ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA

Departemen Antropologi Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu PolitikUniversitas Indonesia

ANTROPOLOGIINDONESIA

Indonesian Journal of Social and Cultural Anthropology

ISSN 1963-167X E-ISSN 1693-6086

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA No. 2 2015

No 2 2015Torch light in the city:Auto/Ethnographic Studies of Urban Kampung Community in Depok City, West JavaKeuneunong: Learning from Authority

To Play for Preparing toward Adult to Kanome Children

ISSN 1963-167X E-ISSN 1693-6086 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA is a refereed international journal

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA No.2 2015

Dewan PenasihatDekan Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas IndonesiaKetua Departemen Antropologi, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik , Universitas IndonesiaKetua Pusat Kajian Antropologi,Departemen Antropologi, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Indonesia

Pemimpin RedaksiSemiarto Aji Purwanto

Redaksi PelaksanaDave Lumenta , Dian Sulistiawati, Ezra M. Choesin, Imam Ardhianto, Irwan M.Hidayana, Sri Paramita Budi Utami

Manajer Tata LaksanaNi Nyoman Sri Natih

Administrasi dan KeuanganDewi Zimarny

Distribusi dan SirkulasiNi Nyoman Sri Natih

Pembantu TeknisFebrian

Dewan RedaksiAchmad Fedyani Saifuddin, University of Indonesia, IndonesiaYasmine Z Shahab, Anthropology Department University of Indonesia, IndonesiaTimo Kaartinen, University of Helsinki, FinlandRatna Saptari, Leiden University, NetherlandsKari Telle, Chr. Michelsen InstituteMeutia F Swasono, Anthropology Department University of Indonesia, IndonesiaMartin Slama, AustriaH S Ahimsa Putra, Gadjah Mada University, IndonesiaGreg Acciaioli, University of Western, AustraliaEngseng Ho, Duke University, United StatesBirgit Brauchler, University of Frankfurt, GermanyYunita T Winarto, Anthropology Department University of Indonesia, Indonesia

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA NO. 2 2015

Torch light in the city:Auto/Ethnographic Studies of Urban Kampung Community in Depok City, West JavaHestu Prahara

Keuneunong: Learning from AuthorityEzra M. Choesin, Hafiz Awlia Ramadhan

To Play for Preparing toward Adult to Kanome ChildrenSri Murni

Daftar Isi

40

99

107

Berdasarkan Keputusan Direktorat Jenderal Pendidikan Tinggi Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Republik Indonesia Nomor: 80/DIKTI/Kep/2012 tanggal 13 Desember 2012 tentang “Hasil Akreditasi Terbitan Berkala Ilmiah Periode II Tahun 2012,” Jurnal Antropologi Indonesia (JAI) diakui sebagai jurnal nasional terakreditasi, berlaku sejak 13 Desember 2012 - 13 Desember 2017.

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA No. 2 2015 99

Keuneunong: Learning from AuthorityEzra M. Choesin

Lecturer at the Department of Anthropology, FISIP, Universitas Indonesia. E-mail: [email protected]

Hafiz Awlia RamadhanAssociate Researcher at Pusat Kajian Antropologi, Universitas Indonesia.

E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

Knowledge systems have been the focus of much anthropological work, although there have been shifts in definitions and perspectives. One aspect of knowledge is that it is learned, mostly informally through a process of trial and error. The keuneunong is one such knowledge system, known to be dis-tributed among Acehnese farmers and used mainly to determine planting schedules and crop selection. Although it serves as a guide for agricultural activities, most farmers do not understand it fully, and leave its interpretation to an authority known as the kejrun blang. Research for this article was con-ducted in Mane, Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. The findings suggest that the process of trial-and-error learning among farmers is hindered by authority, and that transmission of knowledge of the essence of keuneunong does not occur.

Key words: keuneunong, knowledge, learning

Abstrak

Sistem pengetahuan telah menjadi perhatian antropologi, sekalipun terjadi banyak pergeseran dalam definisi dan perspektif yang digunakan. Salah satu aspek dari pengetahuan itu sendiri adalah bahwa ia diperoleh melalui belajar, yang sebagian besar bersifat informal dan melalui proses uji coba. Keuneunong merupakan salah satu sistem pengetahuan tersebut, yang diketahui ada pada para petani Aceh dan digunakan untuk menetapkan waktu tanam maupun jenis tanaman. Walaupun keuneunong digunakan sebagai pedoman dalam kegiatan pertanian, banyak petani yang tidak memahami sepenuh-nya, dan menyerahkan tafsirnya pada tokoh yang dikenal sebagai kejrun blang. Penelitian untuk tulisan ini dilaksanakan di Kecamatan Mane, di Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa belajar melalui uji coba terhambat oleh hadirnya otoritas, dan transmisi pengetahuan mengenai inti keuneunong tidak terjadi.

Kata kunci: keuneunong, pengetahuan, pembelajaran

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA.No. 2 2015100

Introduction

Knowledge systems have been the focus of much anthropological work since Ward Good-enough wrote in 1957 that culture was “…what-ever it is one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable to its members.” Studies were geared toward the discovery of domains and taxonomies, and the use of com-ponential analysis, as explained by, Sturtevant (1964), Frake (1963), and Spradley (1972) among many others. The work purported to show the cognitive maps within peoples’ minds—how they organize objects, actions, and their surroundings in their thinking. Although many of the descrip-tions given were detailed, they provided a rather static picture of culture as fixed and unchanging bounded systems. Furthermore, the approach hardly paid attention to how these systems de-veloped in interaction with other systems; and as the history of anthropology has shown, interest began to wane. Even James Spradley, one of the proponents of this (then) “new ethnography”, conceded that “…the data gathered by ethnosci-ence techniques is sometimes divorced from the reality of social interaction”, and that it “…appears to be a method in search of a theory…” (Spradley 1972: 65-66).

Much has been written about the shortcom-ings of, and alternatives to, the early studies of cognition in anthropology (see, for instance, Dougherty 1985, Holland and Quinn 1985, Strauss and Quinn 1997). The details will not be presented here, but the discussion centers on the need for discovering how knowledge is acquired, modified, distributed, and used within the context of everyday life—in short, Spradley’s search of a theory. Among the developing approaches, we find connectionism to have much explanatory power. Based on the more technically named par-allel distributed processing model, connection-ism views the mind as processing a multitude of stimuli in parallel, or simultaneously, to arrive at a meaning of a situation (see Strauss and Quinn, 1997). The model explains how an individual can construct meaning with the presence of new or

unexpected stimuli, or the absence of expected ones. Choesin has written elsewhere how connec-tionism can help us to understand the dynamics of “local knowledge” in an era of globalization. The view of local knowledge systems as separate and separable from other systems does not explain how individuals actually use bits of knowledge commonly associated with systems other than their own, whether that be scientific, traditional, or otherwise (2002: 6-7).

The analysis of knowledge systems, then, should not begin with a presupposed social group, but with individual practice.1 We follow this position in looking at the keuneunong in Nang-groe Aceh Darussalam. In the midst of calls to re-discover and revitalize traditional bodies of knowledge as a step towards strengthening local identities, we find issues in the case of keuneu-nong, specifically its transmission. The trial-and-error method of learning, believed to be the main mechanism in knowledge development, may well be undermined by authority. There is the possibil-ity that transmission may be constrained by the idea that knowledge from one domain of activity (in this case agriculture) is tightly linked to the religious—involving individuals whose authority is seldom questioned.

The discussion below is based on research un-dertaken in the district of Mane, Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, near the end of 2015. Ramadhan collected the data through in-depth interviews with farmers and local leaders, while much of the analysis was conducted by Choesin. The brief research period did not allow us to gather certain data that we believe should be collected, especially those that can be obtained only through observation. This being the case, we wish to emphasize the tentative nature of our findings.

* * *

Among the many groups in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, we find a body of knowledge farmers refer to as a guide for their activities 1 New approaches to cognition in anthropology are of course indebted to Bourdieu’s theory of practice, as discussed in Strauss and Quinn (1997), Ross (2004), and others.


in the field. This knowledge system, known as keuneunong, provides the schedule for seeding, planting, and harvesting, as well as predictions for the appearancce of pests during the season. There are rules to follow in using or consulting keuneunong and in previous times this fell under the purview of the village heads2. The village authority must have sufficient knowledge of keuneunong to ensure a good outcome for the farmers. The person holding this position is called the kejrun blang3; and aside from determining the planting schedule, he also bears the responsibility of settling disputes in the farming areas.

KeuneunongBased upon analysis and data processing […] it may be concluded that the percentage of the discrepancies between Keunong and the occurrence of flooding is tied to high intensity rains of 1 to 7 days. This means that these discrepancies represent the accuracy of the Keunong calendar. The accuracy of Keunong is at 83% after meteorological analysis. At 83%, then from a meteorological standpoint it we may conlude that the Keunong almanac can be consulted and pro-vide an analytic base for early warning of extreme weather as well as the determination of planting season (Adil 2014: 11).

Keuneunong is an Acehnese knowledge system used to predict natural conditions. In its literal sense keuneunong means “on-target”, in the sense that the position of the moon and stars are parallel (Adil 2014: 2).4 During the course of a year, Acehnese farmers will work their fields for two planting seasons. It is in determining the start of these seasons that the keuneunong is con-sulted. The calculations follow a set of formulas and rules. A local leader from the area of Pidie Gampong Turue Cut mentioned that the formulas come from a book called the Tajul Muluk.

Apart from serving as a guide to determine the beginning of planting season, keuneunong

2 The province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam is granted special autonomy under the Indonesian state. Here, the administrative and territorial unit of desa (village) does not apply, and is replaced by the mukim and gampong. Mukim is equivalent to the district or kecamatan in the state system, while gampong is at the village level.

3 At present, only the elderly steeped in religious teaching understand the calculations.

4 Adil translates keunenong to the Indonesian word kena, which in colloquial English can be represented by words such as “spot-on”, “so”, or “rightly so”.

also includes rules on what crops to plant, and predictions on the pests that appear in a certain period of time. The formula for determining the start of planting season is as follows.

K = C – 2 x current month, whereby C is a constant 25.Example: January = 1; thus K = 25 -2(1) = 23. There-fore, January has the keuneunong of dua ploh lhee (twenty three). May = 5; thus K = 25 – 2(5) = 15.(Adil 2014: 5)5

Every number calculated with the formula brings its own meaning. For instance, by follow-ing the formula we know that the keuneunong for the fifth month is 15. The number 15 in keuneu-nong means a stable season, whereby the paddy stems are neither too long nor too short, and the weather is neither dry nor rainy. To understand the keuneunong calculations and numbers, one must first realize that the system refers to the Acehnese month derived from the Hijriah months of the Islamic calendar. Table 1 displays the con-version from the Hijriah to the Acehnese.

Aceh months have the same number of days as the months of Hijriah, that is 29 – 30 days. This means that the year consists of 354 days (355 days for a leap year), which is also to say that it has 11 days less than the Gregorian calendar. As a consequence, a given date on the Hijriah calen-dar will appear 11 days earlier in the Gregorian calendar of the following year. For example, the 1st of Muharam in the year 1438 Hijriah (or the 1st of Hasan-Husein in the Aceh calendar) coin-cides with the 2nd of October 2016; but the 1st of Muharam of 1439 Hijriah will fall together with the 21st of September 2017. Thus, the keuneunong calculated for the month of Hasan-Husein of any Hijriah year applies to a different time frame in the concurrent Gregorian calendar. The calcula-tion of keuneunong will normally begin on the 25th of each month6, or when the sky shows a sawai (crescent) moon. The sawai moon marks

5 Adil (2014) uses the Gregorian calandar in his calculations, but interviews with several locals suggest that the Aceh/Hijriah (or Islamic) calendar can also be used, depending upon one’s interpretation. We refer to the Aceh calandar in this article in line with explanations given in interviews by local leaders at Pidie, Mukim Lutueng.

6 The months here refer to the Gregorian calendar.


the beginning of a new month, and the full moon is said to be mid-month. The appearance of the moon can be seen in the Illustration 1.

Table 1. Conversion of Month Names

No Hijriah Month Aceh Month

1 Muharam Hasan-Husein

2 Safar Hasan-Husein

3 Rabi’ul Awal Maulud Pertama

4 Rabi’ul Akhir Maulud Kedua

5 Djumaidil Awal Maulud Ketiga

6 Djumaidil Akhir Maulud Keempat

7 Rajab Apam

8 Sya’ban Kenduri Bu

9 Ramadhan Puasa

10 Syawal Uro Raya Puasa

11 Dulqaidah Berapit

12 Dzulhijah Uro Raya Haji

Approaching the end of the month as deterim-ined from observations of the moon, kejrun blang will calculate keuneunong and inform the keuchik (village head) of the results, so that the latter can spread the information to the farmers.

As mentioned earlier, numbers from every keuneunong calculation imply different condi-tions. These are what farmers consult when they begin to work their fields. Table 2 describes the meaning behind each keuneunong number.7

7 For a more detailed description, see Zulchaidir, Indra, and Syamsidik (2015).

Illustration 1. The lunar cycle, depicting (top to bottom) the moon during the start,

middle and end of the month.


Keuneunong Number

Natural Conditions Description

23 to 19 Khuong A dry season is predicted, but rain will still fall intermittently

17 Gelantue Cloudy, frequent lightning, but low intensity of rain

15 to 13 Stabil A balance between dry and rainy days

11 to 7 Khuong A long dry spell, with a duration depending upon location

5 - 1 Serue Ujeun Rainy season, the prefered time for farmers to work the fields

Of all numbers resulting from the keuneu-nong calculations, 5 is the favored, and farmers are strongly encouraged to begin planting dur-ing the month. On the other hand, the number 7 denotes a bad time with unfavorable weather conditions and frequent infestation. The results of the keuneunong is announced during the village assembly to determine whether or not farmers can begin planting. If it is Khuong, then farmers will not go to the fields. Should a farmer proceed despite Khuong, it is believed that he will suffer ill fortune, and he will be fined8 by the gampong as well.

Keuneunong as a method for determining planting schedules involves the observation of ecological signs that support the validity of the calculations. These signs include not only chang-es in the weather, but also the movement and behavior of wildlife. At keunong 5, for example, the rainy season most favorable for farmers to begin planting, forest animals give birth and it is forbidden for people to hunt them. Other signs are animal migrations during the dry season. Bees are said to migrate to the east in the dry keuneunong count.

Most people have knowledge of keuneunong, especially those who work as farmers; but de-

8 Fines may vary, but payment is usually in the form of poultry.

Table 2. The Meaning of Keuneunong Numbers

tailed understanding belongs to a certain few only. A thorough understanding of keuneunong can only be acquired by those who have followed Islamic education to the highest degrees9. It is not just anyone who can obtain this knowledge, since it requires fierce dedication and a deep commit-ment to studying Islam. One informant noted that there are many prohibitions during the study, and any transgression leads to horrific consequences, such as the loss of one’s common sense.

During interviews, it was apparent that people were knowledgable of the meanings of keuneu-nong numbers, and some knew of the method for calculations. Nevertheless, their answers and explanations would almost always be followed by the suggestion to “go ask Mister […] later on; he understands it more”, referring to individuals considered to be experts and believed to have a more detailed understanding of keuneunong. Although the explanations of the calculations provided by these experts were similar to the others, they referred to the Tajul Muluk. The book is transcribed in Arabic letters, written in the Malay language. It is said that the secrets of life itself are contained in the book, which can be discovered by those who can interpret it correctly.

9 This would mean that the person has acquired a deep understanding of Islam and has grasped the essence of life according to the Islamic paradigm.


Discussion

One question we had wished to pursue from the outset was the fate of keuneunong in the face of global climate change—whether or not it remained relevant for farmers in their activities. This line of inquiry would have been comple-mentary to the ongoing work of Winarto, who has looked into how the pranata mangsa has been reinterpreted by Javanese farmers (see, for example, Winarto and Stigter 2011). However, the brevity of our own research precluded that. Instead, we shifted our attention to how some Acehnese farmers continue to follow custom based mostly on instruction from an authority figure, with little choice on their part.

The problem became apparent when farm-ers were asked about the consistency between keuneunong calculations and the ecological signs said to be associated with them. The appearance of the moon in the sky seems to take precedence over other indicators. Despite not having seen the migration and changing behavior of ani-mals themselves, farmers say they will elect to plant and work their fields. When further asked whether there was a window or time period dur-ing which animal migration would occur, most farmers simply replied that it takes a certain expertise to notice these movements. There is a sense of finality in the words of the kejrun blang, with farmers readily accepting his verdict. This is not to say there have never been objections or disagreement. Here we have the idea of learning through trial and error, but not of the keuneunong itself—rather of the severe consequences of not adhering to it. So far we have no information of farmers reaping a good harvest when planting against the keuneunong.

In terms of connectionist theory, the case of a farmer not following the keuneunong can be explained by the presence of other stimuli and mental structures that outweigh the significance of the words of the kejrun blang or the keuneu-nong itself. We will not speculate on what these may be—but it is clear that the keuneunong has no motivational force on the individual. As to

the farmers who work their fields according to the keuneunong, they are motivated. But if most farmers admit to not fully understanding the keuneunong, then what schema is actually moti-vating them? We suggest that these farmers are less driven by the keuneunong than by the person announcing it. The kejrun blang is an essential and inseparable part of the keuneunong, without whom the system cannot run. Recent develop-ments in the region indicate the importance of this authority. Villages where farmers still observe the keuneunong are also the villages where the kejrun blang reside, whereas the practice seems to be abandoned in other villages. Thus the extraper-sonal structures that feed into the knowledge of farmers are not simply the observable regularities of keuneunong-directed farming practices, but of the steady presence of the kejrun blang.

Another point to take into consideration is the tendency for people to defer any detailed explanation of the keuneunong. Certainly at this point in our research we can only guess at the multitude of reasons for this behavior. Yet the interviews suggest that most farmers believe they are not capable of knowing, not having the proper religious training or depth in understanding the Tajul Muluk. Knowledge, then, resides with the kejrun blang. While farmers have the practical or technical knowledge of working their fields, the when and why of planting is mostly left to others.

Implications

We have argued that there appear to be con-straints on the transmission of keuneunong as a knowledge system. The relevance of the system is learned when farmers are able to see the rela-tion between the lunar and ecological signs which they act upon on the one hand, and the success or failure of their crops on the other. This pro-cess of trial-and-error learning does not seem to transpire. Instead, farmers rely on an authority figure to interpret the signs and then follow his pronouncement. The knowledge required to in-terpret these signs correctly remain with a single individual.


We are not saying that all farmers must have the same knowledge as that of the kejrun blang. Although shared experiences are an important aspect of culture, we take note of Ross’ caveat that

“…we should not forget that the social world itself is the product of human agents. The decision of who is allowed to share certain experiences (e.g., who is an in-group member) is not always with the individual, and access to relevant information is often limited from the inside out” (Ross 2004: 67)

But certainly, the number of individuals who are considered masters of the keuneunong is decreasing. The fact that there are farmers who no longer depend upon the keuneunong because of the absence of a kejrun blang in their village suggests that farmers will be left with their own devices.

At a practical level, the situation described above would lead to the conclusion that keuneu-nong will soon disappear without the presence of people motivated enough to undertake the religious study that would endow them with the knowledge to make correct interpretations. However, the technical knowledge required for working the fields remain. This short discussion of keuneunong, then, underlines the importance of analyzing knowledge not as clearly demarcated systems, but as overlapping ones. Furthermore, many studies of knowledge focus on content that pertain to some specific domain of activity, but often neglect the speaker’s role and effect in the transmission of such knowledge. We are not talk-ing here about work in applied anthropology or diffusion studies in which knowledge transmis-sion mostly involves individuals from outside the socio-cultural system in interaction with those within. Our concern is more of authority as one among many stimuli in the learning process. However tentative our findings, we feel that this is a line of inquiry that merits attention.


References

Adil, N.

2014 “Keuneunong”, Potensi Peringatan Dini Cuaca Extrim dan Iklim Ala adat Masyarkat Aceh. Unpublished Report.

Choesin, E. M.

2002 “Connectionism: Alternatif dalam Memahami Dinamika Pengetahuan Lokal dalam Global-isasi,” Antropologi Indonesia Vol. XXVI, No. 69, pp. 1 – 9.

Dougherty, J. (ed.)

1985 Directions in Cognitive Anthropology. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.

Frake, C. O.

1968 “The Ethnographic Study of Cognitive Systems,” in R.A. Manners and D. Kaplan (eds.) Theory in Anthropology. Chicago: Aldine.

Holland, D. and N. Quinn

1987 Cultural Models in Language and Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Ross, N.

2004 Culture and Cognition: Implications for Theory and Method. London: Sage Publications.

Spradley, J. P.

1972 Culture and Cognition: Rules, Maps, and Plans. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company

Strauss, C. and N. Quinn

1997 A Cognitive Theory of Cultural Meaning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sturtevant, W.

1968 “Studies in Ethnoscience,” in R.A. Manners and D. Kaplan (eds.) Theory in Anthropology. Chicago: Aldine.

Winarto, Y. T. and K. Stigter (eds.)

2011 Agrometeorological Learning: Coping Better with Climate Change. Saarbrucken: LAP Lambert

Zulchaidir, Indra, and Syamsidik

2015 “Keuneunong sebagai Adaptasi Masyarakat Kecamatan Pulo Aceh dalam Menghadapi Bencana Hidrometeorologi,” Jurnal Ilmu Kebencanaan, Vol. 2 No. 2, pp. 49 – 56.

Antropologi Indonesia diterb itkan dengan tujuan ikut

mengembangkan ilmu antropologi sosial dan budaya di

Indonesia. Jurnal ini menggunakan sistem mit ra

bebestari (Peer-Review) dalam proses pemilihan naskah yang

akan diterbitkan. Redaksi menerima sumbangan artikel baik

yang bersifat teoretis, maupun hasil penelitian etnografi.

Karangan tersebut tidak harus sejalan dengan pendapat

redaksi. Kriteria art ikel yang dapat dimuat dalam jurnal ini

dapat dipisah menjadi empat bagian. Pertama, adalah art ikel

hasil penelitian etnografi atau kualitatif mengenai topik

tertentu yang berkaitan dengan kelompok etnik/kelompok

sosial di Indonesia; Kedua, Hasil penelitian terapan,

kolaboratif, dan juga hasil penelitian yang dihasilkan dari

pengalaman keterlibatan penulis dengan

masyarakat/komunitas, semisal program-program intervensi

yang berhubungan dengan relasi kebudayaan, politik,

lingkungan, dan pembangunan; Ketiga, adalah

Pembahasan/diskusi mengenai teori/metodologi dalam ilmu

antropologi atau ilmu-ilmu sosial lainnya yang berkaitan

dengan diskursus teoritik di antropologi; dan terakh ir adalah

tinjauan buku terhadap buku teks antropologi atau ilmu-ilmu

sosial lainnya. Buku yang dikaji berlaku untuk buku yang

diterbitkan dalam 3 tahun terakhir untuk terbitan dalam

negeri dan 5 tahun terakhir untuk terbitan luar negeri. Artikel yang masuk masih akan disunting oleh

Dewan Redaksi. Naskah dapat dikirimkan kepada Redaksi

melalui email [email protected] dalam format program

MS Word, spasi rangkap, dengan ukuran kertas letter dan

margin normal. Panjang tulisan maksimal 5000 kata. Mohon

agar disertakan abstrak maksimal 250 kata dalam bahasa

Inggris dan sekaligus abstrak berbahasa Indonesia. Disertai

dengan min imal tiga kata kunci dan maksimal enam kata

kunci. Penulis juga diharapkan mengirimkan alamat kontak

dan nomor telepon. Sistemat ika penulisan harus dibuat dengan

mencantumkan pendahuluan, pembahasan/ulasan (jika artikel

bersifat teoritik/metodologi bagian ini adalah ulasan yang

mendukung argumen d i sub bab pertama), dan penutup

/kesimpulan. Semua catatan dalam artikel hendaknya

tersusun rapi dengan ketentuan penulisan ilmiah yang

berlaku. Begitu pula dengan catatan kaki, agar d itulis di

bagian bawah halaman, bukan pada bagian belakang artikel.

Kemudian untuk daftar pustaka dibuat merujuk pada gaya

penulisan AAA (American Anthropologist Association)

Style, dengan beberapa modifikasi sebagaimana ditunjukan

pada contoh berikut:

Antropologi Indonesia was pub lished to develop and

enrich scient ific d iscussion fo r scho lars who put interest

on socio -cu ltu ral issues in Indonesia. These journals

apply peer-rev iewed process in select ing h igh quality

art icle. Ed ito rs welcome theoret ical or research based

art icle submission . Author’s argument doesn’t need to be

in line with ed itors. The criteria o f the submitted art icle

covers the fo llowing types of art icle: first , the art icle

presents the resu lts of an ethnograph ic/qualitat ive

research in certain top ic and is related with ethn ic/social

groups in Indones ia; second, the art icle is an elaborated

discussion of app lied and co llaborat ive research with

strong engagement between the author and the

collaborator’s sub ject in implement ing intervent ion

program or any o ther development in it iat ive that put

emphas izes on social, po lit ical, and cu ltu ral issues; third,

a theoret ical writ ing that elaborates social and cu ltu ral

theory linked with the theoret ical d iscourse of

anthropology , especially in Indonesia anthropology; last,

the art icle is a crit ical rev iew of anthropolog ical reference

and other ethnography books that must be pub lished at

least in the last 3 years.

Submitted art icle will be selected and rev iewed by

edito rial boards. The submission should be in soft copy

fo rmat and must be sent to [email protected] in Ms

Word file fo rmat , double spaces, with letter size paper.

The length o f the art icle shou ld not exceed 5000 word.

Please also attach abstract with maximum of 250 words

length in English and Bahasa, and six keywords . Author

should write their institut ion postal address and also the

phone contact in first part o f the art icle.

Art icle shou ld meet the fo llowing st ructu res :

int roduct ion , support ing data and the ground of author

argument (fo r art icles that are theoret ical or

methodolog ical should include theoret ical d iscussion and

literatu re study), and conclus ion . A ll references in the

art icles should be neat ly put in a proper format . Footnotes

should be written on the bottom part o f every page, do

not put them at the end of art icle. Bib liography should

fo llow the AAA (American Anthropolog ist Associat ion)

Sty le, with some ad justment as fo llow:

Geertz, C.

1984 ‘Tih ingan: Sebuah Desa di Bali’, dalam

Koentjaraningrat (peny.) Masyarakat Desa di

Indonesia. Jakarta: Lembaga Penerbit Fakultas

Ekonomi Universitas Indonesia. Hlm. 246–274.

Koentjaraningrat

1974 Manusia dan Kebudayaan di Indonesia .

Jakarta: Penerbit Djambatan.

Manoppo-Watupongoh, G.Y.J. 1995 ‘Wanita Minahasa’, Antropologi Indonesia

18(51):64–74.

Gilmore, D.

1990 Manhood in the Making: Cultural Concepts of

Masculinity. New Haven and London: Yale

University Press.

If it is a chapter in a book, or an art icle in a journal please

give the title of book/journal and the page numbers. In the

case of journal please give the Volume and issue number.

e.g.

Geertz, C. 1984 ‘Tihingan: Sebuah Desa di Bali’, in Koentjara-

n ingrat (ed.) Masyarakat Desa di Indonesia.

Jakarta: Lembaga Penerbit Fakultas Ekonomi

Universitas Indonesia. Pp.246–274.

Marvin, G. 1984 ‘The Cockfight in Andalusia, Spain: Images of

the Truly Male’, Anthropological Quarterly

57(2):60–70.

Panduan Penulisan untuk Kontributor Guidelines for Contributors

copyright©2015

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA

Pusat Kajian Antropologi, Departemen Antropologi,

Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Indonesia

Lantai 1, Gedung B, Kampus Universitas Indonesia, Depok, 16424

Phone/Fax: +62 21 78881032 e-mail: [email protected] Website: http://journal.ui.ac.id/jai

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA NO. 1 2015

Torch light in the city:Auto/Ethnographic Studies of Urban Kampung Community in Depok City, West JavaHestu Prahara

Keuneunong: Learning from AuthorityEzra M. Choesin, Hafiz Awlia Ramadhan

To Play for Preparing toward Adult to Kanome ChildrenSri Murni

40

99

107

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA

Documents

Transcript of ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA