People could consult mediums

and experience firsthand a spiritual interaction – the first example of an investigative

approach to the supernatural.

Spiritism: The Secular and the Spiritual

In 1857, a French educator under the pseudonym Allan Kardec published The

Book of Spirits, a compilation of his spiritual views on mediums, the afterlife, and the

role of spiritual beings (Hess 1987). Kardec termed his teachings Spiritism, to

distinguish it from the Spiritualist movement occurring in the United States and the UK.

While Kardec presented Spiritism as a philosophical movement, it quickly caught on a

major religious and social movement through France and spread to Latin American

countries, most notably Brazil (Enedina Lima Bezerra 2005; Hess 1991; Rios 2009).

Spiritism includes features of Spiritualism such as the role of mediums as a

communicator between the world of the living and the dead as well as Christian values

and morality, but also “borrowed from Eastern philosophy the principles of reincarnation

and the law of karma, two ideas that further distinguished his doctrine from the beliefs of

4 The 2014 study surveyed more than 35,000 Americans from all 50 states. Spiritualism is categorized under “Other Christian” and “Metaphysical Family.” The study can be viewed a http://www.pewforum.org/religious-landscape-study.

30

most Anglophone Spiritualists” (Hess 1993:18). Similar to how Spiritualism grew from

the public’s desire to join the spiritual with the scientific, Spiritism was a “product of

nineteenth-century rationalism, and [Kardec] shared with other intellectuals of the time

the concern that the recent advances in scientific knowledge were eroding religious faith

and morality” (Hess 1987:16). Kardec’s Spiritist doctrine was viewed as “a kind of

empirical science of the spirit world, but a science that bridged the gap between is and

ought by transforming what he believed to be the fact of spirit communication into the

moral principles of Spiritist doctrine” (Hess 1987:16). The Spiritist movement soon split

into two schools of thought: one school was more concerned with experimental science

along with classifying and validating the phenomena of spirit mediumship, and the other

school was led by Jean-Baptiste Roustaing, emphasizing religious values and the

divinity of Christ. These divisions followed Spiritism as it was introduced to Brazil and

became hugely popular, though the fundamental differences between the two led to

conflict within the Spiritist organizations throughout the nineteenth and twentieth century

(Hess 1987).

Besides the scientific and spiritual components, Spiritism also incorporated a

view on mental illness as being spiritually caused and developed methods of

“disobsession” for the treatment of a variety of maladies. The twentieth century saw the

creation of official Spiritist institutes and organizations, along with medical and

therapeutic centers; however, none of these were exempt from the political, religious,

and social conflicts occurring in Brazil. In the 1960s, Jesuit Padre Oscar Gonzales

Quevado “reinterpreted the parapsychology of the United States and Europe in light of

Catholic Church doctrine” and this new Brazilian field of parapsychology was used “in

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classes and books to challenge the scientific bases of the claims of Spiritism, Umbanda,

and the Afro-Brazilian religions” (Hess 1987:26). The Catholic Church highly

disapproved of, and frequently attacked, the folk spirit mediumship practices in Brazil,

and used Quevado’s parapsychology as a means to do so. However, Spiritists also

reinterpreted parapsychology according to Spiritist doctrine, terming it

‘psychobiophysics’ to differentiate it from the American and UK counterpart. The Spiritist

parapsychology “legitimizes Spiritist claims that their therapeutic practices are not

curandeirismo but a form of ‘alternative medicine’” (Hess 1987:27). The rivalry between

the scientific intellectuals and the religious evangelicals continues into the twenty-first

century, resulting and reflecting current class and status conflicts (Hess 1987).

Psychical Research: The Initial Investigations into Paranormal Studies

Along with the increased interest in spirit communications popularized by the

Spiritualist movement were the first skeptical investigations into the supernatural (Blum

2006). To address these supernatural claims, societies dedicated to the study of

psychical research were founded in Britain and the United States. Other individuals

began collecting reports of paranormal events, such as Charles Fort (Kripal 2010).

These skeptical individuals and organizations reflected the initial application of

positivism and scientific method to the investigation of paranormal claims. They

attempted to reveal fraudulent claims and document legitimate psychic abilities.

Although the Enlightenment represented a paradigm shift that emphasized

scientific and rationalism, it was not until the late 1800s that scientific methods were

applied to the study of the paranormal. The Society for Psychical Research in London

was founded in 1882 by a group of intellectual elites, including Frederic Myers and

Henry Sidgwick (Kripal 2010). In 1885, the American branch of the Society for Psychical

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Research was founded, similarly led by renowned intellectuals such as philosopher and

psychologist William James of Harvard University5. The Societies for Psychical

Research in London and in the US were the first institutions of their kind as credible

institutions led by respected academics. Several members of the British Society for

Psychical Research had formal connections to Cambridge University. Blum (2006)

emphasizes how the contemporary cultural context led to the creation of these

organizations. The Western world was in the middle of a rivalry between scientific

Darwinian evolutionists and dogmatic religious institutions. In response to this divide,

the “psychical research movement rose in response to such rigidity, built by those who

believed that objective and intelligent investigation could provide answers to the

troubling metaphysical questions of the time—and that those answers mattered” (Blum

2006:41). The societies termed their work ‘psychical research’, to address the pressing

metaphysical questions that conventional science not only avidly avoided, but

intentionally blocked. Several members, most notably Henry Sidgwick, were concerned

with the state of religion, identity, and moral standards in society. Sidgwick was aware

of the common fraud and trickery used in séances, but still occasionally sensed

something unexplainable was occurring, describing it as “his sense of grasping at

handfuls of smoke while somewhere within the billows burned a genuine flame” (Blum

2006:42). With these social and spiritual concerns, the psychical researchers gathered

formally across the Western world to form lasting institutions.

5 James conducted extensive research on psychics, attended séances, and supported trance medium Leonora Piper (Blum 2006).

33

The first official meeting of the London Society for Psychical Research was

attended by numerous members and scholars, including Alfred Russel Wallace, who

after attending several séances developed the idea that the “phenomena of Spiritualism

[was] evidence for a separate, nonphysical line or moral or spiritual evolution” (Lomax et

al 2011:15). The Society focused its investigations on the Spiritualist Movement,

attending and examining séances. The members of the Society functioned as “a court of

professional skeptics for famous public cases” (Kripal 2010:55), critically analyzing

mediums demonstrated abilities. Although they denounced several mediums as frauds,

they also seriously pursued the study of these anomalous psychic events, even using

cameras to record séances with the hope of capturing photographic evidence (del Pilar

Blanco and Peeren 2010). With an Enlightenment hostility to traditional religion but a

Romantic openness to religious experiences, Frederic Myers believed that the scientific

approach could “throw new light on old religious questions” (Kripal 2010:40) based on

evolutionary and mystical theory. This new supernaturalism, or psychofolklore, reread

the religious past through the lens of psychical research, which regarded paranormal

events as objectively real and “entirely consistent with natural, though as yet

unexplained, laws or patterns” (Kripal 2010:42). Coining the term ‘telepathy,’ Myers

believed telepathic experiences were mental communications with profound emotional

purposes. These telepathic abilities were perceived as possible due to Myer’s “idea that

the human imagination under certain very specific conditions can take on extraordinary

or supernormal capacities that represent hints of a more highly evolved human nature”

(Kripal 2010:83). These investigations into the paranormal largely dealt with the

34

experiences of the individual, but also considered the potential of human mental abilities

as a natural step of evolution.

Several early paranormal researchers explored the concepts of reality, uncanny

experiences, and the natural sciences. Charles Fort (1874-1932) collected and

organized thousands of reports of anomalous experiences which tended to be rejected

or ignored by Western religion and science. Recognizing the old Dominant of Religion

and the present Dominant of Science, Fort proposed a New Dominant of

Intermediatism, an inclusionary method based on the epistemology of expression and

acceptance, which recognized that beliefs and perceptions of reality are temporally,

socially, and culturally constructed. Kripal describes Fort’s writings as “science

mysticism” which describes reality “through a creative fusion of traditional mystical and

modern scientific languages” (Kripal 2010:123). Fort discusses the ‘super-constructions’

(later termed UFOs) passing through earth’s atmosphere, observing and communicating

with humans (in the past and present). He connects these communications with the

“subsequent demonic theory of religion” (Kripal 2010:131), believing that the anomalous

encounters and experiences with these ‘superconstructions’ influenced or even beget

the very framework or essential components of world religions. Fort views evolution as

orthogenetic and predetermined towards a future goal of “the soul-actualizing individual”

(Kripal 2010:119). Fort describes the ‘wild talents’ of individuals, claiming that human

superpowers are made possible through physical and psychocultural evolution. Fort’s

work inspired a following; several of Fort’s friends founded the Fortean Society in 1931.

By the 1960s, the Fortean Society was declining but the International Fortean

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Organization (INFO)6 was established, publishing a journal and organizing the annual

FortFest. In 1973, magazine Fortean Times7 started publishing news stories about all

things strange and supernatural. The curious nature of Charles Fort lives on through

these organizations and publications.

The Society for Psychical Research based its scientific approach on the positivist

movement that began in the 1800s. However, positivism is a much stricter scientific

approach in which “the dogmatic rejection of any truth claim that cannot be tested

scientifically; scientific method is the only way to knowledge of reality” (Evans 1993:8).

The scientific method requires control groups, a repeatable experiment, quantifiable

data, and plausibility in accordance with existing knowledge and theories. While a

positivist approach has been used through modern day as a scientific way of attempting

to document and prove paranormal phenomena, this dogmatic stance has many

problems when faced with such phenomena. Some paranormal claims can be tested

and proven through such scientific investigation, but Evans (1993) believes that it is

strictly limited and problematic due to paranormal phenomena being so experiential.

Other historical figures and authors in the twentieth century approach the paranormal

with a degree of scientific theory and critical thinking, but also reach into the humanities

and religious studies to create a multidisciplinary approach. These authors published

their ideas about how the paranormal is related to human evolution, the origins and

experiences in religious history, and human consciousness.

6 http://enacademic.com/dic.nsf/enwiki/6767490

7 https://subscribe.forteantimes.com

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Parapsychology: Advancements in the Scholarly Pursuit of Paranormal Phenomena

The field of parapsychology emerged around the turn of the century, growing

from psychical research and spurred by two social developments: “the growing popular

interest in spiritualism and the possibility of some form of continued existence after

death” (Wooffitt 1992:20). Spiritualism as a social movement popularized and gave

secular credence to the idea that people could survive death, in some form or another.

Within this new field of parapsychology, the study of ““spontaneous psychic

experiences” provided insight into the human condition and the workings of the universe

(Wooffitt 1992:20). Academic parapsychologists studied phenomena such as

psychokinesis and extrasensory perception (including telepathy, clairvoyance, and

precognition), and they defined their field “as the systematic study of patterns of

organism-environment interaction that appear to be anomalous with respect to known

physical laws” (Hess 1993:7). In other words, these were studies of environmental

anomalies that defied science.

As more reports surfaced of fraudulent mediums, psychical researchers turned to

more experimental ways of investigating the paranormal. When JB and Louisa Rhine

established a laboratory at Duke University in the 1930s, they officially coined the term

‘parapsychology’ to distinguish their experimental, lab-based methodology from the

antiquated method of story collection of psychical research and from mainstream

parapsychology (Horn 2009). In 1935, JB Rhine was made the director of the

Parapsychology Laboratory, where he and his wife conducted research with a team of

students on the workings of claimed extra-sensory perception abilities. As the field of

parapsychology grew over the following decades, other researchers opted for slightly

37

different terminology to describe their research: ‘psi’ or ‘anomalies’ research. This

reflects how different scholars varied in their focus and epistemology. Rhine’s research,

though, categorically paved the road for future parapsychological work through the

creation of replicable experiments, standardized terminology, employing ordinary

individuals as his subjects, and analyzing his results with sophisticated statistical

techniques. Because of Rhine’s efforts, the investigation of paranormal phenomena

“became synonymous with laboratory- based experimental studies” (Wooffitt 1992:23).

In the 1960s, Rhine left Duke University and created the Foundation for Research on

the Nature of Man, renamed the Rhine Research Center in 1995. The Parapsychology

Association was established in 1957 following an initiative by Rhine and became

affiliated with the American Association for the Advancement of Science in 1969 (Horn

2009).

Despite parapsychology’s increased popularity, the field encountered issues over

the decades of the 1960s to the 1980s. As Ward (1977) noted, despite being associated

with major universities and research institutions, “parapsychologists have never had an

easy time in getting other scholars to take their work seriously and the opposition to

such research has at times reached a high emotional pitch” (Ward 1977:215). During

this time of increased criticism towards the field, universities began to distance

themselves from parapsychology organizations in both Europe and the United States.

Wooffitt (1992) comments that the future of parapsychology may be bleak indeed,

though parapsychological studies continue to be conducted around the world. The field

itself still maintains a steady stream of research today with publications of the biannual

Journal of Parapsychology but does not hold strong links with academic institutions.

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Parapsychology, the New Age Movement, and Skeptics

During the late 1960s, public interest in the paranormal was renewed by the rise

of the ‘hippy’ culture, alternative lifestyles, and Eastern mysticism. Psychic celebrities

became popular in the media, such as Uri Geller. Described as a “spiritual self-help

movement or even a kind of religioscientific consumerism” (Hess 1993:14), the New

Age movement reflects a significant shift in the Western mindset in how people viewed

the established institutions of science and religion as the traditional authorities of

knowledge. The New Age movement does not consist of a single cohesive belief

system; rather, it is a constellation of beliefs and practices that combine spirituality, the

occult, science, and the supernatural. It includes beliefs in past lives, crystal healing,

Earth goddesses, lost civilizations, shamanic voyages, ghosts, channelers, natural

medicine, and pagan rituals, among other countercultural or alternative lifestyles and

behaviors. Hess (1993) states that the New Age movement is mostly characterized by

the inclusion of Native American religions, goddess religions, primitive matriarchies, and

therapies that integrate body and mind. The New Age movement embodies the popular

desire for alternatives to mainstream knowledge and faith, with “a knack for bringing

together the technical and the spiritual, the scientific and the religious” (Hess 1993:4).

Parapsychologists tend to be skeptical of New Age claims, eccentric psychics

and assertive paranormal advocates; however, a more dogmatic form of skepticism

constitutes the discourse and investigations of the Committee for the Scientific

Investigation of Claims of the Paranormal (CSICOP)8 and its quarterly popular

magazine Skeptical Inquirer. Hess states that these “antiantiscientists tend to lump

1 https://www.csicop.org/

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parapsychology together with the New Age movement into a category of popular

superstition, occultism, and ‘pseudoscience’ for which their social mission is one of

debunking and demystification” (Hess 1993:11). CSICOP consists of a coalition of

scholars, scientists, writers, journalists, magicians, and bloggers who “provide a strong

critical voice that often speaks in the idiom of journalistic muckraking” (Hess 1993:11).

Skeptics also have a long tradition in Western society, voicing their doubts in the

nineteenth century in response to the Spiritualist movement. Debunkers of paranormal

claims include Harry Houdini, driven to prove mediumship as fraudulent and the product

of deceit and illusion. For these proclaimed skeptics, “the flight from reason is an

ostrich-like reaction in the face of an ever-advancing case for scientific knowledge and

an ever-receding basis for religious faith” (Hess 1993:13). In this new technological age,

the paranormal is more readily accepted by the public than magic or religion because of

its more scientific presentation. But despite its apparent legitimacy, skeptics claim that

paranormal beliefs are a new form of potentially dangerous irrationalism (Hess 1993:

13). Ironically, Hess also argues that the New Agers and paranormal believers are

skeptical in their own way; “skeptical not only of the demands of religious faith but also

of the promises made to them by the corporate world, official science, and the medical

establishment” (Hess 1993:14). People who may seems susceptible to paranormal

beliefs may in fact be wary of the religious, scientific, technical or economic orthodoxy.

When these conventional institutions fail to provide answers (spiritual or otherwise),

people become suspicious of these social authorities and seek other explanations for

their experiences. Thus, New Age and paranormal beliefs may not be irrational per se,

but “an attempt to build an alternative rationality in a world perceived to consist of

40

irrational and unjust orthodoxies” (Hess 1993:14). Through the lens of a cultural

approach, the New Age discourse could be viewed as “a contemporary development

of—and remaking of—longstanding American values of self-reliance, individualism,

egalitarianism, pragmatism, and even show-me skepticism” (Hess 1993:14). In a

comparable manner, parapsychologists and a new trend of paranormal researchers

negotiate between the established authorities of science and religion to explore

traditionally taboo subjects of the paranormal.

The Rise of the Ghost Hunter: Popular Culture and Paranormal Investigators

The application of scientific methods to the study of the paranormal continued in

other programs and organizations around the world, with varying degrees of success

and social acceptance. Outside of formal institutions, however, a trend among

paranormal hobbyists developed into a global phenomenon: ghost hunting. The popular

icon of the ghost hunter emerged in nearly all forms of popular culture and media,

ultimately and irrevocably transforming the way the paranormal is perceived and treated

in Western society.

The first amateur ghost hunter is claimed to be Hans Holzer, who began his

investigations in the 1960s (Belanger 2005). Holzer became a well-known figure, and

over his career wrote and produced books, plays, musicals, films, and documentaries.

He taught parapsychology at the New York Institute of Technology, conducted

paranormal investigations with high profile mediums, and was involved with several

well-known hauntings such as the Amityville Horror in 1977. Holzer is sometimes

credited with coining the term ‘Ghost Hunter’ which was the title of his first paranormal

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book published in 19639. By the 1990’s, Holzer was a well-known popular figure. The

concept of the lone paranormal investigator became more popular, and other interested

individuals started to search out haunted locations to conduct investigations on their

own (Belanger 2005). Often, these hobbyist ghost hunters were equipped with a handful

of scientific equipment, such as Geiger counters. The focus on scientific equipment was

an extension of the more objective methods demonstrated by the parapsychology

laboratories and helped distinguish these ghost hunters from the less credible psychics.

These individual researchers eventually started forming amateur teams, and by the late

1990s hundreds of groups were established in the United States.

Paranormal investigation began several decades ago as a scientific approach to

documenting paranormal phenomena, and it exploded in popularity in the last few

decades due to its broadcast via media sources (A. Hill 2011). A myriad of television

reality shows sprang up, featuring the adventures of such research groups. The

portrayal and representation of the paranormal and the investigators, has critically

shaped how many amateur research groups perceive the paranormal and conduct their

own research. In 2002, the first reality TV show based on paranormal investigations

aired in England, called Most Haunted. A few years later, the first paranormal reality TV

show Ghost Hunters aired in the United States in 2004. Ghost Hunters depicts average,

American, blue collar workers who were employed as plumbers by day and investigated

haunted houses at night. While the shows include dramatization, the appeal of the

shows were their documentary style and portrayal of how ordinary people could

investigate ghosts and the afterlife. The immediate success of this show led to a burst of

9 However, a 1936 book published by Harry Price was titled Confessions of a Ghost Hunter.

42

additional paranormal reality TV shows and saturated all avenues of the media and

popular culture (Burger 2010; A. Hill 2011; Williams 2010).

Ghost Hunters reflected the common characteristics of these groups: matching

black clothing, the use of scientific tools and equipment to document and measure

phenomena, and the investigations of both private residential houses and public

buildings. A major allure of these groups was their apparent objective, scientific

approach using technology. Their method of conducting research and debunking

paranormal claims was novel, distancing themselves from the dramatized and

nonsensical portrayals of paranormal investigators in fictional television shows and film.

The emphasis on science and the scientific method increased viewership, despite some

problematic applications and definitions of science used by the groups (S. Hill 2011,

2012). Since the airing of Ghost Hunters, dozens of paranormal reality shows have

aired on TV to varying degrees of success; this is a trend that has not yet diminished. In

addition, the last decade has seen a tremendous spike in the amount of amateur ghost

hunting groups, whose formation is influenced by the sudden popularity and awareness

of the paranormal in Western society. It could be argued that the show Ghost Hunters

and similar TV shows single handedly led to the popularization, increased acceptance,

and formation of thousands of amateur ghost hunting groups in the United States.

Conclusion

The modern understanding of the paranormal emerged with the Spiritualist

movement in the 1850s, and was analyzed in turn by psychical research societies,

parapsychologists, and ghost hunters. Perhaps the most significant characteristic of the

paranormal which attributes to its popularity is its accessibility. The Fox sisters

demonstrated that ordinary people could seek interactions with spirits. This appealed to

43

thousands of people grieving over deceased loved ones and lacking consolation from

the church or science. The Spiritualist movement also was the first time the

supernatural was being tested by objective means; psychical society members aimed to

either reveal fraudulent mediums or document their extraordinary abilities. As

technology progressed over the twentieth century, so did the methods in which the

paranormal was investigated. While the psychical societies and parapsychology

laboratories were restricted to members or staff, ghost hunting brought back the main

appeal that drew so many followers to Spiritualism: the chance to have an

extraordinary, personal, paranormal experience. Ghost hunters pursue the paranormal

not only to experience it, but to try to explain it. The media helped popularize this trend,

disseminating paranormal concepts and the investigative methods used by famous

teams like the Atlantic Paranormal Society (TAPS)10. While the role of the media in its

portrayal and reproduction of paranormal concepts is a rich area of study, several

scholars have explored the modern beliefs and practices associated with the

paranormal from an ethnographic stance. Ghost hunters and paranormal investigators

dominate the television screen; but the question remains on where they are situated in

our understandings of modern spirituality and the construction of meaning. The next

chapter examines several academic studies of the modern concept of the paranormal,

including ghost tourism and paranormal research groups. These publications

demonstrate the theoretical orientations appropriate for this subject of study.

10 TAPS is the name of the paranormal team featured on the reality television show Ghost Hunters. More information is available from their website, http://the-atlantic-paranormal-society.com/

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CHAPTER 3 CRITICAL INTERPRETATIONS OF THE PARANORMAL

Overview

In addition to its historical context, the current popularity of ghost hunting groups

in the United States must also be viewed within a sociocultural context. Paranormal

concepts encompass and influence various aspects of Western society, such as popular

culture, media, tourism, religion, and academia. As discussed in Chapter 2, paranormal

research is not a new or recent activity; it developed over the course of a century by

hundreds of researchers from various fields of study. However, current scholarly studies

lack this context and fail to see these paranormal groups as situated within this long

history of amateur and academic research of phenomena persistently considered

socially taboo1. Only a handful of anthropologists and scholars of other fields critically

examine paranormal teams through this lens, enriching our understanding of how the

paranormal constitutes a crucial role in how people negotiate their place in a society

dominated by scientific authority and media sensationalism.

A recent direction in anthropology confronts the way that social beings interact

with and experience the non-empirical. Anthropologists who contribute to the fields of

extraordinary anthropology, anthropology of the uncanny, anthropology of experience

and paranthropology have demonstrated that these unexplainable experiences have

intrinsic value to the study of cultures (Abrahams 1986; Adams 2014; Bruner and Turner

1 The paranormal has long been a taboo topic in Western society because it doesn’t fit neatly into the realms of religion or science. Merriam-Webster defines taboo as “banned on grounds of morality or taste,” “banned as constituting a risk,” and “something that is not acceptable to say, mention, or do.” While some paranormal concepts are religious in nature, it’s not considered socially acceptable to have interactions with spiritual beings; and paranormal concepts are not proven by science to exist. Like the following chapters demonstrate, an admission of paranormal beliefs is often met with skepticism, dismissal, or derision.

45

1986; Collins and Pinch 1982; Howes 1991; Hunter 2009; Kapferer 1986). These types

of studies tend to employ a phenomenological approach, focusing on the meaning of

such experiences. In addition, a few authors comment on the importance of the self-

reflection and recognition during these experiences. Recalling their own unexplainable

experiences, many of these authors acknowledge the affect these experiences can

have on an individual, demonstrating that the way people interpret, confront, and

interact with non-empirical experience has much deeper social implications than

previously thought by traditional scholars (Goulet and Miller 2007).

Before turning to anthropological studies of ghost hunting groups, this chapter

explores the academic side of the paranormal by focusing on theoretical orientations

that inform the study of extraordinary experiences. In the first part of this chapter, I’ll

examine studies that critically frame paranormal studies as ‘bad’ or misrepresented

science and focus on public perceptions. Secondly, I’ll discuss the different ways in

which academics have studied the paranormal within well-known theoretical frames,

demonstrating that the paranormal is indeed an appropriate and revealing topic of

study. Here I discuss the approaches of phenomenology, symbology and other

theoretical views that inform my work. Then, I explore the literature that addresses

methodological approaches, demonstrating that all these different disciplines combine

empirical and humanistic approaches and begin with a common understanding; they’re

interested in meaning and experience rather than whether something is “real” or not. To

conclude, I present the approaches of this dissertation, and how these various studies

inform my work.

46

Public Perceptions, Science, and Paranormal Tourism in the Twenty-first Century

Ghost hunting entered the public imagination with the popularization of the

paranormal on television and in the media. Paranormal concepts have long been part of

local legends, literature, and the media but a dynamic shift occurred when Ghost

Hunters aired in 2004. This reality TV show inspired thousands of other paranormal

investigative groups, but also inspired millions of others to have an interest in traveling

to visit haunted sites. The reality television shows portrayed a version of science applied

as a ghost hunting method and featured both famous and infamous locations around

the world. Since 2004, several authors have published works criticizing the methods of

ghost hunters and how science is portrayed to the public. Other authors focus on the

economy of paranormal tourism, focusing on how the public perceives the paranormal

television shows, experience the haunted locations, and construct personal meaning

from their touristic ventures.

While it appears that ghost hunters are embracing scientific ideas and methods,

several scholars argue that these groups practice and promote bad science, or

pseudoscience. For this first part, I’ll focus my discussion on Sharon Hill (2011, 2012)

since her research speaks most directly to the issues this dissertation is concerned with.

Sharon Hill is a sociologist who terms these groups ‘amateur research and investigation

groups’ (ARIGs). S. Hill focuses on the amateur groups that investigate paranormal

phenomena. She contrasts their ideas about being scientific to the concepts, methods,

and terminology of the scientific community. Through a survey of 1,000 websites, S. Hill

reveals that the paranormal research groups use technical jargon and equipment as

symbols of science; however, these groups may be promoting paranormal beliefs while

not adhering to actual scientific principles or methods. S. Hill argues that the general

47

public has little understanding of science, so the portrayals of their methods would seem

scientific but are in fact a “sham inquiry—a process that gives the impression of

scientific inquiry but lacks substance and rigor” (S. Hill 2012:8). In terms of science

education, this is arguably a concern, since reality television shows are popularized and

their representation of science is viewed by millions. The groups’ focus on technology

and gadgets could indicate a growing public interest and understanding of scientific

concepts and tools, but S. Hill argues that the groups do not practice rigorous scientific

methods, do not understand basic scientific concepts, misuse jargon and have a very

basic or incorrect interpretation of scientific methods and concepts. Sharon Hill argues

that this misuse is detrimental to the public, who watch the television shows and are

engaged with the idea of paranormal investigating but are learning this pseudoscience

and bad methods from the ‘paracelebrities’. This promotion and dispersal of bad

science, therefore, leads to a public misunderstanding of science. From a scientist’s

standpoint, S. Hill’s arguments are accurate. However, this dissertation argues that the

significant social role of these paranormal groups could ultimately be beneficial. People

who claim to have anomalous experiences are aware of the increased acceptance of

sharing their stories due to the paranormal media, and “the amateur research groups

provide considerable social function in this regard including support and legitimacy” (S.

Hill 2011:17).

On the other hand, it could be argued that amateur paranormal research groups

base their idea of science, what science is and how it is done, on what they have been

exposed to not only through popular sources and the media, but also through the

American education system. As a 2013 article states; “the public school system of the

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United States, the richest country in the world, still struggles to educate our citizens

about science and to make that education relevant and present in their daily lives.”2

Also, the popular image of science as it is portrayed in the media is often simplified,

exaggerated, and is not the same as the epistemologies, theories, and methods

employed in the fields of the social sciences, natural sciences (biology ecology), and

physical sciences (physics, geology). Similarly, the portrayal of the paranormal teams in

the media is likewise simplified, excluding the humanist and social interactions that

these groups partake in.

The popular portrayals of science are stereotypes which emphasize materialism

and positivism. This view is termed scientism, where anything non-scientific is degraded

as invalid3. When the media describes the conclusions of scientific studies, they are

often shown as hard evidence and definitive results when in reality these findings can

be complex and unclear. The media places science on a pedestal, emphasizing its

unquestionable authority. This portrays scientists as authoritative and trustworthy. What

this has impressed on the amateur researchers is that for their research to be accepted

as valid, they feel they must legitimize it by framing their hypotheses and approaches in

scientific jargon. Since they have only been exposed to positivist forms of science, they

treat their paranormal research the same way: focusing on gathering documentary

evidence and authenticating their experiences through technology. Because they use

scientific-like language, use technological devices, and relate paranormal phenomena

to hard sciences like physics and quantum mechanics, they claim that they are ‘doing

2 http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/education/2013/11/science_education_in_america_ why_k_12_students_fall_behind_in_science.html

3 For a discussion on scientism and its role in paranormal studies, see Hanks (2011).

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science’ as well. This claim has been the focus of criticism from many scholars (S. Hill

2011), who recognize that these amateur research groups either do not understand

science or are falsely claiming to be doing science. This claim of science is not meant to

be deceptive, however, and may be an honest mistake on the groups’ part. Websites

created by the paranormal investigative teams may not realistically capture what the

members of these groups actually believe or how they behave. The technological

language used on these websites more likely represents how Americans in general view

scientific jargon as legitimizing. However, in recent decades, there has been a move

towards a more humanistic science and post-positivism that has not been as widely

portrayed in media. There are newer approaches that are better suited for the field of

paranormal studies, but they have not been popularized by movies or television shows

and therefore have been either overlooked or out of reach for most amateur

researchers. Scholars such as Kripal (2010) support such an approach to the

paranormal, which examines both scientific data and human experiences together to

further study the human psyche and sacred meanings. Perhaps further anthropological

research on paranormal experiences can ease some of the stigma associated with

them, in turn allowing for a fuller understanding of how these uncanny experiences

form, are interpreted, and provide meaning to their experiencers.

Along with the rise of ghost hunting groups, a shift in tourism also occurred

around the time of Ghost Hunters in 2004. Ghost tours in historical locations may have

a marginal status compared to other tourist activities, but they still garner a large

interest and popular appeal (Thompson 2010). In the paranormal reality shows, the

paranormal teams travel the country visiting the most haunted locations. Many of these

50

locations are public buildings, restaurants, hotels, and historical locations. Some

locations were already tourist destinations and being featured on the TV show resulted

in an influx of tourists and paranormal enthusiasts at these sites. While some historical

locations already had reputations as being haunted and their spooky demeanor drew

visitors, the rise of ghost hunting groups and the popularity of the TV shows inevitably

changed the way and reason why certain tourists visited these locations. The identity of

some buildings, or even whole cities, as being ‘historical’ was now shifting into being

‘haunted.’ For example, the city of St. Augustine in Florida which has long been known

as the oldest European settlement in the United States is now home to dozens of

paranormal tour groups (Hillyer 2005). Sites in St. Augustine such as the Lighthouse,

which was once featured on Ghost Hunters, run regular tours during the day and

charges paranormal teams a fee for the privilege to investigate it at night. This is only

one of many examples of how the popularity of the paranormal in the media has

impacted local economies, commercializing and capitalizing on historical events and

places (Gentry 2007; Hillyer 2005).

A prominent example of the effects of ghost tourism in local economies is

presented in Inglis and Holmes’ (2003) discussion of Scottish ghost tours. Over the past

decade, the historical city centers in Scotland increased the amount of ghost tours

which provided employment, income, and economic stimulation. These paranormal-

themed tours are “designed to sell Scotland to a global audience” (Inglis and Holmes

2003:51) and are advertised globally to draw in an international audience. The transition

of tours, from primarily historical to ghostly, also changed the way that Scottish heritage

was presented, incorporating paranormal and ghostly tales along with historical ones.

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Inglis and Holmes (2003) provide a brief history of Scotland’s political and economic

past, to demonstrate how the country’s image has changed over time; The

Enlightenment led to the disenchantment of society, but then Romantic portrayals of the

Scottish landscape drew in tourists searching for the mystical and enchanting qualities

advertised. The turn in Scottish tourism towards the ghostly “assists the industry

through mysticizing Scottish heritage as more glorious than the mundane everydayness

of the present in which the tourist normally lives” (Inglis and Holmes 2003:56). The

supernatural quality of the tours increases the allure of the escapist vacation. In addition

to the historical and enchanting locations of the tours, tour guides are also encouraged

to perform their roles as mystical, entertaining, and informative. These performances

add to the ‘authentic’ quality of the tourists’ experiences, who are eager to engage with

voices from the past (both performed by the guide and offered by the ghostly

presences). The ghost tours have been successful in Scotland, increasing economic

revenue from “the specter’s enchanting of monies from the tourist purse” (Inglis and

Holmes 2003:61). Similar processes of enchanting historical locations through ghost

tourism occur throughout the UK and the United States.

As Hanks (2015) observed in her study on ghost tourism in the UK, the

presentation of ghost stories in these historical and haunted cities reflects the

complicated way that the paranormal is incorporated into traditional notions of heritage.

In the town of York, England, she found that there are multiple variations and

interpretations of ghostly legends. These stories, particularly about the ancient Roman

occupation of the area, were perpetuated by ghost tour guides for multiple reasons: as

proof that ghosts were real, “as a way of making the Roman past engaging and fun to

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the public…[and] as a means of critiquing the authority of archaeological researchers

and heritage officials” (Hanks 2015:12). Several topics are being negotiated through

these presentations: the empirical reality of ghosts, the engagement of the public with

local history, and the contesting of official knowledge and authority. During ghost walks

of the city center, tourists are presented with a narrative that combines local history and

legendary ghost stories. These ghosts are constructed as being “profoundly public in

the sense that tours present the ghosts’ lives and stories as a matter of local, regional,

or national history” (Hanks 2015:13). As opposed to the non-empirical entities indicated

by the terms spirit or soul, these ghosts are presented by tour guides to the tourists as

“a being who lived and died in the past but emerges in the present with the physical

capacity to speak, touch, influence, or appear to spectators” (Hanks 2015:14). The

tourists are instructed to remain observant and attentive to experience the ghosts on

their nocturnal walks, as these ghosts become a way of interacting directly with an

embodiment of historical figures and knowledge.

Hanks (2015) outlines the three concepts which characterize and structure ghost

tourism: experience, knowledge, and heritage. Many of these tourists are seeking

experiential encounters with the supernatural, as a thrilling way of validating the

existence of these ephemeral phenomena. These experiences beget meaningful

knowledge of the unknown and the afterlife, which in turn can lead to a “reconfiguration

of historical expertise [which] challenges or reaffirms dominant notions of the English

national past” (Hanks 2015:15). Through these touristic practices, ghosts are used and

represented as disembodied heritage. The ghost tours provide an engagement with the

past but also a rhetorical way of questioning popular representations of the England’s

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history. Hanks (2015) notes that the paranormal concepts portrayed in the media can be

viewed as legends, and therefore the practice of ghost tourism is a form of legend-

tripping. According to Hanks (2015), “folklorists use the term legend-trip to refer to the

practice of visiting the site of a local legend to engender a supernatural or extraordinary

experience” (Hanks 2015:45). Most ghost tourism companies do present their tours as

legend-tripping and “position tourists as seeking verification of a legend rather than

acquisition of personally meaningful knowledge” (Hanks 2015:46). The presentation of

well-known ghost stories and legends through these ghost tours differs from the way

that that the paranormal is construed during most paranormal investigations, particularly

of residential or more private locations. Hanks (2015) notes these differences,

assessing the variation in the sense of how private or public the paranormal experience

can be depending on the geographical context. For both ghost tours and teams of

paranormal investigators, though, well-known ghost stories provide an appeal for travel

and the chance to explore historical and uncanny experiences.

Tourism in Transylvania is shown to be more of a cultural activity than simply

entertainment or an economical niche; the role of performance and embodiment are

demonstrated through the legend-tripping, where tourists engage with the myth of

Dracula and vampires “through fantasy, imagination-work and embodied play” (Light

2009:240). Reminiscent of Goffman (1959), Light shows how spaces and places are

performed, made, and remade through touristic practices, blurring the boundary

between the tourists and their destinations. These tourists were characterized by their

interests in the supernatural, imaginative geographies, and their common desire for

purchasing souvenirs as mementos as and as a means of sharing their experiences

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with others. Light’s ethnographic fieldwork with the tourist group brought him to Castle

Dracula, which he stated, “can be conceptualized as a stage, the organization and

aesthetic qualities of which both invited and facilitated particular types of performance”

(Light 2009:248). The tourists at Castle Dracula experienced their stay with “a sense of

apprehension, suspense and uncertainty. Several people spoke with relish of the

prospect of being frightened in some way” (Light 2009:249). These reactions of ‘being

spooked’ show a desire for psychological thrills, examples of embodied experiences in

these legendary places. These types of touristic travels differ from typical vacations in

that the tourists visit, stay, and interact in not just historical, but also legendary and

near-mythological locations that can be considered liminal spaces, in which the tourists

engage in escapism, fantasy and play. A costumed Halloween party at the Castle also

demonstrated Turner’s concept of communitas (Turner 1969), which Light explains as

the tourists sharing a sense of discovery, solidarity, excitement and uncertainty.

By assessing Light’s study on Transylvania’s ‘place-myth’, similar analyses of

ghost tourism, haunted locations and paranormal investigators can examine the role of

performance, embodiment, spaces and places, and imaginative geographies in how

visitors and tour guides define and interact in legendary haunted locations. An example

of how these themes are incorporated in ghost hunting is demonstrated in Sabol’s

(2012) article Soundscape and the Culture of War on an American Civil War Battlefield,

in which he details his theoretical orientation and methodology used in his paranormal

investigations in Gettysburg. Sabol’s study “was meant to analyze the perception of the

contemporary reality of acoustic phenomena in specific spaces of an American Civil

War battlefield, and their relation in the development of a perceived ‘haunted’ battlefield”

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(Sabol 2012:22). Sabol’s ‘ghost excavations’ take place in legendary, historical spaces,

known for their touristic appeal and in recent decades became a popular destination for

ghost tours (Thompson 2010). While Sabol’s methods divert from the typical ghost

hunting approach due to their experimental and performative nature, his publication

exemplifies how Light’s (2009) analysis is an appropriate framework for applying

concepts of performance, place-myth, and embodiment to a study of interactions in

haunted locations.

Theoretical Approaches: The Significance of Experience

The nature of this research topic lends itself particularly to phenomenology and

grounded theory. This section reviews several authors who employ these theoretical

approaches in their research. Bruner outlines how the anthropology of experience

“deals with how individuals actually experience their culture, that is, how events are

received by consciousness” (Bruner 1986:4). Bruner’s concept of experience includes

feelings, expectations, and the verbal and visual impressions of individuals. He notes

that experiences tend to be self-referential, that people express experiences by saying it

occurred to them and situating the self in a context of actions. The relationship between

experience and expressions is problematic, though, due to its dialogic and dialectical

nature as they structure each other. Specifically, this dependent relationship is

explained as “experience is culturally constructed while understanding presupposes

experience” (Bruner 1986:6). Therefore, scholars must distinguish between an objective

reality, perceived experiences of that reality, and the framed, structured expressions of

those experiences. According to Bruner, to study these expressions and experiences,

scholars must see that “expressions or performed texts [and] structured units of

experience, such as stories or dramas, are socially constructed units of meaning”

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(Bruner 1986:7). Through this method of study, anthropologists of experience view

“people as active agents in the historical process who construct their own world” (Bruner

1986:12). Bruner clarifies his notions of experience, arguing that experience embodies

feelings and meanings. These meanings can be teased out through the analysis of

those expressions. By framing stories as expressions that are structured units of

experience, this framework could theoretically be applied to the analysis of ghost

narratives, viewing them as expressions of an uncanny experience to understand the

meanings of those experiences.

Leistle (2014) demonstrates how a structural-phenomenological approach to the

concepts of experience and self/Other can inform a study of spirit possession. While

most paranormal groups are not involved in ceremonies of spirit possession, their

interactions with spirits and ghosts can lead to intense and intimate experiences that

border on possession. According to Leistle, spirit possession is best understood as a

“process of transformation of the experiential alien into the symbolic other” (Leistle

2014:55). Leistle explores the subtle variations of the Other, distinguishing between

types of Other versus the self. He states that possession can often be understood as a

ritual therapy applied to an illness, in which the individuals involved negotiate their

relations, boundaries, and embody those relational experiences. Leistle illustrates that

“the phenomenological theory outlined here…characteriz[es] possession as an integral

possibility of human existence, grounded in structural properties of human experience”

(Leistle 2014:83). While ghost hunting does not often include experiences of spirit

possession, their intentional interactions with spirits merit a phenomenological approach

similar to Leistle’s. This research analyzes how these experiences inform an

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understanding of how ghost hunters perceive the Other, negotiating the framework of

boundaries and relations underlying their social role in Western society.

Among the more relevant works is a thesis that examines ghost hunters in

California. Thun (2013) conducted his M.A. research on ghost hunting groups in

Northern California, graduating from the Norwegian University of Science and

Technology with his thesis, “I am not sure what is real, or what my mind wants to be

real”: A Study on Epistemology among Ghost Hunters in Northern California. Thun

spent 6 months conducting fieldwork, interacting with four paranormal investigation

teams and gathering data from 14 interviews. He explains how ghost hunting as a social

phenomenon is a “practice by which actors situate themselves at presumably haunted

locations- mostly overnight- to interact with, as well as to document the presence of

ghosts” (Thun 2013:1). Ultimately though, Thun discovers that the underlying motivation

for these ghost hunters is a quest for truth. The background chapters discuss historical

and philosophical discourses which explain the context of paranormal groups today.

Thun argues that ghost hunting is a counter movement against the disenchantment

thesis pioneered by Max Weber, who “contended that the processes of rationalization,

secularization, and bureaucratization would eventually contribute to the demise of

supernatural beliefs and practices in modern western society” (Thun 2013:7). In

addition, Descartes proposed a clear division between the subjective imagination and

an objective reality; that there is a difference between reality as experienced, and the

universal objective reality that we all occupy. Weber’s and Descartes’ views greatly

impacted science and western modes of thinking. Descartes and Francis Bacon

emphasized the importance of measurement to study nature and our surroundings more

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directly. This reflects the growing authority of technology and objectivity, and the

diminishing stance of the subjective human experience. Bacon expressed concern that

the physical world could not be thoroughly and objectively understood lest superstitions

and supernatural beliefs were discarded. Subjective imagination and sensual

experiences lost their epistemic credibility, giving way to rationalist thinking and the idea

of an objective truth—not just in western science, but in the general Western mindset

and epistemology. Weber’s disenchantment thesis postulates that today, the Western

world would have no place for supernatural or paranormal beliefs. Consequently, during

the scientific empiricism and Enlightenment “phantoms of the (primarily peasant)

imagination were exorcised by the rationalizing mentalities of an enlightened aristocracy

and a resolutely world bourgeois” (Inglis and Holmes 2003:51). Ghosts were banished

to the peripheries of folklore and experience, as the world was restructured, and made

orderly and material.

Weber’s predictions of a disenchanted society have been met by critics, who

argue that the world is experiencing quite the opposite; a re-enchantment. This new re-

enchantment thesis proposes that mystic beliefs will adapt to the secularized world.

Religion and spirituality thrive, and national polls indicate that substantial portions of the

American population hold supernatural or superstitious beliefs. In 2005, a Gallup poll

revealed that 73% of Americans believed in at least one paranormal concept4. However,

these paranormal beliefs may not indicate a trend towards irrationality. Hess (1993)

points out the New Age and other movements may be successful because they provide

“an alternative rationality in a world perceived to consist of irrational and unjust

4 https://news.gallup.com/poll/16915/three-four-americans-believe-paranormal.aspx

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orthodoxies” (Hess 1993:14). These discourses of disenchantment and re-enchantment

provide the backbone for Thun’s exploration of ghost hunting groups.

Thun (2013) employed a symbolist approach, searching for “guiding symbols, or

‘cultural artifacts’, [which] could be ideas, physical objects, modes of thinking, of types

of experience that appeared to be meaningful to the people in question” (Thun

2013:14). Specifically, Thun looked at the significance of ghost hunting equipment,

individual experiences, and the psychical evidence (recording during ghost hunts). In

addition, his dissertation explored the informants’ epistemic perspectives, to see how

the notion of experience was interpreted as a ‘way of knowing.’ Ethically, Thun’s

methodology appears sound. He made his academic intentions clear from the

beginning, as a researcher among the paranormal investigators. Most of the informants

had positive responses and were eager to contribute. Despite being invited to most

public and formal events, Thun still acknowledges that he missed out on some more

exclusive or personal events; such as when the group pre-interviewed clients,

presented evidence to clients, did historical research at the library, or analyzed their

audio and video in their homes. He switched between being an active and passive

participant, occasionally engaging and primarily observing his ghost hunting informants.

Overall, Thun’s research uncovers the motivations for ghost hunters, their approaches

to the paranormal, and the dynamics of paranormal investigations. Ghost hunters do not

just search for the ghostly—they actively hunt for answer to the unknown, to explain

unexplainable experiences. Evidence and experiences are constantly questioned for

their authenticity, debating the boundaries of what’s ‘real’ versus ‘imagined’. Lastly, the

investigations were opportunities for imagination and playful speculation, where the

60

imaginary and reality were negotiated and contested through scientific gadgets and

personal sensory experiences.

Two additional studies focus on aspects of paranormal investigating groups.

Hanks (2011) produced a doctoral study titled Between Belief and Science: Paranormal

Investigators and the Production of Ghostly Knowledge in Contemporary England. The

study was based on eighteen months of field research with paranormal teams, focusing

on how investigators attempt to produce legitimate knowledge through a mastery of

tools including mediums, technology, and embodied experiences. She notes the

obstacles in converting these tools into evidence and the flaw of idealizing scientism,

which she defines as “the fantasy and suspicion that science can and should explain the

entirety of the world” (Hanks 2011:361). The conclusions of this research include

illustrating how investigators face epistemological struggles, trying to move ghosts from

the category of belief to empirical reality. In 2011, Hausmann produced a dissertation

titled Profound Encounters: How Groups Cultivate Extraordinary Experiences of Social

Reality to study how a religious college retreat and paranormal investigations lead to the

emergence of profound experiences. This ethnographic research utilizes grounded

theory, phenomenology, ritual theory, and American pragmatism to demonstrate that

the anticipation and expectations of experiences are managed by other participants.

These experiences lead to a more durable social organization and a sense of group

history. Both studies inform this dissertation with their descriptions and analyses of the

roles, functions, and experiences of ghost hunting groups.

Discourse and Narrative Analysis: The Significance of Stories

Despite the variety of research topics and theoretical orientations covered in this

chapter, they share a commonality: similar methodologies. These authors are interested

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in meaning and experience, not whether something is objectively ‘real’ or imagined.

They combine empirical and humanistic approaches to study the phenomena. To

investigate how these extraordinary experiences are perceived, interpreted, embodied,

and recounted to others, there are several fields of study that can be assessed. Folklore

studies, psychological anthropology, and anthropology of religion offer several studies

on experience, narrative, embodiment, the self, and the concept of enchantment. These

authors incorporate a variety of theoretical and methodological avenues, including

sociolinguistics and mythology, to analyze how uncanny experiences are structured,

constructed, contextualized and reinforced in cultural traditions. These articles inform an

interpretation on the structure, content, and narrative of ghost stories. By incorporating

the methods of these studies, scholars can tackle the question of how ghost hunters

experience and narrate paranormal phenomena, reproducing and embodying urban

legends and cultural traditions. This section also explores how narrative studies

incorporate the following themes, providing a framework for studying paranormal

narratives: experience, structural and discourse approaches to narrative, and

embodiment and enchantment. The narratives of these experiences reveal cultural

concerns with the media, the embodiment of meaning in terms of the bodily self and

physical places, and the construction of spatial and emotional relations between

humans and non-empirical entities.

Narratives of supernatural experiences are explored in sociolinguist Wooffitt’s

1992 Telling Tales of the Unexpected: The Organization of Factual Discourse. In this

study, Wooffitt “examines some systematic properties of descriptive and communicative

skills through which events and experiences are portrayed to warrant their status as

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factual descriptions. This is done through the study of verbal accounts of personal

encounters with a range of paranormal and anomalous phenomena” (Wooffitt 1992:1).

These verbal accounts, according to Wooffitt, are carefully and purposefully crafted due

to the taboo and problematic nature of the supernatural subject matter. In order for

these narratives to be taken seriously by listeners, the accounts are designed by the

narrator to deflect negative reactions “in which the co-participant(s) may be hostile to,

sceptical or suspicious of, or simply unsympathetic to, what the speaker is saying”,

especially since in Western society it is typically shown that the “mere act of claiming

such as experience can lead to assumptions of, at best, crankiness, or worse, some

form of psychological deficiency” (Wooffitt 1992:2). However, Wooffitt points to the

extensive literature on the paranormal in Western Europe and the United States and

argues that the paranormal as a topic of study has largely been neglected by the

academic community.

For data collection, Wooffitt gathered narratives from participants using recording

devices and emphasized that “empirical orientation of this research is influenced by

studies of talk-in-interaction; in particular, ordinary conversation” (Wooffitt 1992:5).

Wooffitt views the use of narrative as a “dynamic and functional vehicle for social action”

(Wooffitt 1992:5) and focusing on how descriptions are organized to address

interactional goals between conversation participants. In addition, social identities are

addressed as interactional resources that are used and manipulated by speakers. In

some of the early publications by psychical researchers in late nineteenth century,

cases of paranormal events are recorded where apparently “the mind of one human

being had influenced another without the apparent use of the ordinary five senses”

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(Wooffitt 1992:21). These reports of spontaneous events were dependent on the

testimony of the witnesses, and the authors recognized the inherent problems with

these narratives. The reports were rendered near useless, seen as inaccurate,

exaggerated, emotionally altered, or otherwise affected by the witness who narrated

their experience after the event’s occurrence (Wooffitt 1992:21). Wooffitt (1992) used

both conversational analysis and discourse analysis, as “both offer a methodology for

the analysis of spoken accounts of paranormal experiences” (Wooffitt 1992:46). The

broader implications of this work reveal more about the relationship between social

reality and discourse; discourse is functional in interactions as well as in wider social

practices and beliefs.

Discourse regarding the paranormal is especially telling of the wider social

practices and beliefs surrounding the place of the paranormal in society. The stigma

related to the “strangeness of paranormal events…derives from the fact that they

present an implicit challenge to scientific declarations about the world and moreover,

undermine common-sense knowledge of what sorts of thing are possible” (Wooffitt

1922:79). Wooffitt found that speakers were inherently aware of this stigma and took

linguistic measures to counter negative associations of inferences potentially made by

the listener. In cases where the speaker described occasional paranormal experiences,

the speaker would give a construction of the experience, describe the events as

occurring to them (implying agency of the paranormal phenomena), and “describe their

actions to make inferable certain knowledge about them, knowledge which supports or

confirms the veracity of the experiences being claimed” (Wooffitt 1992:193). Like

Wooffitt’s findings on how credible paranormal experiences are constructed and

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narrated, another linguistic phrase that aids in a speaker’s credibility is the avowal of

prior skepticism (Lamont 2007) to the paranormal experience, defending oneself against

accusations of gullibility or wishful thinking. Hanks (2015) in her discussion of the ghost

tourism in the town of York, England, notes that ghost stories are common-place but

few seem to catch on as being more authentic. Hanks states that “Martindale was an

ideal witness: skeptical and reliable” (Hanks 2015:12). This reinforces Wooffitt’s traits as

an effective means of authenticating one’s experience as genuine.

While the field of parapsychology and the scientific community may be at odds

over the validity of systematic empirical research into the paranormal, contrasted

between “unscrupulous people who can exploit superstition to make a profit” versus

“traditional scholars [who] are being narrow and pigheaded” (Ward 1977:216), the field

of folklore studies as well as anthropology does not concern itself with the question of

whether paranormal phenomena is real or imagined. For “the subject who is a believer,

the experience is real, and it is the reality of experience and its relation to tradition which

interests the folklore scholar” (Ward 1977:216). Similarly, anthropologists need not

concern themselves with whether the experiences being described by informants are

empirically occurring, but rather focus on the cultural context of those experiences and

what the meaning of those experiences hold for the individuals. In this way, the study of

narratives and legends is highly relevant to research on paranormal experiences, as

these narratives of the uncanny, the mythological, the supernatural, and the legendary

convene as similar experiences of the extraordinary.

Ghost hunters often incorporate well-known legends and urban myths into their

repertoire of paranormal knowledge. Though some ghost hunters do not claim firsthand

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experiences with these legendary beings, they often know of people or groups who do.

Most ghost hunters claim to have experienced well-known ghostly activity and

phenomena such as child spirits, a lady in white, orbs, etc. These spirits are often

associated with a specific location such a historical building, and these supernatural

entities are based on people who once lived there or on historical events that occurred

in the location. Sometimes these people and events cannot be confirmed by historical

documents and become popular through hearsay. Though possibly fictionalized, these

mythological people or events take on a life of their own, so to speak, and their stories

of tragedy are passed on and elaborated by those who reside or visit the location. The

legends become embodied by the ghost hunters when they have an extraordinary

experience (often through physical sensations or perceptions). The physical and

emotional connections and interactions with the supposed legendary paranormal

entities in turn confirm and validate the legend itself. The collection of ghost stories and

paranormal experiences via interviews and participant observation warrants an

understanding of previous research conducted on legendary or supernatural narratives.

Ward (1977) demonstrates that the field of folklore studies contributes to an

understanding of supernatural experiences and cultural traditions. With the emergence

of empirical research along with the development of folklore as an independent

discipline in the late 1800s, a variety of hypotheses and methods began explaining

these supernatural encounters based on evidence and systematic analysis. An early

study in 1879 by Ludwig Laistner observed similarities between a natural atmospheric

condition and ‘fog-legends’; another study in 1914 by Friedrich Ranke argues that the

symptoms experienced by epileptic individuals aligns closely with the reported

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experiences of those people claiming to have been “swept away by the Wild Hunt”

(Ward 1977:213). Besides atmospheric and physiological conditions shaping

supernatural experiences, Ward also points to emotional associations,

Interessedominanz (described as the emotional preoccupation of the individual), and an

individual’s ‘frame of reference’ as elements affecting the experiences. Ward (1977)

argues that knowledge of traditional beliefs, sometimes localized to specific regions,

affects the type of ‘supranormal’, or supernatural, experiences an individual has. In

addition, Ward suggests that prior episodes in a subject’s life heavily influences their

supranormal experiences, embodying guilt for past regressions or violations of

behavioral norms or taboos. These supranormal experiences incite emotional reactions,

described as ‘numinous’ experiences, causing fear, fascination, awe and reverence

(Ward 1977:221-222).

There is also the occasional overlap of personal narratives about numinous

experiences and legends, and Ward (1977) cites a subject who shared her experience

with a friend, who related a tale of her own which followed the legendary structure and

context of ‘the return of the dead lover’. In this instance, Ward comments that “the

curious phenomenon of a legend being buried within the narration of a first-hand

memorate” (Ward 1977:225) had therapeutic value to the subjects, who confirmed and

validated their experiences through sharing similar supernatural episodes, as well as

returning an emotional balance to an emotionally distressed individual. Ward (1977)

discusses the work of Lauri Honko, who argued that the frame of reference consisted of

the social context and psychological state of the individuals, but also

included such elements as the pressure exerted by the group to ensure that one fulfilled the duties of one’s role, the values of the group as

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reinforced by behavioral normal and sanctions, the subject’s knowledge of tradition, his psychophysical state, and the presence of perceptual interference…[which] contribute to the experiencing of supranormal events (Ward 1977:215).

This contextual view of the extraordinary events is informative in considering how

paranormal experiences in Western culture may be approached; a methodology that

explores the role of social duty, group values, cultural tradition, and psychology could

provide a better understanding on how the extraordinary events are experienced.

While many folklore studies focus on the beliefs and myths of a culture, it is

useful for this dissertation to consider how some folklore studies have included the

theme of experience in their analysis of folkloric traditions. Hufford’s (1982) pioneering

study of the Old Hag tradition, The Terror That Comes in the Night, explored alternative

ways of explaining and conceptualizing uncanny experiences. Upon first learning of the

Old Hag experience5, he found that the condition occurs cross-culturally and there are

plenty of descriptions of the physiological events. However, there was a lack in the

psychological literature of explanations for the specific contents of the Old Hag

experience.

Hufford (1982) proposes that cultural traditions stem from experiential sources (in

that the experience shapes the tradition), rather than stemming from cultural sources (in

which tradition shapes the experience). The Old Hag tradition, therefore, stems from the

very real and physiological experiences described by his informants; a cultural source

would postulate that the culturally known story of the Hag produces the experience, or is

5 The Old Hag tradition refers to cultural explanation for sleep paralysis. This is the psychological and physical condition where a person seemingly awakens from sleep but is paralyzed. experiencing intense fear and hallucinations. Across Newfoundland, it is commonly experienced as an old witch, or hag, sitting on the chest of the individual.

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inferred from a misidentified experience. This argument is reflected in Bruner’s

discussion of the anthropology of experience, where he states that “the argument is that

tropes fashion experience. But we could also ask if experience fashions tropes” (Bruner

1986:20). Hufford argues that the common assumption of a tradition stemming from

culture has potential problems, including the tendency for psychological scientists to

rationalize or explain away certain cultural beliefs with little regard for the events

described. In the case of the Old Hag experience, sleep research does not explain what

initiates the condition, nor does it explain the content of the experience, but only

provides accepted medical terminology for the description of it. His interest is in the

validation of the experience (not the analysis of the tradition itself).

In discussing how to approach the experiences and develop an explanation and

descriptions for them, Hufford describes his phenomenological methods of interviewing

individuals claiming to have had unexplainable experiences. These interview methods

“draw closer to the actual perceptions that lie behind the most natural modes of

expression” (Hufford 1982: xiv). With an approach similar psychological structuralism,

Hufford’s “procedure is carried out with untrained subjects in connection with naturally

occurring past events” (Hufford 1982:xv) in lieu of experiments. This method revealed

that the information obtained from disbelievers was as useful as the interviews of

believers (Hufford 1982:xvi). In terms of incorporating theory, Hufford did not include a

large discussion on theory due to his view that the

experience-centered approach [is] a stage of investigation that largely precedes theoretical interpretation… [and which] holds theory to a minimum in its attempt to provide better raw material that may be of use to analysts who subscribe to a variety of theoretical schools of thought (Hufford 1982:xvii).

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However, Hufford makes a clear theoretical statement: that part of the traditional

supernatural belief is associated with accurate observations, which are interpreted

rationally. This does not suggest that all beliefs have this association, nor that this

association should be viewed as proof that the beliefs are true. Rather, this statement is

made to counter the common conclusions that supernatural experiences can all be

accounted for by poor observation and inaccurate reasoning. Hufford recognizes the

sensitive nature of the supernatural as a topic, and firmly clarifies that he is neither

providing physical explanations for supernatural beliefs nor arguing that the experiences

of the Old Hag are evidence for the paranormal. Hufford’s objective is to gain a better

description of the experiences and processes of reasoning associated with the Old Hag

belief. His experience-centered approach allows for “culturally and emotionally loaded”

questions which can be difficult to separate from a researcher’s bias (Hufford 1982:xix).

Hufford’s experiential source hypothesis acknowledges the epistemological

difficulty of studying experience. An individual’s experience is “always a reconstruction

to be inferred rather than a ‘fact’ to be directly observed” (Hufford 1982:x). While there

are potential problems when the primary data are narratives, Hufford states that for his

research he assumes the narratives are accurate, honest, and complete. Hufford’s data

included questionnaire surveys, interviews with informants, and archival material.

Narratives from interviews or archived materials were grouped into cases and

transcribed. Biases were checked, and subjects kept anonymous; an important method

when the subject matter can be highly sensitive or taboo. By using the texts as data,

Hufford was able to use an integrative approach, avoiding technical language so the

data is usable for scholars of various fields. As a case study, Hufford’s research

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proposes a unique and highly useful theoretical approach and methodology for further

studies on supernatural topics.

As the paranormal is often experienced through uncanny sensory, physical, and

cognitive experiences, it is necessary to consider the literature on embodiment. Ghost

hunters situate themselves geographically, socially, and cosmologically; they reprise the

role of communicator between the realms of the living and the dead, acting as liminal

agents conducting socially stigmatized investigations in reputably haunted locations.

Issues of self-identity may not be as complex as in studies of spirit possession, but

ghost hunters still orient themselves physically and mentally by contrasting themselves

against other social agents and the ghosts they search for. To critically analyze how the

embodiment of these paranormal experiences occur, and to assess how these ghost

hunters orient themselves, a review of several scholarly works is deserved.

The self as an object of study has been treated in myriad ways in different

disciplines. The self can be defined as a dramaturgical actor whose behaviors, actions,

and appearance constitute a performance to negotiate social relations and standing

(Goffman 1959). The self is relevant to an understanding of how paranormal

investigators position themselves in their community and wider social context.

Hallowell’s (1955) description of the Ojibwa self illustrates how to study the different

ways that a person positions themselves in their culture. Hallowell (1955) published a

series of papers dealing primarily with culture and personality materials from the Ojibwa

culture. While his major theme is the continuity in basic personality among the Ojibwa

despite three centuries of culture contact and change, Hallowell (1955) also presents an

exploration of how the self can be oriented in multiple ways. Culture provides five basic

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orientations: 1) self-orientation, 2) object orientation, 3) spatiotemporal orientation, 4)

motivational orientation, and 5) normative orientation.

For Hallowell, the concept and nature of the self “is a culturally identifiable

variable” (Hallowell 1955:76) which differs in every culture, and “the individual’s self-

image and his interpretation of his own experience cannot be divorced from the concept

of the self that is characteristic of his society”, for it is through these concepts that

societies “promote self-orientation in the kind of meaningful terms that make self-

awareness of functional importance in the maintenance of a human social order”

(Hallowell 1955:76). This self-awareness is most prominently identified as an

individual’s ability to reflect on oneself but is also characterized by the way the individual

orients themselves in relation to other members of the society. These members of

society act in a culturally constituted behavioral environment. To illustrate how the

Ojibwa orient themselves, Hallowell gives examples of the role of Ojibwa dreams, their

interactions with nature and spirit animals, their encounters with the spirits of the dead,

and the meanings and communications that occur between the worlds of the living and

the dead. The Ojibwa self is not oriented where “a distinction between human beings

and supernatural beings is stressed” (Hallowell 1955:181); rather, the more important

distinction is how the humans and non-humans rank in power (both social and magical).

The concept of spiritual beings in Ojibwa society help to structuralize the opposition of

self (Ojibwa) and other (the spiritual) in a cosmic perspective.

By viewing the self as a culturally oriented person in a behavioral environment,

scholars can assess how members of the society structure their relations with other

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members both human and spiritual. Hallowell reminds scholars that religion typically

consists of:

the attitudes, needs, goals, and affective experience of the self in interaction with certain classes of objects in the behavioral environment. These classes of objects are typically other selves- spiritual beings, deities, ancestors. The relation of the self to them may, indeed, be characterized by the same patterns that apply to interpersonal relations with other human beings (Hallowell 1955:92).

The culturally defined roles of individuals shape how they interact with each other, and

with the rest of the beings that inhabit their cosmic universe. Hallowell argues that in

some cultures, how the self is socially oriented is so significant that the self’s relation

with deceased ancestors or non-human beings is more insightful and reflective of that

individual’s needs and goals than their interpersonal relations with other members of

society. This perspective on orientation is critical in the assessment of paranormal

investigators and how they orient themselves to other investigators, the public, the

scientific authority, and the paranormal entities they are investigating.

In articulating the paranormal community as a subculture, Hallowell also provides

a view of culture that urges the ethnographer to consider how an individual’s personality

is affected by cultural context. Hallowell argues that the transmission of culture is

complicated, a “symbolically mediated learning process in which mechanisms like

conflict and repression play their role in the total integrative structure that we call the

human personality” (Hallowell 1955:13). These two factors, conflict and repression, are

evident not only in the history of the concept of the paranormal since the Spiritualist

movement, but also in modern Western societies where the paranormal as a legitimate

topic of investigation is dismissed. The fluctuating boundaries between what is socially

and scientifically accepted as reality, versus the realm of imagination and mythology,

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over the past two hundred years has been caused by the dynamic relationship between

science, religion, and popular culture. While Hallowell focuses these factors on the

human personality, these concepts of culture can be applied towards the study of the

ghost hunter and the paranormal community.

Halloy and Servais’ (2014) article further explores embodiment and extraordinary

experiences, describing their research on the notion of enchantment in two cultural

contexts: uncanny encounters with dolphins, and the spirit possession rituals of the

Xangô cult in Brazil. Through these analyses, the authors demonstrate that the legend

of the dolphin informs their subjects in how they can embody the magical qualities of a

dolphin encounter, and that the structure of the religious training and rituals of the

Xangô cult prepare initiates to experience and embody the orixás through ritual

possession. Halloy and Servais (2014) note that the stories of magical dolphins are not

part of a single, longstanding legend; rather, they include parts of firsthand accounts,

ancient and recent legends, scientific facts, mythology, dreams, ecological utopias or

moral principles. These fragmentary aspects are viewed as “’generative’ rather than

‘narrative’” (Halloy and Servais 2014:482), since the variation in the dolphin mythology

generates multiple kinds of stories, images, rituals, and beliefs. What is most striking

about these experiences is the profound effect they have on the individuals

encountering the dolphins; from a therapeutic healing process, to a transformative life-

changing experience, the close and intimate connections felt by the individuals to the

dolphins reflects how extraordinary experiences impact one’s psychological state.

These individuals “are the privileged witnesses of a different reality, a totality that

enlightened, uplifted, and overwhelmed them” (Halloy and Servais 2014:486). To

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confirm these experiences with others, however, requires verbally sharing it; while these

types of narratives would be accepted openly in the New Age community, they would

marginalize or discredit the individual if shared with the general public in American

society. These findings are similar to Wooffitt’s (1992) study, which stated that those

who described paranormal experiences with metaphors and expressions which

distanced the speaker, defended their sanity, and were tactful in describing how the

phenomena seemingly appeared.

Enchantment is understood slightly differently in the study of the Xangô cult,

where members undergo ritualistic spiritual possession by African deities called orixás.

The orixás themselves are considered enchanted, since they are spiritual entities of the

divine world, who did not go through the process of life and death like other spirits.

Enchantment can also be “an ontological and transformative process” (Halloy and

Servais 2014:488), as orixás can also be described as once-human beings who were

transformed into an element of nature. The mythology of these orixás has remained

fairly constant and informs the members of the cult of the orixás’ identity, personality,

and the relationships between the orixás as well as between orixás and humans.

According to Halloy and Servais, experiencing the enchanted through orixá possession

is not spontaneous; instead, it “is prefigured through the feeding of the candidates’

imagination and the education of their attention” (Halloy and Servais 2014:489), just as

the magical dolphin encounters were heavily prepared for beforehand through

education and meditation. During the spirit possession, Halloy and Servais’ informants

describe an array of physical sensations and emotions. This experience is characterized

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by uncanny feelings are coupled with a specific imaginary, which one of the authors of

the article describes through their own personal experience during an orixá possession.

The enchanting experiences are both private and intimate within the body, as

well as social and shared by the community. These experiences also become

revelations of possibilities, of interactions and relations with non-empirical beings “of a

new collective reality…which is literally inscribed in a bodily experience made up of

specific cognitive and bodily processes” (Halloy and Servais 2014:493). Halloy and

Servais argue that “technologies of enchantment are cultural tools that relate inner life

to outer situations in a specific way” (Halloy and Servais 2014:494). These technologies

of enchantment are liminal in nature, and take place in religious, spiritual, supernatural,

and paranormal contexts as well as ordinary practices.

Conclusion

This literature review focused on academic studies whose theoretical and

methodological approaches guide the orientations of this dissertation. This chapter

covered the public perceptions of the paranormal, including skeptical views of ghost

hunting and the role of paranormal tourism. Several phenomenological studies

demonstrate how experience is a key source of information about meaning, identity, and

beliefs. Then, I discuss narrative and discourse analysis to reveal how these

approaches can also be applied to a study of the expression of paranormal

experiences. There are several theoretical and methodological approaches discussed in

this chapter that are directly relevant to this dissertation. This dissertation follows the

methodology of Thun (2013), since I join a paranormal group for an extended period

conducting participant observation. But rather than a symbolist approach, this research

employs a phenomenological, grounded theory approach. It relies more on the meaning

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expressed in ghost hunters’ narratives, like the narratives examined by Hufford (1982)

and Wooffitt (1992). In the following chapters, I discuss the scientific approaches and

ideas of paranormal groups, like Sharon Hill’s studies (2011, 2012), but instead of a

critical perspective I aim to understand how these ideas contribute to ghost hunters’

cosmology and epistemology. This research explores how the paranormal experience is

interpreted by ghost hunters, how it motivates them to join groups and interact with

others, and its role in shaping this subcultural movement.

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CHAPTER 4 ETHICS AND ETHNOGRAPHIES

Overview

The previous chapters reviewed the relevant literature from various disciplines to

understand how the paranormal is situated in a historical, cultural and academic

context. This chapter addresses ethical concerns about cultural anthropology fieldwork.

I explain how paranormal beliefs and experiences are sensitive and socially risky topics,

which require a consciously ethical approach. Then, I present several studies that

demonstrate ethical and effective methodologies for anthropological fieldwork. Finally, I

argue that there are consequences of fieldwork and the representation of the

ethnographic subjects in the resulting ethnography; as an anthropologist, the objective

is to create an accurate, reliable, and insightful ethnography that also respects the

individuals’ studied. These ethical guidelines and examples guide this dissertation’s

methods of data collection, analysis, and final written product.

Ethics, Methods, and Cultural Anthropology

Since the demonstration of prolonged in-situ fieldwork by Malinowski in 1922 in

Argonauts of the Western Pacific, cultural anthropologists have ventured around the

world to gather their data on global societies firsthand. Although theoretical orientations

and methodologies have varied over the past century, anthropologists have collectively

developed a system of ethical principles for the study of other cultures. These ethics

have been standardized and institutionalized by anthropological organizations. The

Institutional Review Board (IRB) was mandated in 1974 (Madison 2012). The AAA’s

Code of Ethics was approved in 1998, and is summarized in four points: 1) to avoid

harm or wrong-doing, 2) to respect the well-being of humans and nonhuman primates,

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3) to work for the long-term conservation of the archaeological, fossil, and historical

records, and 4) to actively consult with the affected and studied individuals or groups, to

establish a working relationship that can be beneficial to all involved parties (Madison

2012:128). These codes of ethics directly guide an anthropologist’s methods in the field,

and these ethics are especially important and instructive when the focus of study is a

topic that could be hurtful, traumatic, personal, or intimate to the researcher’s

informants. In the case of this dissertation research, the ethical code is essential when

interacting with and interviewing paranormal investigators. Ghost hunters become

involved in the paranormal community for a variety of reasons, but most often the

reason is due to a prior unexplainable experience for which the investigator is seeking

answers. All paranormal investigators actively confront their mortality, the afterlife, and

the continuance of the human soul during these investigations at haunted locations.

Though some team members operate with a more distanced and detached sense,

others have dealt with personal tragedy or trauma and feel the significance of these

paranormal, spirit-person interactions more deeply. As a cultural anthropologist studying

the meaning of these experiences, it is the researcher’s duty to maintain ethical conduct

while interacting with these teams and writing about their experiences.

This chapter addresses three main considerations of fieldwork on or about the

paranormal. In the first section, I address the social stigma associated with speaking

about the paranormal to non-believers. In the second section, I present a selection of

methodologies from other anthropologists and scholars. Finally, I examine the ethical

duty of ethnographies in appropriate representation and publication (Madison 2012).

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The Stigmatization and Significance of Paranormal Narratives

The paranormal is a complicated topic of conversation in general Western

society. Despite the popularity of paranormal portrayals in popular culture and the

media, many people are still hesitant to express personal beliefs in the supernatural.

This stigma is due to the historical developments stemming back to the Enlightenment.

With the emergence of rationalism and empirical science, supernatural beliefs and

superstitions were banished to the fringe, remaining in mythology and folklore but

whose existence was dismissed by scientific authorities. The division of an objective,

measurable reality as opposed to the irrational imagination also caused the division of

the supernatural versus the natural in the process of disenchantment (Thun 2013).

Cultures in non-Western settings do not conceive of phenomena such as spirit

possession or ghostly apparitions as ‘supernatural’ (Saler 1977:19); these events are

part of the spiritual and daily life (Young and Goulet 1998). However, Western societies

tend to sensationalize the supernatural and paranormal. Despite the popular Spiritualist

interactions with spirits in the nineteenth century, the twentieth century saw the

paranormal as a more sinister category of phenomena thanks to its portrayal in horror

films and television series. With parapsychology lacking the full acceptance and respect

of the scientific community, the public generally perceived the paranormal as the stuff of

urban legends, scary movies, and folklore. Though the media’s portrayal of the

paranormal has not decreased, nor softened, the paranormal as an interactional,

physical, and accessible entity has entered the public mind through the proliferation of

ghost hunting groups. With their inclusion of scientific gadgets, the ghost hunters

appear as credible investigators of unexplainable experiences. Though the stigma of

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‘being a believer’ remains, society overall is becoming more tolerant of the expression

of paranormal beliefs and experiences.

The taboo of talking about one’s experiences with the supernatural becomes

plain throughout several published studies of the paranormal. In Thun’s (2013) study, he

noted that in discussing the paranormal “those who have had paranormal experiences

frequently make efforts not to come across as irrational, wishful, narrow minded,

gullible, or in worst case scenario: crazy” (Thun 2013:11). This fear of being discredited

or socially outcast was mirrored in Wooffitt’s (1992) study of discourse in paranormal

narratives, where the “mere act of claiming such as experience can lead to assumptions

of, at best, crankiness, or worse, some form of psychological deficiency” (Wooffitt

1992:2). The variety of negative reactions to an admission of paranormal belief reflects

the need to portray one’s experience or belief in terms that defend oneself, for the “fear

of ostracism is not unfounded if one does not have the tools which allow the experience

to be framed in a ‘believable’ way to the listener” (Young and Goulet 1998:8).

The negative responses towards paranormal interest are not limited to the

average person though; even, or especially so, academics are subject to criticism and

slander for expressing these interests or beliefs. Upon discovering a book about

spiritualist mediums, Jung (Jung and Main 1997) described his friends’ reactions as

dismissive and defensive, while Jung “found such possibilities extremely interesting and

attractive. They added another dimension to my life; the world gained depth and

background” (Jung and Main 1997:47). These reactions are the primary reason for

people not to share their unexplainable experiences; making it difficult to explore the

variety of these experiences and their meanings to the individuals. As some scholars

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have realized, the expression of paranormal beliefs and experiences can convey very

significant insight into cultural traditions, social movements, and ideas about power,

authenticity, spirituality, and community (Hess 1993). Hess states that:

“the world of paranormal beliefs and practices cannot be reduced to cranks, crackpots, and charlatans. Many sincere people are exploring alternative approaches to questions of personal meaning, spirituality, healing, and paranormal experience in general (Hess 1993:158).

The communities of paranormal investigators, believers, and other interested parties

reveal that “the world of the paranormal… [is] an idiom through which segments of

society express their conflicts, dilemmas, and identities” (Hess 1993:159). As a forum of

experimenting with possibilities and negotiating the boundaries of reality, authorities,

and identities, the paranormal constitutes layers of different meanings and

opportunities.

Other fields of study would also benefit from these views of the paranormal,

especially fields of psychology, psychiatry, and other types of therapy.

As a psychiatrist and psychotherapist I have often come up against the phenomena in question and could convince myself how much these inner experiences meant to my patients. In most cases they were things which people do not talk about for fear of exposing themselves to thoughtless ridicule. I was amazed to see how many people have had experiences of this kind and how carefully the secret was guarded (Jung 1952:420).

The sensitivity of the subject also requires a tactful approach by the researcher; a

lesson learned by Jung in his interactions with a medium. In Jung’s investigation of

mediumship, he observed several séances with a psychic medium. While the medium

was “unshakably convinced of the reality of her visions” (Jung and Main 1997:53), Jung

had other ideas regarding her condition, which he suggested to her. However, the

medium reacted negatively to suggestions that the visions were type of illness. Jung

noted that “doubts about her health or about the reality of her dream-world distressed

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her deeply; she felt so hurt by my remarks that she closed up in my presence and for a

long time refused to experiment if I was there” (Jung and Main 1997:53). As a

psychiatrist, Jung was interested in investigating the mediumship experience in terms of

explaining it through cognitive processes or conditions. However, his suggestions to the

medium caused her distress because he was discrediting her worldview and

interpretation of the séance experience. After her reaction, Jung consciously withheld

his doubts and misgivings about the authenticity or veracity of her spiritual channeling.

Countering the beliefs of an informant and research subject is likely to result in a

dissolving relationship, becoming unproductive.

Expressing paranormal beliefs or experiences without fear of backlash also has

therapeutic benefits. Lomax et al (2011) discuss how during therapeutic sessions, the

concept of the paranormal is presented “to encourage clinicians to be open to our

patients’ descriptions of anomalous experiences” (Lomax et al 2011:12). The patients’

expression of stories and experiences is a healing process that can provide insight into

other issues they may be struggling with. However, this process is the most efficient in

the right environment, and the “stories like this get richer when told in safe relationships

to the right person” (Lomax et al 2011:13). Lomax et al also illustrate the connection

between the paranormal experiences and experiences of the sacred, describing these

stories as “the sacred moment of the clinical narrative” (Lomax et al 2011:14). The

authors consider the real purpose of “paranormal events: they are fundamentally about

creating (or revealing?) meaning, narrative, and story to an individual in some difficult or

even traumatic situation” (Lomax et al 2011:15). Lomax et al argue that these

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paranormal, extraordinary experiences can be sacred, transcendent, and

transformative.

Scholars should approach paranormal beliefs as they would religious beliefs; for

both include spirituality and concepts of the afterlife, divinity, the human soul, and other

ephemeral topics. The scholars who take a critical stance towards paranormal believers

often assume that these believers base their views on cultural traditions; what they’ve

been exposed to from the media. While the paranormal television shows, movies, and

literature have demonstrably affected people’s views on the paranormal (Sparks 1998),

these scholars exclude the sizable number of people who base these beliefs on

unexplainable experiences. Sparks (1998) hints at the variation of reactions to the

media as possibly being influenced by “one’s perceptions of a personal experience with

the paranormal realm” (Sparks 1998:5), but also argues that certain types of media

messages may promote paranormal belief while “other types of messages may help to

promote critical thinking and to discourage easy acceptance of ridiculous ideas” (Sparks

1998:5). The assumption here is that the promotion of both these aspects is impossible.

In addition, when authors use terms like ‘gullibility’ in association with paranormal belief,

they are asserting a critical opinion. If a researcher and professor is “concerned about

the gullibility of many of [their] students and their easy, uncritical acceptance of the

paranormal claims that were often disseminated through the mass media” (Sparks

1998:1), then it may be most tactful to investigate those beliefs from a more objective

perspective rather than criticizing and attacking those beliefs. Evans-Pritchard stated

that

you cannot have a remunerative, even intelligent, conversation with people about something they take as self-evident if you give them the

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impression that you regard their belief as an illusion or a delusion. Mutual understanding, and with it sympathy, would soon be ended, if it ever got started (Evans-Pritchard 1976:244).

Instead of attacking a person’s ‘gullibility’ or criticizing their belief system, a more

productive research study would investigate the source, production of, and reproduction

of these cultural traditions as well as the unexplainable experiences themselves. To

effectively study these beliefs and experiences, a new methodology for cultural

anthropologists may be necessary.

Modern Methodologies for the Study of the Paranormal

The study of paranormal experiences requires a methodology which will provide

the anthropologist the deepest, most holistic understanding of extraordinary

experiences and embodied meaning. To achieve this, several scholars have proposed

radical approaches to new methodologies which emphasize an experiential approach,

rather than a rationalist approach, to extraordinary experiences. Young and Goulet

(1998) argue that traditional approaches in anthropology tend to have a rationalist bias,

resulting in “little credence to informant accounts which do not accord with the world

view of Western science” (Young and Goulet 1998:9). Traditional anthropologists’

discussion of supernatural or extraordinary experiences tend to be explanatory, from a

cognitive, symbolic, functionalist, or structuralist perspective. However, an experiential

approach provides the anthropologist deeper insights into the context, embodiment, and

interpretation of those extraordinary experiences. This methodology allows for reliable

ethnographic knowledge to be generated through radical participation, which becomes

intrinsic to our understanding of the human experience (Goulet and Miller 2007:11). This

shift in anthropological method can be considered progressive, and anthropology as a

discipline “stands to gain by taking up challenges posed by ways of knowing that are

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unusual to us” (Young and Goulet 1998:8). These experiences tend to be

transformative, not only for the informants being studied but also for the anthropologists

engaging in an experiential approach.

Extraordinary experiences force one to deal with the possibility that reality is culturally constructed and that instead of one reality (or a finite set of culturally-defined realities), there are multiple realities—or at least multiple ways of experiencing the world, depending upon time, place, and circumstances (Young and Goulet 1998:8).

While these authors do not argue that anthropologists should reconstruct their entire

cosmology, they suggest that there is much that can be learned by opening oneself up

to the informants’ worldview.

While experimental methods require investigators to be objective and distant,

Young and Goulet (1998) write extensively on the importance of an experiential

approach in which the investigator has a more active role. The ethnographer must be

more engaged, more participatory, and more interactive with the culture of study.

Participant observation is two-sided: one side is the positivist tradition, and the other is

the phenomenological interpretive tradition. With the interpretive tradition, the

anthropologist has some flexibility with the extent to which they interpret social

phenomena. Edith Turner “believes that the simplest way to interpret an extraordinary

experience is to accept the native account of what has happened” (Young and Goulet

1998:10), as opposed to Charles Laughlin “who believes that such experiences can be

satisfactorily explained with a neurological model” (Young and Goulet 1998:10). This is

a spectrum of how anthropologists can approach the process of interpretation, and most

authors’ positions fall somewhere in between these two ends. For the most part, native

accounts tend to be taken seriously, but not literally, and reframed or translated to make

sense to non-natives. However, the authors encourage researchers to take the

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informants’ accounts as seriously as possible, at least temporarily, by suspending their

disbelief and social conditioning. Goulet argues that “it is possible, and even useful, for

the ethnographer to experience this qualitatively different world of ghosts and spirits,

and to incorporate such experiences in ethnographic accounts” (Goulet 1998:16). The

risk of ‘going native’ is the loss of the objective and scientific value of the ethnography,

and therefore the challenge is to become part of the group while maintaining the

position as an outsider. However, Goulet points out that ethnographic work can “go

hand in hand with inner experiences, dreams and visions” (Goulet 1998:17) and to

share them with the informants, and this does not impede the anthropologists’ work but

rather enriches the ethnographic presentation of the culture. They encourage the

inclusion of an anthropologists’ own experiences, as these can be useful research tools.

A good ethnography, they argue, does not just record descriptions but also attempts to

understand the native system of meaning as deeply as possible. Debating the

authenticity or veracity of the native explanatory model may be impractical or irrelevant

to the topic of focus.

Jack Hunter, a PhD student at the University of Bristol in the UK, describes

several anthropologists who discuss anomalous experiences they encountered while

doing fieldwork, including EB Tylor and Edith Turner. Hunter (2011) claims that EB

Tylor, while famously an ‘armchair anthropologist,’ did engage in ethnographic

fieldwork. Interested in the Spiritualist movement, Tylor attended séances with an initial

attempt at discrediting them. Tylor believed that religious beliefs, including spiritualist or

paranormal beliefs, were leftover remnants of primitive animist beliefs. However, Hunter

(2011) reveals that Tylor made notes regarding several anomalous experiences which

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he could not explain and became fascinated by. These experiences were never

published, possibly due to the prominent fear of ridicule which plagues most scientists

who admit an experience which goes against the materialist doctrine. Edith Turner

argues that anthropologists are restricted by “positivists’ denial” and need to “see what

the Natives see” (Hunter 2011). Hunter agrees, stating that this turn in anthropology

towards greater reflexivity and an anthropology of experience will finally approach these

anomalous experiences and be able to deal with them rather than ignoring them. Of

essential importance is that the anthropologist immerses themselves and participates in

the culture they are studying; only when they are fully engaged can they experience and

understand these anomalous phenomena the way the culture of study does (Hunter

2011). In Goulet’s (1998) research on the role of dreams in Guajiro society, Goulet

noted that his own dreams and interpretations helped him to understand how the

Guajiro treated the accounts and interpretations of their dreams. Goulet argues that

“without this personal experience the bits and pieces of exotic and technical knowledge

accumulated about the Guajiro would have lacked unity and coherence” (Goulet

1998:25), and so sharing his dreams for the Guajiro to interpret enriched his

understanding of their cultural traditions and their interactions with each other regarding

the importance of dreams.

In Building Bridges, Dissolving Boundaries: Toward a Methodology for the

Ethnographic Study of the Afterlife, Bowie (2013) proposes a methodology for studying

the afterlife, mediumship and spiritual beliefs. In this discussion, Bowie proposes “a

dialogue that is respectful and tentative, rather than hegemonic and dismissive” while

also encouraging “cognitive, empathic engagement” (Bowie 2013:2). She addresses

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issues of epistemology and the dialogical position of the ethnographic observer, with

suggestions on how to deal with ephemeral topics like consciousness and judging the

accuracy or authenticity of data. Along with honesty, Bowie argues that “two essential

elements to good fieldwork… [are] curiosity and courage” (Bowie 2013:5), particularly

for the cognitive approach that Bowie introduces. This cognitive approach “goes beyond

phenomenology—it considers all the available data without bracketing out areas of

experience that seem awkward, are not scientifically verifiable, which conflict with the

world view of the observer or with the dominant paradigms of the Western academy”

(Bowie 2013:8). By considering all the experiences and possibilities from the informant’s

point of view, the anthropologist can engage in a dialogue that respects differences and

values mutuality. The other traits that Bowie recommend for this methodology are

empathy, engagement, commitment, ethical considerations, and friendship. A cognitive,

empathic engagement with informants “has the potential to illuminate an integral, if often

ignored or derided, area of human religious and cultural experience” (Bowie 2013:25).

The experiential approach is demonstrated by another author, Meintel (2007),

who conducted ethnographic research among the followers of a Spiritualist church in

Montreal. Meintel emphasizes that “in order to study the experience of Spiritualists, I

would have to, paraphrasing Favret-Saada, agree to become a participant in the

situations where it manifested and in the discourse in which it is expressed” (Meintel

2007:133). Meintel engaged in participant observation, collected interviews, employed

unobtrusive measures through observations at church services, and participated more

directly in clairvoyant healing circles. Opening himself up to the experiences in the

healing circles not only facilitated in gaining rapport with his informants but also helped

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in understanding the embodied experiences of the clairvoyants, whose experiences

were personal, emotional, and sensory. In this Spiritualist community, “such things

happen in a sacred context where spirits, not normally considered to exist, are

acknowledged as social actors” (Meintel 2007:151). Clairvoyance is treated as a

personal and social experience. While the ethnographer’s extraordinary experiences

might not be the same as how the informants experience them, Meintel believes that the

experiences are comparable enough to justify this methodology and produce

meaningful data from firsthand accounts.

If an ethnographer uses the experiential approach to gather firsthand accounts of

extraordinary experiences, like Meintel’s (2007) account of Spiritualist healing, the issue

of authenticity may arise. Halloy and Servais’s (2014) reveal that during their research

on enchanting experiences,

people repeatedly came to me with extraordinary stories about dolphins, their power to heal, their benevolence towards human beings, and their telepathic abilities. Most of them wanted to convince me to abandon my ‘scientific’ approach of the subject and experience my own magical encounter with dolphins (Halloy and Servais 2014:481).

However, despite attending circles, conferences, workshops and gathering testimonies

of dolphin encounters, it seems unlikely that the author ever experienced “the world of

magical dolphins” first hand. In the latter half of the article, one of the authors submits a

description of a firsthand orixá possession, including the emotional and physiological

reactions. This type of first-person self-report is considered rare in the anthropological

literature. Halloy notes that all initiates of the Xangô cult “agree on this point: the only

way to access the experience of possession is to actually live it ‘in your flesh and soul’”

(Halloy and Servais 2014:492). Thus, the spiritual possession of the author lent them

necessary insight into the actual, lived, experience of being taken over, cognitively and

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bodily, by the Xangô deity orixá. The orixá possession of the author in Halloy and

Servais’s (2014) article was “authenticated by Xangô experts themselves as a true and

full ‘manifestation’”, validating that the author’s account of it is “a valid description of the

kind of cognitive and bodily processes at work during possession episodes” (Halloy and

Servais 2014:490). This type of authentication by the informants is important, if a

researcher intends on immersing themselves in an extraordinary experience to better

understand it. Validation by informants is a crucial step in the methodology of

constructing an accurate description of the phenomena.

Whitehead (2009) examines the challenges of an ‘outdated anthropology’ and

Malinowskian ethnographic conventions in an equivalent manner, by developing a

‘performative ethnography’ to study the ways that sexuality and violence are treated in

cyberspace. Whitehead (2009) conducted his ethnography as a cultural performance;

he created a Goth/Industrial band, Blood Jewel, and engaged in interactions with its fan

base through music festivals and internet sites such as Youtube and MySpace.

Whitehead argues that “it is only through active participation that there is anything to

observe at all” (Whitehead 2009:5). Despite the development in anthropology of

reflexivity, Whitehead believes that many ethnographers still require a more radical step

of “observant participation” (Whitehead 2009:5) to critically understand ethically

complex social features which are beyond the reach of traditional ethnographic

methods. With the growing role of the internet in today’s societies, Whitehead’s

approach for studying complex human relations in the immateriality of cyberspace can

be applied to other studies of the ephemeral. In addition to supporting his methodology,

Whitehead also defends his decisions in negotiating the issues of censorship by stating

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his actions as ethically acceptable. When arguing for a more radical and participatory

approach in ethnographic studies, a consideration of ethics is fundamental for ensuring

a responsible methodology.

The Consequences of Representation: The Ethics of Ethnographies

The purpose of this dissertation is to produce an ethnography about the

paranormal community in Western society, and specifically about paranormal

investigative groups in the state of Florida. An ethnography is a “written representation

of culture (or selected aspects of a culture)” (Van Maanen 2011:1). The fieldwork of an

ethnography is typically participant observation, through which the cultural

anthropologist investigates the “environment, problems, background, language, rituals,

and social relations of a more-or-less bounded and specified group of people” (Van

Maanen 2011:3). The goal of this ethnography is to represent and discuss the

subculture of the paranormal community and provide insight on these socially

marginalized groups of people, who share an interest in a socially-taboo topic despite its

popularity in fictionalized media. However, it is more than just alternative lifestyles or

subcultural interests that bring these people together or motivate them to engage in

ghost hunting; the focus of this research is on the extraordinary experiences of these

paranormal investigators, and how they embody, interpret, and construct their

worldviews and orient themselves within it. Due to the sensitive nature of some of the

topics associated with these experiences, though, it is critical that as an anthropologist

and author to remain ethically conscious of my interactions as well as how these people

and their experiences are represented in the final publication of the ethnography.

The first step in an ethical representation of myself as an ethnographer was in

my presentation of myself to the ghost hunting group that acted as my primary

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informant, Florida Paranormal Investigations. In discussing ethical methods, Agar

(1996) states that “the goal is to begin your work honestly by presenting yourself and

your task in some way that will make sense to group members” (Agar 1996:111). In my

first meeting with the group leader, I clarified that I was a doctoral student from the

University of Florida hoping to do ethnographic research by joining their paranormal

group. I explained my role as a student, stating that the information gathered would

likely be published as articles, presented at conferences, and ultimately form my

doctoral thesis. Similar to the introduction of Thun (2013) to his informants, I was met

with positive reactions and an eagerness to contribute to my research. I obtained the

proper IRB permissions and provided informed consent forms for survey and interview

participants. This methodology of radical participation and honesty (Bowie 2013) proved

successful and productive. Despite being publicly an anthropologist, I was also a full

member of Florida Paranormal Investigations; therefore, I was neither fully an ‘insider’

nor ‘outsider’ but positioned between the two as an ‘observant participator’ (Whitehead

2009). While Whitehead (2009) argues for the ethical acceptance of his performative

ethnography and radical participation, in this position as a full member of the

paranormal team and community there is still the chance of encountering ethically

ambiguous situations. For these potential situations, it is beneficial to review how other

authors discuss fieldwork methods and ethics.

In Bernard’s (2011) discussion of problematic field methods, the issue of ethics in

direct observation is raised. He discusses the subtle ethical differences between some

example studies, which were conducted in public places or used varying levels of

deception on the part of the ethnographer to gather data. Bernard notes several ways in

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which scholars avoided reactivity problems. In one case, a researcher studying children

in a schoolyard used a telephoto lens to take unobtrusive photographs by attaching a

camera to a nearby tree1 (Bernard 2011:329). For Bernard, passive deception which

“involves no experimental manipulation of informants to get them to act in certain ways”

is “ethically aseptic” (Bernard 2011:330). This method is typically used to record

behaviors in public areas. However, more involved fieldwork that requires more frequent

interaction and personal engagement with informants is complicated and requires

greater ethical attention. A disguised field observation for this research would entail

joining Florida Paranormal Investigations under false pretenses, and secretly recording

data about the people in the group. The ethical problems with this method discount it as

being efficient, appropriate, or moral. Being thoroughly honest and direct with the ghost

hunter informants about my position as an author raises the possibility of unreliability,

for many paranormal investigators have rehearsed bits that they repeat to interested

reporters or the general public (Kirk and Miller 1986) to explain their paranormal goals

and methods in a simplified, brief and positive way. However, the methodological

approach of this dissertation research includes the participant observation in various

situations (investigations, meetings, conferences) to achieve a holistic view of ghost

hunters in both public and more private scenarios. While ghost hunters may act in a

more performative way in public settings such as at conferences, private investigations

with clients or public investigations with other teams, I also collected observational data

1 Although Bernard (2011) approves of this method for avoiding reactivity problems, this example of a passive technique for gathering data strikes me as inappropriate, legally questionable, and just plain creepy. Scholars must consider the implications and cultural appropriateness of their data gathering methods.

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in more private spheres such as during the meetings, paranormal investigations, and

informal interactions. Joining the group as a full member, rather than simply acting as

an observer as Thun (2013) did, allowed me access to more intimate settings. With

each setting, I reiterated permission to use the interaction as ethnographic data, to

which I’ve only encountered a few situations in which the information was too personal

to include in the data and publish.

Despite the form of the publications, “we must still be accountable for the

consequences of our representations and the implications of our message—because

they matter” (Madison 2012:5). Madison’s book on critical ethnography details its

theory, methods, and ethics. Among one of the top responsibilities of an ethnography,

according to her, is the responsibility to represent our subjects ethically. The

ethnographer is challenged to be kind, friendly, and honest; in addition, in terms of

technical skills the ethnographer should be as precise, observant, and unobtrusive as

possible (Madison 2012:138). An anthropologist must always be conscious of their

position and power, for “precision, observation, and ethnographic presence necessarily

carry with them moral judgments, interpretive implications, and the responsibility of

representation” (Madison 2012:138). The anthropologist must also be “self-reflexive and

contemplate your intentions and the possible effects of making public those private

encounters and personal moments in the field” (Madison 2012:139). These statements

are highly relevant to this study on paranormal investigators; on dozens of occasions,

interviewees have admitted to me, “I’ve never told anyone this before”. Some of these

stories turn out to be about very personal, intimate, and private experiences the

interviewee had. It is up the ethnographer’s discretion on whether to record, transcribe,

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and publish these stories. I considered the status of the informed consent and the

nature of the story; sometimes I chose not to record or write about the information the

interviewees share. The informant’s privacy, and their trust and relationship with me, is

far more important than publishing a story about trauma that could negatively affect the

individual. Interestingly, paranormal teams also face this decision when conducting

investigations as people’s homes. Most ghost hunting groups have a code of ethics

published on their website to which they adhere, for the sake of their clients’ privacy and

confidentiality. The team leader from the group I joined, Bill, stated that he is “exposed

to not only the paranormal, but the deepest secrets of individuals’ lives.” This group,

Florida Paranormal Investigations, followed a code of ethics2 that emphasized

professionality and discretion. My accountability as an ethnographer, and ghost hunter,

was double-fold. This accountability includes the conscious and ethical collection of

data, as well as the representation of the informants, their beliefs, and their

experiences.

In some cases, a scholar’s approach to how they discuss the paranormal

detracts from the solid research presented in their article. This presents an ethical

concern, since the subjects of their research may be painted in a negative, derogatory

light due to their paranormal beliefs and narratives of their experiences. This could, in

turn, be detrimental to the author’s reputation among those informants and reduce

future research with them. In Thompson’s (2010) article “’Am I Going to See a Ghost

Tonight?’: Gettysburg Ghost Tours and the Performance of Belief,” the topic of the

paranormal is approached from a distinctly skeptical and condescending point of view.

2 See Appendix E for FPI’s code of ethics.

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The author’s opinion on paranormal belief and those who are believers or claim to have

experienced the paranormal, is clearly inferred from the blunt and haughty language

used to describe the Gettysburg ghost tours and tourists. Thompson states that “against

his or her better judgment, the individual seeks out that sense of mystery that comes

from an experience with the supernatural or paranormal” despite a “scientifically

rationalized and technologically sophisticated West” (Thompson 2010:79). Thompson

argues that the “trivialized, touristic, and sometimes silly ghost tour” represents how

“entertainment is the veneer, hiding Americans’ paranormal obsessions from

themselves” (Thompson 2010:79-80). While Thompson characterizes the nature of

performance, humor, and the suspension of disbelief of the ghost tours accurately, he

seems to have generalized the entirety of the paranormal tourism industry (and the

entirety of paranormal believers) based on the few ghost tours and tour guides from

Gettysburg. He acknowledges that the tourists with their own paranormal experiences

are more apt to share them with the tour group due to the atmosphere of an increased

acceptance of the strange, but that these tales and beliefs would be ridiculed in daily

life. However, Thompson’s ontological stance that people do not actually experience the

paranormal (or the uncanny) is conveyed when he hypothetically asks what would

happen if a ghost tour actually encountered a ghost. He answers that the sudden

empirical reality of the tourists would be altered, that this experience of addressing

the great unknown of the paranormal encounter or the still greater unknown of death…may be too frightening, too paralyzing…If the individual were to address the unknown so directly she or he might lose her or his nerve, break down, and crumble in the face of the void. And so, Americans tell stories, make jokes, and bury belief in the playful performance of the ghost tour (Thompson 2010:90).

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While this reaction of an individual to an uncanny experience may be true for some,

Thompson disregards the multitude of people who claim that these types of

transformative, terrifying, unexplainable, and extraordinary experiences are part of their

daily lives. This would include not only the thousands of ghost hunters in America, but

also the number of people with supernatural, spiritual or religious encounters. Based on

the studies from Chapter 3, it is fair to state that these uncanny experiences are not

always sought out, are not always a shocking jolt to one’s worldview, and are

considered by many as an ontological norm which reveals deeper meaning in one’s life;

all which contrast with Thompson’s argument. Overall, Thompson’s study provides

accurate and informative information regarding the ghost hunts in terms of their

structure, performance, and interaction with tourists; however, as a reflection of the

concept of the paranormal on a larger scale, it fails to fully understand how the

paranormal as an extraordinary experience is embodied, understood, and narrated.

Conclusion

Like all cultural anthropologists, it is necessary to remain self-reflexive with my

own position as observer and author. All ethnographies are “politically mediated, since

the power of one group to represent another is always involved” (Van Maanen 2011:4-

5). Following an ethical guideline, I write about and publish the ghost hunters’

experiences and beliefs as accurately as possible, while determining which information

is appropriate to share. Discretion ensures that my relationship with my informants

remains positive and productive. It is important to remember that an “ethnography

irrevocably influences the interests and lives of the people represented in them—

individually and collectively, for better or worse” (Van Maanen 2011:5). The challenge

with this topic of study, the methodology of radical participation, and the experiential

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approach is to balance these two goals: to adhere to ethical values in the treatment of

informants, and to gather and produce reliable ethnographic information to broaden the

body of knowledge in cultural anthropology. Goulet and Miller (2007) argue that as

anthropologists “we are called to transcend our own ethnocentrism and to explore forms

of knowledge production and knowledge dissemination that serve the best interests of

our hosts and our profession” (Goulet and Miller 2007:7). With the tools of

methodological practices and epistemological orientation presented in this chapter, it is

my hope to do just that.

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CHAPTER 5 A CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGIST IN A PARANORMAL WORLD

Overview

In this chapter, I present the data collection, sampling methods, and field

methods to demonstrate how data were obtained for this ethnography. Then, I describe

how I joined a paranormal team and attended my first investigation. The subsequent

sections explore basic aspects of paranormal research teams based on ethnographic

research over the course of four years. These descriptions introduce the reader to

typical ghost hunting team dynamics, objectives, and investigative processes. This

chapter and Chapter 6 will answer the three research questions posited in the

Introduction, by exploring how paranormal teams form and function, how investigators

embody their identity, and how paranormal experiences are interpreted as meaningful

interactions.

Observing Ghost Hunters Observing Ghosts: Data Collection

Using grounded theory to guide this study, I gathered information about

paranormal research teams through surveys, freelists, semi-structured interviews,

image prompts, and participant observation. See Appendix A for the survey and freelist

prompt. See Appendix D for a table of the descriptions of the image prompts. This

section discusses the sampling and data collection methods used for this ethnographic

research. This research study was approved by the University of Florida Institutional

Review Board (protocol number 2014-U-0582).

The sampling methods used to recruit participants was purposive and snowball

sampling. These sampling methods, often “particularly useful in the study of special and

hard-to-find populations” (Bernard and Ryan 2010:365), were appropriate due to the

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dispersed and sometimes isolated nature of ghost hunting groups. While there tends to

be at least one ghost hunting group per major town, these groups can be difficult to

contact since their main avenue of communication is through their website. There are

also different levels of online engagement with ghost hunting groups; some hardly

maintain a website, while others have accounts on social media with consistent updates

and communication with the public. Some groups are very socially involved in their local

communities and in the larger paranormal community, and some groups are more

socially isolated and prefer to conduct investigations on their own with very little

interaction or networking with other paranormal groups.

I selected several groups in the Gainesville, Florida region to initiate contact with.

Only one of the groups responded to my emails, and after an initial meeting and

interview I was accepted into the group Florida Paranormal Investigations (FPI) as an

investigator. Most of the data collection for this research is in the form of participant

observation notes from investigations, meetings, and events with Florida Paranormal

Investigations over the course of nearly four years (from January 2013 through

September 2016). After successfully joining FPI, I was able to expand my sample

through their network with other Florida paranormal groups. I also attended paranormal

events and conferences for Florida paranormal teams. This snowball sampling allowed

me to increase the number of participants by connecting with researchers through the

paranormal community’s social network. The other groups that agreed to be participants

filled out surveys and freelists, allowed me to attend investigations with them, and

participated in image prompts and semi-structured interviews. During my research, I

collected textual data from a total of thirty-four participants from 6 different paranormal

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research groups. 23 of these participants completed a survey, 21 were interviewed, and

10 of these participants did both. Data was collected until theoretical saturation was

reached and no new data identified.

Florida Paranormal Investigations

Joining the Team

After conducting a literature review to gain an understanding of the historical and

social context of paranormal groups, the next stage of the dissertation was to begin the

fieldwork. While most cultural anthropologists conduct their fieldwork using participant

observation, I chose to immerse myself in a more interactive method, termed ‘observant

participation’ or radical participation (Whitehead 2009). I decided to join a paranormal

group to fully experience what it meant to “be” a ghost hunter. An internet search of

Gainesville paranormal groups revealed half a dozen websites for local teams.

Remaining local, rather than traveling out of town, was more convenient and allowed

more time to spend with the team. Some paranormal groups’ websites had not been

updated in a few years, and most were characterized by poorly designed pages. Most

websites had a certain type of representation – they had black backgrounds,

Halloween-style images and cartoon ghosts that flew across the page, and photographs

of the team in intimidating poses with tough expressions. It seemed that these teams

were trying to imitate the gothic style shown on some of the television shows. I sent

emails to most of the webpages that were up to date. I received a response from a

group called Florida Paranormal Investigations (FPI). It is interesting to note that this

was also the only group with a website that looked different from the others in terms of

design, colors, and phrasing. Instead of being ‘spooky’, the website rather looked like

an official business with a neutral colored background, an official logo, and easily

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navigated links to different parts of the site. The main page of the website included the

team’s statement of purpose, including the declaration that “We at Florida Paranormal

Investigations do not title ourselves as ‘experts’ as other groups may claim to be…We

also believe that evidence we collect should be tangible so therefore do not use the

assistance of physics or mediums.” Other pages included a code of ethics, information

on how the investigation process works, and contact information1.

A week later, I was waiting eagerly at a local restaurant during the lunch hour

about to meet with the founder of FPI, Bill, and the Case Manager, Vanessa, for my

interview with the group. At the time, the FPI team consisted of just this duo and they

were looking to replace the members that had recently moved away. Once we were

seated at a table, Bill presented a list of interview questions. They were concerned with

knowing why I was interested in the paranormal, why I wanted to join the group, and if I

had any previous paranormal experiences. I explained myself openly and honestly. I

gave an overview of my aims and topics of my doctoral research, stating that my

academic studies would focus on my experiences with the group. Bill and Vanessa were

excited and friendly, interested in my research and my eagerness to join the group.

They in turn explained their approach to investigations, emphasizing the scientific and

professional way they conduct themselves. Bill distinguished his group from other

groups, which he claimed were more thrill-seeking than actual research or helping

clients, who are the people who contact FPI to request an investigation. He emphasized

that he believed in a more objective approach and the responsibilities that paranormal

researchers have when helping clients in need. According to Bill, too many other

1 See Appendix E for information saved from FPI’s website, which is no longer available online.

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paranormal groups are “Monkey see, monkey do.” He argued that other teams imitate

what they see on the paranormal TV shows, investigating for the thrills and with no

regards to the clients’ actual problems and psychological distress. This was an

interesting statement, as Bill was claiming his team is a ‘real’ team, almost as a warning

– If you’re not here for the right reasons, this is not the group for you. The rest of the

interview went well, and a few days later I received a phone call from Bill who said that

my trial period with the group could begin. Not long after, I was joining the group for

meetings and investigations. Beginning as an investigator with a local team was useful

in learning more about the jargon used in the paranormal field, understanding

assumptions and implied meanings during interactions with other teams, and

connecting with other paranormal teams across the state of Florida.

My First Ghost Hunt

The first investigation with Florida Paranormal Investigations proved actual

paranormal research is wildly different than the ghost hunting shown on TV. It took

place at Clay County Jail2, located about an hour northeast of Gainesville. We teamed

up with another investigator, Ethan, from another paranormal group with whom Bill had

close connections and friendships. Ethan had brought along his preteen daughter and

was showing her the ropes of investigating and using some of the technology. I was

very impressed that his daughter had the interest and courage to do an investigation – I

know many people my age who shudder at the very thought of it. The Jail is a two-story

structure built in the 1800s, owned by the local city government and had partly been

2 http://www.hauntedplaces.org/item/old-clay-county-jail/

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converted into a records office3. Like many public locations, the Jail is available on

weekend nights for paranormal groups to come and investigate, for a fee. This has

proved successful in raising funds for many locations, and their haunted reputation is

reinforced by positive reviews of paranormal groups that pay to investigate. For our

group, it was good practice for teaching new team members the basics of investigating.

I was keen to see how the paranormal investigators worked during an

investigation. While the documentary-style television shows about ghost hunters can be

entertaining, they do not accurately show all the aspects of paranormal investigating.

There are several similarities between the TV shows and the real deal, though. One of

these parallels is the concept of the team wearing matching uniforms. Wearing the

uniform shirts to investigations shows that they are there as professionals on the job

(albeit unpaid ones). FPI had white polo shirts with the team name and motto in small

unobtrusive lettering. Bill stated that he wanted the team uniforms to be discrete. As he

put it, “There is no sense for a paranormal swat team to show up at somebody’s house.”

Bill said that many clients didn’t want to advertise the residential investigations to their

neighbors.

My excitement built during the hour-long drive to the Clay County Jail, and I was

itching to get started. However, the first major difference from the television shows

occurred the moment we arrived: paperwork came first. After pulling into the parking lot,

we met with the woman who ran the building who had waivers for us to sign. We paid

her the fee ($20 per person), and she gave us a quick overview of the history of the jail

and layout of the building. Once we were cleared to start, we gathered our equipment

3 http://archives.clayclerk.com/

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from the cars and set up camp in the downstairs ‘kitchen’ room of the jail. At the time,

FPI did not have a DVR system (digital video recording system)4, so we were using only

the most fundamental equipment needed for an investigation: flashlights, digital

cameras, and voice recorders. Bill took Vanessa and me to a cell in the downstairs cell

block, and he started to go over basic techniques and procedures. These observation

techniques include determining where to sit in a room so as to be able to view

everything, noticing where sources of light are coming from (such as street lights

through the window), how to position the voice recorder on a surface to avoid vibrational

interference on the recording5, and to tune into all your senses to listen, look, and feel

your surroundings. While he was explaining, he thought he suddenly heard something

from the hallway. He stood in the cell doorway and Vanessa and I crowded around him,

staring down the dark hallway lined with cell doors. We were dead silent, listening

intently. Bill began to ask questions towards the hallway, inviting whatever had possibly

made the noise to make it again. When nothing unusual happened, we dismissed the

noise as possibly the sound of Ethan upstairs, and he returned to instructing me. The

rest of the night was spent sitting silently in cells listening for anything strange or

engaging in EVP6 sessions.

4 The DVR system set-up includes a hard drive to store video, a computer monitor to view the video feed, and infrared cameras which can be placed around the location.

5 Placing a voice recorder on a metal surface will cause the sounds on the audio recording to reverberate and make the audio file hard to hear.

6 EVP is an abbreviation for Electronic Voice Phenomena. It is based on the idea that spirits or noncorporeal entities can be heard by using recording devices such as a voice recorder, even if the human ear cannot hear the sound at the time. Audio recordings are later reviewed to determine if any anomalous sounds or voices had been recorded, which were not noticed at the time of recording by the investigator.

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While most of the night was uneventful, within the last hour Bill experienced

something odd. He exclaimed that he saw something like a light whiz by him, and then

his flashlight, which was placed on a jail cell cot, abruptly turned on for a few seconds

and turned off. I witnessed the flashlight going on and off but did not see what flew past

him. We called Ethan over and the whole group crowded inside the cell to try to

encourage something else to happen. Ethan and Bill claimed to be seeing tiny little

sparks of colored lights around the flashlight. Vanessa and I could not see them, but at

this point it was well past midnight and my tired eyes were having trouble focusing in the

dark. After about a half hour, Bill and Ethan were not seeing the lights anymore. They

decided that it was late, the paranormal activity had died down, and it was near time to

leave. We packed up the equipment, did a final walkthrough of the building to make

sure all cameras and voice recorders were picked up, and left after saying farewell to

the property manager.

Paranormal Research Groups

This section covers the basic elements of a paranormal research team, compiled

from my participant observation notes, survey answers, and interviews. It discusses

team formation and dynamics, people’s motivations for joining the groups, types of

investigations, and the process of a private investigation at a client’s residence. This

information provides a context to understand the case studies presented in Chapter 6

and the textual analysis in Chapter 7.

General Information: How Groups Form and Function

Paranormal research teams begin with a founder. When a person or couple want

to start a team, they start by searching for other interested individuals and create an

informal group. At this point, they generate a team name; often, the name may include

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their town or region to indicate the location of the group and where they primarily

investigate. Smaller groups may start investigating publicly accessible locations such as

cemeteries. These investigations are more casual, don’t require long travel, an entrance

fee, or professional behavior. As the team grows, they establish a website or social

media page to be accessible to the public. Teams may do private, residential cases if

they are contacted by people who request help. They may also conduct investigations

at locations such as museums, jails, or other historical buildings by paying a fee to the

location owner. The proportion of the different types of cases depends on the team. The

team members themselves often include a wide variety of backgrounds, beliefs, and

roles in the group. Nearly all members have viewed the paranormal reality television

shows to some extent and enter the group with a basic understanding of what

paranormal phenomena is and the basic methods of investigation. Some individuals

have more technical expertise and manage the team’s equipment, and other individuals

may claim to have intuitive abilities of varying degrees.

Unlike the official headquarters portrayed in popular paranormal television

shows, most paranormal groups do not own their own office or building. They meet in

public or private locations to hold meetings and discuss cases. Paranormal groups are

not paid for what they do – it is a volunteer-based activity that generates no revenue. To

most investigators, it is a weekend hobby and meetup group. That means that

transportation, equipment, website fees, and other expenses come straight from the

investigators’ own pockets. For this reason, there tends to be limitations on who can be

in a group (who can afford to spend the time and money) and it is a standard interview

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question for FPI to ask potential new members if they are employed or not or have

access to transportation.

General group meetings during my time FPI would take place in several different

locations. Often, they occurred at the residence of one of the team members. While

some meetings took place at a local café or public area, there was often a desire for

more privacy and discretion to talk about cases. These meetings consisted of

discussing upcoming cases and events and recapping past investigations. We would lay

out a game plan for new cases: debating the reported experiences and deciding ahead

of time where we would place cameras and which areas would be ‘hotspots’ that require

the most attention. It was also a place for going over previous investigations, talking

about personal experiences and presenting evidence anyone may have caught on a

recording device. And sometimes, it was an opportunity to just chat about paranormal

topics; things that most investigators don’t have the chance to talk about outside of the

group. For most investigators, their family and friends are aware of their involvement in

a paranormal group but don’t feel comfortable discussing these topics with people who

aren’t involved in investigations. In these meetings, investigators are discussing their

interests, concerns, and ideas with common minds.

There can be several inherent problems with the way these groups are structured

and operate. These groups can be unstable and temporary, sometimes not lasting more

than a few months or years, and may cycle through members often. If a team founder

does not know how to establish infrastructure or is not a strong leader, they will likely

have issues with intragroup conflict and organization. Since paranormal research is

entirely voluntary and unpaid, it can be difficult for all members to be able to attend

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meetings, investigations, and afford the equipment and other expenses. Career and

family also interfere with investigating, especially when teams must travel and then

spend time reviewing evidence. FPI had members quit the group due to other priorities,

and the process of interviewing and recruiting new members can be difficult and time

consuming.

Motivations and Goals: Why People Join

There are several different reasons why people choose to seek out and join

paranormal groups. Some people become investigators for one major reason, but most

participants explained that they joined for a combination of reasons. These motivations

and goals for investigating are either personal or altruistic. Based on interview and

survey data, there are seven major reasons for becoming a paranormal investigator.

See Figure 5-1 for a breakdown in how often each of these reasons was mentioned by

participants. They are ranked from the least frequently expressed to the most, from

bottom to top:

• Wanting a personal paranormal experience

• Helping spirits

• Adding to society’s knowledge of the paranormal

• Helping people (the clients)

• Having a general interest and curiosity in the paranormal

• Looking for answers

• Having a paranormal experience prior to joining a group

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Figure 5-1. Bar chart of the frequency of each coded reason or goal for joining a ghost hunting group. This graph reflects the interviews and surveys from the thirty-four participants, which were coded for one or more of the listed motivations for being on a paranormal team. There are seventy-one total coded segments total.

Of the seven major motivations, four of them are primarily personal: prior

paranormal experiences, looking for answers, a general interest or curiosity, and

seeking a paranormal experience. Most investigators stated that they had a paranormal

experience prior to joining the group, and they joined to find out more about the

paranormal to help explain their previous experiences. Charlotte, a member of

PSOBFL, recounted several strange experiences she had growing up. She searched for

a local paranormal group, and “joined because of personal experiences and to find

answers to the paranormal. I want to learn how and why the paranormal exists.” These

team members often have doubts or conflictions about their personal beliefs, which

were challenged by their paranormal experience. In the paranormal community, they

can share their previous experiences and find commonality with others. Investigator Rita

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

Prior paranormal experience

Looking for answers

Interest / curiosity in the paranormal

Helping people

Adding to knowledge

Helping spirits

Want personal paranormal experience

Frequency of "Reasons & Goals" Codes for Ghost Hunting

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stated that her reasons for joining FPI were “to bond with like-minded people, assist

those who might be living in fear of the paranormal, and attempt to uncover more truth

to my beliefs in the existence of life after death.” Sharing similar interests is another

main reason for joining groups; some investigators stated that they simply had a

curiosity in the paranormal and wanted to learn more from a group where they could

openly express their curiosity and enthusiasm.

I've always been fascinated in local lore and legends growing up. My mother had a museum background and would take me to various historical places. Each time, I always felt a connection to the history at each. I would always think 'if these walls could talk'. As the paranormal field became more credible in the late ‘90s, 2000s, I would frequently watch paranormal shows, always wanting to do what they did. -Caleb

The last of the personal goals for investigating is to seek paranormal experiences.

Investigators who have this as their primary objective are often referred to as thrill-

seekers and are generally demeaned by other paranormal groups who claim more

altruistic motivations. However, seeking paranormal experiences is closely tied with

looking for answers, since having these experiences as a group can help investigators

feel validated in their beliefs and understandings of the paranormal.

I want to experience something. I want to see something. I want to connect with the spirit world. I was open as a small child I had all kinds of experiences, and I knew things, and felt things. And I shut myself down when I was about nineteen and had a bad experience, kind of a very evil presence, and it scared me so I closed myself up. Just want to have those experiences again, I want to open up and doing this helps me because I’m more open. And it’s fun, and it gives me something to do. I hate to say it like that but it’s true, and that’s it, that’s my main thing. It’s a group comradery, we see it, I’m not the only one who’s seen it, somebody else, like that time at Rolling Hills when we all saw it, and we’re like “Yeah!” You know, it validates things, and I guess I’m looking for validation that there is another realm out there. Spiritual realm. That’s my goal, just to become more open to the spirit world and to get back in touch with that child I used to be, I suppose. -Abby

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The other four major reasons why people investigate are more altruistic in nature, as

they are aimed at assisting others outside of the individual. Adding to our knowledge of

the paranormal is often phrased as seeking out the truth, gaining a better understanding

of what the paranormal is, or obtaining evidence of the paranormal for the scientific

community. However, this evidence is not only proof for academia but also acts as a

validation for personal experiences and beliefs. Gail, from KPI, explained that she joined

for several reasons, including examining the paranormal evidence shown on television;

she joined because of her curiosity. Gail stated, “I watched Ghost Adventures with my

husband. Being a scientist, I was attracted to all the gadgets and wondered if the 'proof'

was truthful. I had to know for myself.” Another investigator interested in science,

George, stated that he wanted “to see if I could put science to work in contacting them

and record it for evidence.” Proof and evidence are not only the team’s goal when doing

an investigation but individual goals, as well. By procuring technical evidence, such as

photographs, audio recordings, video, or anomalous meter readings, investigators feel

they can substantiate their own beliefs as well as prove to the world the existence of

paranormal phenomena.

I'd been interested in the paranormal probably forty to forty-five years. First paranormal experience was in 1969, in Vietnam. Why I got into a group...this group, it's a scientific-based group. Even though I am a believer, I still have to have proof. And my only goal is to find proof. -Eddie

Teams that primarily do private, residential cases are more driven by the goal of helping

others. Residential cases take place in the home of a client, someone who has

contacted the team requesting assistance. The team may respond by simply answering

questions or by conducting an investigation in the client’s house; either way, the

objective is to help put the client at ease and solve whatever paranormal problem they

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have. FPI’s founder, Bill, says that he started his group after being a client himself.

When he was experiencing strange occurrences in his apartment, he contacted a local

team. Impressed by their knowledge of the paranormal and their investigative methods,

he decided to found Florida Paranormal Investigations to assist others who are in a

similar, confusing situation that he was in. Bill explained that he “was a client in need. I

was intrigued of the process of investigation. After meeting a specific client, I felt I was

'called' to do it.” In a way, he describes it as a moral obligation. Even when helping

clients wasn’t the initial motivation for joining a group, investigator Eddie of War Party

Paranormal Research found meaning in it.

Something I didn't really think I'd have a passion for is whenever we can help people. That's a genuine good feeling when we can help somebody, and make the boogey man go away, and get answers. Or just validate that they're not crazy. But you know, I got into the paranormal to get some answers. Like I said, the more answers I got, it raised more questions. -Eddie

This meaningful interaction with clients is reiterated by nearly every investigator who

does residential cases with their team.

Helping a client to a point in where they feel safe and secure, and having them cry on your shoulder while thanking you, is very meaningful. As I stated, it is the most important reason I investigate. -Nate

Searching for meaningful encounters extends to spiritual interactions, as well. These

experiences are more intimate than the thrill-seeking type of investigating. One of the

rarer motivations of joining a team is to seek spiritual encounters with deceased loved

ones. Suffering from grief, people look for consolation. There is an uncertainty about the

fate of loved ones after death, and when religious beliefs do not supply satisfying

answers, people may turn to the paranormal for an explanation.

The only thing I have never had experienced with is my son. I never have been able to communicate with him, I've never been able to see him. So, I

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figure that means he must be at peace, you know. That's the only thing I can think of. I mean, that was one of the reasons why we started doing more researching, and really getting into it is because I wanted to contact my son. But, it hasn't happened, so I figured he's at peace. He's probably up there, if there is a God, saying 'God, you better watch out when my mom gets here.' Because I've been to more children's funerals than I've been to adults'. That's one of the reasons why we really started getting heavy into it. -Emma

Paranormal investigators have a wide variety of reasons for joining a team and

conducting investigations. While some are initially interested due to paranormal reality

television shows, others are looking for explanations to previous strange experiences.

Part of the allure of investigating is for the thrill, and a major draw is the ability to assist

other people and spirits. Overall, they all have an underlying desire to learn more about

unexplainable experiences.

Location Types: Where Paranormal Research Groups Investigate

There were five types of investigations that I attended during the length of my

ethnographic research, either as a member of FPI or as a guest with another group.

Three of the types can be considered public, and two as private. This refers to both the

location of the investigation as well as the level of discretion used by the teams. The five

types are:

• Public training grounds

• Public locations available for a fee

• Public locations selectively available during events

• Private case of a public location

• Private case of a residential location

The first type of public case is a more casual investigation at a “training ground.”

Some teams will find an informal public location for the group to practice investigating or

to train new members of the group. These investigations, while instructive, may be more

relaxed and do not require uniforms, paperwork, or other forms of professionalism

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employed for more serious cases. Teams often choose a local cemetery as their

training ground; its free to enter, and many cemeteries are reportedly haunted, so the

team can gain paranormal experiences.

We usually take them...like Caleb just joined last, this past meeting. I think he's gonna work out really good though. We usually take them to a cemetery first, to get them used to the equipment that George and I have, like the full spectrum video camera and stuff like that. So they get used to using it…And we train them up there, and if they seem like they don't need any more training, or they understand what you're saying, and talking about, then we'll just let them go on the next investigation. But if they seem like they need more training, then we don't let them go until we think they're full-fledged ready to actually experience what you're gonna go through. -Emma

The second type of public case is a location where groups can investigate if they

reserve a night and pay a fee to the location owner. This can be a beneficial way for the

owner to make extra revenue outside of business hours. It also gives teams the chance

to investigate notoriously haunted buildings. These locations tend to be museums, jails,

and other historical buildings. I attended investigations of this type at the following

locations: The Old County Jail and Courthouse7 in Green Cove Springs, Antiques and

Uniques Collectibles8, the Tampa Theater9, the May-Stringer House Museum10, the

Seven Sisters Inn11, Old South Pittsburg Hospital12, and St. Albans Sanatorium13.

7 http://archives.clayclerk.com/paranormal/

8 http://www.antiquesuniquescollectibles.com/

9 http://tampatheatre.org/tour/ghosts-of-tampa-theatre-tour/

10 http://www.hernandohistoricalmuseumassoc.com/aboutus2.html

11 http://sevensistersinn.org/

12 http://osphghosthunts.com/

13 http://www.stalbans-sanatorium.com/

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The third type of public case is similar and includes public buildings, but I

distinguish these locations because they may not be available to ghost hunting teams

normally. These locations have offered investigations for teams as part of a special

event or conference. These locations include the Kenilworth Lodge14 and the Vault15.

The Kenilworth Lodge hosted the 2015 Paranormal Information Association16

conference and the 2015 Paranormal Kicks Cancer17 fundraising event. The Kenilworth

Lodge allowed investigators to go to the basement, the attic, and a specific room that

was reportedly haunted. The Vault hosted the Paranormal Kicks Cancer event in 2016,

allowing attendees in the basement for an investigation.

The first type of private case is also a public location, but the owners request a

paranormal team for assistance. The owners might require that the investigation of the

location be kept confidential, asking the team to be discrete. These owners do not want

the general public to become aware that their location might be haunted and gain a

reputation, which might harm their business. The team will treat this case similar to a

residential case: by behaving more professional, attempting to debunk claims and

document any strange activity, and presenting the findings to the location owners.

The second type of private case is a residential case. Paranormal groups are

often contacted by people, called clients, who feel they have paranormal activity

occurring in their home. The team will assess the reported claims and decide which

14 http://www.kenilworthlodge.com/

15 https://vaulttampacatering.com/

16 http://www.hauntedtravelsusa.com/me/haunted-travels-usa/2015-pia-gathering-9106.html

17 http://paranormalkickscancer.org/

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course of action to take. Sometimes the client just has some questions or wants to send

in a photograph to get the team’s opinion on it. If the client is experiencing things in the

home, it may warrant sending the team to the house to do an investigation. Greg, an

investigator from KPI, noted that:

If it is deemed necessary that we do need to do an investigation, we do have a prioritized list. If someone's either getting injured or there are children involved, we'll do that immediately. Like, that's the number one priority. The moment that they're available, we'll have a team available to go and help them out and answer any questions they have. -Greg

KPI’s process includes sending a team to conduct a preliminary investigation. At the

house, the team will take base readings using some of the equipment and interview the

clients. The questionnaire includes family history, medical history, and asks about the

paranormal occurrences in the home. The goal is to try to figure out what’s going on,

and why something paranormal might be there. If a full investigation is needed, the

team returns another night. Typically, the investigations consist of a series of EVP

sessions in different spots throughout the house. They try to capture as much as they

can using voice recorders, cameras, and other technological gadgets. The team

members will also try to “debunk” the client’s claims to see if there is a logical

explanation (e.g., determining if a mysterious knocking sound is actually caused by a

household appliance or other natural cause). As many investigators admitted,

investigations are not as sexy or exciting as what is portrayed on the paranormal reality

television shows. EVP sessions can last for up to an hour or more, with long pauses

and silence between each question the investigator asks aloud. Investigations can last

anywhere from four to ten hours, usually starting early in the evening and concluding

well past midnight.

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So, after the investigation we'll go through the evidence, present anything we have to them that we find that was profound enough that we feel that either had to do with what they were claiming, or we came across that could possible debunk what they were claiming. Cause that's a major process as well, is going through and making sure we're covering all of our bases. Touching on science, touching on physics, just making sure that we're on the same page. They'll claim things that are happening, we'll try to explain to them exactly what's going on. -Greg

After the findings are presented to the client, it is determined if another investigation is

required or if the client is satisfied. A team member, usually someone with the role of

case manager, may keep in occasional contact with the client with follow-up emails to

see if activity has resumed. This process closely mirrors the typical investigation

process that FPI conducted, along with several of the other groups I observed.

The War Party Paranormal team had an approach that was similar, but with a

unique objective; rather than focusing on the paranormal aspect, the team examines the

home life of the clients. For residential cases, the team examines the case to find an

appropriate “prescription” to help stop the client’s reported paranormal activity in the

home.

We work off the philosophy that most residential homes are some type of dysfunction. There's something that knocks these people off center…if you can find out what makes these people off center, take care of that, the haunt goes away. Because it's parasites, it's spiritual parasites that feed on that negativity, that weakness, whatever's happening, if there's a lot of fighting, disgruntled feelings in the home, all this negative stuff as far as what's happening in the home, if there's drugs, alcohol abuse. That raises the activity in the home. If there's physical abuse, that raises the activity in the home.

Then the prescription when we leave is, this is what you're going to do for us. This is what you're gonna do. And I promise you, if you do this, your activity is going to stop. You spent a lifetime building up your memories, good ones - vacations, having fun, going on dates, this and that - all these good things. You're going to eat dinner as a family, and you're going to recount these memories, you're going to laugh. I want laughter. No scary movies, no war movies, just watch comedies. Laughter is very strong. For the next two weeks until you hear back from us, I want just silly-ass

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laughing. If you just gotta be silly and laugh, that's what I want you to do. And it works. It works. -Dan

This approach to an investigation examines the client’s lifestyle and relationships,

determines the trigger for the paranormal activity, and gives a prescription for lifestyle

changes to make it cease. The team still conducts the investigation using technical

equipment and EVP sessions, but the end goal is not necessarily proof of the

paranormal. Instead, the main objective is to make the paranormal activity stop

altogether. All investigations, private or public, can be framed and conducted according

to the team’s end objective.

Conclusion

While previous chapters provided background information obtained from literary

sources, this chapter presented general material about ghost hunting groups based on

firsthand observations while on a paranormal team. This chapter also introduced my

data collection, sampling strategies, and field methods. I described how I joined a

paranormal team and the first ghost hunt I attended as a member of Florida Paranormal

Investigations. Then, I covered basic information about paranormal research teams and

the investigative process. This contextual information about the typical formation and

functioning of ghost hunting groups is essential for understanding these subsequent

chapters. Several of these topics are illustrated in Chapter 6 through a selection of case

studies. The themes from this chapter are further analyzed and discussed in Chapter 7,

where I explore the cultural domain and epistemology of ghost hunters and the

paranormal field

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CHAPTER 6 CASE STUDIES: 3 HAUNTINGS

Overview

This chapter describes three case studies from my time as a researcher and

active paranormal team member. These case studies are drastically different in their

locations and context, but the same concept appeared repeatedly: that despite the

reliance on technological tools and devices, the most impactful experiences occurred

through bodily sensations and emotional contact. Chapter 4 emphasized the importance

of ethics and professional methodology; these case studies also reveal how, as a

cultural anthropologist, remaining professional and ethical could be challenging at times.

Paranormal teams also have a set of ethics for their group conduct, and these ethical

codes are critical for guidance in some difficult situations. Objectivity is often the aim of

these groups, but the paranormal experience becomes a subjective experience of the

body. Even as the first case study shows, the body is not just for experiencing the

paranormal but also how investigators create performances to interact with each other

as well as the spirits. This revelation that the human body is the most fundamental ‘tool’

in paranormal investigations informs the rest of the analysis in Chapter 7, correlating

with a main theme of validating personal experiences.

“The human body is the best tool in paranormal research”: Gender and Performance at Old South Pittsburg Hospital

Nestled into the side of a rolling mountain and hidden within a small, quiet

neighborhood is an abandoned, crumbling hospital that is a site of pilgrimage for many

paranormal investigators. Built in 1959 as the South Pittsburg Municipal Hospital, it

served the surrounding community until its doors closed in 1998 when a new hospital

was constructed. According to the current owners’ website, “many lawsuits, wrongful

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deaths, child abuse deaths, and many tragic deaths due to fatal illnesses occurred”1 at

this location. And while the hospital’s three floors and sprawling wings exude a sense of

eeriness with its broken windows, crawling vines, and dimly lit halls, it also evokes a

feeling of loss. A dusty white lab coat hangs on the back of the door. The lunch menu is

still pinned to the corkboard in the nurses’ station. Bins of files and records are

scattered across the floor of a closet. The downstairs chapel is empty except for rows of

weathered wooden pews. But the sense of eeriness churns your stomach when you

turn down a dark hallway corner and find a wheelchair, or a child’s toy, likely left there

by another investigator to instigate paranormal activity, and you are reminded that the

hospital may still be abandoned, but you are also surrounded by spirits.

The seriousness of the place is lifted as you encounter other things; a large

chalkboard upstairs meant for recording patient procedures is filled with scribbles of

“penis removal”, “sex change”, and tagged by previous ghost hunters. The floor of an

operating room has large swaths of red paint on the floor to mimic blood, from when the

hospital was open as a Halloween haunted house in previous years. It becomes harder

to tell which objects are original to the hospital, and which were planted by the current

owners to enhance the experience. The wheelchairs lined up in the hallway are

practically begging to be used for races around the ward, which happened on more than

one occasion during our visits. The creepy reverence of the haunted hospital recedes,

and the place becomes a ghost hunter’s playground. The haunted hospital is many

things: a place to explore the boundary between the living and ghosts (both in a

historical, metaphorical sense as well as spiritual), an opportunity for paranormal groups

1 http://osphghosthunts.com/

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to interact, and a stage for performance where investigators play roles for each other

and for the dead.

My first trip to Old South Pittsburg Hospital with Florida Paranormal

Investigations included the opportunity to meet and work with several other groups. It

was FPI’s first major road trip with our new members, and the group leader Bill

coordinated with several other teams from the North Florida region to investigate the

hospital together. We carpooled for the seven-hour drive on a Friday, following major

highways north until we passed Chattanooga. We pulled off on an exit, stopping briefly

by a Walmart to purchase snacks, food, and other supplies for the weekend. We drove

through the small town of South Pittsburg, following the directions to a side street. We

pulled into a small parking lot behind the hospital, joining several other cars belonging to

the other teams. The owners met us outside and unlocked the back doors, leading us

into a break room just inside. We were briefed on the history of building, given the rules

and restrictions, and asked to sign a waiver. No drinking, no drugs, keep the back doors

locked, and so on. But besides that, we were given free reign of the hospital; we could

investigate any time of day or night until we had to leave on Sunday. We unloaded our

bags from the car and were led to a wing of the hospital on the main floor that had

power and running water. Each of the rooms in that hallway had two mattresses, and

rooms were connected by joint bathrooms. We brought our own sheets, towels, and

necessities. In fact, it felt like a summer camp for ghost hunters.

With our things unpacked we began exploring the hospital, equipped with

flashlights and basic paranormal tools like voice recorders and K2 meters. The rest of

the building didn’t have electricity, so the only light came from patches of sunlight

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filtering through crusted windows. During the day, some of the hallways and rooms were

pitch black, so dark you couldn’t see your hand in front of your face. Ethan dared me to

walk from one end of a completely dark corridor to the other without a flashlight; I was a

chicken and couldn’t do it. As we walked down the hallways, punctuated by squares of

pale light and patches of darkness where doors were open or closed, it felt like eyes

were on us. It felt safe enough when I walked around with others, but whenever I went

alone from my room to the break room for meals, I hurried my steps.

Figure 6-1. A hallway at Old South Pittsburg Hospital. Toys were placed around the building to help trigger paranormal activity from the child spirits reported to be haunting this building.

During one of the nights there, the three groups were gathered by the leader of

another group, who directed us to go together to the third floor to conduct an

experiment. We gathered up lab coats, strait jackets, stethoscopes, and other medical

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items that had been left around the hospital. The owners said we could use any of the

objects in the building, and investigators often used what they found to try to appeal to

the ghosts for an interaction. So, we dressed ourselves as doctors and nurses (and one

mental patient) and climbed the hallway staircase to a large operating room.

The objective of this experiment was to reenact the sights, sounds, and activities

that might be familiar to the ghosts there, to stimulate paranormal activity and

encourage communication with them. The investigators split off into two groups; most of

the men set up cameras and equipment in the hallways but the women stayed in the

operating room. I stood in the corner of the room observing as they reenacted a medical

check-up, with a pregnant investigator as the willing victim. She laid down on the single

operating table in the room, and the rest of us gathered around her, pretending to poke

her with instruments and asking medical questions. Some of the questions turned silly,

and soon all the women were giggling and enjoying the fun of the reenactment. The

men, in contrast, were patrolling the halls in serious silence, ready to catch any

paranormal activity such as sounds or shadows with their technological equipment. The

atmosphere in the operating room was relaxed and playful, like playing dress up and

pretend. We had our roles and were playing out a performance, a dramatization and

silly reenactment of a check-up.

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Figure 6-2. The female members of the groups, and FPI leader Bill, reenact a medical checkup in the operating room.

After about forty-five minutes, we reconvened and returned downstairs. The men

didn’t note any apparent activity, but there were always the voice recorders to check

later for EVPs. Despite the collaborative nature of this exercise, we didn’t work with the

other groups again for the rest of the weekend. Instead, the paranormal teams operated

separately, investigating in small groups. The hospital was large enough that we only

occasionally ran into another team.

When I asked Bill what the most important tools were for paranormal research,

he replied, “The human body is the best tool in paranormal research.” His reasoning

was that although scientific instruments can measure electro-magnetic fields and take

pictures and record audio, these devices cannot differentiate between phenomena that

are natural or paranormal; that is up to the investigator to determine. So even though

technology plays a prominent part in how ghost hunters conduct investigations and

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record anomalies, the most impactful paranormal phenomena is experienced and

interpreted through bodily senses. And in this scenario of the medical performance, the

body was literally used as a tool to instigate paranormal activity.

Men and women seemed had their own role during the reenactment. These roles

were not defined by experience or age, but by sex. Women were the actresses, the

role-players, the dramatizers. Men acted as the solemn scientific documenters. This

divide did not appear to be self-realized among the investigators; if it was, it was not

verbalized. Gender does seem to influence the role of investigators, and different

methods for paranormal investigating can be gendered as well. A male investigator’s

fancy camera set-up with infrared attachments lightheartedly dubbed it the “Masculinity

3000.”

Roughly an equal number of men and women participate in paranormal research.

But men, more often than women, seem inclined to embody more of a detached

approach to investigating, relying on gadgets and equipment for readings and

confirmation or dismissal of paranormal activity. Women, on the other hand, tend to be

more intuitive and rely on bodily senses for identifying paranormal activity. The psychics

of the groups studied for this research consisted of both men and women, though more

often women. In different paranormal groups, men are nearly always the ‘tech experts’

and nearly all the case managers are women. Since women rarely fulfill the role of tech

expert, it seems that men have the flexibility to move between both extremes of

scientific and metaphysical roles. While positions of leadership seem to be shared

equally by both genders, it is interesting that the roles of men are more varied than

women’s roles. However, these are not absolute gender roles. There are wide variations

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within the field that may contradict these generalizations, but overall these are the

prominent patterns that arose during my time as a participant. Saide (2013) examined

studies that attempted to predict paranormal beliefs based on demographics and

gender, arguing that gender is not a predictor of paranormal beliefs and that a wider

context is needed. Saide lamented about “the annoying false dichotomy I often hear

where women are more ‘emotional’ while men are more ‘logical’” (Saide 2013:29). While

these gendered characteristics may be a false dichotomy, these stereotypes appear to

be reinforced by paranormal investigators not through their beliefs but through their

methods of investigation.

Pizza, the Portal, and Personal Experiences

On a hot, muggy afternoon in August of 2015, I drove to St. Augustine to meet

with a paranormal group called War Party Paranormal Research. I was introduced to a

few of their members at a paranormal conference earlier that year, but this was my first

time meeting them as a group to do interviews and accompany them on an

investigation. I found parking in the crowded downtown and wove through the bundles

of sun-burned tourists to a local pizza parlor. Spotting the team, I elbowed my way

through the crowded restaurant and greeted them. Around the table sat a man and

three women, who all seemed a little nervous and unsure about me but still gave me a

friendly smile. I sat with them and explained what my research was about, including an

image prompt activity that I wanted to try with them. “She wants to do a psych test on

us!” One of the women joked. I laughed but reassured them that wasn’t the intention of

the activity. Dan gave me an overview of what their group does for investigations, about

their method of finding the clients’ “dysfunction,” and their goal of helping the client cure

it. One of the women, Christine, started chatting about their experiences at the antique

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store that they investigated the night beforehand. After finishing the pizza, we walked

over to the fort. Christine was especially talkative; I was grateful for this, due to my own

nervousness. She said her husband didn’t used to believe in the paranormal and was a

skeptic, but after the team visited a cemetery ‘something’ followed her home and

strange things started happening around the house. At this cemetery, Christine

described visions that she was having of various spirits. She checked the areas of the

cemetery she was in and found that it correlated to the types of spirits she saw: a man

shaking his fist at her in the Jewish area, and children around her when she was in the

baby section. She claimed no prior knowledge of the areas of the cemetery she was in,

defending herself. “Why was I the only one seeing this? Was I going crazy?” she

exclaimed. Although she felt verified in her experiences because of how the visions

correlated to the areas, she still expressed fear that the group would label her as crazy

or lying.

When we got to the fort, we climbed the stairs to the top of the gun deck to watch

the cannons fire. Walking around, we ended up downstairs by the ‘dungeon room’. This

small inner room was once storage for gunpowder, but during a siege was used to

hoard trash and was boarded up once it was full. When it was discovered in the 1900s

bones, rumors burst that it was a secret dungeon with the remains of prisoners. This

myth has been perpetuated by several television series, including popular paranormal

reality shows. To get inside the inner room, you crawl through a narrow opening.

Christine was apprehensive about going in due to her claustrophobia, but I assured her

that I’d go with her. After we crawled through, we stood up in the small dimly lit space. It

was quiet, the thick coquina walls muting the noises from the rest of the fort and

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downtown. I felt stuffy and warm, but Christine said she felt chilly. Standing still, she

described feeling an energy in the room. We paused for a few minutes, listening and

observing the room until more tourists entered. After we crawled out, we regrouped with

the other team members just outside and Christine excitedly exclaimed, “Ooh, I felt

something! It felt colder in there.” She was eager to compare her experience to the

other group members for verification.

While the other group members continued exploring the fort I sat with another

woman, Sherry, to do an impromptu interview. She described how she first got started

in ghost hunting back in the 1970s, and she elaborated on several of her experiences.

Despite the number of people walking by and standing around us, she was undeterred

and was very open and talkative. After the fort visit, I went with the group back to their

hotel since we still had a few hours until the investigation. I took this opportunity to chat

with a few of the members and do the image prompt activity. As I sat with Sherry and

held each image out, Sherry gave a straightforward description of the image in almost

technical terms. When I did the image prompt activity with Christine, her responses

were markedly different; Christine felt emotional responses to the images and described

more conflict, noting what feelings the images evoked.

Before leaving the hotel, I walked outside with Christine to find Dan sitting at an

outdoor table with two hotel guests. A device sat on the table between them, giving off

soft static sounds. I asked Dan to describe what the device was. He called it a Portal,

which scans through radio stations quickly. He was asking the Portal questions, the

three of them listening closely for any response. Christine and I pulled up some chairs

to observe. Dan looked at me, then turned to the Portal. “Can you say her name?” He

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asked, pointing a finger in my direction. Within seconds, an unmistakable word emitted

from the speakers. “Stephanie.” We gasped. “Did you hear that?” I squeaked, unsure if

what I heard was what everyone else heard. Everyone nodded and agreed, laughing

with excitement. Dan asked it to say everyone’s names, and a series of other questions.

“Who are you? Where are you from? Say a number!”. Although I didn’t hear any other

distinctive answers, it all seemed in good fun. The hotel guests talked about their own

paranormal experiences at their work place. I asked Dan to explain a little bit how the

Portal worked, thinking that it would help the hotel guests understand it. I inquired how

he differentiated between the radio static and the paranormal voices. His response was

slightly defensive, making me think that my question came across as skeptical. Before I

could explain why I was asking, rain began pouring down. Dan grabbed the Portal and

we ducked for cover. I made a mental note to be more careful. Investigators can be

cynical of academics and skeptics and feel attacked if their beliefs or experiences are

questioned.

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Figure 6-3. The Portal device.

We drove together to the investigation at Antiques and Uniques Collectibles, a

store frequented by both nightly paranormal tour groups and ghost hunting teams. I had

been to the store several times before with FPI, but this was my first time visiting with a

different paranormal team. Dan started bringing in black, bulky cases of equipment from

the car. “I only brought three!” He laughed, pulling out an assortment of cameras, voice

recorders, and other tools. I took out my voice recorder and camera, checked the

batteries, and stuffed a few extra batteries in my pocket. I joined Christine and Trish, the

third female investigator, in one of the back rooms. The walls were lined with tables full

of boxes of records, so we sat in a circle on the floor. We did an EVP session,

occasionally asking questions and observing the K2 meters to see if we would get any

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responses. Dan walked back and forth across the store with his cameras and

equipment, popping in and out of the back room periodically. I noticed that there didn’t

seem to be a set plan or structure for the investigation that night. The team members

changed rooms or equipment as they felt needed.

Figure 6-4. War Party Paranormal Research team members conduct an EVP session using the Portal device in the garage of Antiques and Uniques. The Portal sits on a shelf in the right side of the image. There are voice recorders placed around the room. An investigator stands in the background holding an infrared camera to document the EVP session.

We moved to the garage located behind the storefront and set the K2 meters and

the Portal on a table. After a short period of quietly observing the surroundings,

Christine starting probing with questions. She asked if her other family was there, in

spirit. The K2 responded, blipping green lights. She continued to ask questions to verify.

Standing near the Portal, Christine said she heard the Portal’s static gave some clearer

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words, seemingly responding with an “I love you”. During this session, the flashlight that

was left on (with the casing unscrewed just enough so that a slight touch would make it

go on or off) started getting softer, then lit up bright. I observed quietly. Christine

became more emotional and felt like it was her uncle or her father trying to

communicate with us. After a few minutes the responses stopped, and they ended the

EVP session. There was some disagreement from other team members on whether the

devices had actually responded; or if they did respond, if it could have happened due to

natural causes rather than paranormal ones. This caused some frustration with

Christine, but this type of disagreement is a common occurrence among groups. When

one team member experiences something more personal and meaningful, other team

members may question the validity of the evidence. The team wrapped up the

investigation around midnight, gathering their equipment and packing the car while

talking about their experiences from that night.

The investigation throughout the night had a relaxed atmosphere. At Old South

Pittsburg Hospital the teams engaged in playful reenactments, but the large scale of

that location lent a heaviness and seriousness to the investigations. Here at the

Antiques and Uniques store, War Party Paranormal Research team members seemed

comfortable. It was a place of familiarity, since they had been to this building several

times before and were friendly with the store owner. However, the investigation still

presented some complexity: investigators on a team often vary widely in their personal

beliefs, their levels of skepticism, and in how they interpret the technological devices

used to interact with the ghostly entities. The equipment does not show obvious or

definitive proof of the paranormal, but rather indicates changes in the atmosphere or

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surroundings which could be caused by something paranormal (for example,

temperature fluctuations or EMF readings). The activation of some devices could be

caused by something normal, however. The investigators must assess the context of

the devices; if they had just asked a spirit to make the room colder and the temperature

drops, measured by a thermometer, then they thank the spirit for interacting with them.

During EVP sessions, investigators ask the ghosts to create these types of

environmental changes as a way of proving their presence. When they interpret these

devices as being affected by paranormal causes, this becomes evidence that the ghosts

are interacting with the team and the location is haunted.

While some of the evidence from the devices is compelling (the Portal spitting out

words and phrases relevant to the questions asked by investigators), each investigator

has a different perception about what constitutes valid evidence of the paranormal. As a

team, they generally agree that some anomalous experiences and affects to the devices

are unexplainable, and thus may support the claim of a haunting. But individually, they

may disagree on the causes of those anomalous experiences and measurements of the

devices. These different perceptions, and sensory interpretations, can lead to

disagreements and tensions within the group. An investigator, like Christine, may have

experiences during the investigation that they perceive as personal and meaningful.

This is usually due to that member’s past experiences or personal life, including if they

have any deceased loved ones. One of the reasons investigators become involved in

paranormal groups is because they are seeking answers and consoling about a

deceased loved one. If that investigator has an experience during an investigation that

becomes personal, emotional, and meaningful, then a disagreement between

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investigators about the validity of that experience can create disunity and disgruntled

members.

Banishing Demons: When a Paranormal Team Calls Upon a Demonologist

Ghost hunting groups rarely interact with demonologists. Very few hauntings are

believed to be caused by negative or demonic beings. However, FPI had one case

where the nature of the client’s experiences was beyond the team’s expertise. This was

one of the most intense cases I experienced while working with FPI. The client’s claims

and the deliverance itself demonstrated how the supernatural can affect a person’s life.

While most clients report paranormal phenomena in their homes with varying degrees of

fear and curiosity, some people have their lives turned upside down by things they can’t

explain.

This deliverance occurred on a Sunday during the summer of 2014. A few

months prior, FPI received emails from a young woman living in a small town outside of

Gainesville. Her messages described daily occurrences of paranormal activity of the

violent sort; her cupboards were flung open, dark shadows darted across the house,

and she reported long scratches appearing on her skin deep enough to draw blood.

This woman also had two young children. She seemed desperate for help. This was

one of the few cases I’d worked on with FPI where a client claimed to be physically

attacked and harmed. When a client brings us these claims, FPI must decide how to

handle the situation. First, the group attempted to assess the mental condition of the

client and consider if the injuries are self-inflicted or inflicted by another person. In

follow-up interviews with this young woman, Hannah, the team determined that she was

in sound mind and had no intentions of harming herself or others. Whether this activity

was paranormal or psychological became mostly irrelevant, and FPI’s goal was to

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resolve the situation either with an investigation or by connecting Hannah with another

person who could help. The intent of some cases is to capture evidence to provide proof

to the client of paranormal phenomena, or to disprove the haunting with reasonable

explanations. In this case, the only goal was to stop the paranormal activity and help the

client’s life return to normal.

FPI conducted an investigation at Hannah’s home during one evening in May.

The team arrived, set up the DVR system in the back bedroom, and held several EVP

sessions in different locations in the house. Nothing unusual occurred, no one on the

team had any unusual experiences, and the devices did not pick up any unusual audio

or video. But in the following days, Hannah reported continued paranormal activity

throughout the house. In some instances, the violence seemed to escalate drastically.

Hannah’s experiences were, frankly, terrifying. When the bathroom door closed, she

peeked under the door and saw a pair of old black shoes facing the mirror. When she

was coming inside the front door with groceries, a ghastly figure resembling a witch

blocked her way. Determined to not be intimidated, Hannah said she cursed at the

figure and marched right through it to get inside. She saw the same figure again later

inside the house. FPI kept in touch with Hannah almost daily either by email or phone,

and some of those phone calls were panic-stricken and tearful. After FPI’s initial

investigation, the team leader Bill contacted a few people in his network of paranormal

connections. He eventually found a demonologist located in Georgia. They spoke and

arranged a date for two demonologists to drive down and meet with FPI and Hannah to

perform a deliverance.

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A deliverance, the demonologists explained, is not a full-blown exorcism. Rather,

it is a milder version that includes a preliminary interview session followed by some

confrontation between the demonologist and the client. When Bill and I arrived at

Hannah’s house, the demonologists Carl and Benjamin had begun talking with Hannah.

After a few more minutes of conversation about the paranormal activity that had been

taking place, they settled down to begin an in-depth interview. Hannah asked if I could

sit with her during the interview. My presence may have helped Hannah open up to the

two male strangers, by having someone she knew beside her. If it’s a stretch to call me

a female friend, I was at least a confidant who had been supportive the last few weeks.

The demonologists asked her to remember back as early as she could remember, and

to recount nearly everything that had happened in her life. They asked her to describe

her paranormal experiences. Then, the demonologists asked her about trauma in her

past, having her recall all the negative experiences she’s had since she was a child. I

sat silently by her side throughout the interview as she narrated her life. Despite having

heard about some of the traumatic events already from previous conversations, I was

shocked to hear about the extent of how much this woman had suffered in her life. And

despite the horror and terrible nature of her histories, she still managed to see the bright

side of everything, bringing humor and light-heartedness into her storytelling. Carl and

Benjamin sat quietly across from her, nodding and listening closely, and only

occasionally asking questions to clarify. When Hannah was done, she leaned back in

her chair and blew her nose with a tissue. I reached out and held her hand, hoping she

would accept is as a signal of comfort. With her face towards the window, eyes gazing

out, she gripped my fingers tightly.

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Although Hannah appeared to hold herself together during the interview, I could

tell it still shook her up to have to describe the darker periods of her life. After the

interview, we all took a long break to recoup before the next part of the deliverance.

Although I wanted to be present during it, Benjamin was adamant that I shouldn’t be

inside the house during the process. He argued that since I was not Christian, that I

would not be protected, and the demon could jump from Hannah to myself. I was

permitted to sit outside on the front porch, with the front door open so that even though I

couldn’t see what was happening in the living room, I could still hear what was going on.

The demonologists resumed their spots across from Hannah. Bill took the spot

by her side. Carl held out a sheet of paper, on which he had been taking notes during

the interview. Keywords were jotted down, correlating with all the negative aspects that

related to Hannah’s life history: Abuse. Rape. Drugs. Jealousy. Hate. The deliverance

started with Carl stating each of the keywords aloud. “Abuse, I banish you from this

woman!”. After each declaration, Hannah was instructed to breathe out, cough, or spit.

This physical expelling represented her release of the demons from her body.

Occasionally she’d also let out a belch, at which the demonologists applauded. Hannah

was embarrassed, but Carl reassured her that any bodily function to expel the demon

was appropriate. He said that previous clients had even farted, and Hannah expressed

gratitude that she had not done that in front of them. Carl and Benjamin went through a

list of about fifty keywords. The process of going through each one, and banishing each

demon, took almost three hours. At the end of the list, Carl asked, “Now, are there any

other demons still in this woman? If so, make yourself known!” I heard Hannah

muttering, “I don’t know…I hear something, but I can’t understand it.”

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Figure 6-5. The demonologists use frankincense during the deliverance.

Hannah felt like there was still something, some demon, still hanging on inside of

her. Hannah whimpered, trying to describe what she was feeling and hearing. Carl and

Benjamin addressed the demon directly, demanding a name, demanding that it release

her. They invoked Jesus and the archangels, their voices rising in volume, yelling over

and over again reaching a crescendo. Their shouting stopped abruptly, and I heard

them gasp. Hannah had gone limp in her chair. A moment later she recovered and sat

up, claiming to have no memory of the past hour of the deliverance. After some final

words and blessings, I was allowed back inside the house. The deliverance was

deemed a success. When I walked in and saw Hannah, she appeared drastically

different. Her face was calm and serene. She was busy cleaning up the living room,

gathering cups and starting the dishes. Earlier in the day she looked tired, haggard, and

worn thin; but now she seemed energetic and renewed. Their work complete, the

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demonologists stayed for a few minutes to observe her and make small talk. We

eventually wrapped up the evening and departed.

A few days later, I called Hannah to check up on her. She said she was doing

very well, she was sleeping well at night, her kids were behaving like little angels, and

she had no further paranormal activity. I was ecstatic to hear the news that she had

finally found some peace. Every few weeks after that the team’ case manager would

send an email to check in, and it appeared that whatever had happened on that Sunday

had worked. Hannah’s health, job, and family life had all improved. Bill counts this case

as one of FPI’s most prominent successes.

Here the theme of the body appears again. I was not allowed in the house during

the deliverance because I was not protected by Christianity – not only my soul, but my

body. The demonologist was concerned that the demon would ‘hop’ from Hannah to

me. I was considered vulnerable to harm, both spiritually and physically. Here we see

an overlap between the concepts of the body and soul. Prayers were used to protect the

spirit and body from spiritual attack, because spiritual beings, including demons, are

believed to have the ability to affect or injure the body. In addition, no technological

devices were used for the deliverance. The demonologists had no need for

documentable proof, not for themselves or anybody else, because the deliverance was

based on sensory experiences and religious belief. Their objective was to get rid of the

demon through their methodical, structured process. Carl and Benjamin invoked saints

and archangels from the Catholic religion, referencing a variety of religious entities

throughout the deliverance. They worked together smoothly and confidently. Their tools

were a Holy Bible, holy water, a gold cross, frankincense, and pen and paper for taking

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notes during the initial interview. Most paranormal teams do not work with

demonologists, and do not investigate cases with demons. When FPI learned about the

extreme experiences the client was having, the team knew it did not have the resources

to resolve the situation. The first investigation which yielded no evidence and the client

reported continued activity, so FPI looked for a different resolution – one that includes

bringing in an outside expert. This is a strategy that teams often use, whether it is

contacting a demonologist or a psychic to help assess and resolve the client’s

paranormal problem.

The significance of this case was that it worked. The client, Hannah, reported

that all strange activity in her home had ceased. There could be many explanations for

what the client experienced and how the deliverance changed it – whether a demon

was banished, or the deliverance affected her psychology, or a series of coincidences

aligned. The point is, it didn’t seem to matter. We didn’t question it. The team members,

whether more religious like Bill or more skeptical like others, were content with the

outcome. The client was satisfied, and the objective was met – no more paranormal

activity.

Conclusion

After attending over 40 paranormal investigations over the course of four years, I

could fill this chapter with dozens of anecdotes. There were moments of playfulness

when we goofed off in between EVP sessions, bringing humor to otherwise tense

situations. There were times that I nearly fell asleep, sitting for an hour in a silent, pitch

black room illuminated only by the small green and red dots from the EMF meter and

voice recorder. Some investigations were more exciting than others, and some were

deadly serious. This chapter presented three case studies from drastically different

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types of investigations. But the common theme of all of them was the significance of the

body, and how people relied on sensory experiences to derive meaning. Investigators

observe their surroundings for signs of the paranormal, but also engage in performative

reenactments as an investigative method. Scientific tools measure environmental

variables but their activity is interpreted as paranormally influenced, based on how the

investigators perceive the sights and sounds of the tools. If the K2 flashes after asking a

question, or if the Portal emits relevant words, then investigators tie the activation of the

tools to the communication of spirits. In the case of the deliverance, the body is a vessel

vulnerable to spiritual attack. The initial paranormal investigations by FPI failed to solve

the client’s problem, and demonologists were contacted to assist. Because the tools

and methods used by the demonologists are religious, there was no need for

technological correlation; scientific proof was irrelevant. Despite the varying usage of

technological devices, in each case the body played a role in how individuals

experienced meaningful interactions with the spiritual realm.

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CHAPTER 7 ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

Overview

The previous chapters introduced paranormal research teams, explained the

types and processes of investigations, and presented three case studies. In this

chapter, I discuss more abstract notions. The first section explores the cultural domain

of the paranormal: what things are considered paranormal, how paranormal concepts

are structured and related, and how investigators distinguish between believing and

knowing. This is done through an examination of the freelist activity results and pile sort

exercise. Then, I present a comparison of two interviews to demonstrate the variation in

investigators’ motivations, perceptions, and interpretations of paranormal experiences.

In the next section, I focus on the epistemology of ghost hunters. I examine the

investigators’ beliefs, and how they substantiate these beliefs through personal

experiences and methods of verification. Then, I discuss how paranormal teams

negotiate their place in society by distinguishing themselves from other social entities:

other paranormal groups, paranormal reality television shows, ghost tours, and

academia. These groups also get involved in their local communities by hosting

fundraising events and providing the free service of private residential cases. The last

section presents a grounded theory model to understand the various practices of ghost

hunting groups, concluding that paranormal researchers are driven by a desire for both

self and social validation. The analysis in this chapter draws on the data from the

surveys, the freelist activities, interviews, and participant observation notes. Qualitative

data was uploaded into the analytical program MAXQDA, where it was coded according

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to the ethnographer’s codebook1. When applying codes to the transcribed texts, the unit

of analysis was segments of text. To review major themes, I was able to explore the

segments within each coded group for signs of patterns. The key word in context

(KWIC) method was also used to identify significant concepts and draw comparisons

across the transcribed texts. Through these methods, the central theme of validation

explains the experiences, motivations, and practices of ghost hunting groups.

The Cultural Domain of the Paranormal

This first section explores the cultural domain of the paranormal. Cultural

domains are sets of things that are all the same type or category (Bernard 2011).

People within a cultural group share cultural domains. For this ethnography, the cultural

group of interest is the community of paranormal investigators. Despite how distant the

teams may be regarding their location or methods, they all share a cultural domain of

paranormal concepts. Cultural domains have an internal structure or hierarchy, and

there are relationships among the items within the domain. Cultural domains are not

always apparent and conscious; they are mental categories and reflect how people

classify things. These domains exist outside of the group members, meaning that the

domain is experienced outside of individuals and shared across the people in the

subculture. However, this does not indicate that all members are in complete agreement

on the items that belong in the cultural domain. My aim is to examine the items that

paranormal investigators agree and disagree on. The goals of the freelist and pile sort

activities are to elicit all the items in the cultural domain of the paranormal and

determine how the items within the domain are positioned, related, and organized. In

1 See Appendix C for the Ethnographer’s Codebook.

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2004, Tobacyk published A Revised Paranormal Belief Scale. It divided paranormal

beliefs into separate categories: traditional religious belief, psi, witchcraft, superstition,

spiritualism, extraordinary life forms, and precognition. These categories are compared

with the results of the freelist and pile sort activities, to demonstrate that the paranormal

cultural domain for ghost hunters is drastically more complex than the domains

proposed by Tobacyk. This indicates that scholars who study paranormal beliefs across

a society need to reassess their domains of the paranormal.

Freelist Activity

To discover the range of concepts that investigators considered part of the

paranormal realm, the survey given to participants included a freelist activity. The

freelist activity consisted of two questions: 1) Based on what you know about the

paranormal and paranormal research groups, can you list all of the things that fall under

the category of “Paranormal”? and 2) Can you list all of the things that are considered

“Paranormal” that you believe exist? Underneath each question was space for

participants to write in as many entries as they desired.

The raw data required some management before I could begin analysis. On the

survey, the freelist activities were on two separate pages. I anticipated that participants

would fully fill out the first freelist activity, which asked them to list all things that fall

under the category of the paranormal, and then repeat a handful of those entries on the

second page to list the paranormal things that they believed in. If that were the case, I

would only be using the entries from the first freelist activity to gain an understanding of

all the things that are considered paranormal. However, many participants either filled

out only one of the freelist activities or filled out both but included additional items on the

second page. For each participant, I compared the two lists. If there were additional,

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unique entries listed on the second page, I considered those as additions to the end of

the first page. I did not repeat entries that were listed on both pages. Because of this

result, I did not use the second freelist activity to examine beliefs, as it appeared to not

be an accurate reflection of participants’ total beliefs. But like Bernard notes, “many of

the most interesting domains are things that people don’t have easy lists for” (Bernard

2011:347).

Seventeen participants completed the freelist activity (out of the total thirty-four

participants). These participants entered a total of 180 items for both of the free lists

(For the full table of all freelist entries sorted by frequency, see Appendix B). If a

participant wrote “ghost”, I included it when tallying the entry for “ghosts”. I also

considered “things moving” and “moving objects” as the same type of entry. After

cleaning the data in this way, the number of distinct types of entries fell to 101. Using

Excel, I graphed the entries by frequency to gain a better understanding of the

participants’ most cognitively recognizable paranormal things. As can be expected,

ghosts topped the lists with the most entries among all participants. However, the

consecutive results were somewhat surprising. Figure 7-1 is a scree plot of all the

freelist entries. Entries listed by only one participant were not included in the following

analysis and pile sort, because they are not shared by other paranormal investigators.

Figure 7-2 shows the frequency of the freelist entries that were mentioned by more than

one participant, providing more information about what items are collectively agreed on

in the cultural domain of the paranormal.

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Figure 7-1. Scree plot of all the freelist entries.

Figure 7-2. Scree plot of the freelist entry frequencies submitted twice or more by participants.

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

Frequency of Freelist Entries

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The twenty-seven paranormal entries that were submitted twice or more are:

ghosts, EVPs, angels, demons, disembodied voices, shadows, apparitions, Bigfoot,

psychics, spirits, things moving, poltergeists, possession, UFOs, aliens, EMF,

intelligent, orbs, dreams, entities, growls, hauntings, mists, residual, séance, sounds,

and tarot. Based on my observations with the groups, this is not an exhaustive list of

paranormal concepts but may be representative of the most recognizable categories. To

start thinking about how these concepts are structured and related to one another, pile

sorts were used to visually classify the freelist entries.

Pile Sort Exercise

A pile sort exercise takes all the freelist entries and puts each one into a pile.

There can be any number of piles, as long as the things within each pile are somehow

related to each other. In determining what goes with what, researchers can see how

things are connected, similar or dissimilar, and grouped into hierarchies. To begin, I

started with a simple pile sort of the freelist entries submitted more than once (shown in

Figure 7-3).

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Figure 7-3. Initial pile sort of the freelist entries. This pile sort only includes the freelist entries that were listed more than once by participants.

This pile sort exercise resulted in four major categories: things that haunt, other

paranormal beings, signs of a haunting, and metaphysical things. I intuitively created

these four groups based on my time with paranormal teams. There seems to be

discrete categories of things that go together (typically haunting things) and don’t go

together (other types of creatures or religious beings). Things that haunt included

entries that were most like ghosts. Other paranormal beings included non-haunting

beings, although these seem different enough to warrant separate subcategories. Signs

of a haunting include a variety of ways that someone might say indicates that place is

haunted – but again, there are a few distinctly different subcategories that could be

made here. In the metaphysical category, the entries may have little to do with either

beings or hauntings.

To gain a fuller understanding, I decided to conduct pile sorts with all the freelist

entries submitted by participants. This yielded a more complex hierarchical structure

(see Figures 7-4 and 7-5). Again, these categories are intuitively created based on

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participant observation and personal experience with ghost hunting groups. I explain

each of these piles and why they are differentiated. There are seven major piles, with

several subcategories in each. The main groupings are: haunting entities, non-haunting

paranormal entities, explanations for the paranormal, signs of a haunting, metaphysical

entries, religious and spiritual entries, and scientific entries.

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Figure 7-4. Pile sort of all the freelist entries submitted by participants. Items are

categorized into seven major piles with subcategories in each.

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Figure 7-5. A simplified version of the second pile sort. It shows the major groupings in

each of the seven categories.

Haunting entities

In the pile of haunting entities, there are five subcategories: ghostly beings,

spirits, entities, poltergeists, and types of energy. I chose to create a pile of haunting

entities because during an investigation, team members try to determine the cause of a

haunting. They assess the claims, do EVP sessions, and may bring in a psychic to gain

information about the entity causing paranormal activity. The most generic term for this

entity is ghost, but investigators use several other terms to refer to these beings such as

spirits or entities. These terms refer to the survival of a living person’s soul or essence

after death. The term entity can also be a broader term for a human or non-human

being. Poltergeists refer to hauntings caused by a buildup of psychic energy from a

person in the household. This expression of psychic energy can cause paranormal

activity, although the person is unaware of it. Poltergeist activity is often thought to be

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caused by an increase in an individuals’ hormones, such as in an adolescent or a

person undergoing tremendous amounts of stress. An investigator, Katie, described a

similar occurrence where the body’s energy is responsible: “Well you have a buildup of

your own body's energy, and it's strong enough to make shadows on the wall, or move

objects. We've seen things happen…Kids are stronger than adults depending on their

own personal body. But they're able to have enough energy to make things happen.”

The fifth category is types of energy. Types of energy include energy, plasma, and

ectoplasm. The terms plasma and ectoplasm are never really discussed in the context

of an investigation and seem to refer more to the media depictions of the paranormal in

films. Energy in general is discussed quite a lot. It is included in this category because

types of energy are thought to cause paranormal activity, whether they originate from a

paranormal source or a human source (such as the poltergeist). But this concept of

energy can also be a sign of a haunting.

I was the only one in there, and like I said it was a theater, so you got a lot of energy from the actors, from the crowds, from the things that have been supplied, like donated – “hey my grandfather passed away, here’s all his hats and suits” you know, that type of thing. -Amy

There's all different kinds of paranormal haunts. You have to categorize them, you have to know what you're dealing with before you can know how to get rid of it. You got your residual, like residual energy. And your residual is going to keep on doing what they do no matter what. If there's a wall there that wasn't there when they were alive, they'll walk right through it. If the floor was higher, they'll be walking on that. It's like a record player, it's like an album, energy recorded in life. -Sherry

When you walk into a room and two people have been fighting, there's an energy there. Or two people arguing. Like where does that come from? Why is that there? You can walk in and feel that the room's tense. So, I think there's more to human connections than we currently understand. -Greg

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Typically, after we’ve gone through an investigation, I need a shower. A hot shower. To me that helps cleanse it. I can’t just go lay down and go to sleep. I need to shower. That’s to wash away the energy. -Abby

When entering a room, investigators comment on the energy felt in it. They describe the

ability of ghosts to manipulate things in terms of the amount of energy it takes. They

may offer their own energy to the ghosts, to help the ghost turn on a flashlight, light up

an EMF meter, or make a knocking sound. Energy is the currency of the paranormal

realm.

Non-haunting paranormal entities

The second group of entities include aliens and UFOs, Bigfoot, other cryptids,

and other types of creatures. I chose to separate entities into haunting and non-

haunting because the paranormal research teams I worked with focused primarily on

investigating haunted locations. They did not spend time investigating other forms of

paranormal beings. Other types of groups do that: MUFON, Mutual UFO Network, is an

organization that investigates UFO sightings, maintains a database of sightings,

promotes UFO research, and educates the public on the UFO phenomenon.2 There are

groups that focus on researching and hunting for Bigfoot. In fact, while aliens and

Bigfoot were among the top submissions for the freelist entry, several investigators

argued that these things were not paranormal – they believed they could be considered

normal because they were physical, biological beings. There are other types of teams

and groups that investigate these non-haunting paranormal entities. The alien category

includes the terms extraterrestrial life, abduction, UFOs (unidentified flying objects) and

USO (unidentified submerged object, like a UFO but seen at sea). For the Bigfoot

2 https://www.mufon.com/about.html

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category, almost a third of the participants listed the term Bigfoot. They did not use any

similar terms (such as sasquatch, yeti, or Florida’s own swamp ape). Bigfoot is probably

the most well-known type of cryptid. A cryptid is defined by the oxford Dictionary as “an

animal whose existence or survival is disputed or unsubstantiated, such as the Yeti”.3

The other cryptids listed (Mothman, Chupacabra, and the Jersey Devil) were submitted

by one participant. Each of these cryptids are legendary figures connected to specific

locales. The subcategory of other creatures includes creepers, humanoids, witch, and

ghoul. These were listed only once in the freelist results, and do not seem to be as

shared among investigators. The challenge with determining what belongs in the

cultural domain is that different terminology is used to describe the same thing.

Explanations for the paranormal

This category refers to things that could be used to explain how the paranormal

works or ways of describing it. There are three subcategories: explanations, statements

that the paranormal is unexplainable, and cultural contexts. Time travel is typically

thought of in terms of science fiction and advanced technology, but similar scientific

concepts have been used to explain paranormal phenomena. Nate stated that “If I have

to say my strongest belief I am leaning to, that would be the string theory of multiple

existing dimensions existing all in the same place at the same time.” From a different

team, George used time travel to explain the phenomenon of orbs:

I think some orbs that are out there are actually time travelers. They come through a dimension. And if you focus in on those orbs, you can actually see them in the orbs, you can see faces. And I think that that's how they travel, so fast.

3 https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/cryptid

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Parallel dimensions are included as another freelist item in this subcategory.

Additionally, in this first subcategory are portals, which refer to a doorway between our

physical world and the spiritual world through which paranormal beings can travel. The

fourth item is a statement that “a paranormal rule structure that is followed”, indicating

that paranormal beings and activities are regulated by some sort of structure that limits

and enables them to do certain things. The second subcategory includes two entries

that say the paranormal is unexplainable; quite the opposite of the first subcategory.

There is very little hypothesizing or agreement on how paranormal activity functions,

since it cannot be explained by science or religion. While an underlying theme is the

pursuit of evidence and objective understandings, some team members like Mike

admitted that “all we have is good stories. We deal in coincidences, we deal in the

unexplained. We don't ever really rule anything true paranormal phenomena because

we don't know what that is.” Emma, a founder of PSOBFL, argued that “anything's that

unexplainable, is paranormal to me... If I can't explain it, it's paranormal. That's the way I

feel. Isn't that the definition of what paranormal is?” The third subcategory in this pile

relates to the cultural context of paranormal phenomena. While history and

folklore/legend would not constitute as part of the cultural domain of paranormal things,

they are closely related subjects since many ghost stories are rooted in historical events

or local folklore.

Signs of a haunting

The largest pile consists of things that can indicate a haunted location. These are

nearly all sensory: seeing, hearing, and feeling unexplainable things. Apparitions and

shadows are how a ghostly entity manifests itself to become visible. Other visual

phenomena include lights and mists. Hearing disembodied voices is among the most

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mentioned freelist item. Investigators report hearing these voices with their own ears, or

as only being audible with a voice recorder (called an EVP, discussed in the Scientific

Things section). Growling is another reported sound, and investigators often correlate

this with a negative or threatening haunting entity. Unexplainable behaviors and

changes can apply to both humans and animals. Atmospheric changes such as “cold

spots” (temperature drops) are also thought to be caused by a haunting, when a spirit

can manipulate the temperature by drawing heat from the air. The last of the sensory

indications are emotions or feelings, either as a reaction to the activity or as being a

type of energy left in a space. The subcategory of haunting types was placed in this pile

because it includes the terms residual and intelligent, which describe whether the

paranormal entity is interactive (intelligent and aware of its surroundings) or residual

(leftover energy, sights, or sounds that are imprinted in the location).

Doing the EVP session is not always the answer…you don't know if what you're speaking to is a residual energy or an intelligent energy, based on the claims. If it's residual energy, that's based on a claim, you're not going to do an EVP session. Don't waste your time. -Mike

The paranormal research teams assess all these signs of paranormal activity when

doing an investigation. Depending on what is reported, they will structure their

investigation differently. If a client claims that certain objects are being manipulated and

moved, an investigator may place a piece of tape under the object to test if the object is

moved during the investigation. Sometimes these are referred to as “trigger objects”,

meant to “trigger” paranormal activity (see Figure 7-6). Object manipulation and sights

or sounds that seem to be reactive to an investigator’s prompts are considered signs of

an intelligent haunting.

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Figure 7-6. Photograph of trigger objects at Old South Pittsburg Hospital. The two teddy bears are meant to attract the spirit of a young child who reported haunts this location. The note on the wall requests that investigators do not move the bears, so that if later on a bear is found in another spot if can be considered evidence of the spirit’s interaction.

The last item in this category is a problematic one: orbs. If there were any one thing that

ghost hunters disagree the most about, it’s orbs. Orbs refer to the round, ball-shaped

spots that are frequently photographed by investigators. Some people claim to have

seen them in person. For believers, orbs are thought to be either manifestations of

energy or spirits. For skeptics, all orbs are the result of dust, bugs, lens flare, or from

other natural explanations. This schism in belief is further discussed in this chapter in

the section titled “Epistemology: Orbs, Bigfoot, and Aliens.”

Religious and spiritual things

Religious and spiritual concepts occasionally overlap with paranormal ones. This

pile includes five subcategories. Death, near death experiences, and the afterlife reflect

the participants’ concern with human mortality. Santeria and Voodoo are two religions

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which were not practiced by investigators but were sometimes blamed for creating and

causing paranormal activity. Spirit guides are a believed to be spiritual beings who

personally protect an individual. Spirit guides are often associated with angels, but they

do not always have a religious connotation. Angels and demons are two religious

beings that were frequently mentioned in the freelist activity. This challenged my own

preconceptions about the paranormal; I presumed that paranormal entities were distinct

from religious beings. Ghost hunters investigate the paranormal, but rarely attempt to

prove religious concepts. Angels were never discussed during investigations or in my

conversations with paranormal investigators. Demons, on the other hand, could have

been categorized as part of haunting entities. I placed it in this pile due to its religious

origin, and the religious approach that demonologists use to confront them when they

do occur as part of a haunting. The demonic haunting has been largely popularized by

paranormal television shows and films. Several investigators commented on the rarity of

demonic hauntings:

Everybody nowadays sees these TV shows, everybody's like, ah it's a demon, it's a portal to hell! No, it's not. In all the years I've been doing it, I've seen maybe four true demonic cases. -Sherry

I hate it when you can't figure out what they [the haunting entities] want. And you never want to say the D-word, you know, it's a demon. Which I've never encountered. But everybody wants to. -Dan

Possession is another item in this category, referring to demonic possession. Again, this

concept was rarely related to the paranormal team’s usual activities, apart from the case

study in Chapter 6 about the deliverance. It was a surprise to find religious entities on a

list of paranormal things; Tobacyk (2004) includes religious beliefs as a category of

paranormal beliefs, but Emmons and Sobal (1981) argue that they are distinct.

Religions are treated as socially normative systems whose members conform to a set of

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beliefs and belong to an established social organization. Paranormal beliefs, on the

other hand, vary widely across society.

Metaphysical things and scientific things

These two piles represent different categories of people, tools, and evidence

related to paranormal investigation (see Table 7-1). Metaphysical is defined by the

Oxford Dictionary as “based on abstract reasoning” and “transcending physical matter

or the laws of nature”.4 . The term scientific here is used loosely to refer to the more

empirical and technical nature of the ghost hunters’ methods and devices.

Table 7-1. Ways of interacting with the paranormal.

Metaphysical Scientific

People Psychics, mediums, clairvoyants

Investigators

Tools divination, séance, tarot, ouija, crystals

Manmade sensors, cameras, EMF pumps, REM pods

Evidence Dreams, astral projection [bodily senses]

EVPs, EMF, photos [documentation]

The entries for each subcategory are not exhaustive, and only reflect the entries

made by a limited number of participants who submitted the freelist activity.

Metaphysical people could also include sensitives or empaths, terms to describe people

who can sense things beyond normal human capabilities. Each of these terms refer to

specific types of intuitive abilities, but they were often used interchangeably.5

4 https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/metaphysical

5 For an explanation of the different types of psychic abilities, see the International Academy of Consciousness’ article: http://uk.iacworld.org/full-list-of-different-types-of-psychic-abilities-here/

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Metaphysical tools include types of divination, although the ones submitted for the

freelist activity are not typically used in a paranormal investigation. Divinatory tools used

during investigations include dowsing rods and pendulums, and crystals are sometimes

worn for spiritual protection (see Figure 7-7). Individuals may experience strange

dreams or astral projection, which they consider as part of the paranormal category.

Figure 7-7. An investigator using dowsing rods. Dowsing rods are used to interact with paranormal entities during an EVP session.

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Figure 7-8. Scientific tools used in paranormal investigations. The basic toolkit of an investigator includes a flashlight, voice recorder, and camera, but some teams buy or make more advanced equipment.

People on paranormal teams see themselves as scientific investigators, applying

technological devices and scientific concepts to explain and document paranormal

phenomena (see Figure 7-8). Again, Table 7-1 is not a comprehensive list of all the

tools6 and types of evidence, only the ones from the freelist activity. ‘Manmade sensors’

reflect the idea that investigators can sense and measure the paranormal through

environmental changes. EMF pumps increase electromagnetic fields, which are thought

to provide an energy source for paranormal entities to produce activity. REM Pods

measure electromagnetic fields. K2 meters weren’t listed but are the most popular tool

for measuring electromagnetic fields due to their relatively affordability and ease of use.

6 To see a collection and explanation of ghost hunting equipment, see: https://www.ghoststop.com.

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Technological evidence includes EVPs, EMF fluctuations, and anomalous photographs.

These three freelist entries account for the most popular types of evidence that

investigators gather from interactions with a paranormal entity. When enough evidence

is obtained, a team may declare the location as haunted. This amount varies between

groups, and usually depends on if investigators have a personal sensory experience.

Taxonomy of freelist entries

Another way that these categories can be viewed is as a taxonomy. Figure 7-9

displays how the paranormal is split into five categories, which are further subdivided.

This table displays the hierarchical structure and relationships between cultural domain

items. It re-sorts major categories from the pile sorts, dividing the paranormal into five

sections: entities (haunting and non-haunting), signs (sensory and evidence), people

(investigators and metaphysical), tools (technological and metaphysical), and

explanations.

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Figure 7-9. Taxonomy of the freelist entries.

Ghosts

Shadows

Spirits

Poltergiests

Apparitions

Energy

Plasma

Ectoplasm

Orbs

Demons

Bigfoot

Mothman

Chupacabra

Jersey Devil

Aliens

UFOs

Spiritual Spirit guides

Angels

Creepers

Humanoids

Witch

Ghoul

Things moving

Growling

Disembodied voices

Scratching

Knocking

Lights

Mists

Seeing haunting entities

Feelings

Human

Animal

Atmosphere changes

Dreams

EVPs

EMF

Ghost photos

Investigators

Psychics

Mediums

Clairvoyants

Cameras

EMF readings

REM pods

Divination

Séance

Tarot

Ouija

Crystals

Astral projection

Unexplainable

Time travel

Portals

Parallel dimension

Paranormal rule structure

History

Folklore/Legend

PeopleMetaphysical

Tools

Technological

Metaphysical

Explanations

Signs

Sensory

Sounds

Sights

Unexplainable behavior

Evidence

Paranormal

Haunting

Energy

Cryptids

Aliens

Other creatures

Non-Haunting

Entities

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Cultural domains are useful for understanding how local knowledge is produced.

These freelist and pile sort exercises analyzed data provided by participants to uncover

what things are paranormal and how those things are related. Tobacyk defines

paranormal phenomena as “those that, if genuine, would violate basic limiting principles

of science” (Tobacyk 2004:94). Although this belief scale is an improvement from the

original one published in 1983, it overgeneralizes. The haunting and non-haunting

entities from the pile sort would fall under the category of extraordinary life forms. But

there are other phenomena that don’t easily fall into one of the seven categories. There

are phenomena that many people consider paranormal, but also as something natural

that is simply not explainable through our modern modes of understanding.

The revised paranormal belief scales in Tobacyk’s study were determined by

asking participants to state the existence or non-existence of 26 items. Based on this

ethnographic research, twenty-six items appear to be a very limited scope – especially

considering these twenty-six items are supposed to represent seven different

categories. Considering the wide variety of paranormal items submitted in the freelist

activity, and the complexity of some of these beliefs, a more accurate survey would

include more questions. While investigators share similar ideas about what items belong

in the cultural domain of the paranormal, their own personal beliefs vary widely. The

next section will compare the transcripts of two investigators to demonstrate the coding

process and emerging relations between themes.

Fear and Curiosity: A Comparison Between Two Interviews

This section contrasts two investigators’ interviews, illustrating how coded text

reveals underlying connections and relations between paranormal themes. The

codebook used for analyzing the texts was created after assessing the first few

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interviews, and continuously revised throughout the coding process until it reached peak

accuracy. The codebook includes eighty-seven individual codes grouped into 8 main

groups of codes (see Figure 7-10). Figure 7-10 shows seven groups, and the eighth

group includes the image prompts (each image prompt was coded within the interviews

for easier comparison across texts). To see the full codebook, see Appendix C.

Figure 7-10. The main classifications of codes in the codebook. The descriptions for

each category encapsulate the individual codes within each group, and do not include every single code. For the full codebook, see Appendix C.

Initially, I created list of codes based on my participant observation of paranormal

investigations and interviews and an initial, intuitive analysis of the texts. However,

throughout coding process it was necessary to add new codes that appeared in the

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transcriptions. I returned to the textual data multiple times, applying codes to new

themes that appeared to be relevant. For example, after coding two transcripts major

differences appeared. I realized that the physical places of where the experiences

happen might be significant to the meaning of the experiences. I went back through the

text and coded for Home, and Travel. After coding for these two places, it appeared that

these codes of Home and Travel correlate strongly with themes of psychic experiences

versus themes of science, technology, and evidence.

The results of two coded transcripts revealed major differences between the two

participants. Once the two interviews were transcribed and coded, the frequency of

each code was calculated for the two interviews and compared. The results of those

frequencies are graphed to illustrate those comparisons (see Figure 7-11 and Figure 7-

12). Analyzing the frequency of the codes (i.e., the content of the interviews) reveals the

variation that can exist between paranormal investigators in how they view the

paranormal, how they employ investigative methods, why they become involved in

paranormal teams, and how they view their place as a paranormal investigator in

Western society.

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Figure 7-11. Frequency of codes from two transcripts. This figure only includes the

codes that were applied more than once throughout the documents. Certain cells are highlighted to indicate a major difference in frequency. Green cells indicate that the codes appeared two more times in one transcript than the other. Yellow cells indicate codes that appeared three more times in one transcript than the other. Red cells highlight codes that appeared four or more times in one transcript than the other.

Code Tim Charlotte

Technology 5 2

Science 4 0

Evidence 6 4

Haunted Location 7 5

Home 0 4

Psychics 0 10

Health 0 6

Death 0 3

Orb 5 4

Demon 1 3

Ghosts 3 8

Paranormal Experience 3 9

Family 0 10

Sanity 0 4

Positive 2 3

Skepticism 3 0

Taboo / Can't Talk About It 0 6

Uncanniness 2 9

Fear 0 5

Definitive Real 3 1

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Figure 7-12. Bar graph of the frequency of codes applied to Charlotte and Tim’s

interview transcripts.

In Tim’s interview, his discussion largely focused on the role of science,

technology, and evidence in paranormal investigating. His career as a doctor has likely

influenced the way he interprets and explains paranormal phenomena, and he

emphasized his goal to catch hard evidence (documentation via photograph or audio).

His intentions in the paranormal group are for discovery and seeking the truth, in tune

very much with the aims of trained scientists.

What is my goal? To find out as much as I can. I mean, I already know that it’s real, and that it’s definitely real, and why it is and what it is. Is it altered dimensions? You know, energy’s neither created or destroyed, it’s just transformed. Is it a different transformation to a different alternative state? Just to try to find out what it is, and that kind of thing. Just find out more about it, it’s just more of a curiosity I think. -Tim

0 2 4 6 8 10 12

Technology

Evidence

Home

Health

Orb

Ghosts

Family

Positive

Taboo / Can't Talk About It

Fear

Frequency of Codes

Charlotte Tim

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In addition, Tim solely referred to public haunted locations. Public locations, as opposed

to private residences, are sites that allow ghost hunting groups to visit and investigate

for a fee. Often these places are museums, jails, courthouses, stores, or other historical

buildings that have a reputation as being haunted and use the additional income for

maintain the premises. Some of these places, like the Stanley Hotel or the St. Augustine

Lighthouse, became especially famous for their haunted reputation when they were

featured and investigated on Ghost Hunters or other reality paranormal television

shows. Tim listed several locations that he and the team had visited, whether they were

local, in state, or a road trip to other regions in the United States. He spoke of them in

awe, and he explained how he viewed haunted locations as places where he could

meditate and relax.

The last experience I’ve had, it was in the attic in Mae Springer. And it was like I was sleeping up in the attic for a long time, I was up there dozing off. And I like to go in the hauntiest place, just kinda hang out by myself. -Tim

His sense of sacredness in the haunted locations aligned with his attitude towards the

paranormal in general. He spoke very positively of the paranormal encounters he’d had,

and many of these encounters were very personal or meaningful to him. This meaning

that he finds in the paranormal is likely related to his spirituality, as he stated his

religious views very clearly and connected those views with a specific paranormal

experience:

“I’m a very strong Christian, and I believe very strongly in Jesus, and I think that I’m protected. We were up at Seven Sisters in Ocala…I was looking at my cameras and we were on a table just looking at our cameras and there’s this huge orb right here, right in front of my heart, right in front of here, and I was looking down at it. -Tim

Some authors contrast the skeptical technical investigators with the more spiritual ones,

arguing that the technology-emphasis comes from investigators who do not have

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sensory experiences or strong spiritual beliefs (S. Hill 2011). But this transcription

reveals a paranormal investigator who combines his views as a scientist and a doctor

with his views as a Christian, to interpret paranormal experiences as spiritual,

meaningful, and as evidence and proof of a non-empirical realm.

Charlotte, on the other hand, expressed a significantly different set of attitudes

and views on the paranormal. She began her interview by describing her metaphysical

abilities in relation with her ancestry, attributing her psychic abilities to her grandmother.

Well see my grandmother was gifted. She was born with a veil over her eyes, when she was born. And back in her day when you’re born like that, they usually take you out and shoot you, because they called them witches back in them days. So, whatever it was that she was... She could tell you things before they happened. Which was pretty crazy. Scary, sometimes, when you’re little, but it passed onto myself, and my daughters, they also see and experience things. -Charlotte

This focus on her family is drastically different than the previous interview. Tim never

mentioned any of his family or close friends, only his interactions with his team

members and other teams. For Charlotte, having intuitive abilities was an inherited trait

passed down maternally, and was even passed to her own daughters. These abilities

are described by Charlotte as being impressive, but unusual and often scary. Charlotte

also described many of these experiences as occurring in her own home, as opposed to

Tim who described them solely in other locations he visited. Psychic abilities in general

are nearly always discussed in terms of the paranormal, as the abilities allow certain

individuals greater insight into the non-empirical world that ghost hunters are attempting

to contact, communicate with, and document. In this case, Charlotte explained how her

abilities led her to search for answers to her unexplainable experiences, and she found

the local paranormal research group PSOBFL. Offering her services as a medium, she

became involved in the group. Her intentions of joining and being involved in the

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paranormal team are similar to Tim’s in that she wants to learn more about the

paranormal, but she also strongly stated that she wanted to help other people.

I just want to be able to help others understand that there is a paranormal, there are earthbound spirits, life after death, whatever you wanna call it. I wanna be able to get out, and share that with people that don’t believe in it, or that criticize you for believing in it. I’d just like to share that experience and get it out there that it is real. That’s my goal. -Charlotte

Both participants describe a desire to discover more about the paranormal as a

phenomenon, and to share that knowledge with others. However, Charlotte consistently

included iterations of fear, not only of the paranormal or psychic experiences, but fear of

her sanity being questioned by others.

You run into people who think you’re crazy, and well ‘you need help, go get on medication’, you know, they Baker Act you…This is my first group and I’ve really enjoyed it, being able to go out and catch things, and tryin’ to figure out how they explain it. Which, you can’t. -Charlotte

Charlotte struggles with her own personal paranormal and psychic experiences, while

trying to defend her own sanity and sound mindedness to others who do not share a

belief in the paranormal. The way she narrated her paranormal experiences indicated a

defensive nature and included specific details and phrasing to support her story as a

‘real’ occurrence. Charlotte said most of her family besides her daughters did not share

the belief in the paranormal, nor a desire to discuss paranormal experiences. The

combination of her paranormal experiences being scary in nature and the repression of

that fear without someone to discuss those experiences with is partially what led her to

PSOBFL.

Paranormal teams such as PSOBFL offer a community of like-minded people

who share a similar set of beliefs and a forum for talking about paranormal experiences,

which can be a therapeutic process when those experiences have been traumatic.

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Charlotte strongly feels the sting from the social taboo of talking about the paranormal in

public as a reality; interestingly, Tim did not express similar emotions, despite being a

doctor in a scientific field. Tim’s paranormal experiences were relayed as positive

interactions, while Charlotte’s were expressed as distressful, frightening, intrusive, and

unrelatable to others.

Another difference that appeared between the two interviews was that Charlotte

discussed health issues frequently, while Tim did not specifically relate to his own body

or health. Charlotte made clear connections between her bodily health and her psychic

abilities.

I died, literally. I had my lung removed and died on the table. Ever since then, you know, the activity has been more. And the visuals have been more, hearings been more. -Charlotte

Charlotte states that her abilities increased after her near death experience, attributing

those increased abilities to her near-pass with the spiritual realm. This connection was

also made when she discussed her grandmother and described how her grandmother

was born with a veil, which could either have been the cause of the premonition abilities

or an indication of them. However, her discussion of health is not only related her own

abilities, as she includes health in her expression of her goals.

“I’ve helped people that were sick. You now, they’d explain what was going on, while’s they were explaining I could see, you know, like…my uncle, he wasn’t feeling well. I said well, you know I could see this spot, growing on his lung. And he went to the hospital, and now he’s got stage 4 lung cancer, and he’s got less than six months. That’s my only uncle. You know, my only uncle I have left.” – Charlotte

Charlotte conveys experiences where she was able to assist another person’s health

with her psychic abilities. Contrary to the paranormal experiences that she describes as

negative and scary, these were the only experiences that she described positively.

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While not necessarily a pleasant experience, Charlotte clearly emphasizes her desire to

help people. In this example with her uncle, her intervention may also help her with her

grief. In believing that she is helping others, she finds a sense of meaning,

These interviews revealed major differences in how investigators experience the

paranormal and why they joined the paranormal teams. These contrasting differences

from the interviews are summarized in Table 7-2.

Table 7-2. Categorical differences between two interview transcripts.

Tim Charlotte

Ways of Interacting with or Experiencing the Paranormal

Science, Technology, Evidence

Psychics, Family

Location of Paranormal Experiences

Travel, Haunted Locations Home

Goals for being in the Paranormal Group

Discover ‘Truth’ Help People

Themes Related to Paranormal Experiences

Religious, Sense of Security, Comfort in Haunted Locations

Fear, Can’t Talk About It, Health Issues

The analysis of these two transcripts yielded interesting and informative data

regarding paranormal investigators. According to the narrative analysis of the two

transcribed interviews, these people joined paranormal groups for two major reasons: to

discover truth/knowledge about the paranormal, and to help other people. Tim aimed to

use his scientific knowledge to uncover more about how paranormal phenomena

worked, while Charlotte wanted to help others through her metaphysical abilities (who

were either being negatively affected by the paranormal, suffering from health issues, or

who were socially stigmatized for talking about the paranormal in public like she was).

Paranormal experiences can have a variety of meanings to people, inciting a spectrum

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of emotional responses depending on the context of the experience, the person’s

beliefs, and previous experiences. Tim found paranormal experiences to be spiritually

meaningful and confirming his religious beliefs. Charlotte, on the other hand, found her

paranormal experiences to be frightening, threatening, and traumatic. Each participant’s

experiences occurred in different contexts: Tim had paranormal experiences at

historical locations during investigations, while Charlotte had paranormal experiences in

her own home. Tim was prepared for a paranormal experience and Charlotte felt like

her private life was intruded upon; this difference is a variable that affects the way these

experiences are interpreted. The meaning of paranormal experiences could also be

related to the type of paranormal experience. Referencing back to Table 7-1, there are

two types of ways to interact with the paranormal: via scientific evidence (orbs,

audio/photographic documentation) and metaphysical abilities (bodily and sensory

experiences). Tim interpreted meaning through the evidence of orb photographs, which

validated his religious beliefs and his orientation with the spiritual world. Charlotte found

meaning in using her abilities to help others but experienced the paranormal through

bodily senses; these experiences caused fear and apprehension due to their intrusive

and threatening nature, since they were not sought after and occurred in her home. For

Charlotte, being able to help others is a consolation for the stress she otherwise

endures.

Previous academic studies that focus on rationalizing paranormal beliefs miss

the importance (and the reality) of unusual, incomprehensible, and nonsensical

experiences. As argued by Hufford (1982), some cultural beliefs are shaped by

experiences. Hufford’s study of the Old Hag tradition used an experience-centered

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approach, where the cultural tradition is assumed to stem from and be shaped by

experiential sources, rather than cultural tradition shaping the experience. If we treat

these interviewees as honest in their perceptions of their experiences, then we can

explore the effects of these experiences. The impact of paranormal experiences and the

role of the belief in the paranormal on the individual is demonstrated in these two

interviews. These investigators are not merely thrill-seeking adventurers who hunt

ghosts as a hobby on the weekend, but rather are members of a community that

incorporates a variety of methods, goals, and belief systems. Paranormal experiences

are not expressed as a simple shock moment, but rather as complex processes that can

elicit strong emotional reactions and create, refute, or affirm an individual’s religious or

spiritual beliefs.

Grounded Theory: A Model of Ghost Hunting

The first section of this chapter discussed the cultural domain of the paranormal,

based on the freelist entries and pile sort exercises. The cultural domain encompasses

all the things that fall under the umbrella term of “the paranormal,” which are shared by

more than one investigator. Then, I presented a comparison between two interviews to

demonstrate how textual data was coded, revealing thematic structures and relations. In

this section, I first focus on how paranormal beliefs are formed, supported, and

questioned. I examine how investigators express beliefs or disbelief in paranormal

concepts from the first section. These beliefs are supported in several ways, including

through personal experience, sharing that experience with others, and correlating it with

technological devices. Then, I discuss how ghost hunters define their place in society:

through their interaction with the community, and through their relationships to the

media, other teams, ghost tourism, and academia. These two major themes, verifying

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beliefs and negotiating place, lead to the underlying pattern of all these topics: seeking

validation. Figure 7-13 presents a model which illustrates how each of these facets of

ghost hunting are connected and related. These themes are discussed in the following

sections.

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Figure 7-13. Grounded theory model for paranormal team practices.

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Epistemology: Orbs, Bigfoot, and Aliens

This ethnographic research aligns with the findings from Thun’s study of ghost

hunters (2013), whose underlying motivation is a quest for truth. Thun observes how

experience becomes a way of knowing, and the imaginary and reality are negotiated

and contested through the use of scientific devices and personal sensory experiences.

This research with Florida paranormal research teams confirms the centrality of

experience, and the debate about what is ‘real.’ However, it dives further into the

negotiation of sanity; how it is questioned, defended, and validated. Investigators and

clients describe a fear of being called crazy, or express doubts in their senses and

perceptions. They seek to verify their unexplainable experiences through additional

bodily experiences, correlation with technological devices, and sharing those

experiences with others who can verify them. These methods of verification provide

support for their beliefs and a sense of security.

Perhaps the most hotly contested paranormal object in the field of ghost hunting

is the orb. The term orb describes the semi-transparent floating spheres that appear in

photographs but are not typically visible to the human eye. There are two opposing

views to orbs, and lot of opinions in between. Orbs are often interpreted as paranormal

entities, either as a manifestation of a ghost or as a form of anomalous energy. Orb

skeptics argue that all orbs are either dust, moisture, bugs, lens flare, or other visual

artifacts. Of the seventeen participants who talked about orbs, six expressed a strong

belief in them (35%), three staunchly dismissed all orbs (18%), and eight people

described legitimate orbs as requiring certain criteria to differentiate it from natural

explanations (47%). Some investigators absolutely love orbs and attribute most orb

photographs or video to paranormal causes; other investigators simply stated, “Orbs are

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bullshit.”7 The eight investigators whose beliefs fell somewhere in between had a variety

of explanations for what orbs are, as well as what defines them as “real” paranormal

phenomena.

You know if you catch an orb, and you blow it up, they all have different faces in ‘em. -Charlotte

Like it’s not a ghost, it’s energy. It’s what Jack says, and it makes perfect sense – “Orbs are to ghosts as Doritos are to him.” Food, all it is, is food. And I think the presence of more energy, more orbs, means that there could be more paranormal activity, because of the fact there’s food there. But yeah, I think a lot of the time it’s mistaken for dust or fog. -Amy

There are such things as orbs. They are a naturally occurring ball of light. That's all they are. They're not paranormal. They're very normal. They're extremely rare. You are very fortunate if you ever get to see one. - Eddie

Orbs have certain criteria that they have to follow, for it to be an orb. You can tell that these aren't orbs. Because orbs, first thing they have to do is emit their own light. And if it's not emitting its own light, then it's not energy. Energy emits energy. And you can tell water vapor, bugs, and a lot of it is just dust. But it's, if you get a true orb, it doesn't have a predictable flight path. -Sherry

Orbs are one of the few things in the paranormal field where people heatedly debate the

cause of the phenomena. Orbs are discussed as being either paranormal (e.g., spirits or

energy) or not paranormal (e.g., dust, bugs, rain). Their existence is not debated,

because there are thousands of orb photographs posted on the Internet, and nearly

every investigator, even a skeptical one, has captured a photograph full of orbs

(especially when investigating dusty, old historical buildings). Skeptics don’t argue that

orb photographs don’t exist, just that they can be explained by natural causes.

A similar sentiment emerges when participants discuss Bigfoot, an ape-like

creature reported in forested regions around North America. Of the six paranormal

7 Indicating that no orbs found in photographs can be considered paranormal, and that all of them have natural causes (e.g., insects, dust, moisture, lens flare, digital artifact).

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teams I interviewed, only one of them expressed an interest in researching and

‘hunting’8 Bigfoot as a team. But in terms of belief, a large proportion of investigators are

open to the possibility of Bigfoot. Out of the seventeen investigators who discussed

Bigfoot, four stated unwavering belief (23%), one dismissed Bigfoot’s existence, and

twelve believed Bigfoot was possible with three of those participants requiring scientific

evidence to prove it (71%). For those twelve people who were open-minded, they gave

the reason that “Anything is possible.” They wouldn’t declare that he doesn’t exist, but

also would not say they were absolutely convinced that he does.

I believe. I mean, I don't disbelieve, I don't believe... I'm just kind of... in the middle. Same thing with Bigfoot. Until I experience it, I can't say that he doesn't exist, I can't say he exists. That's the way I feel, I'm right down the middle of the road on anything. -Emma

I’m sure that people have seen something, and there’s a possibility, I mean…it’s a big world, there’s a lot of wilderness out there. Anything could be living out there. -Abby

For the four investigators who asserted firm belief in Bigfoot, they supported their belief

with descriptions of personal encounters or with supporting evidence.

I believe in it. Too many people have seen things or something similar. There's a lot of forest and areas that haven't been explored. Something's gotta be out there and it just seems to me, they're not really coming after people, they're just, leave us alone and we'll leave you alone. -Lyanne

Well, I will tell you without a shadow of a doubt, from personal experience, Bigfoot does exist. So I definitely, definitely believe. No, I don't believe in that, I know that. I don't understand people who don't believe in it. They say, "Nothing could be out there that we don't know about." Bullshit. They find new species every day. In that area, in Arkansas, I guarantee you there's places there today that no man has ever set foot in. -Eddie

8 Going to the state park to camp and see if they experience any of the reported Bigfoot phenomena; seeing tracks, hearing Bigfoot calls, or finding Bigfoot himself.

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In the first quote, Lyanne points to the collection of Bigfoot reports as significant

evidence. Eddie, on the other hand, supports his belief with a personal experience that

occurred. Both investigators mention that the possibility of Bigfoot is strengthened by

the amount of unexplored land where, like an undiscovered species, he could live. Their

arguments indicate that skeptics who deny any possibility of Bigfoot lack an

understanding of the expanse of unexplored nature and the potential advancement of

science to discover it.

Another non-haunting paranormal entity that was discussed by paranormal

researchers through a lens of possibility are UFOs. Sixteen investigators discussed

aliens or UFOs, often conflating the two terms. Of those sixteen, ten people described

unequivocal belief (63%), zero denied any possibility of them, and six were open to the

possibility (38%). Five investigators had personal experiences; three of them staunchly

believed and two were open to the possibility but left room for doubt. When talking

about Bigfoot, the reaction was often a shrug and saying, “anything is possible,” since

Bigfoot hasn’t necessarily been disproven yet. But when talking about extraterrestrial

life, multiple investigators had strongly worded opinions:

For UFOs, to be honest with you, as big as this universe is, to me, you may think this is harsh. I think you gotta be a fool to think there's not somebody else out there. We're still discovering things that we don't know about, on this planet. As much technology we have, we're still coming across stuff that we don't know. -Gary

It is arrogant of us to think that we're the only ones around. The almond-eyed, triangular gray faced image has been around for years. It's been viewed in hieroglyphics. It's been viewed in cave drawings. It's been viewed on different continents of people that had no idea how to communicate with each other. That's gotta mean something. Have we been visited? Maybe. Have we been observed? Probably. I think there's gotta be something else out there. There's gotta be. -Greg

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Anybody that can look up at the sky at night, and see all these stars, and all these galaxies, and all this, and think we're the only people here, are absolutely nuts. -Eddie

These investigators reiterate the sentiment of possibility and discovery but are more

direct against skeptics. Current scientific knowledge doesn’t provide satisfactory

understandings of our universe, or in the case of Bigfoot, of our environment. While the

investigators describe technology as continuing to reveal previously undiscovered

information, they also argue that science is still behind and cannot prove or disprove

these paranormal phenomena. They believe in UFOs not because of personal

experience but based on probability; the universe is so grand and unexplored that we

can’t prove they don’t exist.

All participants believe that paranormal activity exists, in varying ways and to

certain degrees, because they’ve had prior unexplainable experiences, experience

strange things on investigations, or trust other people who report experiences. For

investigators, belief is not a matter of faith. It’s a matter of experience. And when those

experiences are personal, intense, and validated by others, those beliefs become

knowledge. Eddie asserted that “No, I don't believe in that, I know that” Bigfoot exists,

because of his personal experiences. His first experience was with his wife in their

cabin, where they saw it walk by a window. He described his second experience:

Every year we went and camped for a week and went hunting. I had heard Bigfoot before. And it’s a sound that if you ever hear it, you will never forget what it sounds like, when it does its scream. And we were sitting there at camp, and first of all there's no alcohol at camp, so rules any of that out. And we were sitting there, there were four of us. We were sitting around the campfire, and it screams. And it wasn't too damn far off. And it did it twice. And it was kinda funny to watch four grown men, who were sitting around the campfire, quietly get up and walk over to their tent, take out their rifle, come back to the campfire, lay the rifle across their lap, and then sit back down. But if you hear it, you'll never forget it. -Eddie

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Eddie’s description of the two encounters includes stating how the other people present

also witnessed the phenomena, validating that it occurred and was not a personal

delusion. In his second story, he also builds his own credibility by stating that: 1) he

camped and hunted every year, thereby inferring a familiarity with the woods and

wildlife; 2) no alcohol was present, so the experience was not caused by inebriation or

altered state of mind; and 3) describing how the other three men, also experienced

hunters, reacted in the same way with apprehension. This structure of the paranormal

story reflects discourse analysis Wooffitt (1992) used to study ghost stories, which are

carefully crafted due to their taboo and problematic nature. To be taken seriously and

buffer against social rejection, speakers deflect negative reactions (e.g., hostility and

skepticism) by including components to support their sanity, their intelligence, and their

senses.

In this case, Eddie not only included these details to gain credibility but to also

support his own belief in the encounter. He is confident in his own knowledge of normal

and abnormal sounds of the forest, and in his own bodily senses of sight and hearing.

This confidence is not typically expressed when investigators describe experiences they

had when they were alone. Ward (1977) notes how people confirm and validate their

supranormal experiences when they are shared with others, which returns an emotional

balance to an emotionally distressed individual. Eddie later recounted an experience

that occurred on an investigation, where both him and another investigator saw a face

appear in a window. When he saw it, he pointed it out to the other investigator who

verified that she also could see it. Then, she took a series of photographs to document

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the phenomena. Out of twenty-seven photographs, Eddie stated that the face only

appeared in the window in one of them.

Steph: How did it make you feel, having that validation that she saw it?

Eddie: Well it always makes you feel good, especially when you have a validation that you see it. It's one thing to have a personal experience nobody else experiences, just you. Then it’s, am I really seeing this, or what? But to have both of us, and that many times, and to be there that long. And then to get it in one photo. Why it didn't show up in more photos, I have no idea. But that was a very interesting night.

Eddie could validate his experience not only by sharing it with another person, but with

a piece of documentation. Therefore, paranormal teams emphasize the use of devices

during investigations; by obtaining objective, empirical documentation, they can validate

that the experience occurred outside of their bodily senses.

The buddy system is frequently used by paranormal teams during investigations.

It is never recommended to investigate alone, because then that experience cannot be

verified by another person. Hausmann (2011) studied how the sense of the profound

emerges during paranormal investigations, which lead to more durable social

organization. However, he stated that in the team he worked with, “they encountered

ghosts largely on an individual basis” (34). In contrast, I found that most paranormal

experiences that occurred during investigations were shared between more than one

member. During a trip to Old South Pittsburg Hospital with FPI, two investigators

experienced something while walking down the halls early in the morning. Bill and Ethan

were on their way to the break room and rounded the corner. Standing in the hallway in

front of them stood an apparition, clear as day. I was following close behind, but I was

still in the previous hallway by the nurse’s station. They both rushed back towards me

and grabbed paper and pens from the nurse’s station counter. I watched as they drew a

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picture of what they saw. Figure 7-14 is a photograph of the two investigators, holding

up their drawings. They were attempting to independently document what they

experienced before discussing it with each other, to see if the other person saw the

same thing. Once their drawings were complete, they described the apparition to me.

They had turned down the hallway and saw a girl in a dress standing by the wall. The

little girl had a stunned expression, then promptly disappeared. This method of

verification helps reaffirm experiences and build trust between investigators.

Figure 7-14. Ethan and Bill draw an experience they shared.

The difference between stating a belief in something and declaring knowing

something is that with the latter, the individual is defining reality. When expressing

beliefs or saying they don’t know something, there is room left for doubt or uncertainty.

Knowing something exists means that the person is not questioning their senses, their

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tools, or the word of others. Table 7-3 and Figure 7-15 list the top twenty words found in

the interview transcriptions. These word frequencies point towards the things

investigators talked about the most. The word “know” was the third most used word,

while the word “believe” was the eighth. Investigators were more likely to express their

views in terms of knowledge, rather than in terms of belief.

Figure 7-15. Word cloud generated from the most frequent words found in the coded

interviews, image prompts, and notes. Includes words with a frequency over 100.

Table 7-3. MAXQDA word frequencies.

Rank Word Frequency

1 people 339

2 think 306

3 know 294*

4 see 281

5 paranormal 242

6 something 231

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Table 7-3. Continued

Rank Word Frequency

7 time 181

8 believe 158

8 group 158

10 house 131

11 ghost 127

12 first 121

13 seen 112

14 experience 104

14 never 104

16 stuff 103

17 feel 102

17 investigation 102

19 anything 100

20 tell 99

*Originally, the word “know” was listed at 637 times, due to transcriptions including “you know” as a filler phrase. After adjusting for these, the resulting word count for “know” dropped to 294. Negotiating Place: The Local Community, Intergroup Relations, Paranormal TV

and Tours, and Science

This ethnography explores additional ways in which paranormal teams validate

their role in society. They define themselves in relation to their local community, other

paranormal teams, the paranormal reality television shows, ghost tours, and the field of

science. Through these relations, they define what they are and what they are not.

These practices work to carve out a social niche for these teams while defending the

team against social rejection. Just as the individual ghost hunter finds a sense of

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belonging within the group, the paranormal teams seek to legitimize their position in

Western society.

Of the six groups I interviewed, three of them were actively involved in their local

community. A few years ago, PSOBFL began offering haunted walking tours in

downtown Bradenton, FL. The founders researched the local history, planned the

walking route, and developed a script. They provide K2 meters, to give participants a

sense of how ghost hunters use equipment to take environmental measurements. This

business not only provides the team with additional revenue to help cover the costs of

investigating, but also spreads awareness about their team. PROOF, a team based out

of Tampa, hosts an annual event called Paranormal Kicks Cancer (PKC).9 The entry

fees are donated to BASE Camp children’s cancer foundation.10 They are also involved

in the annual Paranormal Information Association conference, which features speakers

and vendors. Both events are attended by other paranormal groups, strengthening their

social network. One of those groups is KPI, who participate in other events and charities

in their local region of Kissimmee. For example, one of their interactions with their

community is managing a booth at a library’s annual trick or treat event, handing out

candy and educating the public on the scientific tools and methods used by their

paranormal team.

The PKC event is an example of how teams can bond and create social relations

that ultimately benefit their contributions to their local community and create a social

network. However, the relationships between paranormal groups is not always positive.

9 http://paranormalkickscancer.org

10 http://www.basecamp.org/

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Intra- and intergroup conflict can occur when investigators clash in their personal

beliefs, in their investigative methods, or in their views of how the team should function.

Sherry: Dan and I run a different kind of team. The other teams, a lot of teams you'll find

they have very dictator-like founders and rigid structure rules, and that you have to obey.

Dan: They're not open to each individual's beliefs, spiritual beliefs or religious.

Sherry: It's like, you have to do this, you have to do that. There's like ten forms you have to fill out.

Steph: Do you think there's a reason the founders are like that?

Dan: Some people have a problem with authority. It's a power trip. My team, my way.

These amateur teams can be difficult to manage due to their informal structure.

When team members and founders disagree on methods and decision-making, it can

create tensions, disunity, and separations from the group. Like this intra-group conflict,

disagreements between groups create opposition and social discord within the

paranormal community. When teams distinguish themselves from other groups based

on their investigative methods, they usually base their disagreement on how scientific or

unscientific other teams are. Bill believed there were four categories of groups11: 1)

“weekend warriors” who just investigate local places like cemeteries for fun, sometimes

trespassing or using unethical methods; 2) “ghost hunters” that were more serious

about investigating, but still thrill-seekers; 3) “paranormal investigators” who are more

serious-minded than ghost hunters ; and 4) “paranormal researchers” who are the most

professional, the teams who “are really trying to find the answers.” This hierarchy of

11 In this dissertation, I refer to paranormal teams by a variety of terms without inferring any distinction between them. I use the terms “ghost hunter”, “investigators”, and “researchers” interchangeably for ease of reading. These categories expressed by participants do not reflect my own usage of the terms throughout the ethnography.

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groups criticizes the thrill-seeking teams and gives more respect to the “researchers”

who engage in more scientific investigations. Bill considered himself as part of the third

group, stating that:

I am a paranormal investigator instead of a “ghost hunter.” Being a paranormal investigator is something I am called to do, not something I choose to do…I believe I am called to help people who believe they are troubled with a world they cannot control or understand. I am exposed to not only the paranormal, but the deepest secrets of individuals’ lives. -Bill

As a “paranormal investigator,” Bill defined his role as assisting others. The purpose of

his investigations was primarily to consult the clients, determine the extent of the

paranormal activity, and educate the clients on 1) debunkable activity, and 2) the nature

of the actual paranormal phenomena. Like John’s explanation of providing a

prescription for clients12, Bill reveals that a key part of residential cases is learning about

clients’ personal lives. This level of interaction with the clients does not typically occur

with the other types of paranormal teams that Bill describes.

Paranormal investigators distinguish their teams from ghost tours, tending to

have mixed feelings about the tours in historic cities. These ghost tours, or haunted

tours, are led by tour guides who are often not part of paranormal research groups. Bill

criticized the ghost tour guides in St. Augustine for giving false information to tourists

and misrepresenting how paranormal research works. Bill paraphrased one of the St.

Augustine ghost tour guides as saying to a group of tourists during a particularly quiet

night, “The ghosts must’ve went away- they go to Disney world for a year and a half.

They’ll be back.” Most of the tour guides do not take the field of paranormal research

seriously, and only engage in it for commercial gain. Paranormal tourism is a profitable

12 See Chapter 5, section titled “Location Types”.

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industry in many historic cities. The popularity of some locations, such as the St.

Augustine Lighthouse, has dramatically risen due to being featured on paranormal

shows such as Ghost Hunters. Once televised as a haunted location, the businesses or

locations investigated on a TV show can increase their admission prices to match the

increased number of visitors. However, paranormal tourism can get people more

interested in the paranormal, motivating them to do historical research or seek out a

paranormal group to join. Most investigators enjoy haunted tours, appreciating them for

their entertainment value and the business they bring to the local economy.

Similarly, paranormal reality television shows are both enjoyed and repudiated by

paranormal groups. On one hand, the shows may be the reason they became

interested in the paranormal. These television series demonstrate that everyday people

can investigate the paranormal. The shows also made it more acceptable to talk about

the paranormal concepts, relieving some of the stigma surrounding paranormal beliefs

and experiences.

Whenever Ghost Hunters came out it made it more socially acceptable…I mean, the TV guys open it up to you know, to where people can get help, they don't have to live in fear. It's a good thing. -Dan

I have to thank Jason and Grant for that. [referring to Ghost Hunters]. They were huge in that change. A lot more people admit it now, that would never have admitted it before. I don't agree with a lot of the ways some of them do it, but yeah it's a lot easier now. More people believe. -Eddie

On the other hand, investigators criticize the shows for their dramatization,

simplification, and deceptive portrayal of paranormal research groups.

The paranormal investigators I know are much calmer and more methodical. None of our members would panic or run away. We are also less likely to jump to conclusions. -Gail

I believe a lot of those shows are mocking what we take so personally. -Robin

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Overall, most investigators noted that Ghost Hunters is the most accurate

representation of what they do. Like the distinction between paranormal teams, they

place an emphasis on scientific methods. But like ghost tourism, most investigators still

appreciate the television shows for their entertainment value.

Lastly, paranormal teams struggle to define their place in relation to academic

science. What this research has uncovered is that many teams have a complicated view

and relationship with the field of science13. They are attracted to technological devices

and scientific concepts, which are adapted for documentation and explanation of the

paranormal. These tools are considered more objective, as hard evidence. They are

more credible “proof.” Many investigators describe themselves as scientists, as well. A

few do come from scientific backgrounds, but most of them are referring to their

practices during investigations. When I questioned Bill about his views on academic

science, he replied:

I think we get looked down on. I think we are not respected. They have better technology and more resources than us. So we have to come at it with a more amateur type view.

As much as paranormal teams adapt scientific tools and jargon to their investigations,

they still feel shunned by the academic community. Some investigators don’t feel like

they are taken seriously, that scientists will not accept their experiences and evidence

as valid. They view people who deny possibilities because of lack of evidence as

“arrogant” (see previous section about UFO beliefs). Bill also expressed a frustration

with accessing scientific research, annoyed that most scientific work wasn’t clearly

13 This section does not address the way these groups present themselves. S. Hill (2011, 2012) characterizes these groups as pseudoscientific, promoting bad science to the public. This section describes the paranormal team’s relationship to scientific tools and the scientific community, to understand where these groups position themselves socially.

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translated for the public. Paranormal teams want to be like academic scientists but feel

marginalized by academia’s dismissal of their evidence and experiences. But they have

hope for the future, that eventually paranormal teams will help “uncover the truth” and

provide concrete, indisputable evidence of paranormal phenomena to the world. And

most groups lie somewhere in between these two main objectives, wanting to both find

evidence for scientific proof as well as assist in residential cases.

Paranormal teams craft their own social identify by distinguishing themselves

from four other social entities and by involving themselves in their community. This

negotiation of place reflects the treatment of the self and Other by several authors

(Hallowell 1955, Hess 1993, Leistle 2014). Hallowell (1955) discussed how the Ojibwa

culture provided orientations for the self, and defined a person’s role by how they

interacted with other people and with spirits. The previous section on epistemology

demonstrates how investigators view spiritual and paranormal beings. During

investigations, team members interact with these non-empirical beings, which

establishes a relationship between the people and the spirits they seek. Investigators

orient themselves as the communicators between realms, using tools and sensory

experiences. They also orient themselves socially, defining their place in Western

culture by identifying the “Other”: paranormal reality television shows, ghost tours,

academia, and other groups who are viewed as professional, scientific, or ethical. This

orientation in helps to negotiate a place in their community and validate themselves as a

reliable, informative, and supportive social group.

Conclusion: Tying Together Self and Social Validation

This chapter presented an analysis of three topics: cultural domain,

epistemology, and negotiating place. It explored what concepts are paranormal; it

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examined how those concepts are perceived and believed in based on personal and

shared experiences; and it explained the ways that paranormal teams define their

cultural position by distancing and relating themselves to multiple social entities. It

included a comparison between two investigators’ interviews to demonstrate how these

perceptions, interpretations, and identities vary between individuals. Throughout this

dissertation, I’ve illustrated how the original three research questions can be answered.

Local teams form together due to different motivations and investigate several types of

locations. They use technological and metaphysical tools to verify their experiences and

explain paranormal concepts. Ghost hunters construct their identity by relating

themselves to other social groups, to define their role as researchers as well as

contributors to their local community. And as the case studies showed, investigators

interpret different meanings from their paranormal experiences, seeking and finding

corroboration for their spiritual beliefs. Figure 7-16 presents the grounded theory model

again, illustrating how ghost hunting practices and concepts are connected by a

common impetus: validation.

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Figure 7-16. Grounded theory model of investigators’ practices.

Seeking validation can also be framed as seeking a sense of belonging, both as

an individual and as a group. Investigators gain a sense of security in defining their

position, role, and purpose; both in their cosmology, as well as within their society.

When investigators verify their personal experiences with other people or with

technological devices, they support their beliefs. When that verification is strong

enough, where they are confident in their bodily senses and trust devices or the word of

others, their beliefs are expressed as knowledge. Verification techniques are crucial for

allaying social stigma. Many investigators still convey a fear of social rejection, feeling

that their paranormal beliefs and ghost hunting practices are viewed as taboo or

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abnormal by the rest of society. Methods of validation and the support of their team

relieve this fear of being called crazy.

It's hard for me to bring it up at work. Because a lot of people don't accept that. A lot of people think its witchcraft, voodoo. A lot of people think it's evil. A lot of people think you're nuts. But I think they're more open now, than back in the early 70s and 80s. -Katie

The fear of social rejection is so strong that it prevents many investigators from talking

about their unexplainable experiences in public, or even to their friends and family. But

these transformative experiences shape an individuals’ perception of themselves and

how they feel they fit into society. Prior experiences are one of the main motivations for

individuals to join ghost hunting groups, as discussed in Chapter 5. These individuals

seek out the groups to find explanations, to connect with like-minded people, and feel

socially accepted. Once validated, investigators interpret experiences as imbued with

personal meaning.

We were at the Audubon Society House in Key West, and I was on the porch, where that was where a bunch of little kids died of acute fever way back when. And I was just sitting there, just kinda vegging out on the porch, rocking, and Dave came outside and took a picture and there was like 5 orbs right around me. Like one, two, three, four, five, and two right here, little kids. Like little orbs, I think that little kids were attracted to me and wanted me to tell them a story. So, I thought it was pretty cool. -Tim

In this case, Tim describes an experience centered on photographic evidence, his belief

in orbs, and the presence of the other investigator, Dave. The documentation and the

other investigator’s presence serve to validate Tim’s belief in orbs as spiritual entities.

Furthermore, Tim tied historical information to the placement of the orbs, believing that

the orbs embodied the spirits of children. Not only did he think the orbs were attracted to

him, but that they sought to actively engage with him. Tim interprets this experience as

having very personal, profound meaning. The interaction of the spirit orbs gives Tim an

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intimate relation with, and orientation within, the spiritual world. As this example

demonstrates, gaining a sense of belonging (in a spiritual aspect) is one of the forms of

self-validation.

Paranormal teams work to define their place in society because until the

paranormal television shows increased their social acceptance, they were positioned as

counter-cultural groups with abnormal beliefs. Investigators perceive much less social

taboo now than a few decades ago, and paranormal beliefs are more mainstream.

Ghost hunting groups which actively seek out paranormal experiences struggle to

legitimize their practices and be taken seriously: by the public, by each other, and by

academic scientists. If the paranormal groups can build their credibility by utilizing

technological devices, providing investigative services for clients, and strengthening

their relationship with the local community, then they can establish their cultural

significance and achieve a sense of social belonging. These personal and social

methods of validation aim to avoid and deflect social rejection, because the paranormal

is still stigmatized despite its popularity it popular culture. These ghost hunting groups

actively work to lessen that stigma, because they know how transformative, meaningful,

or terrifying these paranormal experiences can be.

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CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSIONS

This dissertation demonstrates the complexity of ghost hunting practices and

paranormal experiences. Paranormal researchers belong to a subculture of the

paranormal community, whose identities are both sensationalized by popular media and

socially marginalized. The objective of this ethnography is to reveal the motivations for

engaging in paranormal investigating, the ways that paranormal experiences are

embodied and interpreted by investigators, and how paranormal teams negotiate their

social position through various means. This dissertation presents a grounded

phenomenological narrative analysis conducted through participant observation and

interviews to produce a thorough and detailed study. This theoretical orientation situates

this research project squarely in a gap in the literature, filling the space left between the

dry statistical studies and the descriptive folklore books.

Chapter 2 explored the history of the paranormal in Western society, from the

1800s through modern day. It provided an overview of the Spiritualist movement,

Spiritism, psychical research, parapsychology, and the beginnings of paranormal

research teams. In Chapter 3, I examined background literature relevant to

understanding the theoretical and methodological approaches of this study. The focus

on phenomenology, experience, and narrative analyses provided insight into how these

approaches are well suited for this ethnography. Chapter 4 discussed the ethical

implications of ethnographic fieldwork, examined the obligations of ethnographers and

argued for a consciously ethical approach to study the subculture of ghost hunters. In

Chapter 5, I explained the methods of data collection and described my entry into the

world of ghost hunting. I then presented basic information regarding the teams’

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formation and functioning based on firsthand observations. In Chapter 6, I provided

three case studies to illustrate themes of bodily senses, performance, personal

experiences, and the transformative power of paranormal experiences. Lastly, in

Chapter 7 I analyzed the data to construct a cultural domain of the paranormal, explore

the epistemology of investigators based on their personal experiences, and

demonstrate how teams negotiate their place in society by distancing or relating

themselves to their local community, other teams, television shows, ghost tourism, and

academic science. These two themes, verifying one’s beliefs and negotiating social

position, are connected under the common objective of validation.

During this ethnographic research, I had to validate my own position in the world

of ghost hunters. To gain the trust of the investigators, I needed to demonstrate that I

was both a legitimate academic researcher and paranormal investigator. I did this by

being honest with my role as an ethnographer, by becoming a member of a paranormal

team, by learning about the equipment used, and by engaging in investigations,

meetings, and social events. I listened to people tell their stories without criticism or

skepticism. The continuous ethnographic research and participant observation over four

years helped avoid the “deference effect” (Bernard and Ryan 2010:33) – where

participants tell you what they believe you want to hear. One-time questioning could be

vulnerable to that, but I was able to confirm participants’ information by observing them

in action, to see if their statements matched their actual practices. Initially, investigators

would preface their stories with a phrase like “You’re going think this is nuts,” and

hesitate to share their experiences and beliefs. But by building relationships and

rapport, I verified my reliability. My academic interest is not in discrediting paranormal

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teams or questioning the authenticity of their experiences. It’s in how this subculture

forms, how it navigates social obstacles to find a niche, and how these investigators

engage with one other, with social organizations of science and the media, and with the

non-empirical world.

Paranormal Possibilities

A research study conducted by Hanks (2011) found that paranormal investigators

experienced “anxiety over the nature of rationality [which] manifests itself publicly as

well as privately in the personal struggles of paranormal investigators” (Hanks 2011:4).

Anxieties over technologically mediated evidence, mediumship, and embodied

experiences cause perpetual doubts in their epistemological beliefs. While those

struggles are consistent with what I witnessed among Florida ghost hunting teams, I

also saw hope – when investigators could relieve their self-doubt, any uncertainty about

what causes the paranormal activity or about their own place in society evolves into a

sense of possibility.

When investigators express uncertainty about the existence of Bigfoot, they say

“anything is possible.” When they admit that they don’t know exactly what an orb is, they

imagine a dozen explanations that it could be. The paranormal is, to them, a realm of

discovery. It hasn’t been monopolized by science or rigidly framed in the context of

religion. Because the paranormal is still unexplainable, it’s anyone’s game. It’s

accessible to anybody who desires to explore it. Ghost hunting groups see themselves

as pioneers, doing the work that others can’t (helping clients with their paranormal

problems) or won’t (addressing phenomena dismissed by science). Exploring the

unknown, whether it be interactions from the spiritual world or unexplainable

environmental anomalies, is not restricted to professional scientists, to priests, or even

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to psychic mediums. This is the attraction of ghost hunting, where the possibilities

outweigh the doubts.

Concluding Thoughts and Future Research

This dissertation research constructs another stepping stone in the field of

paranthropology, a multidisciplinary field of “social-scientific approaches to the study of

paranormal experiences, beliefs and phenomena in all of their varied guises.”1 As a

budding field, paranthropology already has several prominent researchers but has room

to grow in the exploration of the paranormal, supernatural, and anomalous. The focus of

the ethnographic research in this dissertation is on some of the most powerful,

transformative experiences an individual can be subjected to. These experiences are

also shaped and interpreted through a particular cultural lens. Scholars in the

anthropology of religion and uncanny anthropology may also have interest in this

subfield, as the topics of interest overlap. This research establishes a more holistic

framework for approaching the study of the paranormal in culture by examining not just

people’s beliefs, but their practices as well. The anthropological theories and methods

utilized in this dissertation demonstrate how the non-empirical can be systematically

and thoroughly understood in Western society by decoding the thoughts, behaviors, and

stories of these paranormal teams for underlying meaning.

Future research could expand past the geographical, temporal, and

methodological limitations of this dissertation research. This would further the

understanding of how the non-empirical is interpreted and expressed in societies

around the world. Future research could include an analysis of schemas, for observing

1 http://paranthropologyjournal.weebly.com/

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and analyzing the cultural models of the paranormal, a haunting, or a paranormal

investigation. The components, processes, agents, and contexts for each of these

would be academically interesting to investigate. In addition, the paranormal

investigation as a forum for performance and relation-forming can be explored,

especially to contrast what the ideal model for paranormal investigating is as opposed to

the way that ghost hunters realistically investigate.

Additionally, future research could examine the topics of grief, paranormal

beliefs, and engagement in ghost hunting teams. In Chapter 5, presented the results of

the survey questions about participants’ motivations for joining a paranormal team. In

one case, a participant was explicit about their initial reason for learning about ghost

hunting. Emma stated that she and her husband wanted to contact their deceased son.

She said they never made contact with him, so she believes his soul must be at peace.

In Chapter 6, I described how Christine heard the Portal device emitting words and

phrases that she believed came from her deceased relatives. She felt that this was a

very meaningful and emotional experience. While there are studies about bereavement

hallucinations,2 there are currently no studies about bereavement among paranormal

investigators. This research would further illuminate how investigators process grief and

loss, view the concepts of death and the afterlife, receive emotional support from other

team members, and seek extraordinary experiences for consolation.

These topics and analysis were outside the scope of this dissertation,

systematically describes the social role of paranormal research teams in Florida. As

thorough as I’ve attempted to be in my literary review, data collection, and analysis,

2 https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/ghost-stories-visits-from-the-deceased/

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there is still much that can be learned from these groups. To paraphrase the

investigator Eddie, ‘the more answers I got, the more questions it raised.’

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APPENDIX A SURVEY

Figure A-1. Survey, page 1.

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Figure A-2. Survey, page 2.

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Figure A-3. Survey, page 3.

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Figure A-4. Survey, page 4.

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Figure A-5. Survey, page 5.

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Figure A-6. Survey, page 6.

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Figure A-7. Survey, page 7.

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Figure A-8. Survey, page 8.

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Figure A-9. Survey, page 9.

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Figure A-10. Survey, page 10.

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Figure A-11. Survey, page 11.

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APPENDIX B FREELIST ACTIVITY ENTRIES

Table B-1. Table of free list entries sorted by frequency. From top to down, it is sorted by the entries that were listed the most often by participants to the least often.

Free List Entry Frequency

ghosts 10

EVPs 8

angels 7

demons 7

shadows 6

apparitions 5

disembodied voices 5

Bigfoot 5

psychic 4

spirits 4

things moving 4

aliens 3

EMF 3

orbs 3

poltergeists 3

possession 3

UFOs 3

voices 3

dreams 2

entities 2

growls 2

hauntings 2

mists 2

residual 2

séance 2

sounds 2

tarot 2

abduction 1 ability of manmade sensors of various types to detect paranormal planes/dimensions 1

ability of the paranormal to affect physical matter 1

afterlife 1

astral projection 1

bleeding' walls 1

cameras 1

chupacabra 1

clairvoyant 1

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Table B-1. Continued

Free List Entry Frequency

confused and sad 1

creepers 1

cryptid 1

crystals 1

death 1

disembodied footsteps 1

divination 1

door closing for no reason 1

doors banging 1

dream traveling 1

ectoplasm 1

electrical doings 1

EMF pumps 1

emotions felt in a room 1

energy 1

evil and good 1

exorcism 1

feelings around you of something 1

folklore/legend 1

ghost cat 1

ghost photos 1 ghosts and other paranormal activity may exist in a parallel dimension we can not currently understand 1

ghoul 1

haunted business 1

haunted homes 1

history 1

humanoids 1

infants stare at nothing consistantly 1

intelligent 1

intelligent conversations 1

investigators 1

Jersy Devil 1

lights in the sky 1

medium 1

mothman 1

near death experiences 1

object manipulation 1

other creatures 1

ouija 1

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Table B-1. Continued

Free List Entry Frequency

Overpowering fear 1

Paranormal is anything unexplainable no matter what 1

plasma 1

portals 1

REM pods 1

santeria 1

scratching on walls 1

seeing spirits of soldiers 1

seeing white flashes of light 1

spirituality 1

spirit guides 1

strange animal behavior 1

telekinesis 1

time travel 1 unexplained voices/smells/emotions/physical feelings/darkness/light/shifts in temperature 1

unknown atmosphere changes 1

unknown attitude changes 1

unknown bug infestations 1

unknown multiple knocks 1

unplugged devices power on 1

unrested spirits 1

unsolved/unexplained 1

USOs 1

voodoo 1

waking up with unknown scratches/bruises 1

what I saw 1

witch 1

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APPENDIX C THE ETHNOGRAPHER’S CODEBOOK

Table C-1. The ethnographer’s codebook. After reviewing themes from the narratives, text segments were coded by topic into eight major categories.

Code Frequency

1 Investigation Methods 0

1.1 Native American 15

1.2 History 20

1.3 Ethics 11

1.4 Rituals 7

1.5 Objectivity 3

1.5.1 Technology 28

1.5.2 Science 26

1.5.3 Evidence 45

1.6 Place 1

1.6.1 Public Case 9

1.6.2 Private Case 5

1.6.3 Travel 4

1.6.4 Haunted Location 25

1.6.5 Home 19

1.6.6 Cemetery 8

1.7 GH Methods 60

2 Group Dynamics 0

2.1 Competition 20

2.2 Clients 8

2.3 Identity 10

2.4 Community 18

2.4.1 Paranormal Event / Conference 8

3 Paranormal Entertainment 0

3.1 TV 25

3.2 Ghost Tourism 18

4 Body 0

4.1 Psychics 25

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Table C-1. Continued

Code Frequency

4.2 Body 7

4.3 Health 10

4.4 Loss / Trauma 5

4.4.1 Death 14

5 Types of Paranormal Phenomena 3

5.1 Out of Body Experience 10

5.2 Orb 27

5.3 Demon 15

5.4 UFO/Alien 32

5.5 Bigfoot 19

5.6 Ghosts 23

5.7 Paranormal Experience 40

6 Narratives of Paranormal Experience 0

6.1 Meaning 6

6.2 Family 41

6.3 Religion 15

6.4 Sanity 6

6.4.1 Questioning Sanity 4

6.4.2 Defending Sanity 1

6.5 Beliefs 12

6.6 Emotions 2

6.6.1 Negative 6

6.6.2 Positive 13

6.6.3 Acceptance 7

6.6.4 Seeking Validation 7

6.6.5 Skepticism 28

6.6.6 Responsibility 3

6.6.7 Feeling in Danger 5

6.6.8 Taboo / Can't Talk About It 30

6.6.9 Uncanniness 12

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Table C-1. Continued

Code Frequency

6.6.10 Comfortable 4

6.6.11 Awe 7

6.6.12 Confusion 6

6.6.13 Fear 33

6.6.14 Trust 1

6.7 Reality 0

6.7.1 Definitive Not Real 1

6.7.2 Definitive Real 15

7 Reasons & Goals 12

7.1 Want Personal Paranormal Experience 2

7.2 Prior Paranormal Experience 19

7.3 Looking for Answers 21

7.4 Interest / Curiosity in Paranormal 12

7.5 Adding to Knowledge 11

7.6 Helping People 18

7.7 Helping Spirits 8

8 Image Prompt Activity 0

8.1 Image 147 11

8.2 Image 46 11

8.3 Image 41 11

8.4 Image 45 11

8.5 Image 132 11

8.6 Image 149 9

8.7 Image 21 11

8.8 Image 62 11

8.9 Image 113 10

8.10 Image 39 11

8.11 Image 28 9

8.12 Image 95 11

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APPENDIX D IMAGE PROMPT ACTIVITY

Table D-1. Descriptions of the image prompts. The image prompt activity consisted of presenting each image, printed on a 4-inch by 6-inch piece of cardstock, to the participants and asking for their verbal response.

Image Number

Image Description

1 A painting of a Native American woman holding a feather and abalone shell, burning sage

2 A painting of a mountainous landscape with two classic UFO’s and a man. 3 A photograph of a woman standing in a cemetery at dusk, with dozens of

“orbs” 4 An abstract image of ten shadowy figures 5 An image still of the Wright-Patterson film showing Bigfoot walking through

the woods 6 A photograph from the 1977-1979 Enfield Poltergeist case, showing the

daughter jumping mid-air in her bedroom with her family onlooking 7 An infrared photograph taken during an EVP session, where the ghost

hunters are seated in a large hall of a historic building 8 A photograph of a haunted tour, showing the tour guide dressed in

historical attire and carrying a lantern 9 A historical photograph showing table tipping, with two men seated on

either side of the female Spiritualist medium 10 A historical painting depicting a female witch or possessed woman being

restrained by a man and a priest, with black creatures being expelled from her mouth

11 A historical woodblock print depicting four people standing in a circle with their arms raised towards a floating figure in the middle

12 An artistic rendering of a sleeping woman overlaid with an image of her sitting upright, and with two hands and a heart transposed in the corner of the image

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APPENDIX E FLORIDA PARANORMAL INVESTIGATIONS MISSION STATEMENT, CODE OF

HONOR, AND ARTICLES OF ORGANIZATION

Mission Statement

Florida Paranormal Investigations (FPI) came to be in 2009 by [names redacted

for privacy]; who were not content with involvement with prior paranormal groups and

the onslaught of misleading paranormal television programs. Both individuals are eager,

genuine, and sincere about finding real and truthful answers to the unknown. FPI has

become a group of a non-profit organization of adult, open minded professionals

dedicated to researching, documenting, and confirming paranormal activity through the

use of modern day techniques and technology. We believe that in time with the use of

these methodologies in parallel with our experiences, our research efforts will help to

bring in a solid understanding and ultimately provide undeniable proof of the unseen

world that coexists alongside us. Because we want to provide physical, tangible

evidence, we do not rely on the use of mediums and psychics to accomplish this.

Our main goal is to assist those who are experiencing problems with possible

paranormal activity, whether in a home, church, historical facility, or business. We will

look for authentic evidence of the activity being experienced and will do our best to

determine if the location is paranormal, or truly haunted.

Our goals:

• To investigate claims of paranormal activity by collecting and critically analyzing data as a team including researching the history of the site.

• To educate clients on the known and theoretical aspects of paranormal activity, as well as reveal alternative explanations for non-paranormal occurrences.

• To pursue education in the paranormal field to be the best prepared to understand and explain paranormal activity we encounter.

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• To provide professional investigations at sites with suspected paranormal activity at no cost or compensation of any kind.

• To share any exceptional discovery with other groups if it could benefit the paranormal scientific community under expressed permission of the client.

Florida Paranormal Investigations Code of Honor

We, the members of Florida Paranormal Investigations, vow to provide absolute

truth to clients, fellow paranormal organizations, and especially to ourselves to which if

we go against this foundation at any level will defeat all purpose of our existence.

FPI Code of Honor Policy

Listed below are standards set by FPI founders for all members to know,

understand, and implement for any investigation/event FPI is involved.

7. WE ARE HERE TO PROMOTE AND RESEARCH FOR TRUTH! –Any falsification of evidence can destroy the group instantly and will not be tolerated. Any cases we are assigned to will be approached very objectively since most of all cases can be disproved. Until we physically see, capture, or experience any paranormal activity regardless of claims made by the client, all information will be documented, but not absolute. The only exception to the rule is a location that has been investigated by a reputable organization prior to us.

8. WE INVESTIGATE TO DISPROVE, NOT PROVE! – We believe too many non-reputable organizations and thrill seekers have contaminated the paranormal field. Therefore we aim to disprove rather than prove a haunting. The principle behind this is if we investigate and recreate an experience and we are able to come to a rational answer, a location is not haunted. However if we can’t recreate the experience and activity happens leaving us with no answer, we now have evidence!

9. WE USE SCIENTIFIC TECHNIQUES, NOT METAPHYSICAL – People by nature are intrigued by the unknown and we live in a “must see it” world. We may possibly encounter and work with mediums, but choose not to rely on their impressions and feelings to record paranormal activity “as evidence” when we are trying to produce physical, tangible evidence. Channeling, Ouija, séances to conjure up spirits will also NOT be used or tolerated.

10. WE DO NOT CHARGE FOR OUR SERVICE! – We do not charge for our services for two reasons. First and foremost legal liability. Since we are aware

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that ghosts can be active more days then others we cannot guarantee results. The second reason is we want to be able to offer this service to anyone no matter what their social status.

11. ORBS ARE NOT PARANORMAL – it has been proven in the scientific world that orbs can exist and have been recreated in a lab environment. We do not believe that they are contributed to anything paranormal. Also in short, how can you use something that could so easily be recreated as evidence?

12. INVESTIGATION CONCLUSIONS – when an investigation is completed, we use the following results. If we have caught evidence at a location but no visual/audible experiences were documented, a place will be labeled of just having a level of paranormal activity to an unknown degree which will most likely lead to another investigation. If we experience something that is undeniable using our protocols and/or see entities physically in front of us, then and only then do we label a location haunted!

13. WE ARE PART OF THE PARANORMAL COMMUNITY –There is no paranormal group better than any other when it is all based on theory. The only thing that separates us from them is experience. We cannot be too proud to ask for help from others if we need it and we should share it if it benefits the field!

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Adams, Peter Mark 2014 Ritual as Therapy: Steps Towards an Ethnography of the Invisible.

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal 5(3):27-35.

Agar, Michael 1996 The Professional Stranger: An Informal Introduction to Ethnography. New York:

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Bernard, Russell 2011 Research Methods in Anthropology: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches. 5th

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Death. New York: Penguin Books. Bowie, Fiona 2013 Building Bridges, Dissolving Boundaries: Toward a Methodology for the

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Stephanie Juengling attended the University of Central Florida, graduating with

her Bachelor of Arts in anthropology in the spring of 2010. She was then accepted into

the master’s program in Department of Anthropology at the University of Florida,

studying archaeology and geographic information systems. Upon completion of the

Master of Arts degree in anthropology in the fall of 2012, Stephanie continued in the

graduate program for the doctorate degree but turned to the subfield of cultural

anthropology. Inspired by the popularity of the paranormal reality television shows and

personal stories from family and friends about uncanny encounters, she decided to

study the cultural phenomena of ghost hunting. Stephanie received the Ph.D. in

anthropology from the University of Florida in the fall of 2018.