THE SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF NORBERT,

FOUNDER OF PREMONTRE

W. M. Grauwen, O. Praem.

Translated by O. Michael Meeusen, O. Praem.

Anal. Praem. 59(1983) numbers 3-4, pages 190-205.

A. NORBERT'S WRITINGS

Norbert was a man of the spoken word and left practically no writings. This makes it particularly hard to find out what his ideas were. One only has at one's disposal the testimonies of friends and enemies.

In this respect Norbert is not in the least an exceptional case. His friends, Bartholomew of Laon and Gaufried of Chartres (1), also published only charters. The "Wanderprediger" wrote practically nothing (2). Even the five popes reigning at the time of Norbert left only official documents (3).

Other contemporaries of Norbert, however, displayed a great literary activity, as for example Rupert of Deutz, Ivo of Chartres, Guibert of Nogent, Hildebert of Le Mans, Marbod of Rennes, Suger of Saint-Denis, Gerhoch and Arno of Reichersberg and, within the Premonstratensian Order, Anselm of Havelberg and Philip of Harveng.

Generally one can posit that the predominantly active personalities, such as founders of orders, papal delegates and "Wanderprediger", left fewer writings, because of their restless way of life, than the monks living the contemplative life. Exceptions to this rule are figures such as Bernard of Clairvaux who was very active on both levels.

If Norbert, in spite of the fact that he left practically no writing, remained known throughout the ages, this is due to his exceptionally strong personality which exerted a great influence on his contemporaries, and to his energetic activity, of which especially was the foundation of a new religious form of life, which is still alive in our own day. One has to admit that the ravages of time have greatly battered the image of Norbert's personality as well as his religious ideal. This would not have been so much the case if some writings of his own would have made possible a permanent control function.

Nevertheless, especially in the older literature one finds quite a few Opera Norberti mentioned, but on closer study they all seem uncertain as far as attribution to Norbert is concerned and otherwise practically without any value as to their historical contents.

1. The charters of Norbert as archbishop.

Norbert was never abbot (4) and never issued a single charter as founder of the Order, or as superior of Prémontré or any other foundation. As archbishop he issued at least two charters. The most important document of Norbert which was preserved is the charter of October 29, 1129 (5) in which he transfers the Monastery of Our Lady to his followers.

A second short charter of Norbert from 1130 was preserved by accident in a copy. It deals with the transfer of the hospital near the Monastery of Our Lady to the Premonstratensians (6).

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Only two charters of Norbert during an eight-year pontificate is of course exceptionally few. This meagre output may be partly explained by the long absences of Norbert from his episcopal city. Apparently Norbert did not have at Magdeburg his own chancery and he called upon the scriptorium of the benedictine monastery of Berge, near Magdeburg (7), for the few documents he wanted written out. Yet, if he deemed it necessary, he could easily have erected his own chancery with Benedictines or with his own confreres, or he could have appointed personal secretaries as Bernard of Clairvaux did.

During the Rome-expedition of 1132-1133 Norbert was the main figure in the train of Lothair III and for two months, viz. in June-July 1133, he exercised the function as acting archchancellor for Italy (8). As such he may have been involved in the drafting of the controversial circular letter of Lothair in which Anacletus was condemned (9).

With the above everything is said about the literary activity of Norbert. Yet in the course of time quite a number of texts have been attributed to Norbert. We have to discuss them briefly because again and again they are incorrectly referred to and quoted as such.

J. Le Paige, in 1633, published a text with an intricate arrangement for the care of the poor (10) which in most biographies is attributed to Norbert. He calls this a charter, but it does not mention the person by whom the charter is issued nor the addressee, not even the initial or end protocol.

The allocation of a tenth of all income for the care of the poor during the life of Norbert is in itself not impossible. Also at Affligem the first abbot Fulgentius (+ 1122) took such measures (11). It is rather the style which arouses distrust. The text from Affligem, which more or less takes the form of a charter (12), radiates the original evangelical spirituality of the founders. This is in no way the case with the Premonstratensian text.

In Vita A there was already talk of the care of the poor for a group of 500 poor people in 1126; in Vita B mention is made of a domus hospitalis and the arrangement for the care of the poor becomes even more complicated (13). In this text, which is undoubtedly of a later date, gifts to the poor are regulated in an intricate way (14). This useless legal quibble is certainly contradictory to the spirit of Norbert and there is no reason to attribute this text to him.

2. Norbert's letters.

No letter of Norbert was preserved. Yet he must have written at least two letters to ask for more information about the double papal election of February 14, 1130 (15). From the answer of Archbishop Walter of Ravenna and Bishop Hubert of Lucca it is clear that Norbert made inquiries of them. True, both Italian letters are dismissed by Franz-Josef Schmale as forgery (16) but that viewpoint has in our opinion not been proven sufficiently.

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Norbert also wrote a letter to Pope Honorius II to request the ratification of the transfer of Our Lady's monastery to his followers. This is clear from the bull which was given to him in 1129 (16a).

3. Norbert's treatises.

In the older literature one finds a whole series of treatises attributed to Norbert, but without any proof. They only show how ardently his followers wanted to know his ideas and how limited their objectivity was in taking their desire for reality.

J.Le Paige referred in 1633 to a number of unprinted interpretations of the books of Holy Scripture kept in the library at Cappenberg. In addition Norbert is said to have written three books De visionibus et revelationibus about his own experiences at Cologne and elsewhere. He also mentions Sermones de obitu Sanctorum ad populum, for which he quotes Willem Eisengrenius (17) as authority.

Not satisfied with this he cites a De brevitate et caducitate (18) vitae humanae, De suavissimo Christi jugo, De restitutione regularis vitae ac disciplinae and finally an Opus pro defensione Innocentii papae secundi. The last title shows that Norbert's activity in favour of Innocent II, which is for that matter also mentioned briefly in Vita B (19), remained somewhat known. The other titles are possibly the result of the wish-dreams of Norbert's followers. According to J. Le Paige, all these works were lost through acts of war and only the Sermo Norberti was preserved (20).

The list of J. Le Paige itself is dependent on Willem Eysengrein and was eagerly copied by later authors and by some even enlarged.

Aubertus Miraeus was also dependent on W. Eysengrein and mentions, as Le Paige, that Norbert wrote several works, of which only the Sermo has come down to us (21).

The passage about Norbert's works in the Maxima bibliotheca veterum Patrum is literally copied from Aubertus Miraeus and the text of the Sermo, printed in it, depends on J. Le Paige (22).

I.G. Olearius likewise mentions the Sermo Norberti, but also three books on visions and several homilies as the work of Norbert (23).

The Premonstratensian from Floreffe, who drafted in 1728 the chronicle of the abbots of Floreffe, was of the opinion that Norbert had written De visionibus suis libri tres, and the Sermones de obitu sanctorum (24).

Also, within the Premonstratensian Order a handbook was published in 1742, in which twenty items are enumerated which Norbert is said to have added to the Rule of Augustine (25). The Sermo is printed, possibly after the edition of J. Le Paige, and under

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the title Monita spiritualia of Norbert a number of chapters are rendered from Alcuin's De virtutibus. Thereupon follow the seven Divi Norberti illustria dicta sive spirituales regulae (26).

J. Hartzheim in 1747 quoted four works by Norbert among which a new title emerges, viz. Ad Agnem sanctimonialem Coloniensem (27).

The Histoire litéraire de la France compiled the works of J. Le Paige and Ch.-L. Hugo. With the claim of J. Le Paige that Norbert wrote exegetical explanations of several books of the Bible which were kept at Cappenberg, the authors ask the pertinent question how it happened that his followers left them unprinted (28)? This critical remark, however, does not prevent them from copying all the titles that were passed on and even add that Norbert wrote a great number of letters on dogma, on moral, on church and political matters, together with ascetical discourses and synodal decrees, for such works were inevitable for the founder of an order, a German archbishop and a reformer of the clergy (29)!

In 1826 E.G. Graff published the Tractatus Nortperti de virtutibus with a middle high German translation (30) from the fourteenth century codex 237, fol. 46-48, from Indersdorf (31), now at Munich as clm 7637 (32).

Abbot Godefroid Madelaine in 1886 still quoted a whole series of works by Norbert, among which is an office of the Immaculate Virgin Mary, which the founder of the order would have drafted long before the proclamation of the dogma (33) and of which one invocation was preserved (34). G. Madelaine for the list of works by Norbert is dependent on J. Le Paige and the Histoire litéraire de la France (35). In spite of the critical studies published in the mean time, he practically repeated literally once more his claims in the edition of 1928 (36) which was distributed on a large scale in the Premonstratensian order.

Only at the end of the 19th century did the critical examination bear fruit. Johann Kelle described for the first time very carefully how the so-called treatise of Norbert on virtues is in fact nothing else but the first nine chapters of Alcuin (+804), viz. the De virtutibus et vitiis liber ad Widonem comitem (37). Only in the German translation of the codex of Indersdorf was chapter 5, De lectionis studio, omitted between De spe and De caritate. In the Latin text, which follows in the manuscript, this chapter is published (38).

This discovery did not prevent Leon Goovaerts in 1899 from enumerating nine works by Norbert, although he does not mention the De virtutibus (39).

Alfons Zak in his St. Norbertus-Album of 1920 also copied the ten works of Norbert and published a German translation of all these writings, including the De virtutibus, without questioning their authenticity (40).

Finally, Emiel Valvekens in 1943 came to the conclusion that not a single one of

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these works can be attributed with certainty to Norbert (41).

One may ask whether it is useful to discuss once more these supposed writings of Norbert in order to discover that they are most probably not authentic and historically without any value. Would it not be better to keep quiet and hope that after four centuries people will eventually stop copying Willem Eisengrein? But when one notices that even scholars such as Yves Congar claim that Norbert wrote a De sacerdotio (42) and apparently give credence to the authenticity of the short proverbs on the priesthood (43) attributed to him, it is impossible to consider the debate as closed. One rightly ought to fear that the followers of Congar will popularize these errors and render them ineradicable.

4. Norbert's sermons.

Here too the balance seems to be negative. Not one single sermon can be attributed to Norbert with certainty, although this still happens regularly up to the present.

In the first place there is the apologetic discourse, which Norbert would have delivered at Fritzlar on July 28, 1118 and which was handed down in the Vita Norberti (44). It is obvious that the hagiographers wrote a beautiful rhetorical piece. They have rendered what in their opinion Norbert would have said in these circumstances. As a matter of course this speech had to make Norbert appear victorious and his accusers confounded. It is possible that Norbert defended himself at Fritzlar and this may even have partly happened with the arguments supplied by the biographers, but it would in no way be objective if one wanted to see in this apology the authentic verba Norberti. Yet there are still authors who want to distill from this the theology and spirituality of Norbert.

A second sermon attributed to Norbert is the discourse which he is said to have held after his return to Magdeburg after the revolt of June-July 1129 (45). This address was edited by Charles-Louis Hugo (46), who claims that he found it in a codex containing fragments of the Vita Norberti and all the letters of Abbot General Gervasius (1209-1220). In imitation of G. Madelaine (47), Dietrich Claude considered this discourse an example of diplomatic moderation (48). J.B. Schneyer adopted it in his compilation as a sermon of Norbert (49).

This is a piece of devotional rhetoric of much lesser quality than the previous one and without any historical value whatsoever. No concrete fact whatever is mentioned. The discord at Magdeburg is attributed to the devil, which in itself does not contradict the mentality of the twelfth century. Less trustworthy seems to be Norbert's pronouncement that unanimity (concordia) is necessary for the "felicitas publica". It sounds equally strange that he says that the people of Magdeburg did not violate his person, but the priesthood as such. These abstractions do not seem to fit so well for that time, just as the state theory and the clerical views which are at the basis of it.

A German translation of this speech was published in 1920 by Alfons Zak (50).

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J. Le Paige pointed out another sermon of Norbert (51) which was recently mentioned by J.B. Schneyer (52) but which is in fact again a passage from the Vita Norberti. It is, namely, the literal rendering of an address which Norbert is said to have held at Moustier-sur-Sambre (53) when attempting a reconciliation (54). Once again a passage from the Vita Norberti, which of course was drafted by the hagiographers about thirty years after the events, has been raised to a sermo Norberti.

Finally there is the well-known Sermo Norberti, the valedictory address, which Norbert is said to have given at his departure from Prémontré in 1126 (55). Some authors have even made it his spiritual testament (56). This text is as vague as the previous one and equally without any value for knowledge of Norbert and the history of the order. Voices are raised again and again to defend the authenticity of this discourse. The love of Norbert often seems greater than the love of truth.

Study of the manuscripts does not allow us to go far back in time. P.C. Boeren was incorrectly of the opinion that the Sermo was generally widespread by the middle of the thirteenth century (57). François Petit thought to find an allusion to the Sermo Norberti in Adam of Dryburgh (+1212) (58). It concerns only a quotation, which seems to originate with abbot Pastor (4th-5th century) and that is paraphrased in the Sermo as: "... qui litigiosus vel querulosus est, verus monachus non est (59). Now then, Adam of Dryburgh, speaking about the specific clothing of the clergy says: "Qui haec indumenta non habet, vere monachus vel canonicus non est (60). Therefore only the second half of the sentence shows a resemblance; the context is completely different and it has got to do with a quote which Adam of Dryburgh may have read somewhere else than in the Sermo Norberti.

J.C. vander Sterre published the Sermo in 1656 with the help of three manuscripts which he described only briefly as coming from Knechtsteden (Nordrhein Westphalia), from Saxony and from France (61).

The oldest and still existing manuscript seems to date from 1494 and comes from Mariëngaarde (Frisia) (62). In it only the first page of the Sermo was copied. The text ends in the middle of the first column, whereas the rest of the page remains blank (63). In addition, in the library of the Abbey of Tepl (Bohemia), three copies on paper were preserved and they date respectively from the beginning of the 17th century, from 1722 and 1850 (64).

The Sermo had been printed already a long time before this, perhaps even before 1504, in the Saxon Premonstratensian breviary, of which in 1930 two copies still survived, viz. one in Averbode and one in the library of Our Lady's monastery at Magdeburg (65). The copy of Averbode was lost in the fire of December 29, 1942 and that of Magdeburg also cannot be found.

Hieronymus Hirnhaim, abbot of Strahov (+ 1679) wrote a lengthy sentence by sentence commentary on the Sermo (66), which was well received in the Order of

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Prémontré. Extracts of it were made in several abbeys (67). Hirnhaim was an opponent of all profane science and as such he rendered a bad service to the study of Norbert (68).

To Prof. Dr. Placide Lefèvre goes the credit for displaying enough love for the truth that he dismissed the authenticity of the Sermo Norberti (69).

Finally it should be mentioned at the end of this survey on the so-called sermons of Norbert that in the great compilation of Johann Baptist Schneyer, in which all Latin sermons between 1150 and 1350 were recorded, there are still mentioned three sermons of Norbert (70). Naturally it is completely out of the question to undertake a study about the authenticity of these sermons; on the other hand it remains a pity that this mention causes some authors to continue handing on incorrect information from one generation to the other, so that it is difficult to eradicate them.

For the sake of completeness it should be mentioned here that besides the very widely circulated Sermo Norberti there still exists an unpublished text entitled Exhortatio seu sermo S. Patris Norberti ad Hugonem socium. This came from the posthumous documents of Gregorius van Laerhoven, parish priest of Roosendaal and Norbertine of Tongerlo. After his death it turned up in the archives of the abbey (71). With the help of Godefroid Madelaine, Ambrosius Erens succeeded in showing that this so-called twelfth century exhortatio was greatly dependent on the Imitatio Christi (72)! The one who gave it the above title acted therefore more than rashly. Happily the forgery was discovered before its publication.

5. Norbert's proverbs.

As far as is known these seven proverbs go back to the Jesuit Amabilis Bonnefons, a hagiographer from the 17th century (73). The first two are directed against life at court and would be unbecoming in the mouth of Norbert who, with the exception of eleven years (1115-1126), stayed regularly at the courts of Frederick I of Cologne and of the German kings. The others warn against the evil world and recommend a severe asceticism. These proverbs were not taken from the Vita Norberti, but possibly drafted by A. Bonnefons. There isn't the slightest possibility of authenticity, which was even admitted by François Petit (74).

In manuscript form these Septem illustria dicta S... Norberti may be found in codex 181 of Tepl, which only dates from 1850 (75). They were published by Dionysius Albrecht in his Manuale of 1742 (76) and in the German translation by Alfons Zak in the St. Norbertus-Album of 1920 (77) and in both of his Norbert-biographies of 1900 and 1930 (78).

B. SOURCES ABOUT NORBERT

Whereas the investigation of the writing of Norbert did not yield anything useful with the exception of the two charters, fortunately quite a few sources about him have

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survived. It is surprising that no inventory was previously made of either the archival or the narrative sources.

1. The charters.

It was pointed out before that of the charters which Norbert issued as archbishop, two short ones were preserved. In addition, however, there are 120 charters in which he is mentioned as addressee or as witness or in the course of the narratio (79). 59 of them were issued during Norbert's life, in fact between 1119 and June 6, 1134. Naturally these are of greater importance than the mention of him after his death. Among them there are in the first place nine papal bulls, three of Honorius II (1124-1130) and six of Innocent II (1130-1143). Antipope Anacletus II (1130-1138) wrote twice to Norbert.

The majority of the charters in which Norbert is mentioned are royal charters of Lothair III of Supplinburg (1125-1137), viz. fourteen, whereas, strangely enough, in the charters of his predecessor, Henry V (1106-1125), Norbert is mentioned but once.

In the French royal charters of Louis VI the Fat (1108-1137) Norbert's name is mentioned three times.

As to the episcopal charters those of Bartholomew of Laon (1113-1151) take the first place with 8 mentions. His name may be found twice in charters of Burchard of Cambrai (1114-1130), Lisiard of Soissons (1108-1126), Simon of Noyon (1123-1148) and Adalbert of Mainz (1110-1137). He is only mentioned once in episcopal charters of Albero of Liège (1123-1128), Liethard of Cambrai (1131-1135), Herman of Augsburg (1096-1123) and Diederik of Münster (1118-1127).

In charters of feudal lords Norbert's name is rarely mentioned. This is only the case in two charters of Count Godfrey of Namur. This should certainly not lead us to the conclusion that he had little support from the nobility. The explanation of this at first sight astonishing fact may be found, as a matter of course, in the fact that gifts to monasteries were always confirmed by the competent bishop, whereas the donors themselves at the beginning of the twelfth century but rarely had their own chancery.

2. Obituaria and necrologia.

There was never a list made before of these sources either. It is a pity that a death roll of Norbert, such as that of Vitalis of Savigny (80), was not preserved. However, there are at least 27 mentions of his day of death in obituaries drafted within and without the Premonstratensian order (81). Rarely is anything new communicated about the person of Norbert, but the fact that his name was inscribed in the obituary of one or another abbey shows that for some reason they attached importance to his passing away.

Out of 27 obituaries 17 originate from the present German linguistic territory; six from France and four from present-day Belgium. Besides the preponderance of German necrologies it is striking that 14 of them were drafted outside the Premonstratensian order

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and only 13 within the Order. Both facts point out that Norbert, at the moment of his death, enjoyed a greater reputation as an archbishop and as a prince of the empire than as the founder of an order.

3. The narrative sources.

A list of narrative sources about Norbert was never made up either. Only Johannes von Walter published a short list of 13 sources (82) in 1906. In fact 95 narrative sources about Norbert have been preserved (83) but naturally in many chronicles and annals he is only casually mentioned in a stereotypic way. Here too there is a great preponderance of sources from the German linguistic territory.

There remains a lot of work to be done about the study of the sources. In the first place no unanimity has been reached yet among historians regarding the mutual dependency between Vita Norberti A (one manuscript) and Vita Norberti B (some twenty manuscripts), the two most extensive and most important sources for his biography. Naturally this intricate question cannot come up within the framework of this general survey (84). One can, however, posit that Vita A is the richest in content, the most valuable and the most trustworthy of the two biographies, whereas Vita B hardly adds new facts, but adds some moralising considerations and miracle stories and often unnecessarily amplifies and interprets the facts with rhetorical and edifying intentions. A short study has already been devoted to the 15 main narrative sources (85) but others should also be studied anew from the manuscripts.

One may only expect any progress in the study of Norbert from a study of the sources and not from the re-copying of previous syntheses by authors who themselves never studied the sources. May this short survey of the existing sources contribute to the acceptance of this idea, which should be evident to historians in larger circles.

Mankevosstraat 71 W.M. Grauwen, O.Praem.B-1860 Meise

(1) Cf about him W.M. GRAUWEN, Godfried van Chartres (1116-1149), friend of Norbert and of the "Wanderprediger", in Analecta Praemonstratensia, 1982, LVIII, nn. 3-4, pages 161-209.

(2) Only one letter was preserved from Robert d'Arbrissel, cf. J. DE PETIGNY, Lettre inédite de Robert d'Arbrissel à la comtesse Ermengarde, in Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes, 1854, V, p. 209.

(3) For Paschal II, cf. C. SERVATIUS, Paschalis II (1099-1118), Stuttgart, 1979, p. 265. The bulls of his successors, Gelasius II (1118-1119), Callistus II (1119-1124), Honorius II (1124-1130) and Innocent II (1130-1143) are to be found in J.-P. MIGNE, P.L., 163, 166 and 179.

(4) W.M. GRAUWEN, Norbertus, aartsbisschop van Maagdenburg (1126-1134),

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Brussels, 1978, pages 112-114.(5) Best edition in the Urkundenbuch des Erzstifts Magdeburg, vol. I (937-1192)

ed. F. ISRAEL and W. MOELLENBERG, Magdeburg, 1937, pages 270-271, n. 214. Regest in W.M. GRAUWEN, Lijst van oorkonden waarin Norbertus wordt genoemd, in Analecta Praemonstratensia, 1975, LI, nn. 1-2, p. 151, n. 31. Review in IDEM, Norbertus..., pages 279-286.

(6) Best edition in the Urkundenbuch des Erzstifts Magdeburg, p. 279, n. 222. Regest in W.M. GRAUWEN, Lijst van oorkonden..., n. 36. Review in IDEM, Norbertus..., pages 362-375.

(7) W.M. GRAUWEN, Norbertus..., p. 280 (8) W.M. GRAUWEN, Norbertus..., pp. 549-557: Norbertus als

plaatsvervangend aartskanselier voor Italië.(9) Ibidem, pages 535-537.(10) Inc.: "Decimae Deo ad hospitale de omni possessione...; Expl.: ...per dies

septem remaneant, sed post refectionem abeant". Ed. J. Le Paige, Bibliotheca Praemonstratensis Ordinis, Paris, 1633, pp. 394-395; Ch.-L. HUGO, La vie de S. Norbert..., Luxembourg, 1704, p. 255, n. 20, with a French translation, ibidem, pp. 208-209. This text was also mentioned as a work of Norbert in the Histoire litéraire de la France, Vol. IX, Paris, 1759, p. 249. Also in the AA.SS., vol. I, June, p. 836D it was printed with the Annotata with a reference to J. Le Paige, Bibliotheca..., p. 304, where other so-called works of Norbert are enumerated, but not the text about the care of the poor. G. MADELAINE, Histoire de S. Norbert..., vol. II, Tongerlo, 1928, p. 213 asserts that he is copying the text from a "Mss. de la Biblioth. de Laon, Res Praemonstratenses, vol. I, p. 182: Eleemosynae Norbertinae, ex vetustiss. eccl. Praem. cartulario. Here is not meant the cartuularium of Prémontré of the 13th century (Soissons, Bibliothèque municipale, n. 7) Finally F. PETIT, Norbert et l'origine des Prémontrés, Paris, 1981, pp. 201-202 again brings a French translation of this so called charter, of which he defends the authenticity with arguments which rather prove the contrary (pages 202-203).

(11) Ed. H.-P. VANDERSPEETEN, in Analecta Bollandiana, 1885, IV, pp. 252-256, cf. p. 254: "...de tota possessione nostra, decimam partem et ad pauperum usum nos daturos sponte propria statuimus". Also published in E. DE MARNEFFE, Cartulaire de l'abbaye d'Afflighem et des monastères qui en dépendaient, Louvain, 1894-1896, pp. 8-11, n. IV. About this pactum also C.COPPENS, De armenzorg te Affligem, in Affligemensia, 1950, VII, p. 159 and Ch. DEREINE, La spiritualité "apostolique" des premiers fondateurs d'Affligem (1083-1100), in Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, 1959, LIV, pp. 47, 53-54 and 56.

(12) Also here the initial and end protocol are missing.(13) Cf. W.M. GRAUWEN, Norbertus..., p. 124.(14) A comparable evolution may be found in the abbey of Flône, where the

founders apparently from the beginning built a hospice and attached to it, among other things, tithes, cf. the charter of 1092, ed. EVRARD, in Analectes pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique de la Belgique, 1892, XXIII, pp. 282-285, n. 1. In 1118 they saw there was a need to divide the budgets, ibidem, pp 288-290, n. V. About this Ch. DEREINE, Les chanoines réguliers au diocèse de Liège avant Saint Norbert, Brussels, 1952, pp. 112-113.

(15) W.M. GRAUWEN, Norbertus..., pp. 388-399.

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(16) Ibidem, p. 388, n. 53.(16a) Ibidem, p. 326.(17) Meant is the rare work of Willem EYSENGREIN, Catalogus testium

veritatis locupletissimus, omnium orthodoxae Ecclesiae doctorum, extantium et non extantium, publicatorum et in bibliothecis latentium, qui adulterina Ecclesiae dogmata... in hunc usque diem... impugnarant,... seriem complectens, Dilingen, 1565, in 4°.

(18) The word caducitas in this significance does not exactly sound as particular to the 12th century.

(19) Vita B, AA.SS., vol. I, June, pages 842F-843A, n. 112.(20) J. LE PAIGE, Bibliotheca Praemonstratensis Ordinis, Paris, 1633, p. 304.(21) A. MIRAEUS, Bibliotheca ecclesiastica, Antwerp, 1639, in-fol., p. 245.(22) Maxima bibliotheca veterum Patrum et antiquorum scriptorum

ecclesiasticorum..., vol. XXI, Lyon, 1677, in-fol., pages 118-119.(23) J.G. OLEARIS, Bibliotheca scriptorum ecclesiasticorum tomis duobus

edita..., Jena, 1711, 2 parts in 1 vol., in-8°, p. 34.(24) Ed. J. BARBIER, in Analectes pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastiques de la

Belgique, 1871, VIII, p. 420.(25) D. ALBRECHT, Manuale canonicorum praemonstratensium..., Strasbourg,

1742, p. 29. What the author wants to impose among other things is a perpetual abstinence and fast. The prescriptions come for the greater part from the Statutes, the Vita Norberti and the Sermo, but the references, explicitly intended to prove the authorship of Norbert, are vague and at times not correct. The twenty items were enumerated again in F. PETIT, La dévotion à St Norbert au XVIIe et au XVIIIe siècles, in Analecta Praemonstratensia, 1973, XLIX, nn. 3-4, pp. 207-209, who is of the opinion (p. 209) that D. Albrecht truly rendered the authentic spirit of Norbert.

(26) D. ALBRECHT, o.c., pp. 46-47.(27) J. HARTZHEIM, Bibliotheca Coloniensis in qua vita et libri typo vulgati et

manuscripti recensentur omnium archi-dioceseos Coloniensis, ducatuum Westphaliae, Angariae, Moersiae, Cliviae...scriptorum, Cologne, 1747, in-fol., p. 258.

(28) Histoire litéraire de la France, vol. IX, Paris, 1759, p. 249.(29) Ibidem, p. 250.(30) Uebersetzung der ersten Abschnitte des tractatus Nortperti de virtutibus aus

dem 12ten Jahrhundert, in Diutiska. Denkmäler deutsche Sprache und Literatur, vol. I, Stuttgart und Tübingen, 1826, pp. 281-291.

(31) Augustinian abbey, founded in 1120, Bavaria, cf. L.H. COTTINEAU, Répertoire topo-bibliographique... Vol. I, Mâcon, 1935, column 1454; R. BAUERREISS, in Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, vol. V, Freiburg i. Br., 1960, column 643.

(32) Thus J. KELLE, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur von den ältesten Zeit bis zum dreizehnten Jahrhundert, vol. II, Berlin, 1896, p. 81.

(33) On December 8, 1854 by Pius IX.(34) G. MADELAINE, Histoire de saint Norbert..., Lille, 1886, pp. 457-459.(35) From this he copied literally the critical remark just quoted (p. 458) but

without mentioning the source.(36) G. MADELAINE, Histoire de saint Norbert..., vol. II, Tongerlo, 1928, pp.

124-125.(37) Ed. J.P. MIGNE, P.L. 101, Paris, 1851, columns 614-619. Cf. about the

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manuscripts M.W. BLOOMFIELD, B.-G. GUYOT, D.R. HOWARD and T.B. Kabealo, Incipits of Latin Works on the virtues and vices, 1100-1500 A.D., Cambridge (Mass.) 1979, nn. 1442, 3593 and 5257. About the sources of Alcuinus, cf. H. ROCHAIS, Le "Liber de virtutibus et vitiis" d'Alcuin. Note pour l'étude des sources, in Revue Mabillon, 1951, XLI, n. 166, pp. 77-86.

(38) J. KELLE, o.c., p. 81; G. EHRISMANN, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters, vol. II: Die mittelhochdeutsche Literatur, 1. Frühmittelhochdeutsche Zeit, Munich, 1922, p. 77.

(39) L. GOOVAERTS, Ecrivains, artistes et savants de l'ordre de Prémontré, vol. I, Brussels, 1899, pp. 626-627.

(40) A. ZAK, St. Norbertus-Album. Festschrift zum Jubiläum des Prämonstratenserordens (1120-1920), Lilienfeld, 1920, pp. 70-92: Schriften des hl. Norbert.

(41) E. VALVEKENS, Norbert van Gennep, Bruges, 1943, pp. 130-131, n. 16.(42) Y. CONGAR, Modèle monastique et modèle sacerdotal en Occident de

Grégoire VII (1073-1085) à Innocent III (1198), in Mélanges R. Labande, Poitiers, 1975, p. 159. He was of the opinion that he could find support from M. FITZTHUM, Die Christologie der Prämonstratenser im 12. Jahrhundert, Plan bei Marienbad, 1939, p. 23, and concerning the eucharistic devotion of the Premonstratensians from F. PETIT, La spiritualité des Prémontrés aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles, Paris, 1947, pages 225-233.

(43) Even F. PETIT, La dévotion à St Norbert au XVIIe et au XVIIIe siècles, in Analecta Praemonstratensia, 1973, XLIX, nn. 3-4, p. 211, considers these proverbs as not being authentic.

(44) Inc.: (Vita A) "Si de praedicatione impetor..."; (Vita B) "Si de religione impetor..."; Expl.: "...sed tunicam pelliciam fecit et dedit". - Vita A, MGH. SS., XII, p. 763; Vita B, AA.SS. vol. I, June, p. 814BC.

(45) Inc.: "Dolens a vobis discesseram, fratres, sed propitia Dei clementia...; Expl.: quatenus uno ore honorificetur Deus nunc et semper. Amen".

(46) Ch.-L. HUGO, La Vie de St. Norbert..., Luxembourg, 1704, pp. 354-355.(47) G. MADELAINE, Histoire de saint Norbert..., vol. II, Tongerlo, 1928, pp.

215-216: Appendix XI (with D. Claude wrongly App. 9).(48) D. CLAUDE, Geschichte des Erzbistums Magdeburg, vol. II, Cologne,

Vienna, 1975, p. 12.(49) J.B. SCHNEYER, Repertorium der lateinischen Sermonen des Mittelalters

für die Zeit von 1150-1350, vol. 4, Münster (Westphalia), 1972, p. 390.(50) A. ZAK, St. Norbertus-Album, Lilienfeld, 1920, p. 90 with reference to the

work of Ch.-L. Hugo, La Vie de S. Norbert..., Luxembourg, 1704, p. 354, and to the Gallican premonstratensian breviary, printed at Nancy in 1786, on July 17.

(51) Inc.:"Viri fratres, dominus noster Jesus Christus cum discipulos suos ad praedicandum mitteret..."; Expl.: "...ipsius voluntati ex integro et devoto affectu acquiescere". J. LE PAIGE, Bibliotheca Praemonstratensis Ordinis, Paris, 1633, p. 370. The Vita Norberti published here is nothing but the retelling of the 12th century Vita B.

(52) J.B. SCHNEYER, Repertorium..., vol. 4, p. 390, with reference to the edition of P. MIGNE, P.L., 170, columns 1357-1358.

(53) Monasterium, province and arr. Namur.(54) Vita A, MGH., SS., XII, p. 676; Vita B, AA.SS., vol. I June, p. 818BC.

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(55) Inc.: "Hortamur vos, fratres dilectissimi, ad sedulam Dei..."; Expl.: "Hoc vobis pie tribuat qui cum Deo Patre et Spiritu sancto vivit et regnat per infinita saeculorum saecula. Amen". Cf. about this W.M. GRAUWEN, Norbertus..., pages 121-123.

(56) E.g. Willy-Paul ROMAIN, Saint Norbert, un européen, Lyon, Paris, 1959, pages 183-192: Chap. X: Le testament. Here the author was probably inspired by C.-L. HUGO, La Vie de St. Norbert..., Luxembourg, 1704, p. 202: "L'exhortation qu'il leur fit avant que de les quitter fut comme le testament d'un Père...".

(57) P.C. BOEREN, De oudste oorkonden der abdij Rolduc en de Annales Rodenses, 's-Gravenhage, 1949, p. 173.

(58) F. PETIT, Ad viros religiosos. Quatorze sermons d'Adam Scot, Tongerlo, 1934, p. 20.

(59) Cf. the references in W.M. GRAUWEN, Norbertus..., p. 123, note 62.(60) ADAM PRAEMONSTRATENSIS, De ordine et habitu et professione

canonicorum ordinis Praemonstratensis, P.L., 198, column 467.(61) J.C. VANDER STERRE, Vita S. Norberti, canonicorum

Praemonstratensium patriarchae..., Antwerp, 1656, pp. 261-270; cf. p. 261: "Ad varia vetusta Exemplaria recensitus". The edition of J. LE PAIGE, Bibliotheca Praemonstratensis Ordinis, Paris, 1633, pp. 402-404 does not mention a source.

(62) Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I, cabinet of manuscripts, nn. 6717-6721.

(63) Fol. 122-122vo.(64) Milo NENTWICH, Zur Geschichte der Tepler Stiftsbibliothek, in Beiträge

zur Geschichte des Stiftes Tepl, Marienbad, 1917, p. 100 (Codex 79; p. 108 (Codex 141) and p. 112 (Codex 181). This description of manuscripts by the librarian of Tepl may be found in the State library at Munich.

(65) Thus A. ZAK, Der heilige Norbert, Vienna, 1930, p. 84.(66) H. HIRNHAIM, S. Norberti archiepiscopi Magdeburgensis, candidissimae

religionis canonicorum Praemonstratensium fundatoris ac patriarchae sermo ad eosdem Praemonstratenses filios quondam dictus et scriptus, recenter vero enucleatus ab Hieronymo Hirnhaim..., Prague, 1676, in-fol., 779 pages. This work is missing in the large Belgian libraries. It may be found, however, in some abbey libraries, amongst others at Averbode and Tongerlo.

(67) E.g. in the paper manuscript from the 17th century, mentioned in the Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France, Départements, vol. 19: Amiens, Paris, 1893, p. 147, n. 309.

(68) Cf. about him L. GOOVAERTS, Ecrivains, artistes et savants de l'ordre de Prémontré, vol. I, Brussels, 1899, pp. 389-390 and especially the reliable and balanced article of U.G. LEINSLE, Abt Hieronymus Hirnhaim. Zur Wissenschaftskritik des 17. Jahrhunderts, in Analecta Praemonstratensia, 1979, LV, nn. 3-4, pages 171-195; about the Sermo especially p. 193.

(69) In his review of Elie MAIRE, Saint Norbert (Collection "Les Saints"), Paris, Victor Lecoffre, 1922, in-12°, XII-205 pages, published in Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, 1923, XIX, pp. 218-220.

(70) J.B. SCHNEYER, Repertorium der lateinischen Sermonen des Mittelalters für die Zeit von 1150-1350, vol. 4, Münster (Westphalia), 1972, pp. 389-390.

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(71) Manuscript n. 123.(72) A. ERENS, L'"exhortatio" de S. Norbert, in Analecta Praemonstratensia,

1926, II, pp. 87-88. About this also IDEM, De valsche stichtingskronijk van Tongerlo, in Analecta Praemonstratensia, 1929, V, p. 370.

(73) Referring to him, cf. D. ALBRECHT, Manuale canonicorum praemonstratensium..., Strasbourg, 1742, p. 47 and F. PETIT, cf. note 43.

(74) Cf. note 43.(75) M. NENTWICH, o.c., p. 113, Codex 181, n. 5.(76) D. ALBRECHT, o.c., pages 46-47: Septem divi Norberti illustria dicta et

spirituales regulae.(77) Pages 75-76 without any mention of source.(78) Der heilige Norbert, Herr von Gennep, Stifter des Prämonstratenserordens

und Erzbischof von Magdeburg. Ein Lebensbild, Vienna, 1900, in-12°, p. 258 and Der heilige Norbert. Ein Lebensbild, Vienna, 1930, in-12°, pp. 190-191.

(79) W.M. GRAUWEN, Lijst van oorkonden waarin Norbertus wordt genoemd, in Analecta Praemonstratensia, 1975, LI, pp. 139-182, 122 numbers. Since 1975 some new editions were published of the charters mentioned and two new ones came to light. It may possibly be useful within a few years to publish a supplement to this list.

(80) L. DELISLE, Rouleau mortuaire du bienheureux Vital, abbé de Savigny, Paris, 1909.

(81) Cf. the list in W.M. GRAUWEN, Norbertus..., pp. XV-XVI. The necrology of Averbode, mentioned there on p. XI as not edited, has in the meantime been published by G. SLECHTEN, in Analecta Praemonstratensia, 1981, LVII, p. 176.

(82) J. VON WALTER, Die ersten Wanderprediger Frankreichs, Leipzig, 1906, p. VIII.

(83) Cf. the list in W.M. GRAUWEN, Norbertus..., pp. XXXI-XXXIII.(84) A Status questionis in W.M. GRAUWEN, Norbertus..., pp. 23-32: The

relation between Vita Norberti A and Vita Norberti B.(85) Ibidem, pp. 1-32.

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