ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI XLIImarkers. As set out above, the way people do things – perform...

ANALECTA ROMANAINSTITUTI DANICI

XLII

ANALECTA ROMANA

INSTITUTI DANICI

XLII

2017

ROMAE MMXVII

ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI XLII© 2017 Accademia di DanimarcaISSN 2035-2506

Published with the support of a grant from:Det Frie Forskningsråd / Kultur og Kommunikation

Scientific Board

Karoline Prien Kjeldsen (Bestyrelsesformand, Det Danske Institut i Rom)Jens Bertelsen (Bertelsen & Scheving Arkitekter)Maria Fabricius Hansen (Københavns Universitet)

Peter Fibiger Bang (Københavns Universitet)Thomas Harder (Forfatter/writer/scrittore)

Michael Herslund (Copenhagen Business School)Hanne Jansen (Københavns Universitet)

Kurt Villads Jensen (Syddansk Universitet)Erik Vilstrup Lorenzen (Den Danske Ambassade i Rom)

Mogens Nykjær (Aarhus Universitet)Vinnie Nørskov (Aarhus Universitet)

Niels Rosing-Schow (Det Kgl. Danske Musikkonservatorium)Lene Schøsler (Københavns Universitet)

editorial Board

Marianne Pade (Chair of Editorial Board, Det Danske Institut i Rom)Patrick Kragelund (Danmarks Kunstbibliotek)

Sine Grove Saxkjær (Det Danske Institut i Rom)Gert Sørensen (Københavns Universitet)

Anna Wegener (Det Danske Institut i Rom)Maria Adelaide Zocchi (Det Danske Institut i Rom)

Analecta Romana Instituti Danici. — Vol. I (1960) — . Copenhagen: Munksgaard. From 1985: Rome, «L’ERMA» di Bretschneider. From 2007 (online): Accademia di Danimarca

ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI encourages scholarly contributions within the Academy’s research fields. All contributions will be peer reviewed. Manuscripts to be considered for publication should be sent to: [email protected] Authors are requested to consult the journal’s guidelines at www.acdan.it

Contents

Sine Grove Saxkjær: The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities: Case Studies from the Sibaritide Region

aleSSia di Santi: From Egypt to Copenhagen. The Provenance of the Portraits of Augustus, Livia, and Tiberius at the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek

larS Boje MortenSen: The Canons of the Medieval Literature from the Middle Ages to the Twenty-First Century

Søren kaSperSen: Body Language and Theology in the Sistine Ceiling. A Reconsideration of the Augustinian Thesis

nicholaS Stanley-price: The Myth of Catholic Prejudice against Protestant Funerals in Eighteenth- Century Rome

annika Skaarup larSen: Bertel Thorvaldsen and Zeuxis: The Assembling Artist

kaSpar thorMod: Depicting People in Rome: Contemporary Examples of Portaiture in the Work of International Artists

7

33

47

65

89

101

119

Abstract. Based on two case studies in the Sibaritide region in Southern Italy, the article deals with the identification of ethnic markers in the archaeological record. The chronological framework of the article spans the eighth to sixth centuries BC, the era of the so-called Greek colonisation. The central point of the approach argued is the need to identify patterns in the material culture over time. These patterns can reflect continuity or discontinuity in past practices which may be culturally determined and which may eventually have come to function as ethnic markers in the encounter with the Greeks. Such patterns can be established by taking a contextual approach to the material. The article focuses on two types of pattern in the archaeological record: the first relating to the material style and production of pottery, and the second centring on material patterns connected to funerary practices.

The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities:Case Studies from the Sibaritide Region1

by Sine Grove Saxkjær

1 The present article is largely based on my unpublished PhD dissertation, Markers of Ethnicity in the Archaeologi-cal Record: The Emergence of Indigenous Ethnic and Cultural Identities in Southern Italy (eighth – sixth centuries), Aarhus University 2015. The article was written during my postdoctoral scholarship at the Danish Institute in Rome, funded by the Carlsberg Foundation.

2 Jacobsen et al. 2009a; Jacobsen et al. 2009b; Jacob-

sen 2013.3 Strab. 6.1.13.4 Some of the most comprehensive of these being

Ettore Pais (Pais 1894) and Emanuele Ciaceri (Cia-ceri 1924–1932), while the most thorough study of the written sources was presented by Jean Bérard (Bérard 1957).

5 See e.g. Malkin 1998; Malkin 2002.

IntroductionThe aim of the present article is twofold: first, to shed light on aspects of the emergence and development of ethnic and cultural identities among the indigenous populations at Timpone della Motta and Amendolara, in the period between the eighth and sixth centuries BC; and secondly, to explore the methodology for the identification of ethnic markers in the archaeological record. Both Timpone della Motta and Amendolara are indigenous foothill settlements in the Sibaritide region in Southern Italy. The earliest Greek settlers arrived in this region when Euboeans settled on the southern slope of Timpone della Motta in the first half of the eighth century BC,2 while Sybaris was established on the coastal plain in the last quarter of the eighth century BC (Fig. 1). According to tradition,

Sybaris was founded by Achaeans3 emigrating from the northern Peloponnese. Based on the literary accounts, the cultural dynamics unfolding in the Sibaritide region between the eighth and sixth centuries belong to the era long referred to as the Greek colonisation. While the impact of the earliest academic works on Greek colonisation4 – which were characterised by an uncritical acceptance of the later Greek and Roman sources entailing a history of colonisation in the true sense of the term – continued to pervade the field of research throughout most of the twentieth century, within the last twenty-five years, interpretations related to coexistence and two-way cultural exchange have gained a central position. Recent approaches include, among others, the notions of a colonial “middle ground”,5 of hybridity, and of a “third

8 Sine Grove Saxkjær

space”,6 while additional approaches to the Greek so-called colonisation and its effects include human mobility and globalisation7 as well as network theory.8 Common to these approaches, even if the term is used in different ways and with varying definitions, is the notion of ethnic identity. Accordingly, the subject of the present article is by no means novel; however, it is hoped that its focus on the method – the practical identification of ethnic markers in the archaeological material – will nevertheless contribute to the existing corpus of theoretical and methodological work on this subject, as well as the question of how we approach material which might point to developments in ethnic and cultural identities.

Identifying markers of ethnicity‘Pots do not equal people’ has been a common adage in archaeology for decades; in practice, however, there is still a strong inclination to see the adoption of material culture as reflecting an integration of cultural and ethnic features. In the case of Timpone della Motta and Amendolara, it is generally agreed that the sites were important indigenous centres

which came into close contact with Greek settlers in the eighth or early seventh centuries BC. Following the arrival of the Greeks, a shift in the prevailing material style can be observed throughout the Sibaritide region. This shift is most clearly seen in the pottery production. The indigenous pottery was characterised by being hand-made by coiling technique and adorned with a matt-painted decoration. This is in contrast to the Greek material style, in which the pottery was wheel-turned and decorated with a lustrous paint. At Timpone della Motta, the local indigenous material style completely disappeared during the second quarter of the seventh century BC,9 while a reduced and adapted production of matt-painted pottery was maintained at Amendolara10 exceptionally in the region. In both cases, the Greek material style became dominant, and if we base our observations and interpretations solely on the material style of the archaeological remains, the indigenous cultures indeed seem to have been suppressed by the Greek culture. So, if ‘pots do not equal people’, what do we do then? What is the relationship between archaeological artefacts

6 See e.g. Antonaccio 2001; Antonaccio 2003; Anto-naccio 2005; Antonaccio 2010.

7 See e.g. Horden & Purcell 2000; Purcell 2005.8 See e.g. Malkin 2011.

9 Handberg & Jacobsen 2011, 180; Jacobsen & Hand-berg 2010, 30.

10 Yntema 1990, 133.

Fig. 1. Map of the Sibaritide (illustration: S. G. Saxkjær).

the eMerGence and MarkinG of ethnic identitieS 9

and the people who once used them? How can we identify specific groups of people in the archaeological record?

Research on ethnicity in archaeology can benefit from distinguishing between ethnic and cultural identity, rather than using the terms synonymously as has often been the practice.11 Separating the two allows us to understand the finer nuances of cultural encounters, rather than merely assessing the extent of the impact of one culture on another, a method that closely corresponds to ascertaining the extent of “Hellenisation”. Yet ethnicity is in itself a much-debated concept. One of its weaknesses, which has been repeatedly emphasised, is the lack of an agreed definition12 – or in some cases the lack of any definition. To avoid this potential pitfall, I will make my understanding of the concept of ethnicity and its relation to cultural identity clear.13 An individual is born into a particular cultural framework. Within this framework, the individual moulds himself to a certain life-pattern.14 The life-pattern is unconscious: it is implemented and reinforced both by experience and by handed-down ways of doing things. In other words, it simply involves doing things in a way that seems “natural”. Within a certain group, the shared life-pattern creates a strong sense of belonging, of being of “the same kind” – the feeling of real or imagined kinship. This shared life-pattern is one’s culture; the unconscious group identity is one’s cultural identity.

It is important to stress that culture and cultural identity are not constant. On the contrary, they are continuously changing and evolving, albeit unconsciously. Ethnicity and ethnic identity emerge through the encounter with other cultural groups. These encounters lead to a break with the unconscious body of social knowledge that is embedded in the cultural identity. Suddenly, one becomes aware of one’s own cultural identity, one’s own cultural framework. In the process of communicating these differences to other groups, elements of the life-pattern (rituals, habits, routines etc.) are used consciously to express the cultural identity, which leads to

the emergence of ethnic identity – an ethnic awareness, so to speak – in which these cultural elements become ethnic markers. In situations of social tension, for instance in competition for land or ecological resources, it is even possible to emphasise or exaggerate particular cultural elements so as to create more strongly defined boundaries, outwardly as well as internally. In this way, ethnic identity can gain an instrumental capacity and thus serve as a social strategy. It is important to note that different ethnic groups can come to share a cultural identity, thereby sharing a range of different behaviours within the same cultural framework while still maintaining certain ethnic traits. What is more, after generations of coexistence, ethnic boundaries can completely cease to exist.

The above theoretical framework has its basis in anthropological research on ethnicity. It is less straightforward, however, to observe cultural encounters and the emergence and development of ethnic identities in the field of archaeological research than in anthropological fieldwork, because these processes cannot be established by studies of customs and daily life. The indigenous populations of Southern Italy did not have a written language, and there are no contemporary written sources for the earliest cultural encounters. This leaves us with the archaeological remains – the artefacts – and the already-mentioned question: How are we to identify specific groups of people in the archaeological record? My argument is that we need to identify past practices in order to identify ethnic markers. As set out above, the way people do things – perform rituals, prepare food, build houses, manufacture pottery – is formed by underlying culturally determined choices. These choices can be made consciously, but are most often the unconscious outcome of learned habits. Any practice, in other words, is inherently imbued with cultural identity. In the encounter between cultural groups, some of these culturally determined elements can be used actively to signal ethnic identity and create ethnic boundaries. Such elements could include a particular ritual or everyday practice,

11 Hylland Eriksen 2010, 15; Jones 1997, 56.12 Jones 1997, 56; Levine 1999, 165.13 For a more comprehensive explanation of the the-

oretical concepts as well as for an assessment of the study of ethnicity and culture in archaeological re-search, see Saxkjær 2015, 15–26. In addition, I have

previously presented a similar view on ethnicity and cultural identity in Saxkjær & Jacobsen 2015, 378–379.

14 The so-called life-pattern is somewhat comparable to the nature and development of habitus and doxa in the terminology established by Pierre Bourdieu. See Bourdieu 1977, 77–78, 164.


marking of ethnicity, would distort our overall understanding. What is more, it is important to stress that in any social context, many different identities, both individual and collective, are in play at the same time, overlapping one another – which means that an artefact or its use can signal more than one identity at a time.

In addition, as emphasised by Jones, the use of material style and – I would add – material culture (that is, past practices) may differ between different social domains.21 Ethnicity plays a different role on different occasions, just as it does today in our own everyday life, where some events are closely connected to culturally determined traditions and ways of doings, while others are not. In archaeological contexts, it is hard to decipher exact events and occasions solely based on the material culture; however, it is possible to distinguish between larger social contexts. In the case of Timpone della Motta and Amendolara, we are dealing with habitation/craft contexts and funerary contexts as well as (at Timpone della Motta) ritual/sanctuary contexts. In this regard, the two sites are unique in the Sibaritide region, where most contemporary indigenous sites consist solely of funerary contexts or, more infrequently, include more than one social context, but with diverse chronology. Once several different social contexts can be observed, the identification of ethnic markers gains a more solid basis, as the various social contexts reveal additional aspects of the developments in cultural and ethnic identities. In practice, the approach is to establish those patterns in the material culture over time that reflect continuity or discontinuity in past practices and that were also culturally determined, and might thus have come to function as ethnic markers in the encounter with the Greeks.

The Sibaritide region: Timpone della Motta and AmendolaraStarting with the regional context, the geographical area of the Sibaritide is formed by the hinterlands of the supposed Achaean colony of Sybaris,22 the modern-day city of Sibari. The area consists of an almost

but also some of the culturally determined choices within, for instance, the pottery production that forms a particular material style – which is why material style in itself can become an ethnic marker. But while ethnic markers can be found in the form of material style, they can perhaps more importantly be found in the use of material culture: that is, in the form of the practice in which the artefacts were once used. However, like cultural and ethnic identities, cultural or ethnic meanings embedded in a certain practice or material style are inconstant. It cannot be assumed that a fixed relationship exists between a particular material type and a particular identity.15 In the context of the present article, this means that a Greek-style artefact does not necessarily signal a Greek ethnic identity.16 In order for us to identify whether a particular object or practice functions as an ethnic marker, a contextual approach to the material is called for. It is necessary to study the specific archaeological context in order to understand the specific social and historical context that can provide the background knowledge of the use and meaning of an artefact.

The necessity for a contextual approach to the study of ethnicity and identities is supported by a range of scholars including Siân Jones,17 Lynn Meskell18 and Mats Roslund.19 Nonetheless, the identification of past practices, even with a contextual approach, is not without its challenges. Above all, we have to keep in mind that we have access only to the final context: in other practices and contexts before their deposition, objects may have been used differently.20 In addition, as the indigenous populations did not have a written language, we can attest ethnic identity only when it is expressed in practices that leave imprints in the material culture. This makes for a “margin of error” in our analyses – for instance, we have no textiles preserved from either Amendolara or Timpone della Motta. If ethnic identity was expressed through clothing in a way that is not reflected in the use of dressing ornaments, pins or fibulae, then we have no way of detecting it – which, if clothing was part of the last maintained

15 Jones 1998, 223; Jones 2008, 327; Dietler & Herbich 1998, 241.

16 Jones 1997, 129.17 Ibid. 125; Jones 2007, 53.18 Meskell 2007, 30.

19 Roslund 2007, 131.20 Garrow 2012, 111.21 Jones 2007, 52.22 For an overview of the research on Sybaris, see Pao-

letti 2010.


triangular alluvial plain on the Gulf of Taranto, surrounded by the Pollino massif to the north and the Sila mountain chain to the south (Fig. 1),23 a topography such that the landscape of the Sibaritide can be roughly described as comprising three zones: mountains, foothills, and coastal plain.24 At the time when the indigenous settlements were established during the Bronze Age, the foothills were favourable locations for settlement: they were easily defensible, and enjoyed the strategic and socioeconomic advantages brought by their role as a junction in the trade and travel that took place along the river valleys.25 According to Renato Peroni, the Sibaritide was already divided into territories with nucleated sites by the Middle Bronze Age.26 However, it seems that some of these supposed territories did not contain a central site in the Middle Bronze Age, although a centralised site was established later in the Recent Bronze Age. From the extensive surveys conducted in the area, Peter Attema, Gert-Jan Burgers and Martijn van Leusen interpret a non-hierarchical pattern in the Middle Bronze Age;27 a similar conclusion has been presented by Alessandro Vanzetti.28 From the Recent Bronze Age onwards, the settlement pattern continued its development towards centralised settlements in the foothills, and a hierarchical system was likely established during this period, Timpone della Motta and Amendolara being among the nuclear settlements in the region.29 Still, in spite of the fact that a range of survey projects have been conducted in the Sibaritide region over the years,30 the complete layout of the habitation pattern is still not known.31 Based on archaeological finds, it seems that the coastal plain of the Sibaritide was hardly inhabited when Sybaris was founded in the last decades of the eighth century BC,32 after which the situation seems to have changed

rapidly, as a large part of the alluvial plain was transformed into the chora of Sybaris in order to feed the growing population of the settlement.33 However, as has been noted by Vanzetti, the earliest layers of human activities in the area of Sybaris are covered by several metres of sediments and situated up to five metres below sea level.34 With the current state of knowledge, it is not possible to draw any conclusions based on the sediment processes of the alluvial plains in the area; yet it seems reasonable to assume that if any human activities did indeed take place in the plains of the Sibaritide prior to the foundation of Sybaris, their remains would today be buried under several metres of sedimentation, and would thus be close to impossible to detect through survey investigations. The accessible material remains still indicate that the indigenous settlement pattern underwent rapid changes in the late eighth to early seventh century BC, as reflected at the large Bronze and Iron Age settlements at Torre Mordillo and Broglio di Trebisacce, for example, both of which witnessed a drastic decline in the second half of the eighth century BC.35 In contrast, a continuation in settlement activities is found at Amendolara and Timpone della Motta, although these are not without substantial changes in the organisation of the settlements. It is generally accepted that Sybaris came to be the most important settlement in the area during the archaic period,36 and that the indigenous settlements were strongly influenced by Sybaris by the sixth century BC.37

As described in the above, there is no written history of these indigenous populations, although a number of later sources describe the ancient inhabitants of Italy, where the territory of the Sibaritide can be determined as part of the indigenous territory of

23 van Leusen & Attema 2002, 398.24 Attema et al. 2010, 83.25 Ibid. 2010, 89.26 Peroni 1994, 832–872, figs. 227, 229, 232.27 Attema et al. 2010, 93.28 Vanzetti 2012, 11.29 Attema et al. 2010, 93.30 Archaeological research in the form of surveys has

a long history in the Sibaritide, beginning with the surveys directed by Lorenzo Quilici in the 1960s. A series of surveys were conducted from 1979 onwards by the University of Rome in collaboration with the Superintendence for Calabria. Since 1991, the Groningen Institute of Archaeology has made

preliminary and exploratory surveys, primarily in the surroundings of Timpone della Motta. From 1997 onwards, the Sibaritide has been one of three re-gions studied in the extensive RPC survey project, directed by Attema from the Groningen Institute of Archaeology. For a more comprehensive account, see van Leusen & Attema 2002; Attema et al. 2010.

31 Vanzetti 2012, 24.32 Attema et al. 2010, 89.33 Ibid. 90.34 Vanzetti 2012, 24.35 Attema et al. 1998, 331.36 Attema 2012, 192.37 Attema et al. 2010, 121; Jacobsen & Handberg 2010, 11.


Oinotria.38 As the accounts of Oinotria and the Oinotrians are not only the work of later third-party and distantly connected authors but tend to have a mythical character, they cannot be used as valid sources when trying to establish cultural and ethnic identities among the indigenous populations.39 Neither Timpone della Motta or Amendolara appear in any of the later Greek or Roman sources, whereas Sybaris is mentioned by more than seventy authors,40 principally Herodotus, Athenaeus, Diodorus Siculus, Pliny the Elder and Strabo.41 From these written accounts we know the history of Sybaris, its importance and wealth, and its destruction. As for Sybaris’ status in the socioeconomic hierarchy of the area, Strabo describes the city as being very powerful in its early days as it ruled over four tribes in the neighbourhood and twenty-five subject cities.42 While Timpone della Motta and Amendolara do not appear directly in the written accounts, both settlements have in their own manner been considered as the mythical site of Lagaria. Marianne Kleibrink has connected the worship in the sanctuary on Timpone della Motta to the legend of Epeios, and accordingly identified Timpone della Motta as Lagaria.43 Epeios was the carpenter of the Trojan horse, who, after the end of the Trojan War, went to Italy, where he founded Lagaria and dedicated his tools in the city’s Athena sanctuary.44 This could be consistent with the sanctuary on Timpone della Motta, as we know from an inscription on a sixth-century bronze plate that Athena was worshipped in the sanctuary.45 However, the justification for identifying the site as Lagaria is questionable, as has been pointed out by Juliette de La Genière on several occasions.46 On the contrary, La Genière argues, based on Strabo, that Lagaria’s siting between Sybaris and Siris47 is more consistent with the location of Amendolara.48 Still, as yet no Athena sanctuary has been identified at the site. Yet if the Greek newcomers in the eighth century BC had encountered a sanctuary at Amendolara that was capable of being connected with the myth of Epeios, that sanctuary would have

been sited in the Rione Vecchio area where the settlement was situated at the time. This area is today superimposed by the modern village, but in connection with construction work near the medieval church, two sixth-century miniature cups surfaced, which, according to La Genière, could suggest the existence of a sanctuary that was (presumably still) in use several centuries after the Rione Vecchio settlement had otherwise been abandoned.49 Obviously, the basis for this suggestion is likewise quite untenable. At the current stage of knowledge, it is not possible to draw any conclusions about the potential connection between the mythical site of Lagaria and Amendora or Timpone della Motta.

In conclusion, the written sources do not contribute any insights into the identities of the indigenous populations in the Sibaritide region, as they are neither contemporary nor written by the indigenous people themselves. This renders them inadequate in the study of cultural and ethnic identities that are constantly evolving and changing. In the cases of Timpone della Motta and Amendolara, we are thus left with the material evidence, where a rapid shift towards a Greek material style can be detected in the seventh century BC.

Timpone della MottaThis settlement was established on a low hill 280 metres above sea level, with several plateaux, some of them artificially terraced, extending along the left bank of the Raganello River. Activities were distributed between several plateaux: the sanctuary was situated on the upper plateau, the habitation areas on Plateaux I, II and III in addition to Area Rovitti on the southern slope, and the Macchiabate necropolis on another plateau east of the sanctuary and the habitation areas (Fig. 2). The earliest traces of human activity date back to the Middle Bronze Age, while the main period of activity was from the eighth to sixth centuries BC.50 Based on the excavated remains, it seems that the development of the settlement to some degree stalled in the seventh century BC, in which very few

38 See Hdt. 1.167; Ps.-Scymn. 246–249; Strab. 6.1.5.39 Horsnæs 2002, 119.40 Bullitt 1967, 2.41 Brown 1963, 40.42 Strab. 6.1.13.43 Kleibrink et al. 2004; Kleibrink 2005.44 Lycoph. Alex. 930; Strab. 6.1.14.

45 Kleibrink 2010, 117–119, fig. 158.46 La Genière 2012, 261; La Genière 2010, 227–228.47 Strab. 6.1.14.48 La Genière 2012, 261; La Genière 2010, 230.49 Ibid. 231–232.50 Jacobsen & Handberg 2010, 11.


traces of habitation activities and a notable decrease in the number of burials have been attested. In contrast, the sanctuary seems to have maintained a constant level of activities throughout the period,51 which shows that the worship in the sanctuary was, at the very least, regionally based rather than reserved to inhabitants at the site.

Timpone della Motta has been subject to extensive excavation for over half a century. Paola Zancani Montuoro excavated in the Macchiabate necropolis 1963–69, unearthing approximately 140 tombs arranged in five tumuli and dating from the late ninth to the sixth century BC.52 The majority of these burials, approximately ninety, belong to the eighth century BC, while the rest are divided between the seventh and sixth centuries BC.53 At the same time as the excavations in the Macchiabate necropolis, excavations were carried out in the sanctuary by Maria W. Stoop, who unearthed Buildings I–III together with a series of votive deposits.54 Excavations were also commenced in the habitation areas on Plateaux II and III, directed by Kleibrink.55 During campaigns in 1982 and 1986–87, Silvana Luppino directed the excavation of Building IV and related votive deposits on the upper plateau.56 In the 1990s, the Groningen Institute of Archaeology continued excavations on Plateaux I and III, as well as on the upper plateau, where a fifth building (Building V) was unearthed. During 2008–10, the excavations at the plateau were resumed under the direction of Peter Attema and Jan K. Jacobsen, yielding part of an altar, a possible sixth structure, and several votive deposits in relation to a large temenos wall. In addition to the excavations on the upper plateau, excavations were further undertaken in Area Rovitti on the southern slope of Timpone della Motta in 2009 and 2010. Two eighth-century huts were discovered, Structure A (datable to the first half of the eighth century BC) and Structure

B (datable to the late eighth and early seventh centuries BC).57 Since 2009, the University of Basel has continued the excavations in the Macchiabate necropolis, so far leading to the identification of several tumuli and the excavation of 22 individual burials.58 In 2017, the excavations were resumed in the sanctuary under the Danish Institute in Rome, focusing on the south-western end of the sanctuary, where a sixth-century altar has been identified.

As appears from the above, the various building structures on the summit of Timpone della Motta are named in accordance with their excavation sequence, not their communal chronology (Fig. 3). The structures show signs of several building phases, yet their chronology is hard to establish. Buildings I–III are characterised by a lack of stratigraphy, while Building IV remains unpublished. Initially, Buildings I–III were dated to the late sixth–early fifth century BC by Stoop.59 The dating was later reinterpreted by Dieter Mertens and Helmut Schläger, who ascribed the remains of Buildings I and III to two subsequent phases belonging to the seventh and sixth century BC,60 and by Kleibrink, who distinguished between four phases of Building I and two phases of Building II.61 In the case of Building V,62 the excavators have reconstructed six subsequent phases, dating from the Middle Bronze Age to the fifth century BC.63 In relation to the present article, the phases of Building Vb–Vd are of special interest: Building Vb was an apsidal timber longhouse (8 x 26 m) with postholes dug into the conglomerate, and in use from the late ninth/early eighth century until c. 725 BC. It was succeeded by Building Vc, a rectangular timber building with tripartite interior and postholes dug into the conglomerate bedrock. The building was in use from c. 725 until c. 650 BC, after which Building Vd was erected. This was a rectangular building constructed with walls of dried mud

51 Saxkjær & Jacobsen 2014, 269.52 Zancani Montuoro 1970–1971; Zancani Montuoro

1974–1976; Zancani Montuoro 1977–1979; Zanca-ni Montuoro 1980–1982; Zancani Montuoro 1983–1984.

53 See Saxkjær & Jacobsen 2014.54 Stoop 1972; Stoop 1977; Stoop 1979; Stoop 1980;

Stoop 1983; Stoop 1985; Stoop 1987; Stoop 1988; Stoop 1989; Stoop 1990.

55 Kleibrink 1972; Kleibrink 1976.56 Luppino 1996.57 Jacobsen et al. 2009a; Jacobsen et al. 2009b; Jacob-

sen 2013.58 Guggisberg et al. 2010; Guggisberg et al. 2011; Gug-

gisberg et al. 2012a; Guggisberg et al. 2013; Guggis-berg et al. 2014; Guggisberg et al. 2015; Guggisberg et al. 2016.

59 Stoop 1979, 77.60 Mertens & Schläger 1980–1982, 148.61 Kleibrink 2005, 756.62 For a thorough examination of Building V, see Sax-

kjær et al. 2017, 92–96.63 Kleibrink 2006b, 112–113.


Fig. 2. Map of Timpone della Motta (illustration: S. G. Saxkjær, after Jacobsen & Handberg 2010, 12, fig. 1).

Fig. 3. Map of the sanctuary on Timpone della Motta (illustration: S. G. Saxkjær).

Fig. 4. Map of Amendolara (illustration: S. G. Saxkjær).


bricks on stone foundation and in use from c. 650–620/615 BC.64 Building V reflects the overall sequence in building techniques used throughout the sanctuary: the building phases prior to the middle of the seventh century BC were constructed with wooden posts placed in holes dug into the conglomerate bedrock, after which the building technique shifted towards wall foundations of stone with mud brick walls. Returning to Building Vc, this seems to have been erected as part of a large-scale reorganisation of the sanctuary in the late eighth century BC which has been interpreted as reflecting a Greek influence, as reflected in the tripartite design of the temple, for example.65 Furthermore, contexts related to Building Vc held the contextual evidence for the ending of the matt-painted pottery production, as no contexts dating after c. 680 BC contained matt-painted pottery in any significant amounts.66

AmendolaraIn ancient times, activities extended over several plateaux, changing location over time. The earliest finds stem from the Agliastroso area (Rione Vecchio) and the neighbouring area of S. Cavalcatore, where Iron Age burials have been identified based on sporadic finds. The latest finds among the material, composed by a few bichrome matt-painted shards, can be ascribed to the seventh century BC.67 It has further been suggested that the associated habitation contexts, which thus date to the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, are to be found in the same area;68 however, if so, they have been superimposed by the medieval village of Amendolara.69 As mentioned in the above, in addition, two sixth-century miniature cups were found during construction work near the medieval church at Amendolara, hinting at later ritual activities in the area.70 On the hill of S. Nicola, situated about 1.5 km north-east of Rione Vecchio, activities dating to the seventh and sixth centuries BC have been identified, and these constitute the focus of the present article. The habitation areas were situated on the

hill itself, while two large necropolis sites were found on the south-eastern slopes of S. Nicola (Fig. 4). The necropolis sites are situated c. 250 m apart and separated east-west by a ravine, Canale Traviano. The northern necropolis site is called Mangosa (or Morgetta), while the southern necropolis site is called Paladino (or, colloquially, Uomo Morto).71

The ancient site of Amendolara was discovered in the 1930s, when agricultural activities in Rione Vecchio brought pottery and bronze objects to light.72 Vincenzo Laviola, a local physician, ensured that all sporadic finds were collected and stored.73 His private collection is today exhibited in the local museum, the Vincenzo Laviola state archaeological museum. During the late 1960s, the areas surrounding the modern town of Amendolara were subjected to survey investigations, directed by La Genière, which led to the discoveries of S. Nicola and the neighbouring necropolis sites. The excavation of the Paladino necropolis was carried out between 1967 and 1975,74 during which more than 300 burials were exhumed. In addition, excavation campaigns were conducted in the Mangosa necropolis in 1967, 1974 and 1975, unearthing 36 burials.75 In the period 1967–73, excavations were also carried out on the plateau of S. Nicola. La Genière has noted that as little as ten to fifteen years before the excavation were begun, the remains of ancient walls still occupied the entire surface of the plateau. Unfortunately, in the intervening period these had been destroyed by agricultural activities. At the time of excavation, only the foundation walls remained partly intact. During the excavations, it was possible to identify 23 houses. Most of these were simply identified; only a few were systematically excavated.76 It was, however, possible to establish three phases of the settlement, corresponding to three different types of construction techniques. Juliette de La Genière and André Nickels suggest that the earliest phase should be dated prior to the beginning of the sixth century BC,77 the second to the second quarter

64 Jacobsen & Handberg 2010, 18–41.65 Ibid. 25; Kleibrink et al. 2004, 52.66 Handberg & Jacobsen 2011, 179–180; Jacobsen

2007, 100.67 La Genière 1967, 198.68 La Genière 1973, 33, fig. 1.69 La Genière 1978, 337; La Genière 1984, 165.70 La Genière 2012, 261.

71 Ibid. 10.72 Catanuto 1931; D’Ippolito 1939.73 La Genière 2012, 9.74 Ibid. 10.75 La Genière 1980, 309.76 La Genière & Nickels 1975, 486.77 Ibid. 483.


of the sixth century BC, and the latest to the end of the sixth century BC.78

Cultural encounters at Timpone della Motta and AmendolaraRecent excavations at Timpone della Motta have challenged the traditional understanding of Greek–indigenous encounters at the site. While interpretations used to centre on the role of the Greeks following the founding of Sybaris in relation to a “hard” or “soft” colonisation of the site,79 the excavations in Area Rovitti have shown that Euboean settlers were already present at the site from the first half of the eighth century BC onwards, and clay analyses have confirmed that pottery in a Euboean material style was produced at the site.80 This pottery has been labelled ‘Oinotrian–Euboean’ by the excavators, who have stressed that the term refers only to the geographical location of production within the Oinotrian territory, not to an indigenous stylistic component.81 The pottery was found in the sanctuary prior to the identification of the habitation contexts and a potential craft area in Area Rovitti; however, it accounts for less than one per cent of the total pottery assemblage from Building Vb and Vc, whereas the majority of the contemporary material was composed by matt-painted and impasto pottery.82 Likewise, only a few burials in the Macchiabate necropolis contain Oinotrian–Euboean pottery.83 The new data from Area Rovitti shows that the initial cultural encounter between Greeks and the indigenous population did not take place in connection with the founding of Sybaris, but that there was in fact coexistence between the indigenous population and Euboean immigrants from the first half of the eighth century onwards.84 Still, the influence of Sybaris became increasingly pronounced later on, as the sanctuary on Timpone della Motta seems to have been controlled by Sybaris from the second half of the seventh century onwards.85

Turning to Amendolara, the role of Greek settlers among the local population is less clear.

Judging from our current state of knowledge, the settlement at S. Nicola had a rather short lifespan, covering the period from the late seventh to the late sixth century BC. However, La Genière argues that the people who once inhabited the area of Rione Vecchio were the same as those who founded the settlement on the hill of S. Nicola. She further connects the relocation of the settlement with the prosperity of Siris and Sybaris, which presumably drew the indigenous population closer towards the Greek centres.86 From the very beginning, La Genière has argued that Amendolara was an indigenous site, although not excluding the possibility of a Greek presence.87 The interpretation that there was a profound Greek influence on Amendolara is based on the material culture, which encompasses large amounts of Greek and Greek-style pottery, in addition to the presumed Greek construction technique of the houses.88 Furthermore, among more than a thousand loom weights collected at the hill of S. Nicola, four are adorned with Greek (Achaean) letters. La Genière interprets these names as attesting the presence of Greeks who had established themselves in the settlement of Amendolara, where they conducted craft activities among the indigenous population.89 Based on the material evidence, Greeks are likely to have been present at the site at least throughout the sixth century BC until it was abandoned.

Having outlined the context of the Sibaritide as well as of Timpone della Motta and Amendolara, I will in the following focus on two categories of patterns within the material culture over time, related to the emergence and marking of indigenous ethnic identities at the two sites. The first category is linked to the material patterns within the production of pottery; the other is linked to practices within funerary rituals.

Patterns in pottery style and productionMaterial styles of matt-painted potteryA typology and relative chronology of the matt-painted pottery of South Italy was developed by Douwe Yntema,90 whose work is partly based on previous contributions on

78 Ibid. 495.79 Kleibrink 2001, 33–70; Vanzetti 2009, 179–202.80 Jacobsen & Handberg 2012, 705.81 Jacobsen et al. 2009a, 90.82 Jacobsen 2013, 3.83 Jacobsen & Handberg 2012, 706.84 Jacobsen 2013, 20.

85 Jacobsen & Handberg 2010, 11.86 La Genière 1967, 208.87 Ibid. 207; La Genière 1969, 84.88 La Genière 2012, 260.89 La Genière 1991b, 65; La Genière 2012, 260.90 Yntema 1990.


the subject by Alastair Small91 and Ettore De Juliis.92 According to Yntema, the matt-painted pottery from Amendolara resembles West Lucanian Ware closely enough to be considered a local variation of the style, whereas the matt-painted pottery from Timpone della Motta is decidedly different in regard to shape and decoration. Yntema has suggested that the matt-painted pottery from Timpone della Motta should be ascribed to Crati Ware, a matt-painted style related to West Lucanian Ware.93 When Yntema published his book in 1990, the matt-painted pottery of Timpone della Motta and Amendolara was known only from a limited number of fragments. This corpus has since increased: in the case of Amendolara, La Genière published the western part of the Paladino necropolis in 2012, while four recent volumes present parts of the matt-painted pottery from the sanctuary on Timpone della Motta.94 A complete understanding of the chronology, provenance and stylistic development of these matt-painted wares is still lacking. Because some of the closely related matt-painted wares can be hard to distinguish based on stylistic appearance alone, future studies on the material in question would benefit from conducting archaeometric analyses to aid the distinction between local productions and imports from neighbouring sites and other South Italian regions.

The production of matt-painted pottery in Southern Italy began sometime around the middle of the eleventh century BC,95 and it did not undergo any radical changes in manufacturing technique throughout its duration. It is generally characterised by being hand-made by coiling technique and with a matt-painted decoration, although in some cases a slow wheel (turntable) might have been used.96 The matt-painted pottery remained largely uniform throughout the regions of Southern Italy, classified as South Italian Protogeometric and South Italian Early Geometric,97 until the late ninth/early eighth century BC, when regional styles emerged.

The pottery continued to be hand-made and matt-painted with a monochrome decoration, but each region developed its own distinctive style of decoration and shapes.98 Both West Lucanian and Crati Style developed during the first quarter of the eighth century BC.99 At Timpone della Motta, C14 analyses have so far dated the earliest production of matt-painted pottery to the second part of the ninth century BC; they have also dated substantial changes within the production to the middle of the eighth century BC.100 The various regional styles in Southern Italy show a range of features in common until the late eighth/early seventh century BC, after which they become increasingly individualised.101 Concurrently, the use of bichrome decoration emerges around 700 BC.102

Herring has convincingly related the changes within matt-painted pottery production to cultural and social changes in the contemporary society. The growing individualisation of the various regional styles in the late eighth/early seventh century BC103 can be seen in connection with the region’s increasing involvement in Mediterranean trade from the late ninth century BC onwards.104 Additionally, Herring links the heightened regionalisation to the arrival of the Greeks, which further increased the competition for resources and thereby prompted “the awareness of cultural identity”.105 This reading of the material is in concordance with the theoretical framework presented in the present article, in the sense that in situations of social tension – such as competition for land or ecological resources – certain cultural elements can be emphasised in order to create well-defined boundaries, outwardly as well as internally. However, what Herring determines as “the awareness of cultural identity” is here defined as the emergence of ethnic identities. In addition, the fact that the emergence of these regional styles can be traced back to the early eighth century BC – and possibly even further back in time, as the South Italian Early Geometric Ware already shows some evidence

91 Small 1971.92 De Juliis 1977.93 Yntema 1990, 311.94 Kleibrink et al. 2012; Kleibrink et al. 2013; Kleibrink

2015a; Kleibrink 2015b.95 Yntema 1990, 23.96 Herring 1998, 37.97 Ibid. 39.

98 Yntema 1990, 111.99 Herring 1998, 161; Yntema 1990, 311.100 Masci 2016, 76.101 Herring 1998, 162, 171.102 Bellamy 2013, fig. 3; Yntema 1990, 135.103 Herring 1998, 162.104 Ibid. 25.105 Ibid. 165.


of regional variation106 – indicates that the germ of the various regional styles derives from the period before the increased contact with Greek culture. This in turn implies that the matt-painted pottery was already being used to create material boundaries between the various indigenous peoples and settlements prior to the arrival of the Greeks. In other words, there is a precedent for emphasising ethnic boundaries within this type of material culture (matt-painted pottery). What is more, this underlines the existence of social tension, not only between the indigenous and Greek populations, but between the various indigenous populations along the Ionian coastline.

Needless to say, the contexts of production are central to the changes and continuities within the pottery styles, as the styles emerge from differences in culturally determined practice. In the following section, I will look at the archaeological evidence for the pottery production, and its importance in relation to detecting the establishment of a shared cultural framework and material culture across ethnic groups in the archaeological remains.

Contexts of productionAt Amendolara, the remains of at least three pottery kilns were discovered at the S. Nicola plateau.107 Juliette de La Genière and André Nickels have been able to date two of the kilns to the earliest phase of the occupation, i.e. the late seventh century BC.108 The material from the S. Nicola plateau remains unpublished; however, based on the preliminary reports it seems that pottery production continued throughout the sixth century BC, situated in close proximity to more than twenty identified house structures.109 In addition, based on the findings of hundreds of loom weights, a concurrent extensive textile production was likewise taking place in the area.110 As the material from the kilns remains unpublished, it is not possible to establish the material style of pottery produced at S. Nicola. However,

the burials in the Paladino and Mangosa necropolis sites did contain, in addition to imported Greek pottery, matt-painted and what seem to be locally produced Greek-style vessels. La Genière describes both productions as being of local clay.111 From this, it seems fair to assume that both matt-painted and Greek-style pottery were manufactured at Amendolara, although the two productions could have taken place in different workshops. An interesting observation which can be made in relation to the pottery production in Amendolara is the adoption of the wheel technique into the indigenous potters’ manufacturing process, which took place sometime during the sixth century BC, if not earlier. This phenomenon can be observed for example in relation to the characteristic narrow-necked jugs, of which one example is found in T.215 (Fig. 5). La Genière does not comment on the use of wheel technique within the matt-painted pottery production, but she refers to the shape of these wheel-turned jugs as resembling that found among the indigenous matt-painted vessels.112 The same goes for elements within the decoration such as the vertical strokes and arrows on the body, and the characteristic band composed by two parallel wavy lines framed by horizontal lines placed above the vertical strokes and arrows (Fig. 6a-b). In fact, several fragments which seem to originate from Amendolara have surfaced from the acropolis of Timpone della Motta. One example is found in the form of two joining body fragments (Fig. 7) from context SM US 73, dating to the sixth century BC. The fragments belong to a narrow-necked jug which closely resembles those found in the Paladino necropolis (Fig. 6a-b).113 It is clear from the fragments that this narrow-necked jug was indeed wheel-turned. The use of the wheel technique in the sixth-century matt-painted pottery production at Amendolara points to a close contact between the two productions in order for this technical skill to have been adopted by the indigenous potters.

106 Ibid. 158; Yntema 1990, 36.107 Handberg & Pace 2005, 43.108 La Genière & Nickels 1975, 482.109 Ibid. 486.110 La Genière 1978, 351.111 La Genière 1971, 468.112 Ibid. 468.113 Additional fragments from similar jugs unearthed

at the summit of Timpone della Motta have pre-

viously been published in Masci 2016, 394–396 (FMM 32br; FMM 33br; FMM 34br), 420 (FMM 12tv). Additional wheel-made matt-painted frag-ments, most likely imported from Amendolara, were among the repatriated material from the J. Paul Getty Museum in Malibu, the Institut für Klas-sische Archäologie in Bern and the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen, see Kleibrink 2008a, 196–197 (III.76-III.78).


Fig. 5. Narrow-necked jug from T.215, Paladino Necropolis, Amendolara (illustration: S. G. Saxkjær, after La Genière 2012, 129, fig. 1).

Fig. 6. A. Narrow-necked jug from T.203, Paladino Necropolis, Amendolara; B. Narrow-necked jug from T.205, Paladino necropolis, Amendolara (illustration by S. G. Saxkjær, after La Genière 2012, 120, fig. 1; 121, fig. 8).


At Timpone della Motta, a workshop has been identified in Area Rovitti on the southern slope of the hill. The production is attested by several kiln fragments, test pieces, and misfired pottery.114 So far, there are no signs of a production of matt-painted pottery taking place within the Oinotrian–Euboean workshop. However, during the excavation of the Macchiabate necropolis, Zancani Montuoro discovered kiln fragments incorporated into the Cerchio Reale tumulus115 which led her to suggest that the necropolis site covers an earlier craft area.116 However, as this craft area would have been almost contemporary with the necropolis site, this interpretation seems unlikely. Since the tumuli in the Macchiabate necropolis are composed by river stones, the kiln fragments could have been collected together with the stones on the banks of the Raganello river and used in the construction of the Cerchio Reale tumulus. Accordingly, Jan K. Jacobsen, Gloria P. Mittica and Søren Handberg have suggested that the kiln fragments stem from another (and perhaps earlier) craft area than that in Area Rovitti. This craft area could have been situated near the river, further east and closer to the necropolis site than the Area Rovitti workshop.117 Based on clay analyses which have established that the Oinotrian–Euboean and matt-painted

pottery were made from the same clay, and which further connect the clay to deposits close to present-day Lauropoli,118 there can be no doubt that productions of respectively Oinotrian–Euboean and matt-painted pottery took place concurrently at the site.

At Timpone della Motta, some elements of the production, such as the extraction of clay, seem to have stemmed from a shared practice, although judging from its compactness and texture the clay subsequently underwent a different treatment. So far, we know of three indigenous shapes – the biconical urn, the scodella and the attingitoio119 – that were incorporated into the Oinotrian–Euboean repertoire, a development that could be read as a sign of exchange between the two productions. The indigenous potters did not adopt any Greek shapes into the repertoire of matt-painted pottery, whereas a few attempts to produce skyphoi and kotylai in the impasto production have been attested.120 From our current state of knowledge, in contrast to the matt-painted production at Amendolara, the wheel technique was never adopted into the indigenous production of matt-painted and impasto pottery at Timpone della Motta. It is, however, still possible to see a Greek stylistic influence within the final stages of the matt-painted production at the site. Thapsos-like panels, lozenges and the hourglass are motifs within the matt-painted repertoire, influenced by the Oinotrian–Euboean or imported Corinthian pottery.121 A matt-painted bichrome olletta (Fig. 8) from context AC22A.11 (Building Vc), dating to the early seventh century BC, displays a panel that with its combination of vertical lines and lozenges bear some resemblance to those found on the imported Thapsos and locally produced Sub-Thapsos pottery.122

The emergence and blurring of ethnic boundaries in material styleThe matt-painted pottery provides insights both into the emergence of ethnic identities and into the gradual blurring of ethnic boundaries as expressed in the form

114 Jacobsen 2013; Jacobsen & Handberg 2012; Jacob-sen et al. 2009a; Jacobsen et al. 2009b.

115 Zancani Montuoro 1977–1979, tav. XVb.116 Zancani Montuoro 1974–1976, 106.117 Jacobsen et al. 2009b, 91.118 Jacobsen & Handberg 2012, 705.119 For the Oinotrian–Euboean biconical urn and

scodella, see Jacobsen 2013, 4, fig. 1. For the Oi-notrian–Euboean attingitoio, see Guggisberg et al. 2012b, 6, Fig. 6a; Kleibrink et al. 2012, 55, cat. 15.

120 Colelli & Jacobsen 2013, 62–64.121 Jacobsen & Handberg 2012, 703.122 On Sub-Thapsos pottery from Timpone della Mot-

ta, see Saxkjær forthcoming.

Fig. 7. Fragments of narrow-necked jug, context SM US 73, Timpone della Motta (Photo: S. G. Saxkjær).


Fig. 8. Matt-painted bichrome olletta, AC22A.11, Timpone della Motta (illustration by S. G. Saxkjær, after Kleibrink 2006a, 28, fig. 7).

of material style. The development and enhancement of local styles within the matt-painted production reflect each community’s emerging awareness of its own culture, prompted by the increasing social tension in the eighth century BC. That a matt-painted production was maintained even after the years of coexistence with Greek culture and a distinctly different material style underlines this ethnic awareness. From taking this for granted as the natural way of producing pottery, the indigenous populations gradually became aware of the underlying culturally determined choices within the production. The phenomenon played out differently at the two sites: matt-painted production came to an end c. 680 BC at Timpone della Motta, whereas it continued throughout the seventh and sixth centuries BC at Amendolara, where the wheel technique was adopted. At Timpone della Motta, it seems that during the early seventh century BC, the Greek material style lost its “Greek” meaning just as the need to establish ethnic boundaries through the matt-painted pottery style disappeared. The indigenous and the Greek inhabitants came to share the same cultural framework, and the locally produced Greek-style pottery became part of the unconscious life-pattern of the people of different origins who inhabited

Timpone della Motta. We can even detect some aspects of this gradual process reflected in the archaeological remains, for example in the above-mentioned shared use of clay deposit from an early stage in the Greek–indigenous coexistence at the site. What is more, it is clear that a shared material culture did not evolve overnight, nor was it forced upon the indigenous populations. On the contrary, we see several generations of coexistence at the sites before this phenomenon becomes visible. At Timpone della Motta, Euboeans settled during the first half of the eighth century BC, roughly one century before the matt-painted production ceased. At Amendolara, Greeks are likely to have been present at the site throughout the sixth century BC until its abandonment, which coincides with the end of the matt-painted production. Thus, again, the distinct material styles survived about a century of Greek–indigenous coexistence.

Patterns in funerary practicesAs is apparent from the above, the shift in the material style of the indigenous populations can be explained by the emergence of a cultural identity shared across ethnic groups, reflected most prominently in the archaeological record at Timpone della Motta, where the production of matt-painted


123 Herring 2009, 125.124 Hodder 1982, 201.125 La Genière 2012, 250–255; Saxkjær & Jacobsen

2014, 270–271.126 La Genière 2012, 250.

pottery disappeared completely. However, it can be difficult to determine whether ethnic boundaries had become completely blurred by this point in time or whether the different ethnic identities still existed. The marking of ethnicities could very well have been taking place in ways that left less clear, less tangible imprints in the archaeological record than those left by material style.123 This is where the identification of past practices becomes important. Patterns in the depositing of material culture can reflect culturally determined past practices, practices that, again, could have become ethnic markers in the encounter with other groups. This approach enables us to identify continuity in indigenous practice beyond shifts in material culture, in so far as we can identify indigenous, yet culturally determined ways of using material culture executed in a Greek material style.

Burials are among the most easily accessible contexts in which to seek to establish significant patterns in the depositing of material culture over time. Naturally, we cannot know how the objects within the grave goods were used prior to the placing in the burial. The burial does, however, represent a so-called closed context, a complete unit of objects (although without any perishable material) which was deposited on purpose. In other words, we have the full picture of a social situation, although only of its final stage. We should bear in mind that the identity displayed in the final resting place is often manipulated – or, as Ian Hodder once put it, “In death people often become what they have not been in life”.124 Still, I argue that if we look beyond the personal representation of the deceased and the expression of social status and wealth, it is possible to recognise past practices connected to the culturally determined funerary rituals that might have come to function as ethnic markers in the encounter with other groups.

An example of such a past practice can be deduced from the burials at Timpone della Motta and Amendolara. In the sphere of funerary gifts, the general picture is that at Timpone della Motta the ceramics consist during the eighth century BC mainly of matt-painted vessels, after which the overall situation changes with the shift in material style, and Greek-style and imported Greek

vessels now begin to appear. At Amendolara, where the burials in the Mangosa and Paladino necropolis sites belong to the seventh and sixth centuries, Greek-style, imported Greek, and indigenous matt-painted pottery are used side by side throughout the two centuries. If we look beyond the question of material style to the functional aspect of the pottery in combination with the depositions in the burials, it is possible to detect a reoccurring set of vessels across the timespan of the three necropolis sites in the form of a cup and a container (Figs. 9-10).125 At Timpone della Motta (Fig. 9), an olla and an attingitoio make up the most frequent set of vessels in the eighth century BC, while in the later part of the century the olla is often replaced by a jug. During the seventh and sixth centuries BC, the set of vessels continues to occur, although in a new material style in the form of a skyphos in combination with a jug, oinochoe or hydria. At Amendolara (Fig. 10), we see a similar set of vessels comprising a skyphos and a narrow-necked or wide-mouthed jug throughout the seventh and sixth centuries BC. In other words, there is a clear continuity across the timespan of the necropolis sites – and thereby over several generations – in the funerary practice related to the various attested sets of vessels. Further, it is possible to observe local variations in addition to establishing variations over time, e.g. at Timpone della Motta, where at some point the jug replaces the olla as the prevailing shape. In addition, Greek or Greek-style vessels are incorporated into the funerary practice at both sites, replacing the matt-painted vessels. At Timpone della Motta, the indigenous cup, the attingitoio, is replaced by Greek drinking cups in the seventh and sixth centuries BC, whereas the skyphos is the prevailing cup type already from the earliest burials at Amendolara, where the attingitoio is rarely deposited in the Paladino and Mangosa necropolis sites. La Genière suspects that the skyphos replaced the indigenous cup,126 although no burials dating to the previous period have yet been identified other than from surface finds.

However, this is not to say that the indigenous burial rites at the sites were unaffected by coexistence with the Greeks. While a continuity in indigenous funerary rituals can be argued, a number of changes


Fig. 9. The three diagrams show the percentage of datable burials (divided between centuries) in the Macchiabate necropolis that includes the identified set of vessels formed by a cup and a container (illustration by S. G. Saxkjær, sources: Zancani Montuoro 1970-1971; 1974-1976; 1977-1979; 1980-1982; 1983-1984; Guggisberg et al. 2010; 2011; 2012a; 2013; 2014; 2015; 2016).

Fig. 10. The six diagrams show the percentage of datable burials (divided between centuries) from the necropolis sites at Amendolara that includes the identified set of vessels formed by a cup and a container. The leftmost row shows the percentwise distribution among the burials in the Paladino necropolis, the central row in the Mangosa necropolis, and the rightmost row of diagrams shows the percentwise distribution among the burials from both necropolis sites (illustration by S. G. Saxkjær, sources: La Genière 1973; 1980; 2012).


127 See e.g. Zancani Montuoro 1983–1984, 49; Klei-brink 2004, 55–56.

128 La Genière 1991a, 155.129 Ibid. 157; Zancani Montuoro 1983–1984, 66–69.

130 Guggisberg 2014, 158.131 Kleibrink 2004, 74.132 Guggisberg 2014, 158.133 Kleibrink 2004, 59, 74; Kleibrink 2008b, 4.

can likewise be attested across the indigenous necropolis sites. Greek vessel shapes which are unparalleled in the indigenous repertoire were introduced among funerary goods during the seventh and sixth centuries BC. An example is the deposition of oil containers (aryballoi, alabastra, lekythoi and amphoriskoi), which indicates a new element in the funerary practice. Another change which occurs around the same time is the decrease in the quantity of bronze and iron ornaments and tools in the burials. At Timpone della Motta, there is a rapid decrease after the end of the eighth century BC, while the depositing of metal objects continues at Amendolara, although more sporadically from the second half of the seventh century BC onwards. However, this could be a change that was triggered not by the increasing contact with Greek culture, but perhaps by changes in the display of social status or wealth within the indigenous society.

Returning to the reoccurring set of vessels and its relation to ethnic identity, the argument is that prior to the arrival of the Greeks, the practice of depositing these specific vessels in combination is part of the unconscious life-pattern – the “natural” practice in relation to funerary rituals. However, as it continued beyond the Greeks’ arrival, and even beyond the transition from matt-painted to Greek or Greek-style pottery, the funerary practice in itself becomes an ethnic marker. Moreover, the variations within the practice that can be attested prior to the incorporation of Greek and Greek-style pottery – as identified by the differing prevalence and/or predominant combination of olla, jug, askos or biconical urn, together with an attingitoio or impasto cup – themselves show different traditions and local indigenous identities, as can also be established by the different local styles of the matt-painted pottery.

The importance of a shared pastAnother important feature related to ethnicity is the notion of a shared past, a common history. Staying within the funerary sphere, this is yet another element that we can discern at Amendolara and Timpone della Motta. The Macchiabate (Timpone della Motta) and the Paladino and Mangosa (Amendolara)

necropolis sites have been interpreted as being arranged after lineage, kinship or in so-called family “clusters”127 closely related to cultural and ethnic identity as well as to an awareness of the past. This ascription is based on the arrangement of the burials and the layout of the necropolis sites. In the Macchiabate necropolis, there are very few examples of ancient disturbances of the burials within the tumuli, a feature that has been linked to respect for previous generations and for ancestors.128 However, an ancient disturbance did take place in T.23, where a sixth-century burial disrupted an eighth-century burial. Still, the eighth-century skeleton was not removed; on the contrary, a skyphos and an amphoriskos were placed next to the first occupant of the burial.129

Another phenomenon that could be linked to an awareness of and respect for the past is the case of the Tomba della Strada (Strada 1), which is an isolated burial. It seems that although this tomb was situated in a central position in the necropolis site, no other burial mounds were placed in its immediate proximity. Moreover, it was never superimposed by later burials.130 Kleibrink compares Strada 1 with the Cerchio Reale tumulus: she believes that the tumuli were originally family mounds, designed to reflect the hierarchy and power relations of the indigenous society. Kleibrink interprets Strada 1 as belonging to an important member of an elite family that later lost its influence and power. As a consequence, the tumulus never grew beyond its first burial.131 However, if the family had indeed lost its status, it is worth considering, as pointed out by Martin A. Guggisberg, whether it is not more likely that the tomb would then have been forgotten and subsequently superimposed or erased.132 Kleibrink has compared the shape of Strada 1 to that of indigenous apsidal huts,133 which would suggest the landscape of the dead mirroring that of the living. However, this comparison is very speculative: the only contemporary hut with a preserved plan is that of Building Vb on the upper plateau of Timpone della Motta, a fragile basis for such an interpretation. Still, based on the large burial mounds that characterise the Macchiabate necropolis and that stood untouched for


134 Bradley 2002, 33.135 La Genière 2012, 242.136 Ibid. 84, 99.137 Ibid. 243.

138 Ibid. 244.139 Foxhall 2013, 110.140 Foxhall 2011, 545–347.141 Quercia & Foxhall 2014, 72.

generations after they went out of use, it is clear that there was a respect for and awareness of the past and past generations. In this sense the Macchiabate necropolis was a landscape of remembrance.134 In the Paladino necropolis at Amendolara, likewise, respect for older burials has been attested. In two cases, it seems that older burials were accidentally disturbed by new ones and the grave goods of the disturbed burial were carefully collected and moved to a new position in the burial (T.291 and T.315). Moreover, La Genière has suggested that amber beads that had belonged to earlier, erased tombs were deposited in new ones (T.161 and T.176).135 Their position in the new burials, where the beads did not adorn the deceased, indicate that the beads did not belong to the occupant of the burial.136 Another potential sign of an awareness of the past is found among the metal ornaments in the Paladino necropolis. It is noted that the bronze jewellery in the earliest seventh-century burials is of a typical Iron Age type and date prior to the vessels within these burials.137 The presence of heirlooms in the seventh-century burials marks the importance of lineage; moreover, La Genière interprets the occurrence of older jewellery as indicating a connection with the previous settlement in Rione Vecchio.138

In relation to lineage and the remembrance of the past in the case of Amendolara, I wish briefly to draw attention to another element, although it is not related to an indigenous ethnic identity: the four sixth-century loom weights with Greek names. According to Linn Foxhall, loom weights were prised possessions among women, despite having no great inherent value. This understanding is further supported by the dedication of loom weights in ritual contexts as well as in burials, as seen at Timpone della Motta and Amendolara. Moreover, in some cases, loom weights could be marked with stamps made by seals, metal ornaments or fingerprints.139 In the Metapontino area, Foxhall has shown that the loom weights, as well as the seals, travelled over large distances, most likely due to the movement of women in relation to marriage.140 The loom weights also functioned

as heirlooms, as they have been found in contexts that are decades removed from the time of their manufacture.141 Based on these observations, I suggest that the inscription on the Amendolara loom weights could be seen in relation to the importance of family and lineage. Naturally, it is not possible to know whether these loom weights were heirlooms, or intended as such, but their marking with Greek names indicates the importance of the owner’s origin.

Concluding remarksBoth at Timpone della Motta and at Amendolara, it is clear that the indigenous populations maintained an indigenous ethnic identity even after generations of coexistence with Greeks and the gradual emergence of a shared cultural identity across the two ethnic groups. In the above, I have focused on contexts related to pottery production and funerary rituals. However, an interesting observation can be made if we look at the distribution of Oinotrian–Euboean pottery among the various eighth-century social contexts at Timpone della Motta. While considerable amounts of matt-painted and impasto pottery were discovered in Area Rovitti, only a few Euboean-style vessels have so far been found in the Macchiabate necropolis, apart from a few Euboean-style shards in the habitation contexts on Plateau I. It therefore seems fair to conclude that in the eighth century BC the use of the Oinotrian–Euboean pottery among the indigenous population was limited, even though the two communities had lived side by side for generations. In contrast, the visibly larger amounts of Euboean-style pottery within the sanctuary could indicate a larger degree of cooperation between the two groups within the ritual context – or, alternatively, to the material style losing significance earlier in the sphere of offerings to the gods. This could support a situational importance of ethnicity. I find it convincing that the importance of indigenous ethnicity had a long – perhaps even the longest – duration within funerary contexts. Aside from the fact that it is possible to detect a culturally determined practice


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