Anti Imperialist League

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The Anti-Imperialist League of the Americas between the East and Latin AmericaAuthor(s): Ricardo Melgar Bao and Mariana Ortega BreaSource: Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 35, No. 2, Reassessing the History of LatinAmerican Communism (Mar., 2008), pp. 9-24Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27648084.

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The Anti-Imperialist League of theAmericasbetween the East and Latin Americaby

Ricardo Melgar BaoTranslated byMariana Ortega Bre?a

AfterWorld War I, Latin America's budding leftist olitical culture shifted n character and outlook and, by the second half of the 1920s, had come tobe identified s ananti-imperialist orce. The communistparties,which stood apartfrom previous socialistand anarchist trends,brought the themeof imperialism to thefore,making ita dominantcomponent of leftist iscourse. The imperialist threatbecame the subject of economic,political, and ideological study and a crucial part of thepolitical agenda. Influenced byBukharinist tendencies,Latin American communists proceeded to establish theLigaAntiimperialista de las Americas (Anti-ImperialistLeague of theAmericas?LADLA)and its various national chapters.The cultural construction of imperialismand antiimperialism inLatin America stood in opposition to theEuropeanized and Orientalistideologies invogue at the time.Keywords: Anti-Imperialist league,LatinAmerica, Comintern,Orientalism, China

The first communist groups in Latin America were established between1919 and 1923, and the following decade saw organized communist expansioninto the Andes and the Caribbean. While the Russian Revolution had a profound impact on the Latin American imagination, thiswas not the case foranti-imperialist tendencies. The Marxism of the Communist International(Comintern) was just beginning to spread, and even the few Cominternist articles devoted to the region showed little interest in imperialism. Luis C.Fraina's pamphlet El imperialismo americano, published in the Library of theCommunist International series (Fraina, 1922), was an exception.1 From 1924on, however, a distinctly Latin American Marxism came to stand in oppositionto its European, Orientalist, and vernacular versions, and the issue of imperialist oppression moved to center stage (see, e.g., Harrison, 1925; Wilenklin,1926; La Correspondance Internationale, 1926). Anti-imperialist leagues, dissident organizations, and socialist and populist alternatives (e.g., the AlianzaPopular Revolucionaria Americana [American Popular Revolutionary Alliance?APRA]) were formed, and the field of imperialism-related studies began to grow.As many Latin American nations celebrated their first hundred years ofindependence, a new desire for sovereignty, fueled by U.S. interventionism,emerged: Jos?Mart? and Sim?n Bol?var were reinterpreted. Gregorio Selser's

Ricardo Melgar Bao is a Peruvian anthropologist, a historian, and a researcher forMexico'sNational Institute of Anthropology and History. He has published numerous articles on theComintern in Latin America. Mariana Ortega Bre?a is a freelance translator based inCanberra,Australia. The author thanks Gernardo Leibner for his helpful comments on this article.LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 159,Vol. 35 No. 2,March 2008 9-24DOI: 10.1177/0094582X07313765? 2008 Latin American Perspectives

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10 LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVESexhaustive chronology of imperialist interventions inLatin America points toa specific milestone: the Sandinista resistance in Nicaragua impacted theComintern's perception of the region (Saxe-Fern?ndez, 2001).The major currents of Leninism were established between 1924 and 1925with the appearance of the seminal essays of Grigory Zinoviev, NikolaiBukharin, Leon Trotsky, and Joseph Stalin (Carr, 1974: 311), Lenin's workbeing filtered through these versions and the few available translations.Although the topic of translation calls for an examination that lies beyond thelimits of this essay, itdeserves attention given its importance to the texts' LatinAmerican reception. We know that the theory of imperialism as a higher phaseof capitalism came via a Spanish translation, but this is a rather crude ideological marker ifwe take into account that all translations are more creativethan heterodox and that the reception of ideology is inevitably filteredthrough one or more cultural worldviews. Generally speaking and from aCominternist, post-Leninist viewpoint, the basic Leninist concepts of revolution, party, imperialism, and anti-imperialism were all reconfigured. Thus, theSandinista struggle generated as many versions as there were Cominternistfactions, but all of them shared these basic concepts. This was the case inmanyother instances of Cominternist national liberation in the region as well.This second phase of the Comintern (1924-1929) was characterized byintense ideological warfare during a period of relative capitalist stability andthe slowing down of the Soviet economy before the 1929 crisis. The organicdevelopment of Cominternist political factionalism, partisan and union-oriented,was in sharp contrast to the ebbing of the revolutionary movement on theworldstage. This was evidenced in Latin America by the search for a distinctlyregional revolutionary character. The problem of imperialism became almostall-encompassing, but it lacked both intellectual and political consensus. Thebest and most popular economic study of U.S. imperialism was published byScott Nearing and Joseph Freeman inNew York in 1925, and by 1926 ithadbeen translated into Spanish and published inMexico, eventually becoming aLatin American classic (Nearing and Freeman, 1926).

During this period, factionalism drove the Latin American vanguardtoward Bukharin and away from Trotsky, Zinoviev,2 and Stalin, although thiswas never expressed in factional alignment with international repercussions.Bukharin's approach led to an emphasis on Eastern and agrarian issues,subjects of great importance tomany Latin American communists. Needless tosay, theAsiatic or Orientalist mirrors were more relevant in certain countriesthan in others, as the analogies required justification in terms of each nation'sreality and problematic. The Eastern currents promoted by Stalin andBukharin3 gained ground over theWestern leanings of Zinoviev and Trotskyand attained a fragile hegemony that became evident during the Comintern'sSixth Congress in 1928 and in thework of various political and intellectualLatin American leftists.

The eclecticism and flexibility of the theses of the Stalinists YakovDavidovich Drabkin (seeWolfe, 1981: 376-377, 380-389, 508-512; Comintern,1978; Melgar, 1996: 59) and Vissarion Lominadze (a.k.a. "Pierre," according toHenri Favre, personal communication, 2003, contra Jeifets, Jeifets, and Huber,2004) became relevant to the indigenous question during the turbulent yearsof 1928 and 1929. The work of the Bukharinist JulesHumbert-Droz also had animpact in this area. The varied positions taken by these writers regarding



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Melgar/ NTI-IMPERIALIST LEAGUE OF THE AMERICAS 11Eastern tendencies were blurred by reductionist readings that privileged thepolitical confrontation between Stalin and Bukharin. Yet, for reasons that arebeyond the scope of this paper, this triumvirate paved the way for LatinAmerica's most critical communist vanguard: the Peruvian Jos? CarlosMari?tegui, the Ecuadorian Ricardo Paredes, and theMexican ?rsulo Galv?n,all ofwhom advocated anti-imperialist and anti-landowner agrarian strugglesand approaches to socialism. From an Orientalist perspective, the anemic anddecimated Latin American bourgeoisies were negligible, and therefore thecommunal pursuit of socialism enjoyed varying degrees of legitimacy and fosteredUtopian hopes (Comintern, 1978).From another standpoint, the Soviet Union was now forced to developforeign diplomatic and commercial policy in the face of European and U.S.imperialism. The interests of the Soviet state affected and were affected by therevolutionary work of the Comintern, and this had consequences for LatinAmerica. The cases ofMexico and Argentina, because of their oil,mining, andagricultural issues, are illustrative in this regard. However, itwould be unfairto say that all the chapters of the Comintern were, officially or otherwise, tools ofthe Soviet policy of "socialism in one country." In fact, relatively autonomousMarxist-Leninist parties blossomed in Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, andVenezuela, at least until the beginning of 1930. These groups proved highlyculturally resistant, perhaps because, as Mari?tegui pointed out, the term"socialist" was never stigmatized in Latin America as itwas in Europebecause of the socialist chauvinism ofWorld War I. Besides, in the Andeancontext the term "communism" acquired cultural meanings that linked it totradition and communal indigenous and agrarian experience.From a political and organizational perspective, theWorld League AgainstImperialism remained flexible and autonomous inways that the other internationals (the Peasants,' the Educational Workers,' and the Red) did not. TheLADLA had been headquartered inMexico since its founding in 1925, but inFebruary 1927 theArgentine chapter sought to gain Stalinist hegemony underCodovila's leadership. The Cubans Rub?n Mart?nez Villena and JulioAntonioMella had considerable presence both at home and abroad. Martinez Villena,who was behind themagazines Venezuela Libre4" nd Am?rica Libre,5 promotedsome of the league's anti-imperialist campaigns, while Mella, exiled inMexico,was best known for his What Is APRA? The Revolutionary Struggle AgainstImperialism1928).

Although theComintern adopted a leftistdiscourse of class struggle at itsSixthCongress in 1928, itwas unable to erase the agrarian, union-oriented intellectualand anti-imperialist tendencies assimilated by Latin American communists.

THE ORIENTALIST PRISMEdward W. Said (1979) has written extensively about the colonial and neocolonial ideological shaping ofOrientalism, but he overlooks the fact that thisprocess also occurred on other continents, including America.6 "The East" wasthe non-West, theOther, and it included Latin America. During the period wehave been discussing, American and Latin American studies were not yetfields separate from a general current ofOrientalism in themetropolitan nations(Cerutti, 2000: 22,28, and 212; NACLA, 1980). Itwas in this ideological context



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12 LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVESthat the Comintern's Second Congress in 1920 had established an Eastern lineafter the famous confrontation between Lenin and Manabendra Roy (Melgar,1989). The Orientalist lens influenced readings of Lenin's and Stalin's ideasregarding the non-European world, and what Said (1979:154) says ofMarx canbe said of the Cominternists:

The Orient is less important as human material than as an element in the romanticredemptive project. Marx's economic analyses are thus perfectly suited to a standard Orientalist undertaking even though his humanity and his sympathy forpeople's misery are clearly engaged. Yet in the end it is the romanticOrientalistvision that wins out.

The Eastern/Orientalist prism was central toCominternist interpretations of theLatin American anti-imperialist struggle and the profiles and political actions ofits affiliates. The presence of the Hindu Roy and the Japanese Katayama in thefirst Latin American Bureau of the Comintern (1919-1921) was no accident(Melgar, 2001). The landmark Amsterdam Bureau, established at the end ofSeptember 1919, sponsored the first communist conference in February 1920,which approved a resolution calling on the U.S. Communist party to "do whatwas necessary to establish a secondary bureau for the twoAmericas and organizea Pan-American conference taking advantage of the preparations for the conference inMexico" (Spenser and Ortiz, 2007:15). This initiative, thanks to themediation of Fraina, was early given that the strategic priorities of the Little Bureau ofthe Comintern outlined inAugust 1920 involved eight bases to be reinforced bythe sending of cadres: five inEurope, two inAsia, and one inAmerica identifiedwith Sam Katayama (Uli?nova and Riquelme, 2005: 25). After the SecondCongress Moscow became a meeting place for Orientalists and so-calledOrientals, and thiswould influence theComintern's subaltern organizations.

Despite all of this, there are no academic explorations of theOrientalist characterof theLADLA?its predecessors during the firstcycle of anticolonial uprisings(1919-1924), the anti-imperialist leagues fostered by China's Communist partyamong young intellectuals and students not only inBeijing and Shanghai but alsoinParis and Berlin. The May 4,1919, movement inBeijing was the start of an antiimperialist struggle that constructed a network within and outside of China. Therepression of 3,000 students shouting anti-Japanese slogans such as "ReturnChingtao " and "Punish the traitors " in Tiananmen Square had a pervasiveimpact on young Chinese ?migr?s in Europe (Sin, 1979: 6) and Latin Americanstudents in theUnited States.7 Zhou Enlai, Li Lisan, Chao Chiyen, Tsai Hosen,Chen Yi, and Deng Xiaoping were some of the young Chinese leaders in Paris,while Zhu De and Sun Bingwen belonged to the Berlin circle (Hsu, 1978: 46-47,50). By 1923, the anti-imperialist Chinese network was led by Zhou Enlai andalready had connections inMoscow (Hua, 1979:115).Babette Gross (1967), the wife of Willi M?nzenberg, remembered theChinese Anti-Imperialist League as being the firstpredecessor of his WorldLeague Against Imperialism and writes of the strong bonds that, by 1922,existed between him and Liu, the secretary of the Kuomintang (a group ofsome 100 Chinese students residing inBerlin), Ho Chi Minh, who would stop inBerlin on his way fromParis toMoscow, andManabendra Roy,who, as amemberof the Latin American Bureau, may have played a role in the ideologicalexchanges between Latin American youths and theirAsian counterparts residing



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Melgar/ NTI-IMPERIALIST LEAGUE OF THE AMERICAS 13inEurope. Another Hindu, Virendranath Chattopadhyaya, was also associatedwith Roy and M?nzenberg and was married to theU.S. writer Agnes SmedleyChattopadhyaya lived in London until 1914, at which point he moved toBerlin in order topursue his anti-imperialist work among Hindu and Japaneseintellectuals (Gross, 1967: 197-198).Carr (1976: 684-685, 707) says, in contrast, that theWorld League AgainstImperialism was founded on July 13, 1924, in Beijing and that the RedInternational decided tomake it an international project on September 5,1924.However, the workers' movements that were predominant in the RedInternational shifted the initiative in favor ofM?nzenberg and his Cominternistorganization, International Workers' Aid (IWA), around 1925. Repression of theanti-imperialist movement, as well as of Chang Tsoling inBeijing and Wu PeifuinNanking, had consequences in Europe and Latin America: "With IWA's support, theLeague Against Colonialism was founded inBerlin under the directionof Luis Gibarbi and Lucie Peters. The League had contacts among Chinese,Hindu, Indonesian, and Indochinese students residing in Berlin, Paris andLondon, as well as students from the Arab countries" (Gross, 1967: 197).M?nzenberg was able touse sectors of theCominternist network to expand theWorld League Against Imperialism's projects (Gross, 1967: 200), and, althoughGross did not recall a Latin American presence, there are documents that showM?nzenberg's and the IWA's links to Latin American student leaders both inEurope and in America. Alfonso Goldschmidt, director of the Center forIberoamerican Studies in Berlin during 1929-1930, also played an importantrole; he had contacts with leaders of university reforms inArgentina, Peru, andMexico, and some of his tieswent back to 1922.8Between 1924 and 1926 networks involving Chinese, Arab, and Latin Americanstudents had been established in Paris. The latter were grouped under theAsociaci?n General de Estudiantes Latinoamericanos de Paris (Association ofLatin American Students in Paris??GELA) (Wilfrido Rozas, interview, April10, 1989; Vallejo, 1985; Taracena Arri?la, 1980). There were ongoing solidaritycampaigns, such as that supporting Abd el-Krim's war against Spanish andFrench colonialism.9 The Buenos Aires Grupo Renovaci?n widely circulatedthemessage thatAbd el-Krim had, upon request, sent them to commemorate theBattle ofAyacucho, inwhich the Spanish colonial forces had been defeated. TheRif leader played with the idea ofmirrors and embraced the path of the SouthAmerican liberators (Abd el-Krim, 1925: 243):

The heroic Moroccan people are fighting for the same ideals espoused byMiranda and Moreno, Bolivar and San Martin. We have always loved andadmired these heroes of yours, and yesterday our hearts followed in theheroicstruggle of the Maceos and the Martis. Our race, culture, and religion preventus from remaining as colonies of any European power. Justas you fought 100years ago to build your own nation, so we are willing to sacrifice our lives andhomes today in order to be free. ... I speak to you as brothers, since the Spanishblood that runs through your veins is, largely,Arab blood, just like that of all thesouthern Spaniards who leftPalos de Sevilla, C?diz, to plant the seeds of theArab soul in your America?the soul that was reborn in the gauchos andllaneros, although disguised by a different religion.

The concepts of race, culture, and religion with which Abd el-Krim ideologicallysupports an abstraction of the anticolonial movement could be appropriated to



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14 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVESsome extent by the intellectual vanguard of the radical Cominternist and populistleft. The symbolism regarding Arab blood was more difficult to grasp as a keyto transcontinental brotherhood, and it should be noted that the text limits thistrope toVenezuelan llaneros and Argentine gauchos, emerging figures in theregionalist narratives of the 1920s. It is not known whether Abd el-Krim actually wrote thismissive, whether some of his advisers did it,orwhether itwascomposed by an obliging Latin American traveler. We do know that LatinAmericans such as the Bolivian Tristan Marof took part inAbd el-Krim supportmovements inParis in 192510 and that several magazines and writers in LatinAmerica empathized with this struggle in publications such as RepertorioAmericano, Amauta, and El Libertador.Inmore general terms, it is possible that the exchanges between radical LatinAmericans and theirAsian colleagues were brought about by mediators, andHenri Barbusse (1873-1935) was probably one of these. He certainly had substantial impact on Latin American and Chinese young people. His meetings and correspondence with the former date back to 1919, when he corresponded with

Mari?tegui (Milla, 2004), and were followed in 1921 by correspondence withMarof. During those years he oscillated between pacifism and anti-imperialism,finally leaning toward the latter,and this ishow he became part of the committeein favor of India's liberation and the struggle against Italian colonialism in

Abyssinia. He also edited Clart? and participated inCominternist organizationsrelated to teaching such as the EWI. The EWI magazine published articles byAGELA members such as the Peruvian Eudocio Ravines (Prieto Celi, 1979: 29). Itis also documented that Barbusse "made contact with the Chinese students andorganized weekly meetings to discuss ongoing events" (Hsu, 1978: 45).The French Communist party's policy of creating spaces forpropaganda indifferent languages sought to address the issues of Parisian immigrant minoritiesand establish Cominternist networks and recruitment. Wilfrido Rozas (interview,Lima, April 10,1982), amember ofAGELA and APRA, talks about the atmosphere prevailing in Paris in 1926 and 1928:

We would go to the communist demonstrations with Paiva. There, on a grassy field,were 10 or 15 platforms for each language, so thatone could choose the languageone preferred. Iwent to the French one;we also attended theSpanish onewhen wedid not find the speeches very interesting.We would listen to Le?n Couturier,Marcel Cachin, Romain Rolland, Henry Barbusse, Maurice Thorez.... There wasanAfrican speaker, a young black kid,maybe some 25 years old. Very excited, hestood on theplatform and, looking at all ofus, said: "Comrades, afterexploiting us,the imperialists arebringing themoney here, to theirmetropolis. We are consideredFrench, butwe do not have thepolitical life thatyou have. We are exploited andunderpaid, and our possessions are taken from us." The Africans were there, shouting:a distinguished black gathering. Ihave seen those blacks around here; you almostwant to paint them. There were some from Southern Africa, with bony heads, thin,tall: they were Watusis.

In this context, it is not surprising that Barbusse, after giving one of the inaugural speeches at theWorld League Against Imperialism's first conference (inBrussels in February 1927), went on to promote meetings between the delegates of the peripheral continent (Barbusse, 1927). Still, both M?nzenberg andBarbusse were the focus of several Cominternist feuds. The firstwas challenged by Roy and Codovila regarding his plans for the Brussels conference



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Melgar / NTI-IMPERIALIST LEAGUE OF THE AMERICAS 15and the second by the French Communist party The Nehru clan's?and,therefore, the Indian National Congress's?support for the conference changedthe status ofM?nzenberg's and Barbusse's political allegiances (Gross, 1967:199). Even before the first conference, the organization was widely seen as apluralistic class body whose only front was ideological and political andsought massive international expansion. M?nzenberg stood by this idea andwas one of Cominternism's major players on this front (Koestler, 1974: 78).The influence ofU.S. communists during the firstyears of the anti-imperialistleagues on our continent undoubtedly led to an Orientalist perspective. As aresult, the anti-imperialist chapter in the Philippines joined themain body,and a certain Orientalist perspective on imperialism was adopted, especiallyby the Mexican chapter, which housed the continental headquarters. Thelegacy of the old U.S. left,which included socialist intellectuals such as MarkTwain and was later revived by Liga Antiimperialista Panamericana (PanAmerican Anti-Imperialist League?LAP), involved organizational supportfor the independence of the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Cuba after the 1898war. The firstyear of the LAP's existence was marked by the deportation of U.S.communists fromMexico, which resulted in a change of strategy and a moreautonomous league. By 1927, during the Brussels conference, the Philippineschapter was already under the direction of theAsian regional branch and theLADLA, operating independently of theU.S. branch. In contrast to theOrientalistleanings of theU.S. Cominternists, different readings and approaches developed among the Latin American members of the LADLA and theAPRA.During his stay in London during 1927, after the breakup with LADLA,Haya de la Torre wrote about his interactions with the Kuomintang and thenew anti communist political path. During a speech welcoming him onOctober 11, 1927, Tang Li, the Chinese leader, said, "Like the Chinese youth,Latin American youth will have to struggle for the independence of ournations, which are threatened by the enemy's imperialism. Like the Chineseyouth we are learning that force is the only law in the fight against imperialism"(Haya de la Torre, 1927: 344, 349).

NAMES AND SEMICOLONIAL REALITYJos?Aric? is rightwhen he says that "the very fact thatwe can safely speakofMarxism?provided thatwe accept its existence?in Latin America but thatwe find it extremely difficult to define it is no more than the grammatical

expression of a genuine historical difficulty" (1981: 156). Even though, in thelogic of subjective and objective, every conceptual formalization condensesand differentiates two articulated planes, these cannot, in the case of LatinAmerican Marxism, be pigeonholed as Aric? proposes, no matter how usefulit is for conveying an overall view of the problem of the unique and contradictory relationship between Marxism and Latin America. The relevance andlegitimacy of a term cannot be determined by the conscious and differential useof itwhen the cultural identity itself is undergoing reinvention. The prepositions "in," "of," the conjunction "and," and the disjunctive "or" in relation tothe theoretical-philosophical object of Marxism-Latin America not onlyexpress the logical contrariety of the conceptual construction of the real object



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16 LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVESbut also fail to escape the historical context and the cultural, political, andorganic conditions inherent in the conception and practice of theComintern asa world party. The Cominternist dilemma of the name may seem less important ifwe recall that, on the one hand, diversity is rendered themore visibleamong protagonists of revolution inmultilingual areas such as Latin Americaand, on the other, because language ismore than ameans of communication,not all propositional terms are translatable, essential, or intelligible.After thewars of independence won mainly during the firstdecades of thetwentieth century, the fundamental question forLatin America was whether itenjoyed sovereignty in the face of imperialist powers. The concepts of LatinAmerican Marxism and a semicolonial Latin America were not dissociated,nor were Marxism (in or of Latin America) and imperialism. Names such as "theAnti-Imperialist League of theAmericas" and "the Pan-American Anti-ImperialistLeague" were not gratuitous (seeMelgar, 2000:121-143). In its fourth issue, ElLibertador printed a brief note about the potential celebration of the FirstAmerican Congress and was clearly pessimistic regarding its viability (ElLibertador, 1925). The only mark leftby this project was on intellectual circles,where the term "Pan-American" was roundly criticized for itsMonroe-derivedconnotations, with the result that in 1925, without explanation, the secretarychanged the league's name to themore appropriate "Liga Antiimperialista delas Americas" (LADLA).The problems involved in thenaming of the league were not merely the product of idle discussion: the convention of meaning was chosen over the linguistic sign in response to the dual identity of communism as both aninternational movement and a national construct. This fueled discussionsregarding the controversial 21 criteria for acceptance issued by theCominternin 1920. Number 18was that any party thatwished to join the Comintern hadto be called the Communist party of its country. This was not merely a formalissue but one of great political importance (Mari?tegui, 1967: 260). Zinovievdeclared that this requirement was meant to fight "centrism" and required achoice between social democracy and an emerging Cominternist Bolshevism(Comintern, 1975: 52). Aric? (1979: 20), in contrast, underlined the fact that thisrequirement had a clear European bias and was responsible for the "failure ofthe German revolution of 1918" and argued that its extension to the LatinAmerican parties was a mistake: "The international situation had changed,and a harsh and sad strategic withdrawal was beginning; the application ofthe 21 conditions made it even harsher and sadder."When the league, under thename "Pan-American Anti-Imperialist League,"was formed in early 1925, its firstmassive, continental project was support forthe Latin American Secretariat of theComintern. InMarch of the same year it

published the first issue of El Libertador, edited by ?rsulo Galv?n and managedby Xavier Guerrero, who was based inMexico City. R. C?rdenas was amongthemagazine's collaborators and wrote an article denouncing the Pan-AmericanLabor Congress. Taking that congress as a point of departure, J.RodriguezGarc?a, Ricardo Mar?n, and Rafael Carrillo wrote about U.S. colonization inMexico,Cuba, and Chile, respectively A Bertrand Wolfe article published under thepseudonym "Audifaz" criticized the erroneous perceptions regarding raceproblems on the continent. The issue also included some scattered notes aboutNicaragua, Honduras, and Guatemala.



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Melgar/ NTI-IMPERIALIST LEAGUEOF THE AMERICAS 17InMarch 1925, El Libertador reported that therewere only two anti-imperialistleagues allied with the league: one inMexico and a newer one, led byManuelG?mez, in theUnited States. The league aspired tobecome a broad organizationwith a united front including all the anti-imperialist tendencies of the intellectualcircles and the workers' and agrarian unions. El Libertador's first editorial was

quite explicit in this regard.11 Yankee imperialism was seen as themain enemyof the peoples of the Americas and as confronting the same circumstancesencountered by its British predecessor and equivalent when it "entered theshadow of its eclipse."During the second semester of 1925 the league welcomed V?ctor Ra?l Hayade la Torre and Isidro Fabela. In a letter of allegiance addressed to Galv?n,Fabela (1925) underscored the importance of 100 years of independence:I congratulate you on your noble stance in the founding of El Libertador.Thiskind of paper is a real necessity in this, our larger homeland, Hispano-America.I have always felt and thought like you and put my studies and my pen at theservice of our America's freedom. I am comforted and proud that there are patriotswho, gallantly and with conviction, continue towork on the dreams of Bolivar,de S?enz Pe?a, and Carranza. I will soon send you an extensive list of peoplewho, inmy opinion,will be glad to receive El Libertador ndwhose reading of itwillbe useful to our cause.Jos?Vasconcelos joined the LADLA's work between 1925 and 1927, when the

organization sent propagandists to travel the continent, understand and strengthenthe anti-imperialist project, network with intellectual anti-imperialist circles,and establish national divisions inArgentina, Uruguay, and Cuba. During thattime, exiles fromVenezuela, Peru, Bolivia, Cuba, and Chile came together inMexico and Argentina. The links established by the league between these twocountries eventually resulted in the First Continental Anti-Imperialist Congress,held in Buenos Aires inNovember 1925. Here the openness and flexibility ofthe project were ratified, although partisan and mass organizations wereemphasized (Call to theAnti-Imperialist Congress, n.d.):The Organizing Committee . . .proposes the following basis for representation,which will be subject todiscussion among interested individuals and groups:

1. Any organization that fights imperialism ormanifests to theCongress itsintention of participating in this struggle as part of its activities will beentitled to amain delegate and a substitute,who will provide the organization with two voices and one vote in the Congress.2. The organizations mentioned in clause 1 that have more than 500members will be entitled to an additional main delegate and substitutefor every 500 members.Clauses 3 and 4 respectively considered the participation of anti-imperialistvisitors and personalities but only as nonvoting fraternal delegates and collaborators. This proposal did not blossom, given the little importance itascribed to intellectuals who, using their own magazines or those of others asplatforms, openly manifested their allegiance to the anti-imperialist struggle.The mass organizations had only recently begun to absorb the anti-imperialistdiscourse of theComintern's Latin American chapters, and thisweakened theoverall impact of this first anti-imperialist congress. Additionally, Argentina



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18 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVESdid not have its own chapter until March 1926, perhaps because theArgentineCommunist party was no match for the prestigious Latin American Union ledbyManuel Ugarte and Alfredo Palacios. During this time, the U.S. Communistparty, under the Bukharinist leadership of JayLovestone, committed itself tothework of the league. Lovestone was expelled in 1929, a fewmonths after thepurging of opposition Trotskyist members.

During the firstyears of Stalinism, Moscow housed an intellectual movementthat sought togain critical distance from theOrientalist approach toLatin Americanreality. An Iberoamerican Center directed by Sergio Ignatof was founded inMoscow in 1928. Its adherents were some of the Russian Cominternists whohad traveled in Latin America, among them Stanilas Pestkovski, D. Vigodski,and S. Schamsomov. Ignatof worked to promote intellectual ties with LatinAmerican magazines such as Amauta and Repertorio Americano, which weretoo heterodox for the reigning political climate. The idea of constructing a specialized field of Iberoamerican and /or German-style Latin American studieswas a relevant issue given the dominance ofOrientalism at the time.The struggle for a dual identity (and within the dual identity itself) wasintensified by Moscow's rigid hierarchical structure and the divergent nationaltraditions and regional hegemonies. A1927 manifesto by the executive committeeof the Comintern entitled Against the Imperialist Offensive of theUnited Statesshowed the influence of the Sandinista struggle inNicaragua and paved theway for a great variety of approaches (La Correspondance Internationale, 1927:228). The 1927 conference inBrussels proved a forum for three diverging stancesamong the Latin American delegates Mella, Codovila, and Haya de la Torre(S?nchez, 1978: 84; Soto, 2002: 89). Another highlight would come in the form ofthe Bukharinist and Stalinist confrontations regarding the future of the LADLAduring the Sixth Congress of the Comintern in 1928.In September 1928 the LADLA had 11 national chapters: Argentina,Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Peru, Puerto Rico, El Salvador,Santo Domingo, and Uruguay (League Against Imperialism and forNationalIndependence, 1928: 2). A survey of the regionalization of the international secretariat of theWorld League Against Imperialism after the 1927 Brussels and1929 Frankfurt congresses and the social composition of itsmembership reaffirmed the contradictory Orientalist perspective with certain internal changes.When, during theComintern's Sixth Congress, Bukharin spoke in favor of hispolicies involving the Comintern and, particularly, theWorld League AgainstImperialism as a stance against Stalinism, Latin America was portrayed,through an Orientalist lens, as one of the "other countries" (Comintern, 1978:49): "From a general strategic point of view, themore networks we establishamong ourselves and those who support us?whether in Europe, Asia, Africa,or other countries?the more competently will we deal with catastrophe: we

will be part of real and vital organisms in the field of revolution." In the contextof the LADLA's growth and the Stalinist offense, the issue of the league's"nativization" became a disputed issue, as two statements issued during thecongress show. The first is Bukharin's intervention in response to the league'sinternational detractors, on the one hand defending the results achieved by theBrussels congress12 and on the other pointing to Cominternist lack of interestregarding the league: "I think that the support we give the league isnot enoughfor an organization of this type. Some comrades think that this league is not a



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Melgar/ NTI-IMPERIALIST LEAGUE OF THE AMERICAS 19vital institution. In truth, experience has shown quite the opposite: this organization has ample potential and developmental possibilities" (Comintern, 1978: 49).The second deals, in thewords of delegate Contreras, with the anti-Buhkarinistattacks on theLADLA. Bukharin had gone on to speak of the lack of support for theleague as a stance potentially seeking its dissolution. Contreras criticized theLatin Americanist emphasis thatHumbert-Droz sought to give the anti-imperialiststruggle and thatwas backed by most of the Latin American delegates, simplifying it to the point of caricature (Comintern, 1978: 374-375):

Latin Americanism is the ideology of a petit-bourgeois anti-imperialist strugglethat fights the communist movement and says thatMarxism and Leninism areplants too exotic forLatin America. These theories charge theAnti-ImperialistLeague with acting on behalf of Moscow. . . .Latin Americanism's mottos caneasily be misinterpreted by the working and agrarian masses among which ourinfluence is ever-increasing.

Except for the controversial Mexican case during the Second World AntiImperialist Congress in 1929 and the absence of certain chapters named in the1928 circular, the Latin American groups did not undergo any major changesrelated to theOrientalizing approach of the league.The subject of imperialism in Latin America came up again during the FirstCommunist Conference in Buenos Aires in June 1929. Mari?tegui (1969) presented a paper that addressed Codovila's dogmatic stance on the developmentof capitalism with regard to the penetration of foreign capital, the alliancebetween capitalists and traditional landlords, and the disputed existence of particular continental and national expressions of this (Movimiento RevolucionarioLatinoamericano, 1929). Codovila's scheme was anchored in an Orientalist perspective including predatory imperialism, semicolonialism, and semifeudalism.Another notable difference involving the Latin American regionalization of antiimperialism can be found in the communist and LADLA debates about Sandino(La Correspondencia Sudamericana, 1929; La Correspondance Internationale, 1930a).His purported treason was endorsed by Codovila inwhat was, apparently, amove against most of the LADLA's leaders (La Correspondance Internationale,1930a), and international figures such as M?nzenberg and Chattopadhyayaoffered an eloquent response (La Correspondance Internationale, 1930b).The changes of connotation in the communist vocabulary cannot simply beexplained in terms of political and doctrinal changes in theComintern; the culturaland political traditions of its heterogeneous membership must also be takeninto account, along with the importance of various groups at different politicaland historical moments. It is not surprising that, starting in the 1920s, theregion's communist parties and the organizations under their control such asthe LADLA repeatedly attempted to regionalize and culturally appropriatenot only organizational names but also political projects.

THE LADLA AND COMMUNIST POLICY ON THE MASSESThe anti-imperialist work of the Latin American Secretariat of the Cominternwas shaped by its confidence in the revolutionary awakening of the colonialand semicolonial Latin American nations. The anti-imperialist struggle seemed



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20 LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVESto be a feature of the Latin American revolution, and this explains why theLADLA was so intent on firmly establishing itself and extending its influence.Propaganda was mainly directly to theworking and agrarian masses, since theintellectual circles were less likely

to be affected by itswork and perspectives.By 1925, theUruguayan, Argentinean, Brazilian, and Chilean worker sectorsof the LADLA were growing and becoming relatively consolidated. InMexico,the union movement's loss of turf and the attacks on the anarchistConfederaci?n General de Trabajo (General Confederation of Labor) and thereformist Confederaci?n Regional Obrera Mexicana (Regional Confederation ofMexican Labor) gave theMexican chapter an increasingly agrarian character.Using the agrarian community leagues and theMichoac?n and Veracruz peasant unions, Mexican communists were able to extend their influence, and in1926 they founded theNational Peasant League, which, despite its name, didnot merely focus on rural issues. Since 1923 Ursulo Galv?n had been in touchwith Moscow's Peasants' International to establish a continental communistagrarian branch. It isno accident that theNational Peasant League's motto was"Peasants ofAmerica unite " and that its emblem replaced the sickle with themachete. As a founding member and director of the LADLA in 1925, Galv?nwas a link between these two very heterodox Cominternist projects, and thishad an important effect on the agrarian nations of theAndes and the Caribbean.Colonial and semicolonial factors greatly impacted theworker and agrarianstruggle, and the LADLA experienced organizational and political difficulties

when itconfronted the continental branch of the Peasants' International and theRed International policies on these fronts. Its project was made clear in themanifesto Latin Americans, JoinAll ofLatin America (LADLA, n.d.: 2):Seek to unite all of Latin America's anti-imperialist forces, and base this union onthe working and agrarian masses who are the only ones capable of building afightingforce strong enough tohalt themarch of the dollar.We call upon allworkers, agrarian and indigenous organizations, all anti-imperialist intellectual circles.On your own you are not enough; you are impotent without the masses.Words become work when the masses rise. Without them, words are hollow andsterile. You have to accept their struggles as your own. If the oppressed Indianhas no land, something todefend, hewill not fight.Without the freedom toorganize and strike,without a lifeworth defending and theproduct of his labor, theworker will have nothing to defend either. The liberation of Latin America'soppressed masses is an indispensable part of the organizational process capableof resisting the omnipotent advance ofYankee imperialism.

As the second World Anti-Imperialist Congress in 1929 approached, theMexican Communist party had lost itsmajor agrarian adherents and was tryingto increase itsmembership among peasant and worker organizations.Between 1926 and 1929, theMexican and Argentine sections engaged in apower struggle. The creation of the Latin American Secretariat and, later, theCaribbean Bureau resulted not only in a necessary continental division ofthe Comintern's work but also in tensions between North and South. (DelegateContreras's previously mentioned attack onHumbert-Droz during theComintern'sSixth Congress is an example.) The authority conferred on theArgentine sectionby its ties with European immigrant communist circles was to some extent offset by theMexican section's intermittent links with the U.S. chapter. Thenational components and mobility of the Comintern's European and U.S.



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Melgar / NTI-IMPERIALIST LEAGUE OF THE AMERICAS 21cadres reinforced this geographical division of Latin America. European andNorth American tendencies trends left deep imprint on continental communism.InArgentina, European leanings were fostered by immigrant sectors that formedtheir own national groupings?Italian, Lithuanian, Russian, Armenian,Bulgarian, Hungarian, Yugoslavian, Czechoslovakian, etc.?and published intheir own languages. When the Comintern denied the particularities of the LatinAmerican revolutionary movement and the Latin American development ofMarxist theory, the theoretical and political tensions surrounding these issuesincreased.

The Latin American Secretariat conceived the continental anti-imperialistproject as a nationalist, Latin Americanist stance rooted in the intellectual andpolitical vanguards of colonial and semicolonial America that precluded collaboration with the U.S. vanguard. The Comintern's Orientalizing perspectiveran counter to the emerging political culture of the Latin American left. In anycase, therewas little concurrence between the LADLA and the Latin AmericanSecretariat or, for that matter, between the LADLA and its own nationalbranches. The semantics of the anti-imperialist and revolutionary phrasebook,along with the tactics that arose from popular traditions, were not conduciveto the reception of imposed Orientalizing prescriptions. Generally speaking,the concepts of imperialism and the anti-imperialist struggle were absorbedby the political culture of the Latin American left,but they did not resolve thedilemmas of nationalism, revolution, and anti-imperialism, of national versuscontinental reality, or of semicolonialism and colonialism.

NOTES1. This is themore striking when one considers that the Lenin text chosen by said library wasThe State and Revolution (1921).2. Grigory Zinoviev, the Comintern's first president, joined forces with Stalin after Lenin'sdeath and then switched sides in 1925, joining Trotsky's battle against Stalin. He lost political

power in 1927 and was executed in 1936.3. Nikolai Bukharin, Bolshevik leader and Stalin's main ally during the 1924-1928 period,designed the New Economic Policy. He was later ousted by Stalin and executed in 1938.4. Venezuela Libre described itself as a "Latin American revolutionary organ" with an explicitlyanti-imperialist agenda. A note published in a special edition (numbers 14 to 18) points out thatLADLA had three branches: the U.S. section, led by Manuel G?mez, theMexican section, led byRafael Carrillo, and the Cuban section, led by JulioA. Mella.5. Am?rica Libre was an "American revolutionary magazine." Peruvian exiles EstebanPavletich and Luis R Bustamante were among its contributors.6. "To believe that the Orient was created?or, as I call it, 'Orientalized'?and to believe thatsuch things happen as a necessity of the imagination is disingenuous. The relationship betweenOccident and Orient is a relationship of power, of domination, of various degrees of complex hege

mony, and is quite accuratelyindicated in the title of K. M. Pannikar's classic Asia and Western

Dominance. The Orient was Orientalized not only because itwas discovered to be 'Oriental' in allthose ways considered commonplace by the average nineteenth-century European but alsobecause it could be?that is, submitted to being?made Oriental" (Said, 1979: 5-6).7. In a letter sent from Berkeley, the Costa Rican Jorge Orozco Cazorla tells Joaqu?n Garc?aMonge, editor of Repertorio Americano, about John Dewey's witnessing of the Chinese movement.He adds: "We Costa Ricans talked about it a lot, and made plans about what could be done athome" (Cazorla, 1919: n.p.).8. "Goldschmidt, the Jewish professor of political economy Imistakenly brought from BuenosAires ... became the brains behind a communist intellectual faction" (Vasconcelos, 1968: 204).



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22 LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES9.While in Europe, Haya de la Torre sent the LADLA two articles about Abd el-Krim's rebellion(Haya de laTorre,1925:16; 1926:6).10. The Peruvian exiles and APRA members Magda Portal and Seraf?n del Mar (1926: n.p.)

say of Marof: "One day he unexpectedly met Jos? Delteil inMontmartre during a Parisianfactory workers' protest against

. .. abuses inMorocco/'11. "El Libertador is not the first magazine against North American imperialism. Ugarte,Fabela, Ingenieros, Roig-Leichsering, Henriquez-Carvajal, Vargas Vila, Juan Greco, Pereyra,Palacios, Vasconcelos, Blanco-Fombona, and many others have published magazines and books

against Yankee imperialism.El Libertador seeks their collaboration, but its stance is different from their stance. It is not thevoice of any intellectual, or of all intellectuals put together. Rather than take a personal approach,it seeks to foster a movement" (1925: 1).12. Bukharin: "It has been said that the league's congress was a great demonstration, a greatpolitical manifestation. This is because there was an objective need to demonstrate; the revolutionary forces felt the need to unite" (Comintern, 1978: 49).

REFERENCESAbd el-Krim

1925 "Mensaje de Abd-El-Krim a los pueblos de la Am?rica Latina." Repertorio Americano no.10: 243.Aric?, Jos?1979 El socialismo latinoamericano. Mexico City: FLACSO.1981 Mari?tegui y los or?genes del marxismo latinoamericano. Mexico City: Siglo XXI.Barbusse, Henry1927 Speech delivered at the First World Anti-Imperialist Congress (Brussels, Belgium).

Stenographic version, Archive of the International Institute of Social History inAmsterdam."Call to theAnti-Imperialist Congress."n.d. MS.Carr, E. H.

1974 El socialismo en un solo pa?s 1924-1926. Vol. 1.Madrid: Alianza Universidad.1976 El socialismo en un solo pa?s 1924-1926. Vol. 3, pt. 2.Madrid: Alianza Universidad.Cazorla, Jorge Orozco1919 Letter. Repertorio Americano, no. 8, n.p.Cerutti, Horacio (ed.)2000 Diccionario de filosof?a latinoamericana. Mexico City: Universidad Aut?noma del Estado de

M?xico.Comintern1975 V Congreso de la Internacional Comunista. Pt. 1. Pasado y presente. Buenos Aires.1978 VI Congreso de la Internacional Comunista. Mexico City: Siglo XXI.

Correspondance Internationale, La1926 "L'affaire de Tacna-Arica et l'imp?rialisme am?ricain." No. 32 (May 13), 288.1927 No. 17 (February 5), 228.1930a "Sandino passe ? l'imp?rialisme." No. 1 (January 22), 5.1930b "Las calumnias contra el General Sandino." No. 35 (April 23), 426.Correspondencia Sudamericana, La1929 "?A d?nde va Sandino?" 2a ?poca, no. 23 (December 31), 6-7.Fabela, Isidro

1925 Letter. El Libertador, no. 4 (July), 10.Fraina, Luis C.

1922 El imperialismo americano. Mexico City: Biblioteca de la Internacional Comunista.Gross, Babette

1967 Willi M?nzenberg. Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags Austalf.Harrison, George1925 "Les intrigues des ?tats Unis aux Nicaragua." La Correspondance Internationale (January 12), 75.



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Melgar / NTI-IMPERIALIST LEAGUE OF THE AMERICAS 23Haya de la Torre, V?ctor Ra?l1925 "Hispanoamericanismos literarios." El Libertador, no. 4 (July), 16.1926 "El asesinato de un pueblo." El Libertador, no. 7 (February), 6.1927 "Declaraciones de Haya de la Torre a La Tribuna de Cant?n." Repertorio Americano, no. 12,

344, 349.Hsu Kai-yo1978 Chou En Lai. Beijing: Ediciones en Lenguas Extranjeras.Hua, Hu1979 Zhou Enlai, su adolescencia y juventud. Beijing: Ediciones en Lenguas Extranjeras, Rep?blica

Popular de China.Jeifets, Lazar, Victor Jeifets, and Peter Huber2004 La Internacional comunista y Am?rica Latina, 1919-1943: Diccionario biogr?fico. Moscow:Instituto de Latinoam?rica de la Academia de las Ciencias.Koestler, Arthur

1974 Autobiograf?a. Madrid: Alianza Editorial.LADLA (LigaAntiimperialista de lasAmericas)n.d. Latinoamericanos agrupaos: A toda Am?rica Latina. 2.League Against Imperialism and forNational Independence1928 (September), 2.Lenin, Vladimir

1921 The State and Revolution. New York: Contemporary Publishing Association.Libertador, El1925 1 (March).

Mari?tegui, Jos? Carlos1967 La organizaci?n del proletariado. Lima: Ediciones Bandera Roja.1969 Ideolog?a y pol?tica. Lima: Amauta.Melgar Bao, Ricardo1989 "La I.C. frente al dilema raza y naci?n en Am?rica Latina." Memoria, no. 27 (July-August),324-345.

1996 "El testimonio de Rafael Carrillo: Memoria roja de los a?os veinte." Memoria, no. 92(October), 59.2000 "El universo simb?lico de una revista cominternista: Diego Rivera y El Libertador."Convergencia 21 (January-April): 121-143.2001 "Redes y representaciones cominternistas: el Bur? Latinoamericano (1919-1921)."Universum 16: 375-405.

Mella, Julio Antonio1928 ?Qu? es elAPRA? La lucha revolucionaria contra el imperialismo. Mexico City: n.p.Milla, H?ctor

2004 "Acerca de la evoluci?n intelectual de Jos? Carlos Mari?tegui: sus relaciones con HenriBarbusse y elmovimiento 'Clart?.'" Ibero Americana 16-17: 47-61.Movimiento Revolucionario Latinoamericano1929 "Versiones de la Primera Conferencia Comunista Latinoamericana, Junio de 1929." LaCorrespondencia Sudamericana, no. 34, n.p.NACLA1980 "La guerra secreta: el papel de los Estudios Latinoamericanos," pp. 7-55 in NemesioRodr?guez (ed.), Imperialismo y descolonizaci?n: Imperio, "desarrollo" y ciencias sociales, vol. 1.MexicoCity:CIESAS/INI/SEP.

Nearing, Scott and Joseph Freeman1926 La diplomacia del d?lar: Un estudio acerca del imperialismo americano. Mexico City: Sociedadde Edici?n/Librer?a Franco Americana.Portal, Magda and Seraf?n del Mar1926 El derecho de matar. La Paz: Imprenta Continental.Prieto Celi, Federico

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2001 "Introduction," pp. 377-572 inGregorio Selser, Cronolog?a de las intervenciones extranjerasenAm?rica Latina, vol. 3, 1899-1945. Mexico City: UNAM/Universidad Obrera de M?xico.Sin, Li

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Spenser, Daniela, and Ri?a Ortiz Peralta2006 La Internacional comunista enM?xico, los primeros tropiezos: Documentos, 1919-1922. MexicoCity: Instituto Nacional de Estudios Hist?ricos de las Revoluciones de M?xico.Taracena Arri?la, Arturo1980 "La Asociaci?n General de Estudiantes Latinoamericanos de Par?s (1925-1933)." Anuariode Estudios Centroamericanos 15 (2): 61-80.

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