ANGLO-SAXON MANORS OF THE UPPER ITCHEN VALLEY:THEIR ORIGIN AND EVOLUTION

by E R I C K L I N G E L H O F E R

Proc. Hampsh. Field Club Archaeol. Soc. 46, 1990, 31-39

ABSTRACT

The origins and evolution of the Anglo-Saxon manors of the Upper lichen valley are discussed; the relevant charters are re-examined. It is suggested that the upper lichen represents an ancient territory, as defined by the manors in question. It is also argued that 'Worthy' was the centre of this territory. A sequence of land division and nomenclature is proposed.

I N T R O D U C T I O N

The landholdings of great ecclesiastical found-ations have inhibited the interpretation ofAnglo-Saxon manorial and territorial evolu-tion in Hampshire. By the time of the Con-quest, much of the land around Winchesterhad been amassed in four large, compositeestates: Old Minster's Chilcomb, New Min-ster's Micheldever, the Bishop of Winchester'sEaston, and the king's Barton Stacey. Thesefour estates dominated the late Saxon andmedieval landscapes of the Winchester region,and one might assume that each one broadlyrepresents an older, perhaps pre-Christian,land unit. This assumption is challenged, how-ever, by a re-examination of the extant Anglo-Saxon charters for the manors of the upperItchen.

The upper Itchen valley extends from theriverside manors of Abbots Barton and Win-nail north of Winchester to the confluence ofthe Aire and Candover near Alresford. Twelvemanors of varying size and importancecomprise the land of the upper Itchen. Elevenhave villages or hamlets by the river bank: thefour Worthys, Chilland, the two Itchens,Easton, Avington, Yavington, and Ovington.Only Littleton lies some distance from thevalley bottom. At Domesday, the manors were

recorded as seventeen holdings in the hands ofsix different lords; jurisdiction fell into sixseparate hundreds (Munby 1982). Determin-ing how landholding and territorial units evol-ved to create the palimpsest of manors,estates, and hundreds recorded in DomesdayBook calls for re-evaluating interpretationsmade by G B Grundy in the 1920s, andrevising some of them in the light of recentarchaeological, toponymic, and historicalfindings (Grundy 1921-8).

T H E P R E - C O N Q U E S T C H A R T E R S ANDT H E I R I N T E R P R E T A T I O N

Let us examine those upper Itchen chartersthat may be reinterpretated. Seven pre-Conquest charters have survived, of varyingreliability. The south side of the Itchen hastwo charters for Easton and one for Avington(Fig 1), while on the north side, there are five for the several Worthys (Fig 2). In addition,charters for Crawley, Wonston, andMicheldever list points along the northwestwatershed line.

S1275. Eight hides at Eastune (871-77) (Sawyer 1968). Bounds:The landes gemaers aet Eastune. Lith ofycenan in earna baece aef swa andlang baeces utt on

thaet gael aeft be than andheafdan od thone midtestan beorg.

Aeft was on edeswyrthe eastewearde aeft ut on tha roda on heringslea easteweardne.

Aeft utt on thafurh on smalan dune eastewearde. Aeft utt on thafurh de Wulfred het. And nifan aeft of dune on tha dene swa on thone mylensteall. Aet swa of ther mylenstaelle andlang ycenan aeft on earna

baece.

32 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Fig 1. Anglo-Saxon landmarks on the north bank of the Itchen. (Crown copyright reserved)

Grundy identified this tract as a detachedportion of Easton parish on the far side ofAvington (1921, 88). The eight hides is anunlikely assessment for those lands, and thelandmarks do not correspond well to thetopography. As he pointed out, the key toidentifying the charter boundary is the land-mark smalan dun, which also appears in a tenth-century Avington charter, on its borderwith Easton. In that charter, Grundy identifiedsmalan dun as that ridge approaching the Itchenacross from the hamlet of Chilland (1921, 97).

Both 'small downs' are in charters definingEaston's border and both are at approximatelythe same distance from the river Itchen, asillustrated in the following comparison. It islogical to assume that they refer to a singlelandscape feature and that the boundaryclause of SI275 describes Easton itself.

Itchen South Bank Charter Bounds Equivalency:SI275 Easton S699 Avington S695 Easton (961)(871-77) (961) (Sawyer 1968)Itchen stremes Eadmunds weir

KLINGELHOFER: ANGLO-SAXON MANORS OF THE UPPER ITCHEN VALLEY 33

mylenstead ealdan byrig ealdan byrig S351. Eight mansae at Worthige (9'59) (Sawyer 1968).mean die dean Bounds:haetkenan byrigelsan ethenan Aerest of icenan

byrigelsan mean mearce To iwigath herpath port slret To stan ceaslan

smalan dun smalan dun smalan dun Forth to bican slaede furh (reversed) kwitan die die Swa forth to athelwodes beorge

mean mearce Forth to aethelines hangran roda on heringlsea higan holies die Thanon to cyrringe edeswyrth blak lacu Forth to than coppedan thorne midkertan beorg Forth ubanathan ea andheqfdan Utan cyoling mor. anlang baeces eama baece T h e r econs t ruc t i on of the < : ieht h ide es ta te

The ninth-century boundary descendedfrom the small down via a dean (valley) to a mill site on the river. By the tenth century,however, the boundary between Easton andAvington was more closely defined asdescending from smalan dun to the herpath (highway), then along the mean (boundarybalk) to the heathen burials, then along themearc to the old enclosure (bury), on theItchen. The mearc was a bank raised up to'mark' an existing territorial division. Suchfeatures were generally restricted to the openfield or flat land, and were not necessary whereother landmarks could be followed easily, suchas a narrow ridge {smalan dun). The ealdan byrig at the river may represent later changes to a site that had formerly been noted for its mill.Many such changes must have occurredduring the period of Viking raids in the lateninth century.

South of the smalan dun, the boundary foll-owed a series of ditches, banks or balks, fur-rows and headlands, apparently through openfields and edging some woodland until turningnorth and west to reach the stream thatentered into the Itchen. The Eagle Brook (earna baece) must be the same water course as theBlack Stream {blak lacu), and there is only onepossible site for such a feature, the now dryvalley bottom that remains the western bound-ary of Easton parish, where the Tithe Awardmap recorded a Black Lake Field in the earlynineteenth century.

at the east end of Worthige should start, follow-ing the parochial division on the Itchen, at theunidentified iwigath. This is likely a scribalerror for herpath, but if not, it could be a muddled reference to the large pagan Saxoncemetery at Worthy Park, the original entryconcerning not iw (yew), but wiga (warrior) orwig (idol, altar) (see above). Grundy's identifi-cation of stan ceaslan as the villa ruins near theparochial division is still valid. Bican sled refersto the upper part of the valley that is calledtitan slaed between Martyr and Abbots Worthy,passing through Bull Farm, Burntwood Farm,and Chillingham Farm. The next point, Athel-wold's barrow, is more problematic. It isunlikely to be that barrow appearing on thefirst edition 1" O.S. map and the source of theTithe Award map "Burrough field" for thefield north of the one containing the villaremains. This would place it south of Bica'svalley. It is possible, however, that athelwoldes beorg lay in the present Itchen Wood, where thehundred boundary crossed to the northeast.But the most likely candidate is 'R4' , themultiple Bronze Age barrow north of theLunway that was excavated in 1974, and waspresumably the burial mound noted as lyingon the corner of the Martyr Worthy estate(S273) (Fasham 1979).

Identifying this manor depends on thedirection of the boundary from here onward. Ifclockwise (to the east), it is Itchen Abbas; ifcounterclockwise (to the west), it is Chilland.The next point is aethelines hangran (hangingwood). It may refer to its ownership by anAethelwine, or possibly its association with a

3 4 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOCICAL SOCIETY

prince (aetheling). If the bounds ran clock-wise,the 'hanger' ( 'hanging wood') should be northor east of the last point. A similar landmarkdoes appear on the southeast portion of theMicheldever boundary clause (S360): on weard hangran. Its location may have been a woodshown on Isaac Taylor's 1759 map. This woodno longer exists, but it stood then north of theItchen Stoke Down and west of the Grangeestate. The elevation there (451' OD) is thehighest for several miles around, a perfectplace for a watch post, the weard hangran of theMicheldever charter. A boundary that ranwestward would find Itchen Wood, ShronerWood, and Rotherly Copse, none of which areespecially elevated over the countrysidearound.

The other points are less identifiable. Thefield name 'churn' near Bridgets Farm inMartyr Worthy is probably descended fromAnglo-Saxon cyrring. This boundary clausecould then be following the division betweenMartyr Worthy and Chilland, but cyrring mayhave been a more common term in this vicin-ity, perhaps used for the many track intersec-tions or turnings, like the ones on Itchen StokeDown. The bounds return to the Itchen anddescend to the boundary of Chilland. Thedifficulty is that Chilland is too small for eighthides, but Itchen Abbas is too large, withtwelve hides at Domesday. All in all, given thefact that the order of boundary points is muchmore frequently clockwise than counter-clockwise, the 939 charter likely refers to someof the lands of Itchen Abbas (Hooke 1981, 43).The reference to Ceoling mor - the watermea-dows of Chilland — also suggests that this tractis not Chilland, because charter boundaryclauses commonly identify landmarks not bytheir relation to the granted lands, but byreference to neighbouring populations orestates. A land grant is therefore normallyplaced in the context of the territory surround-ing it.

S309. Three mansae at Worthige (854) (Sawyer 1968).Bounds:Of icenan andlang thaera die Up to thaere hylle

Andlang thaere die Eft sona up to heofod stoccan Andlang straet to lusan thorne To deopan delle Up to hinges stane Up to holan stane Up to fyrd geate To wic herpathe And lang wic herpaethes aeft to kynges stane Toysan pyttan To twelf aeceran Utfor(th) bufon scortan hlince aet thaes furlanges ende And saw forth to thaere byrig And saw into hydiburnan.

S273, S340. Five cassati at Worthige (825) (868)(Sawyer 1968). Bounds:Aerest der sae die utt scaet aet tham bihtae baetweog igtunae

+ aestune Thonan theowres ofer thanan bradan haerpath thae ligeth to

worthig forda + to alresforda Thaet on igsaetmearce + eastuninga (S340: Thonne forth to osmundaes garstunaes hyrnan) Thonan forth oth Mean gerstunes hyrnan Thonan forthe healf girth be westan tham beorgan thaet

adolfan waes Swa utt to straet Thaet up to wassan dunae Thweores ofer tha dunae to deopan daene Thaet thweores ofer tha daene on bitan sled suthewearth +

westewearth oth thaes ealdaermannaes mearce Andlang thaes aldermannaes mearcae oth thiccan thomaes to

than land gemaere oth bisceopes mearcae Thaet forth andlang rode forth on icenan.

S304. Three cassati in Wordi (854) (Sawyer 1968).Bounds:Aerrest on die Thonne upp with hlith geates Thonnae on bradan hearpath Thonnae on healfan dell Thonnae on eafan hling Thonne thueraes ofer suran daenae and thueraes ofer foran dune On thaes hlinces dende Thonnae on aenae thorn be westan hrither lea Thonnae upp to wuda Thueres ofer tha daene Thonnae ofer the straete On thiccan thornas To thaes ealdermannaes mearce Thonnae andlang thaere maerce oth bisceopes mearce Thonnae andlang bisceopes maerce utt onycenan.

KLINGELHOFER: ANGLO-SAXON MANORS OK THE UPPER ITCHEN VALLEY 35

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Fig 2. Anglo-Saxon landmarks on the south bank of the Itchen. (Crown copyright reserved)

S962. Five cassati in Worthy (1026)Bounds:Aerest on beoccing maede On tha gewrincloda die To wassa die dun ende Thonne to deopan daene Thanon to witan die Thonne to aenta die To thaere rode To than smalan wege Thanan to thaere haran apeldran To stapol thornae Thonnae to thaere baece

(Sawyer 1968). Utt on icenan Adun on stream Aeft on beoccing maede.

Comparison of the landmarks of the bound-ary clauses of charters S351, S304, S273, andS692 yields interesting patterns. The Lunwayappears on only one of these charters, whichsuggests that most of these estates did notextend that far north, or that it was not alwaysa clearly recognizable feature. Secondly, thesame landmarks were not necessarily used for

36 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

describing the same boundary. But there arcmany instances of duplication. From these, a series of equations can be proposed: west S698= west S692; east S692 = west S351 = westS273 = west S304. The other bounds are lesscertain, but it is possible that east S304 = eastS273 = east S698 (? = west S351).

The boundary of the first western groupingis the former parochial division between KingsWorthy and Abbots Worthy. The secondgrouping is the present parish boundarybetween Abbots Worthy and Martyr Worthy,running southeast across a valley, over a down,across another valley, then across the Romanroad to a series of boundary baulks or fieldlynches to where a small grove still stood onthe early nineteenth-century first edition of the1" O.S. map, continuing south from there by a further series of angle steps to reach WorthyPark and the Itchen. The zig-zag boundary isthe gewrinclodan die of S693 and the ealdormannes mearce - thiccan thornas - bisceopes mearc boundaryof S273. S324 has this group out of sequence,while S273 reversed the deopan deane and thewassan . . . dun. S351 can be seen to share thelandmarks here, with the bican slaed being thesame valley as the bican (or bilan) sled. On theparish boundary by the site of the former grove(thiccan thornas?) are the remains of a Romano-British settlement that had stone-built founda-tions. This site is a satisfactory explanation ofthe stan ceaslas that Grundy sought to place at a Roman villa 1 '/2 miles to east.

The names ealdormannes mearc and bisceopes mearc refer to two different portions of theAbbots Worthy-Martyr Worthy boundarybetween the slraet and the rode, which wasprobably the point where the boundarycrossed the bradan herpath along the north bankof the Itchen. The names suggest that theseofficials were responsible for the demarcationof the bounds at this point. It was perhapstheir agents who oversaw what had beenclearly such a difficult division of fields here,that it was called by Canute 's reign the ge-wrinclodan die, wrinkled or twisted dyke. Thishas some significance, because it shows thatwhile the parish boundary between the manorsof Abbots Worthy and Martyr Worthy does

indeed go back to the tenth century, it is notnecessarily any older than that. The confusionof charter dates and provenances permits onlythe observation that there were two grants ofMartyr Worthy lands to Hunsige, by Ethelwulfand Ethelred. It is possible that Ethelred'ssecond decimation was indeed the momentwhen these Worthy lands began to be per-manently separated from the Crown and fromthe large entity of Worthy (Finberg 1964).

Finally, S273 begins on the Itchen at thebihtae (corner, bend) between Igtunae and Eastu-nae, and the boundary runs north along Igsaet-mearce and Eastuninga. These references are toboth territories and groups, the Igsaet and theEastuninga (the island dwellers and the folk ofEaston). The 'island' in question is the hamletof Ceoligland, now Chilland, east of MartyrWorthy village. Easton lies south of the Itchen,but the charter specifically indicates that thelands west of Chilland were considered part ofEaston. Later, Edgar's grant S698 includedboth Abbots Worthy and Martyr Worthy aspart of the church lands. As such, they mayhave been considered part of the Cathedral 'sEaston estate. Chilland was still a separateestate during the late tenth century, whenEdgar purportedly confirmed to the Old Min-ster 64 mansae as a list of estates includingEaston and Chilland. One might conclude, asdid Grundy, that the Old Minster simplyattached the lands of Martyr Worthy to theirEaston manor, and that this situation is thatreflected in the charter nomenclature. But - asin the case of the Chilland reference in S351 -it is not normal for landmarks of Anglo-Saxonmanors to be given names relating to theproperty being transferred. The explanationshould lie elsewhere, and it may be that thedivision between these groups represents anolder division of the upper Itchen valley,whereby Easton controlled land on both sidesof the Itchen east of Kings Worthy.

DISCUSSION

The above review and revision of charterclause interpretations reveals the manor/

KLINGELHOFER: ANGLO-SAXON MANORS OF THE UPPER ITCHEN VALLEY 37

estate boundaries of the upper Itchen valley tobe old - often of Middle Saxon date - andusually coterminous with later medieval parishboundaries. Further, the internal evidence ofcharter terminology and toponymies suggeststhat the upper Itchen valley represents a devolution of an ancient territory, geogra-phically definable as the watershed of theeast-west course of the Itchen north of theWinchester Syncline. At the same time, thecharters also record the slow amalgamation ofsome tracts into new units, the four late Saxonconglomerate estates owned by the four greatinstitutions of Winchester. The externalboundaries of the eleven Anglo-Saxon manors

reconstructs the extent of the older territorialunit, obviously predating the charters thatdescribe its dissolution. I have elsewherecalled such mid-Saxon valley units 'archaichundreds', because combined estimates ofmiddle Saxon hidation (mansae and cassati) ofall the manors in a valley unit repeatedly yieldtotal figures close to one hundred hides or itsmultiple (Klingelhofer, forthcoming). The ori-ginal assessment for the lands of a catchmentarea appears to have been one hundred hides,the figure given by reconstructed assessmentsfor the upper Itchen valley (Klingelhofer 1985,543-54).

Archaic hundreds, such as the upper Itchen

Fig 3. The Mid-Saxon archaic Hundred hen Worthig. (Crown copyright reserved)

38 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

valley, were not in themselves tribal or folkgroups, but were local divisions of such terri-tories. The Saxons of the upper Itchen valleybelonged to the Gewissae of Winchester, whoselands probably coincided with the catchmentzones of the Itchen and Test rivers in theChalk upland of middle Hampshire. Theirterritory most likely stretched from the Wilsae-tan of the Wiltshire Wylye to the Meonwara ofthe southeast Hampshire Meon.

In the eighth century, settlement in theupper Itchen was generally dispersed, butthere would have been a 'central place' forreligious, political, and economic activitiesthat concerned the community above the levelof the household or extended family. In theAnglo-Saxon kingdoms, the royal tun or villa regalis, where military obligation was rendered,royal tribute collected, and justice dispensed,has been the object of several studies, mostrecently by Peter Sawyer (1983). Although onecannot speak authoritatively, given the meagredocumentary evidence, it seems likely thatSawyer's late Saxon network of royal estatesextending throughout England was the rem-nant of earlier royal systems of local admin-istration. The sense of family or lineage overclan or community, and a different status for'Crown lands' and the king's personal or fami-ly's holdings, were but several factors in thetransformation of Anglo-Saxon England.Competition among the kingdoms may haveplayed an important role. With more centra-lized royal authority and larger administrativeunits accompanying the territorial expansionof the successful kingdoms, perhaps the localdistricts became obsolete.

Christian missionaries were often rewardedwith the foundation of a church at a king's tun, and it is now accepted that the district servedby the royal vill became the parockia of a collegiate 'mother church' (Hase, 1988). Min-ster parochiae no doubt existed throughout theAnglo-Saxon kingdoms, and John Blair hasconvincingly argued for a systematic divisionof Wessex into parochiae in the reign of Caed-walla and Ine, circa 700 (Blair 1988, 1-20).

The central place of the upper Itchen valleywas at 'Worthy', a centre of considerable local

status, with a royal tun at Kings Worthy and animportant pagan Saxon cemetery at AbbotsWorthy (fig 3). Worthy means 'enclosure', andhere must refer to an early Saxon militaryenclosure or royal compound. A number ofAnglo-Saxon royal centres have the element'worth(y)', for example, Tamworth, Derby(North Worthy), and Ixworth, as well asimportant ecclesiastical sites that suggest pre-vious royal centres: Polesworth, Brixworth,Worksworth, and Bury St. Edmunds (Beadrices-wyrth) (Klingelhofer 1985, 490-1). Could theirlocations near - but not within — Roman townsreflect an origin in a late or sub-Roman mili-tary camp, the focus of the regional Anglo-Saxon army and the source of power for itscommander, chief, or king - and of hisdescendants?

Based on the reconstruction and observa-tions presented above, a sequence of land-division and nomenclature can be proposed:

1) Circa 700, the entire upper Itchen valleywas a single territorial unit called Itchen. Theriver gives its name to the two villages here,and nowhere else along its length.

2) At the same time or soon thereafter, a habitative name, Worthy, was transferred fromthe central place to the valley unit as a whole.As late as Domesday Book, many hundredshad alternative names: one applying to thehundred as a territory and one taken from thesite of its moot (Klingelhofer 1985, 467-8).

3) By the ninth century, settlement hadbegun to coalesce at locations whose namesreveal their dependency upon a central'Worthy'. Across the river, east of KingsWorthy, grew the eastern settlement, Easton,which at one time may have controlled bothsides of the valley immediately east of KingsWorthy. Away from the river, at the westernextremity of the 'Hydebourne' valley, grew theself-descriptive hamlet of Littleton.

4) At the same time, or somewhat later,the south bank of the Itchen east of Easton wasdivided into three manors, Avington, Yav-ington, and Ovington. The three place-nameshave personal name elements that suggestthese communities took their identities (orwere given them by the recording clerks) from

KLINGELHOFER: ANGLO-SAXON MANORS OF THE UPPER ITCHEN VALLEY 39

some sort of lord, an aristocratic superior whodominated the tract of land or who had beengranted it as a landholding.

5) The last stage witnessed the tworemaining blocks of land north of the river,'Worthy' and 'I tchen' , divided into particularmanors. In most instances, their secondarynames reflect ownership: Kings, Abbots,Martyr, Abbas. This stage may not have beenfully completed by the time of the DomesdaySurvey, where binomens do not appear.

C O N C L U S I O N

To conclude, the upper Itchen valley of themid-Saxon period was an archaic hundred,occupied by people perhaps best called theTtchen-folk'. Its central place, Worthy, had a major early Saxon pagan cemetery and waslater an important royal manor. From theeighth century onward, blocks of land were

Blair J (ed) 1988, Minsters and Parish Churches. The Local Church in Transition 950-1200. OxfordUniversity Committee for Archaeology,Monograph 17.

Fasham, PJ, 1979 The excavation of a triple barrowin Micheldever Wood, Hampshire, Proc Hampsh Field Club Archaeol Soc 35, 5—40.

Finberg, HPR, 1964 The Early Charters of Wessex, Leicester.

Grundy, GB, 1921-8 The Saxon Land Charters ofHampshire Archaeological Journal LXXVIII(1921), LXXXI (1924), LXXXIII (1926),LXXXIV (1927), LXXXV (1928).

Hase, PH, 1988 The Mother Churches of Ham-pshire in Blair J. (ed) 1988, 45-66.

Hooke, D, 1981 Anglo-Saxon Landscapes of theWest Midlands: the Charter EvidenceBAR British Series 95.

Klingelhofer, E, 1985 Manor, Vill and Hundred: Rural

'booked', or privatized, by charter until by1066, only Kings Worthy remained to bear thetraditional tribute, the 'feorm', for the upkeepof the royal court. Boundary clauses in thecharters defined the economic units they con-veyed, the manors that here were based uponthe agricultural innovation of cooperative,open-field farming and its concentration of theworkforce into nucleated villages. The reass-essment of the upper Itchen valley chartersreveals a consistent pattern of manorial devel-opment, the fission of a single territory or greatmultiple estate that splintered into unitarymanors, many of which were attached in thelate Saxon period to the four conglomerateestates around Winchester. The charterboundaries of the upper Itchen valley thusoffer testimony of a landscape divided andredivided in a process that transformedWessex from a land of tribe and folk into oneof lord and manor - and finally into one of fief and honour.

Development in the Region of Micheldever, Hampshire, 700-1100. Unpublished PhD

thesis. Johns Hopkins University., forthcoming Settlement and Land Use in

Micheldever Hundred, Hampshire, 700-1100 American Philosophical Society, Phi-ladelphia.

Meany, ALS, 1964 Gazetteer of Early Anglo-Saxon Burial Sites, London.

Munby, J (ed) 1982 Domesday Book: Hampshire, Chi-chester.

Schadla-Hall, RT, 1977 The Winchester District: the Archaeological Potential, Winchester.

Sawyer, PH, 1968 Anglo-Saxon Charters: an Annotated List and Bibliography, London.

, 1983 The Royal Tun in pre-ConquestEngland in Wormald P (ed) Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society, Oxford, 273-99.

REFERENCES

Author. EC Klingelhofer, Asst. Professor, History Department, Mercer University, Macon, Georgia, 31207, USA© Hampshire Field Club & Archaeological Society