An Initial Reconstruction of Proto-Lampungic: Phonology ... · 7 1 Introduction Lampung is a set of...

An Initial Reconstruction of Proto-Lampungic:

Phonology and Basic Vocabulary1

Karl Anderbeck SIL International

karl_anderbeck<at>sil<dot>org

Abstract Lampungic isolects such as Komering, Pubian and Lampung are spoken by approximately one

and a half million people in the western Indonesian provinces of Lampung and South Sumatra. To

date there has not been any published reconstruction of earlier stages of Lampungic nor a detailed

investigation of its classificatory status within Western Malayo-Polynesian (WMP). Differing

subgrouping hypotheses for Lampungic have been posited, whether with Malayic, or Malayo-Javanic,

or, most recently, as an isolate. A major problem has simply been the paucity of published data.

Drawing on a recent SIL dialect study as well as earlier sources, this study is an initial attempt to

provide parameters for understanding the place of Lampungic within WMP. Specifically, it is a

reconstruction of the phonology and basic vocabulary of what is called Proto-Lampungic (PLP).

Drawing on the disciplines of dialectology, comparative linguistics and previous reconstructions of

relevant proto-languages, a principled distinction between pre- and post-PLP innovations is made.

The result is a bundle of features which together can be used to define a Lampungic subgroup and to

distinguish it from its neighbors. A subgrouping hypothesis is advanced which groups Lampung and

Sundanese together on the basis of shared phonological innovations.

Beyond a discussion of its place in WMP, a brief treatment is given of Lampungic’s contribution to the

discussion of disputed PMP segments such as *r and *-ey.

1 Many people have contributed in one way or another to the development of this paper. I wish to thank the

Indonesian Institute of Sciences for providing visas and permissions for this research, SIL International for providing

the funding, my SIL colleagues who collected much of the data used herein, Chad White who wrote much of the first

draft of this paper, and the Lampungic-speaking people who were so generous with their time and help, even

protecting us from being robbed of our survey equipment! I would like to single out my friend Mas Ali from

Menggala, Lampung, as someone who went above and beyond to help us dig deeper into the secrets of his language.

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Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... 1

Contents .......................................................................................................................................... 2

List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. 4

List of Maps .................................................................................................................................... 5

List of Abbreviations ...................................................................................................................... 6

1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 7

1.1 External classification..................................................................................................... 7

1.2 History and ecology of Lampung language .................................................................... 8

1.3 Internal classification ...................................................................................................... 8

1.4 Previous research ............................................................................................................ 9

1.5 Dialectology.................................................................................................................. 10

1.6 Comparative method..................................................................................................... 10

1.7 WordCorr ...................................................................................................................... 11

2 Lampung today ..................................................................................................................... 12

2.1 Data sources .................................................................................................................. 12

2.2 Phonology ..................................................................................................................... 14

2.2.1 Consonants...............................................................................................14

2.2.2 Vowels .....................................................................................................16

2.3 Dialect differences in detail .......................................................................................... 16

2.3.1 Realization of *ə ......................................................................................16

2.3.2 Vowel lowering........................................................................................20

2.3.3 Nasal consonant cluster reduction ...........................................................20

2.3.4 Deletion of initial *h ................................................................................20

2.3.5 Fortition of final *h ..................................................................................21

2.3.6 Final diphthongs.......................................................................................22

2.3.7 Survey findings ........................................................................................24

3 Reconstruction of PLP phonemes and word structure.......................................................... 24

3.1 PLP consonant phonemes ............................................................................................. 24

3.1.1 *b (Labial Plosives) .................................................................................25

3.1.2 *p (Labial Plosives) .................................................................................26

3.1.3 *d (Laminal Plosives) ..............................................................................27

3.1.4 *t (Apical Plosives)..................................................................................28

3.1.5 *g (Dorsal Plosives).................................................................................29

3.1.6 *k (Dorsal Plosives).................................................................................30

3.1.7 *ʔ (Postdorsal Plosives) ...........................................................................31

3.1.8 *m (Labial Nasals) ...................................................................................32

3.1.9 *n (Laminal Nasals) .................................................................................33

3.1.10 *� (Laminal Nasals) ................................................................................34

3.1.11 *ŋ (Dorsal Nasals)....................................................................................34

3.1.12 *l (Laminal Resonants) ............................................................................36

3.1.13 *c (Laminal Fricatives) ............................................................................37

3.1.14 *j (Laminal Fricatives).............................................................................37

3.1.15 *s (Laminal Fricatives) ............................................................................38

3.1.16 *r (Dorsal Fricatives)...............................................................................39

3.1.17 *h (Postdorsal Fricatives) ........................................................................39

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3.1.18 *y (Laminal Approximants).....................................................................40

3.1.19 *w (Dorsal Resonants) .............................................................................40

3.2 PLP vowel phonemes.................................................................................................... 41

3.2.1 *i (Close Front) ........................................................................................42

3.2.2 *u (Close Back)........................................................................................44

3.2.3 *ə (Open-Mid Central).............................................................................45

3.2.4 *a (Open Central) ....................................................................................46

3.2.5 *uy (Close Back)......................................................................................48

3.2.6 *ay (Close Front) .....................................................................................48

3.2.7 *aw (Open Back) .....................................................................................48

3.3 PLP word structure and phonotactic constraints........................................................... 49

4 PLP lexicon........................................................................................................................... 50

4.1 PLP lexical reconstructions........................................................................................... 50

4.1.1 Pronouns and demonstratives ..................................................................83

4.1.2 Identical forms .........................................................................................83

4.1.3 Initial nasals and word classes .................................................................84

4.1.4 PLP *ay and *aw reconstructions ............................................................84

4.1.5 Discussion of reconstructions ..................................................................85

4.1.6 PLP reduplicated stems............................................................................91

4.2 Loanwords..................................................................................................................... 92

5 Changes from PMP to PLP ................................................................................................... 95

5.1 Innovations and retentions in consonant phonemes...................................................... 96

5.1.1 PMP *q to PLP *h....................................................................................96

5.1.2 PMP *h.....................................................................................................96

5.1.3 PMP and PHN *ʔ .....................................................................................96

5.1.4 PMP *w....................................................................................................96

5.1.5 Nasal excrescence ....................................................................................97

5.1.6 Medial consonant clusters........................................................................97

5.1.7 PMP *R to PLP *i ....................................................................................97

5.1.8 PMP *d > PLP *r ...................................................................................101

5.1.9 PMP *j ...................................................................................................102

5.1.10 PMP *z to PLP *j ...................................................................................103

5.2 Innovations and retentions in vowel phonemes .......................................................... 103

5.2.1 PMP *uy.................................................................................................103

5.2.2 PMP *-ay/*-ey .......................................................................................103

5.2.3 PMP *-aw /*-ew.....................................................................................105

5.2.4 PMP *-iw ...............................................................................................106

5.2.5 Low-high vowel sequences....................................................................106

5.3 Rule ordering .............................................................................................................. 106

5.4 Lexical phenomena ..................................................................................................... 106

5.5 PLP’s place in Malayo-Polynesian ............................................................................. 107

5.5.1 Relationship with Batak.........................................................................107

5.5.2 Relationship with Malayic .....................................................................107

5.5.3 Relationship with Malayo-Chamic-Bali-Sasak-Sumbawa ....................108

5.5.4 Relationship with Sundanese .................................................................109

6 Conclusions......................................................................................................................... 110

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6.1 Results......................................................................................................................... 110

6.2 Linguistic diversity and potential time depth vis-à-vis Batak and ML....................... 111

6.3 Suggestions for further research ................................................................................. 111

7 References........................................................................................................................... 113

List of Tables

Table 1 Wordlist sites ................................................................................................................... 12

Table 2 Basic consonant phonemes of the Lampungic cluster ..................................................... 14

Table 3 Examples of debuccalization ........................................................................................... 15

Table 4 Basic vowel and diphthong phonemes of the Lampungic cluster ................................... 16

Table 5 Examples of ultimate *ə > [o] ......................................................................................... 17

Table 6 Examples of split ultimate *ə realization in Nyo areas ................................................... 17

Table 7 Examples of ultimate *ə in non-oral environments in Blambangan Pagar (KotaBumi) . 17

Table 8 Examples of penultimate *ə > [o].................................................................................... 18

Table 9 Examples of *NS > N with voiced stops ......................................................................... 20

Table 10 *h deletion word initial .................................................................................................. 20

Table 11 *h deletion word final .................................................................................................... 21

Table 12 Final diphthongs ............................................................................................................ 22

Table 13 Final diphthongs and bound morphemes in Menggala.................................................. 24

Table 14 Consonant phonemes of PLP......................................................................................... 24

Table 15 Lampung WordCorr consonant environments............................................................... 25

Table 16 Lampung WordCorr vowel environments ..................................................................... 42

Table 17 Distribution of PLP phonemes....................................................................................... 49

Table 18 Disallowed medial vowel sequences ............................................................................. 50

Table 19 Reconstructed PLP wordlist........................................................................................... 52

Table 20 PLP pronouns and demonstratives................................................................................. 83

Table 21 PLP ‘many’ and ‘if’ ....................................................................................................... 84

Table 22 PLP reduplicated stems.................................................................................................. 92

Table 23 Loanwords in LP............................................................................................................ 93

Table 24 LP words with alveolar r................................................................................................ 94

Table 25 Word-initial PMP *q > PLP *h ..................................................................................... 96

Table 26 Word-medial and word-final PMP *q > PLP *h ........................................................... 96

Table 27 Reflexes of PMP *w ...................................................................................................... 97

Table 28 Nasal/liquid excrescence from PMP.............................................................................. 97

Table 29 Nasal consonant cluster reduction ................................................................................. 97

Table 30 Word medial PMP *R changes ...................................................................................... 98

Table 31 Word medial PMP *eR changes .................................................................................... 99

Table 32 Word final PMP *R changes........................................................................................ 100

Table 33 Tabulation of PMP *R reflexes.................................................................................... 100

Table 34 PMP initial *R reflexes ................................................................................................ 101

Table 35 PMP *r words .............................................................................................................. 101

Table 36 Change of PMP *d to PLP *r ...................................................................................... 101

Table 37 Medial PMP *j reflexes ............................................................................................... 102

Table 38 Final PMP *j reflexes .................................................................................................. 102

Table 39 PLP reflexes of PMP *z and *Z ................................................................................... 103

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Table 40 Retention of PMP *-uy ................................................................................................ 103

Table 41 Final �y diphthongs in Nyo ......................................................................................... 104

Table 42 PLP *-ay/*-ey reflexes................................................................................................. 104

Table 43 LP *-ay reflexes ........................................................................................................... 105

Table 44 Retention of PMP *-aw................................................................................................ 105

List of Maps

Map 1 Major dialect groupings within LP.....................................................................9

Map 2 LP wordlist sites ...............................................................................................13

Map 3 Penultimate and ultimate *ə .............................................................................19

Map 4 Initial *h loss and final *h fortition ..................................................................21

Map 5 Final diphthongs and final *a ...........................................................................23

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List of Abbreviations

Language varieties most frequently referred to in this monograph. Primary sources are

listed; when other sources are used this is noted in the text.

AN - Austronesian

AR - Arabic (Jones 1978)

JV - Javanese (Horne 1974)

LP - Lampung(ic) language

ML - Malay (in general and including Sumatran Malay; various sources)

PHF - Proto-Hesperonesian-Formosan (Zorc 1995)

PHN - Proto-Hesperonesian (Zorc 1995)

PLP - Proto-Lampungic

PM - Proto-Malayic (Adelaar 1992)

PMP - Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (primarily Blust 1999 and Zorc 1995; also Blust

1984-85, Adelaar 1992)

SI - Standard Indonesian (Echols & Shadily 1989)

SKT - Sanskrit (de Casparis 1997)

SM - Standard Malay (Wilkinson 1959)

Other abbreviations and symbols:

adj - adjective

C - consonant

id. - identical

IPA - International Phonetic Alphabet

n - noun

N - nasal

n.d. - no date/unpublished

PL - plural

§ - section

S - consonant stop (i.e. plosive)

SG - singular

sth. - something

v - verb

V - vowel

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1 Introduction Lampung is a set of related Austronesian language varieties spoken by around one and a

half million people on the southern part of the island of Sumatra. There are many unanswered questions about the history of the Lampung people and their language; how long has this group been where it is? Within their language, is there any evidence of migrations, and if so, from where? What relationship does Lampung have with other Austronesian languages including its neighbors?

This comparative study will certainly not answer all the questions above, but is aimed at providing initial parameters for understanding the history of the Lampung (LP) language or languages, namely a reconstruction of parts of the phonology and lexicon of Proto-Lampungic, how it developed from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP), and how it changed into the various forms we see currently. It is written to be complementary to the Lampung survey report (Hanawalt et al. in progress) but will still be intelligible on its own.

1.1 External classification

Dyen’s A LEXICOSTATISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES (1965) was one of the first to tackle the classification of Lampungic (LP). Under his SUNDIC HESION he put the Javo-Sumatra Hesion, Sasak, Balinese, the Malayic Hesion, and the Dayak Subfamily among others. He originally grouped LP under the MALAYIC HESION along with Madurese, Achehnese, Minangkabau, and Kerinci (1965: 26). Since Dyen’s research the term MALAYIC has been constricted to apply only to Malay dialects and their close kin like Iban (Adelaar 1992). Also, being that Dyen’s classifications were based on lexicostatistics and given the large amount of Malay borrowings in LP, it has since become clear to scholars that LP is not as closely related to Malayic as would be implied by lexicostatistics.

Malcolm Ross (1995:78) gives 24 groups for the Western-Malayo-Polynesian languages. He writes, “Group 18 contains only Lampung, of extreme south-east Sumatra. Although it has been suggested in the past that it belongs to the Malayic group, current opinion regards it as not yet classified (Blust, pers. comm., Nothofer 1988)”. Adelaar (2005a) brings forward Ross’s classification of LP without further comment.

The question therefore remains relatively unexplored whether LP can be subgrouped with Malay or with any other language below the (Western) Malayo-Polynesian level.

What I will attempt to demonstrate in this paper is that the defining characteristics of Lampungic are:

• loss of PMP *h in all positions • PMP *q > PLP *h • Proto-Hesperonesian *ʔ > PLP *h • retention of PMP *w • very limited medial nasal excrescence • limited consonant cluster reduction • merger of PMP *R and *r in word-initial position • non-initial PMP *(e)R > PLP *y • conditioned merger of PMP *j and *d with PLP *r • retention of PMP *z as PLP *j • retention of the PMP four-vowel system, and of diphthongs *-ay, *-aw and *-uy • [irregular areal feature] shift in some instances of PMP *-ay and*-aw to i and u

respectively • PMP *-iw > PLP *(y)u • epenthetic semivowel w or y inserted between low-high vowel combinations

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• Nothofer’s (1985:294) SYSTEM 3 PAN numeral system The question will also be raised whether any of Adelaar’s (2005a) 22 other WMP subgroups

seems to share enough of these features to make a convincing case for merger with another subgroup or for positing a shared intermediate node under WMP.

1.2 History and ecology of Lampung language

Comparative linguistics, archaeology and other disciplines have given us an understanding of the origins and general migration patterns of early Austronesian-speakers and approximately when they began to move into the regions we now call island Southeast Asia. It is thought that these speakers brought agricultural technology with them, which allowed them (or at least their languages) in many cases to overwhelm the earlier inhabitants of the areas they entered. Bellwood (1999) believes that the lowland areas of Sumatra were probably quite thinly populated due to their unsuitability for foraging prior to the advent of agriculture, so it may not have been too difficult for groups like Lampung to establish themselves in this new territory without enduring the type of language interference we see in, say, eastern Indonesia.

However, history gives us a picture of substantial later contact between Lampung and other language groups including Javanese, Sanskrit, and, of course, Malay. In fact, for most of the past two millennia Lampung must have been under at least some level of domination by either the Malay “port authorities” to its north like Srivijaya, or the agrarian Javanese kingdoms to its south and east. I argue in this paper that it is Malay influence which is of the highest degree in Lampung vis-à-vis the other potential donor languages. Sumatran Malay-speaking groups border and partially surround Lampung. Additionally, in modern times we have Indonesian, the 800-pound linguistic gorilla. Walker writes in his 1976 grammar of Way Lima, Lampung, “The influence of the Indonesian/Malay language on Lampung is pervasive. Contacts with Malay go back hundreds of years. In the past decades the influence of the national language is even stronger, affecting the phonology, the grammar, and the lexicon of Lampung.” §4 (PLP lexicon) and §5 (Changes from PMP to PLP) will give substantial attention to the thorny issue of teasing out ML borrowings from what is truly Lampungic.

1.3 Internal classification

On the basis of compared sound systems, lexicon, sociolinguistic attitudes, and reported and measured proficiency, Hanawalt et al. (in progress) conclude that LP can be divided into three major dialect clusters:

1. Lampung Api 2. Komering 3. Lampung Nyo

LAMPUNG API and NYO are named after their respective words for ‘what’, while KOMERING is the name of the river which forms the homeland of the northernmost dialect cluster. LAMPUNG

API (henceforth Api) is also often referred to as PESISIR, meaning ‘coastal’, while NYO is often referred to as ABUNG, which is an important ethnonym within the NYO grouping. See Map 1 for a visual illustration of their locations.

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Map 1 Major dialect groupings within LP

There are really not any strong linguistic differences between Api and Komering; their relationship is more of a language chain than two completely separate clusters. The starkest differences are between Nyo and the rest of LP. Dialect differences will be discussed in further detail in §2.3.

1.4 Previous research

Hanawalt et al. (in progress) lay out in detail the various linguistic and sociolinguistic studies that have been done on Lampungic isolects, so that will not be repeated here. I will

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just mention studies that have been of particular benefit to this historical-comparative look. There have been four dictionaries published in some form, one (Gaffar et al. n.d.) Komering to Indonesia, two others (Junaiyah 1985 and Hadikusuma 1994) focused on the Abung dialect group. Noeh et al. (1979) is the most comprehensive and provides information on a few different Api groups as well as Nyo. The others are not very comprehensive; Hadikusuma helpfully includes some information from 14 dialect areas but is the thinnest of the bunch. I relied on two phonological descriptions, one of a Lampung Api area called Way Lima (Walker 1976) and the other of Komering (Abdurrahman and Yallop 1979). Arguably the most helpful resource for this study was Walker’s (1975) A LEXICAL STUDY OF LAMPUNG DIALECTS, which included 12 wordlists and an initial discussion of internal dialect divisions based on lexicostatistics. As part of a larger work on the people and agriculture of Sumatra (Tsubouchi 1980), Yasuyuki Mitani wrote on the language varieties of South Sumatra Province. In his paper he commented on Walker’s classification of the Lampung dialects and offered a theory of the history of the Lampung dialects. Unfortunately he did not publish the data upon which his conclusions were based. Aliana et al. (1986) describe thirteen speech varieties within Lampung Province using lexicostatistics to determine the most central variety. Also informative was Hadikusuma’s (1996) ADAT ISTIADAT DAERAH LAMPUNG (‘Custom and Tradition in the Lampung Area’) which discusses some of the ethnic divisions and their backgrounds.

Most of the data used in this paper were gathered by SIL personnel over the period 2003-2005. Linguistic instruments included a 350-item wordlist, a sentence elicitation list, and targeted phonological and historical-comparative elicitation. §1.5 gives greater detail on the WHERE and WHY of data sources used in this paper.

1.5 Dialectology

Dialectology is concerned with defining dialect boundaries and developments within the language family. Collins (1989:237) says it this way. “The task of the dialectologist is to identify the splits which have yielded the contemporary network of dialects. In other words, delineating the history of a language, its diffusion, and its diversification, is the goal of dialectology.”

There are two basic models that have been followed to explain such divisions: the tree model and the wave model. The tree model assumes a sharp split has occurred by a separation or migration of the language community. The wave model sees innovations like pebbles dropping into a pond of water. The ripples that are created move ever outward creating “a welter of isoglosses that crisscross one another” within the area (Chambers and Trudgill 1998:91). This is sometimes referred to as diffusion.

This comparative study is firmly set within a dialectological foundation. In a reconstruction of a language such as Lampung, where the entire language community lives within a single (albeit large) geographical area, one can expect to see substantial diffusion of linguistic innovations across dialect areas. The better the sampling, of both innovative and relic dialect areas, the further back in history one is able to go with a reconstruction, and the greater one’s ability will be to accurately generalize to the whole language group.

1.6 Comparative method

We will use the historical-comparative method to discover innovations within Lampung and retentions from PLP. In the comparative method we find regularly recurring correspondence sets that occur across cognate sets of the forms found in the speech varieties being studied. These correspondence sets give an indication of what the original sound in the proto-language was. Establishing a set of these sounds we can begin to form the lexicon and phonology of the proto-language. Working from the proto-language back to the present day forms of the

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language we can see where changes have taken place (innovations) and where the segment has stayed the same (retentions). It is those retentions and innovations that help us determine the language classification and define dialect boundaries.

What I am seeking to define, through the use of the comparative method, is a significant intermediate stage between Proto-Malayo-Polynesian and the present where Lampung had differentiated itself from its (Western) Malayo-Polynesian kin but not yet undergone significant internal dialectal differentiation. That this was ever the case is a big assumption, but we will see that it holds up rather well as a working hypothesis.

Historical-comparative reconstruction is a science, but it also has elements of the artistic. The way an experienced comparativist can draw on a variety of disparate disciplines including phonology, grammar, psycholinguistics, sociolinguistics, dialectology, philology, history, anthropology, etc., then paint a portrait of a long-dead language is a beauty to see. I am afraid that this study will be a rather sterile exercise in comparison, i.e. much method and little art, given how impoverished is my knowledge of the history and prehistory of Lampung, and my lack of abilities in many of the related disciplines. Nevertheless by making my methodological decisions explicit one could hope that someone following afterward will at least have specifics to critique.

1.7 WordCorr

Mechanical processing of the approximately 6500 Lampungic lexemes gathered was done with a PC program called WORDCORR. It allows the user to keep track of the huge amounts of data involved with historical comparative linguistics, gives a structure for the data to be entered uniformly, and allows the user to manipulate and organize data according to several different analytical viewpoints. Several different language projects can be worked on at once within WordCorr as well and passed to other linguists for review and comments. It is able to generate an exhaustive list of correspondence sets along with any conditioning environments a linguist wishes to posit, and reconstructions of all the words used for comparison.2 I used WordCorr to keep track of correspondence sets, to help me find the regularly recurring changes from Proto-Lampungic to modern Lampungic isolects, and to reconstruct PLP phonemes and word forms.

I will now briefly detail the steps I went through in processing the data. After the wordlists were gathered and entered in electronically, they were placed together in an Excel template, then processed with a program called PALMSURV CONVERTER (http://sourceforge.net/projects/psconverter) to get into a form which could be imported (data and metadata) into WordCorr.

The next step was to decide which lists would be included in the analysis and in which order. This is called a VIEW; decisions made related to this are discussed in §2.1. One of the decisions which had to be made was the THRESHOLD percentage at which WordCorr would include correspondence sets for analysis. For example, in a collection of ten lists, for the gloss ‘lightning’ there may be three different cognate sets, one with five representatives and the others with just a few. The default percentage in WordCorr is set at 50% which basically means only one correspondence set per gloss will be selected for analysis. Given the large number of wordlists in this collection and a desire to be as thorough as possible, I set the Threshold at 10%. At 10%, the threshold catches for analysis any word with at least 3 reflexes. This seemed appropriate given that my goal was not simply to reconstruct a proto-language but

2 For a more complete description of WordCorr and its abilities go to http://wordcorr.sourceforge.net. The user

guide found there has complete information on this product.

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also catch and analyze reflexes of higher-order reconstructions, primarily Proto-Malayo-Polynesian. This requires a larger data set.

Once the cognates are set into groups, the next task was to ALIGN them so that, in a word like rua ‘two’, the reflexes of *r lined up with each other, *u, *a, etc. Once the segments are lined up, I assigned a protosegment to each correspondence set of each cognate group, and an environment, like word-final, vowel-medial, etc. These environments are detailed in §3. Once that was finished for all 350 glosses, I was able to look at all the correspondence sets together and REFINE my analysis, grouping or splitting environments or protosegments, noting any irregularities. For example, when I observed that reflexes of *ǝ in ultimate syllables behaved a certain way sometimes but differently in others, I was able to look at all the examples together and determine that a further conditioning environment needed to be specified to explain the extant reflexes. (This particular example is discussed in §2.3.1.)

Finally, I was able to export my analyses, which appear, after a bit of massaging, in the data sections of this paper.

2 Lampung today

2.1 Data sources

The primary data sources for this study, besides those mentioned in §1.4, are twenty-three wordlists, some of which are 350 items in length, others 200. See Table 1 for details, including the order in which the data in later sections will be presented. Map 2 shows much of the same information in visual form.

Table 1 Wordlist sites Village Short name Dialect (Subdialect) Source Length 1. Kayu Agung Asli KAAsli KOMERING (Kayu Agung Asli) SIL 350 2. Adumanis Kom-Adu KOMERING (Ulu) SIL 350 3. Pulau Gemantung KomIlir KOMERING (Ilir) SIL 350 4. Perjaya Kom-Jaya KOMERING (Ulu) SIL 350 5. Damarpura Kom-Dpur KOMERING (Ulu) SIL 350 6. Tihang Daya API (Daya) SIL 350 7. Pilla Ranau API (Ranau) SIL 350 8. Buay Nyerupa Sukau API (Sukau) SIL 350 9. Banjar Agung Krui API (Krui) SIL 350 10. Kota Besi Belalau API (Belalau) SIL 350 11. Mesir Udik WayKanan API (Way Kanan) SIL 350 12. Kandang Besi KotAgung API (Kota Agung) SIL 200 13. Sukanegeri Jaya TalaPada API (Talang Padang) SIL 200 14. Way Lima WayLima API (Way Lima) Walker 200 15. Banjar Ketapang Sungkai API (Sungkai) SIL 200 16. Negeri Kepayungan Pubian API (Pubian) SIL 200 17. Tengkujuh Kalianda API (Kalianda) SIL 200 18. Nibung Melintin NYO (Melinting) SIL 200 19. Jabung Jabung API (Jabung) SIL 200 20. Paku KAPend KOMERING (Kayu Agung Pendatang) SIL 350 21. Nyampir Sukadana NYO (Abung/Sukadana) SIL 350 22. Blambangan Pagar KotaBumi NYO (Abung/Kotabumi) SIL 200 23. Ujung Gunung Menggala NYO (Menggala/Tulang Bawang) SIL 350

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Map 2 LP wordlist sites

One may notice that many of the SIL wordlist sites are also sites of lists from Walker (1975) and wonder why we revisited those sites. This following in Walker’s footsteps, so to speak, was

14

deliberate, because Walker’s lists (excepting Way Lima) were not elicited by him, a trained linguist, but were rather from native speakers from those areas but living elsewhere, written in orthographic script. So one could say that the later SIL lists from these areas are simply a refinement and check on the earlier work.3 The exception to this pattern is Way Lima, where Walker himself had done extensive fieldwork, and we did not sample there. The SIL teams also sampled several areas from where Walker had not published lists. I am confident that the lists used in this study provide a fairly comprehensive representation of the multiplicity of LP isolects.

2.2 Phonology

This section summarizes the phonology of the Lampungic speech varieties based upon our research. 4 Some selected differences with and between the two phonologies published by Walker (1976) and Abdurrahman and Yallop (1979) will also be discussed briefly. It should be noted that Walker’s phonology was done on Way Lima, a village from the southern part of the region. Abdurrahman is from a village in the Komering area. The phonology presented here attempts to look at the whole cluster of Lampungic speech varieties at once, thus variations between this presentation and what is actually found at any given location will certainly differ to a small degree.

2.2.1 Consonants

Table 2 displays the consonant phoneme inventory of Lampung.

Table 2 Basic consonant phonemes of the Lampungic cluster Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Stops /p/, /b/ /t/, /d/ /k/, /g/ /ʔ/

Fricatives /s/, (/z/ 5) /r/ 6 /h/ Affricates /c/, /j/ 7 Nasals /m/ /n/ /ɲ/ /ŋ/ Liquids /l/ Trill Semivowels /w/ /y/

Voiceless stops occur word initial, word medial, and word final. Word final stops are

generally unreleased. Voiced stops generally do not occur word final. There seems to be only moderate evidence for a phonemic glottal stop. Final oral stops often undergo debuccalization (loss of oral place features). /r/ has a range of phonetic realizations but is most often a velar or uvular fricative [x], [ɣ],

[χ], [ʁ]. There is minor disagreement between the two earlier phonologies about /r/, described as an apical trill by Abdurrahman and as a voiceless velar fricative by Walker.

3 The SIL teams did other work in these areas including sociolinguistic questionnaires, sociolinguistic observation,

recorded text testing, etc. See Hanawalt et al. (in progress) for further details. 4 Note: this section is taken near-verbatim from Hanawalt et al. (in progress) which functions as a sort of umbrella

report for other subsidiary papers such as this. 5 /z/ only occurs in loanwords.

6 /r/ here is used to refer to a range of different phonemic realizations of *r, depending upon the speech variety in

question. 7 In this paper, [c] and [j] will be used to represent the IPA affricates [tʃ] and [dʒ] respectively.

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Walker stated that this phoneme (written as /x/ in 1976 and as /r/ in his 1975 wordlists) occurs in all major environments and is sometimes voiced intervocalically. Walker noted that [r] (apical trill) “occurs in unassimilated loanwords” (1976:3) and alternates with [x] in many cases.

The nasals occur word initial, word medial and word final, with the exception of /ɲ/, which does not occur word final.

/l/ occurs word initial, word medial, and word final. /w/ and /y/ occur word-initially and word-medially and, depending on one’s analysis,

word-finally as part of diphthongs discussed below. Both phonemes occur word-medially in positions where they are not considered as transitions from [u] and [i] respectively.

Gemination

Gemination, particularly consonant gemination, is a prominent feature in Lampung. It is not easy to generalize about it except to say that it happens most frequently in Nyo, less so but still frequently in Api, and almost never (at least as we transcribed it) in Komering. Our informants often did not agree among themselves which ones were geminate but one can see that the phenomenon as we documented it clusters around specific lexemes. Several cases each of gemination are recorded for every consonant in medial only position (either between vowels or as part of a consonant cluster) except /ɲ/, /ŋ/, /s/, /w/ and /y/. Gemination is most frequently associated with one of two related environments:

• penultimate schwa • reduction of voiceless nasal-stop clusters to the stop component.

It therefore can give a clue to reconstructions. See the case of pǝkːul ‘roof’ (§4.1.3).

Metathesis

Metathesis seems to have been a fairly common process in Lampungic. From the correspondence sets can be counted at least twenty lexemes in which metathesis occurred in one or more of the Lampungic isolects. It most frequently occurred with consonants, e.g. *rihuʔ ‘cloud’ → hiruʔ and *g�lar ‘name’ → g�ral, but also with vowels, often with some fairly complex transformations, e.g. *siwa ‘nine’ → suay and lahya ‘ginger’ → liha. A few instances of metathesis can be attributed to PLP; see §5.4.

Debuccalization

A final phonological change happening on a irregular but very frequent basis is DEBUCCALIZATION—the process in which an oral consonant, in LP’s case a final voiceless stop, becomes a glottal stop. Debuccalization is seen to occur in all varieties of Lampungic except KAPend. Table 3 illustrates this phenomenon. This change is attested in the cases of *p > ʔ and *t > ʔ. It is also seen in the case of *k > ʔ, but the attestations are less consistent.

Table 3 Examples of debuccalization gloss PLP KAPend KAAsli KotaBumi ‘bitter’ *pahit pahit pahiʔ pahiʔ ‘smoke’ *hasəp hasop hasoʔ asǝʔ ‘needle’ *sǝrǝp sowop soʁoʔ sǝʁǝʔ ‘husk of rice’ *huǝt huot huoʔ uǝʔ

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2.2.2 Vowels

Table 4 displays the vowel and diphthong phonemes found in the Lampungic speech varieties.

Table 4 Basic vowel and diphthong phonemes of the Lampungic cluster Front Central Back unrounded unrounded rounded Close /i/ /u/ Mid (/e/) /ə/ (/o/) Open /a/ Diphthongs /ay/ /aw/ /uy/

Abdurrahman posits the phoneme /o/ for Komering. However, we submit that most if not all occurrences of [o] can be more accurately analyzed as allophones of /ə/. See §2.3.1 for more information.

Walker posits the phoneme /e/ in addition to /i/ and /ə/ for Way Lima. Our preference, however, is to reanalyze most occurrences of [e] as allophones of /i/. Walker apparently did not preserve the distinction between [ə] and [e] in his wordlists, as both phones are written using e. In addition, the examples he gives in his phonology for /e/ are likely all borrowed words.

It seems that /ǝ/ cannot occur before nasal-stop clusters.

Vowel sequences do occur, but a syllable break always occurs between them in our data. Such sequences are distinguished from the diphthongs /aw/, /ay/, and /uy/.

A more comprehensive phonology of the cluster or of its individual speech varieties is beyond the scope of this paper. However, the reader is referred to several works cited in Hanawalt et al.

2.3 Dialect differences in detail

In a work such as this it is crucial to understand the processes which have led to the consistent differences between the daughter isolects of the proto-language. By analyzing each cognate word for each lexical item across the speech varieties, it is possible to view the similarity or difference in individual sounds segments across the varieties. By looking at multiple similarities and differences in this way, patterns of phonological retentions or changes may emerge across these word correspondences. Having a grasp of these patterns allows us to make more accurate reconstructions and bracket certain words as loans.

2.3.1 Realization of *ə

The form that ultimate *ə takes in many of the speech varieties provides a measure on which to make a large grouping. This realization of *ə in the ultimate syllable is demonstrated in Table 5.8

8 For the purpose of clarity, some details of phonetic transcription have been omitted from the data presented in

these and following examples.

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Table 5 Examples of ultimate *ə > [o] gloss PLP Melintin KAAsli Krui ‘earth’ *tanəh tanəh tanoh tanoh ‘itch’ *gatəl gatəl gatol gatol ‘sit’ *məjəŋ məjːəŋ mojoŋ məjoŋ ‘suck’ *hisəp isəp hisoʔ ŋisop

*ə > o nearly consistently in the ultimate syllable in the varieties shown in Map 3 below,

forming a chain from Kayu Agung in the north curving westward and ending at Kalianda in the south. This chain includes the areas in Walker’s PESISIR group, plus the area Jabung.

Our data show that three Nyo varieties exhibit this change only in specific environments. In Menggala this change follows a clear pattern. *ə when followed by oral consonants is reflected as ə; before non-oral consonants (/h/ and /ʔ/), *ə appears as o. Sukadana shows the same split as MGL, but in non-oral environments the reflex is a rather than Menggala’s o. Kotabumi (in Walker’s list) consistently shows a split in environment and reflexes identical to Sukadana. In Melintin there is no split; all *ə are reflected as ə. The first two examples in Table 6 show the *ə reflex in environments before non-oral consonants; the third and fourth examples are in an environment before oral consonants.

Table 6 Examples of split ultimate *ə realization in Nyo areas gloss PLP Melintin Sukadana Kota Bumi

(Walker) Menggala

‘smoke’ *hasəp asəʔ asaʔ asaʔ asoʔ ‘near’ *parə(ʔ) paʁəʔ paʁaʔ paʁaʔ paʁoʔ ‘black’ *harəŋ aʁəŋ aʁəŋ aʁəŋ aʁəŋ ‘sea’ *lawət lawət lawət lawət lawət

Interestingly, the Blambangan Pagar (SIL’s KotaBumi) wordlist taken in 2005, which is

approximately ten kilometers from Kota Bumi (and was considered to be the center of the same speech variety by the locals) shows an even more complex split. As with the four isolects above, basically all of the oral environments have [ə]. But there is an additional split WITHIN the non-oral environment conditioned on the penultimate vowel; one could call it a dissimilation rule: if the penultimate vowel is ə, the ultimate vowel will be reflected as [a]. With other vowels in the penult (i, u or a), generally [ə] will appear. In phonological notation, the pattern in Kota Bumi is something like this:

/ǝ/ -> [ǝ]/_C[+oral]# -> [ǝ]/V[-ə](C)_C[-oral]# -> [a]/V[+ə](C)_C[-oral]# The examples in Table 7 demonstrate these seemingly variant realizations.

Table 7 Examples of ultimate *ə in non-oral environments in Blambangan Pagar (KotaBumi) gloss PLP Melintin Sukadana Blambangan Pagar

(KotaBumi) ‘smoke’ *hasəp asəʔ asaʔ asəʔ ‘earth’ *tanǝh tanǝh tanah tanǝh ‘husk of rice’ *huǝt - uaʔ uǝʔ ‘cut/hack’ *pǝlǝʔ pǝlǝʔ - pǝlaʔ ‘hungry’ *bǝtǝh - bǝtah bǝtah

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Many varieties also display a uniformly different realization of *ə as o in the PENULTIMATE

syllable, as demonstrated in Table 8.

Table 8 Examples of penultimate *ə > [o] gloss PLP Krui KAPend KAAsli Kom-Adu ‘sand’ *hənay həni honi honi honi ‘pestle’ *həlu həlu holu holu holu ‘worm’ *gələŋ gəloŋ goloŋ goloŋ goloŋg ‘sugar cane’ *təbu təbu tobu tobu tobu

As shown in Map 3, this change occurs in the varieties along the Komering River, from

Adumanis downstream through both Kayu Agung Asli (‘Native Kayu Agung’) and Kayu Agung Pendatang (‘Newcomer Kayu Agung’; Paku village).

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Map 3 Penultimate and ultimate *ə

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2.3.2 Vowel lowering

*u is frequently lowered in ultimate closed (V1) position in KAAsli. Both high vowels are frequently lowered in penultimate and ultimate closed syllables in Menggala.

2.3.3 Nasal consonant cluster reduction

Reflexes of consonant clusters are usually what one would expect (i.e. a nasal followed by a homorganic stop, both of relatively equal prominence) but there are principled exceptions. If the cluster includes a VOICED stop, e.g. *imbun ‘fog’, if one of the members is to be elided it will be the stop. See Table 9.

Table 9 Examples of *NS > N with voiced stops gloss PLP WayKanan Jabung Melintin KAPend ‘white’ *handaʔ handaʔ andaʔ ndaʔ handaʔ ‘mother’ *induʔ induʔ nuʔ nːuʔ ondoʔ gloss PLP KomIlir WayKanan KAGA ‘to boil (water)’ *ruŋgaʔ ʁuŋgaʔ ʁuŋgaʔ ʁuŋaʔ

In all other cases of elision (clusters with voiceless stops, voiced and voiceless affricates,

liquids), it is the nasal which is lost, often with neutralization of the preceding vowel to schwa and/or a geminate stop. E.g. *punti ‘banana’ in some varieties is reflected as pǝtːi. This is substantially more common than elision of voiced stops. This consistent pattern has led me to realize that certain correspondence sets were unlikely. For example, I had earlier grouped timbuʔ and cibuk ‘dipper’ but it seems prudent to separate them because the stop is voiced.

2.3.4 Deletion of initial *h

There are two main clusters of a few speech varieties each which demonstrate loss of *h at the beginning of a word, as in Table 10.

Table 10 *h deletion word initial gloss PLP KomIlir Krui Menggala ‘head’ PMP *qulu > PLP *hulu hulu ulu ulew ‘smoke’ PMP *qasep > PLP *hasəp hasoʔ asoʔ asoʔ

The first group of speech varieties loses the initial h in almost every instance. This first

group includes the Nyo group plus Jabung. The second group of speech varieties that elides *h only does so part of the time but in the same words. This group consists of Ranau, Sukau and Krui. As Map 4 displays, the members of each of those groups share close geographic proximity. Sporadic loss of initial *h occurs in some other varieties as well.

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Map 4 Initial *h loss and final *h fortition

2.3.5 Fortition of final *h

*h also undergoes fortition (strengthening) word-finally, as in Table 11.

Table 11 *h deletion word final gloss PLP KAPend Sukau ‘hungry’ *bətəh mbətoh mətɔx ‘fat (n.)’ *tabəh taboh tabox

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Like the second set of speech varieties noted above which lose initial *h some of the time,

this group which also strengthens final *h consists of Ranau, Sukau and Krui. Sporadic fortition of final *h also occurs in other varieties.

2.3.6 Final diphthongs

One more piece of evidence for clustering that will be presented here is the formation of final diphthongs in some varieties, resulting from final open vowels. In some varieties, *a > [o]. As a further step of change in some varieties, this o > [əɔ], or some similar diphthong. In a similar manner, *i > [əy] and *u > [ew]. This is illustrated in the examples in Table 12.

Table 12 Final diphthongs gloss PLP o.i. Sukadana Menggala ‘five’ *lima lima liməɔ lemow ‘forget’ *lupa lupa lupəɔ lopow ‘wood’ *kayu kayu kayəo kayew ‘head’ *hulu (h)ulu uləo ulew ‘man’ *laki laki lakǝy lakǝy ‘ring’ *ali ali alǝy alǝy

These final diphthongs are found in Menggala, KotaBumi, Sukadana and Melintin. Map 5 displays the distribution of these diphthongs, as well as the related realization of word final *a.

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Map 5 Final diphthongs and final *a

Diphthongs in Menggala should probably all be considered non-phonemic, since they disappear non-word-finally. See Table 13.

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Table 13 Final diphthongs and bound morphemes in Menggala PLP MGL free form MGL bound form *mati ‘die’ matǝy mati-matǝy ‘?’ buru ‘hunt’ burew buru-burew ‘quickly’ *mata ‘eye’ matow mato-matow ‘eyes’

It is not clear whether or not the same phonemic alternation occurs in KotaBumi, Sukadana

and Melintin, but it seems likely that it does.

2.3.7 Survey findings

I do not believe it is possible to make a strict lower-order subgrouping of Lampungic varieties. Instead, it should be noted that the pattern of innovations seen in Lampung are indicative of a DIALECT NETWORK evincing a diffusion of features across a contiguous geographical area. That having been said, the division of Lampungic isolects into three dialect clusters as was mentioned in the introduction seems to be borne out:

1. Lampung Api 2. Komering 3. Lampung Nyo

3 Reconstruction of PLP phonemes and word structure

3.1 PLP consonant phonemes

Proto-Lampung (PLP) had 19 consonant phonemes with fairly even distribution. There were voiced and voiceless labial, alveolar, velar and glottal stops and a pair of voiced and voiceless palatal affricates. The voiced stops and affricates did not occur word final. There were a full set of nasals from labial to velar and three voiceless fricatives which were alveolar, velar, and glottal. The velar fricative was voiced by default (see below under r for explanation). There was an alveolar liquid and also two semi-vowels. The following chart gives the consonant phonemes found in PLP.

Table 14 Consonant phonemes of PLP Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Stops p, b t, d k, g ʔ Affricates c, j Nasals m n ɲ ŋ Fricatives s r h Liquids l Semivowels w y

Here are a few observations about PLP phonemes and their modern reflexes, in comparison

to how other languages (particularly ML) behave. • *s is a remarkably stable phoneme when one considers all the permutations which occur

in Sumatran Malay. It is rarely elided or weakened to h. • *r. Compared to Sumatran Malay, phonemes like *s, *h and *r in Lampungic are

remarkably stable. Even in word-final position, the most dramatic thing that happens to *r in most Lampungic isolects is devoicing. Only in Menggala and KAPend do we see frequent elision or change to a vowel diphthong. See §2.3.4 and §2.3.5 for a discussion on *h.

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Before proceeding with a presentation of evidence for individual consonant phonemes, a bit more orientation is needed. A slightly idiosyncratic system of marking environments in WordCorr was devised with the goal of being sensitive to phonotactic environments relevant to the Lampungic context without creating irrelevant distinctions which did not seem to have an impact on segment behavior or reconstruction. Table 15 gives a visual cue to this system.

Table 15 Lampung WordCorr consonant environments POSITION C4 V3 C3 V2 C2 V1 C1

ENVIRONMENT C4 V3 _S N_ C3 #V V2 _S N_ C2 V1 V# C1 1. ‘hill’ b u k i t

2. ‘stone’ b a t u # 3. ‘guts’ # i s aw # 4. ‘mud’ l u m p u r

5. ‘ironwood’ # o ŋ l e n 6. ‘moon’ k ǝ n a w a t

7. ‘pot’ b ǝ l a ŋ a # 8. ‘cassava’ m ǝ ŋ g a l o #

In example (1), [bukit] has a CVCVC structure. It was determined that one must count

right-to-left, not left-to-right, to categorize properly. So C1, i.e. the first consonant position, is occupied by [t]. C2, i.e. the second or medial consonant position, is occupied by [k], and the third, C3, by [b]. Example (2), [batu] is nearly identical except that the C1 position is empty. (The various vowel positions will be explained in §3.1.7.) Example (3) [isaw] has only one consonant slot filled, C2. Example (4) has slots C3 and C1 filled but is a bit different in the medial environment. The NASAL of a nasal-stop cluster is marked with the notation _S, which actually means ‘first element of a consonant cluster followed by anything but a nasal’. The STOP of the nasal-stop cluster is marked with the notation N_, which actually simply means ‘second element of a consonant cluster which is anything but a nasal’. Example (5) is almost identical to (4), just advertising the fact that the second element of the consonant cluster need not be a stop. Examples (6) [kǝnawat], (7) [bǝlaŋa] and (8) [mǝŋgalo] show various trisyllabic configurations and should be rather straightforward to interpret. I need only to add that consonant clusters in the C3 position were not treated differently than those in C2 position.

What follows is a presentation of consonant phonemes in backwards, or left-to-right, order (i.e. C4 to C1). I will give a few examples for each of the environments. First is the reconstruction, followed by the gloss, and ending with the correspondence set (lexemes in indigo for easier viewing). Comments on specific reconstructions are reserved for §4.

3.1.1 *b (Labial Plosives)

Env C4

*bəlaŋa ‘pot’ Kom-Dpur Sukau bəlɑŋɑ. KAAsli belɑŋe. WayKanan bɑlɑŋɑ. KomIlir bəlɑŋɑ. Sukadana bəlɑŋəɔ.

*bi-di-bi ‘yesterday’ KAAsli bedibi. KAPend bedobi. Menggala bɘʁbɘy. Sukadana bəɾubːɑy. KAPend bɛdobi.

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Env C3

*buluŋ ‘leaf’ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend KotaBumi buluŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir Sukadana bulʊŋ. Menggala boluŋ.

*batu ‘stone’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend bɑtu. Sukadana KotaBumi bɑtəo. Menggala bɑtew.

*biat ‘heavy’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala biɑʔ. KAAsli Kom-Dpur Melintin biyɑʔ. WayLima biɑk. KAPend biɑt. Ranau biɜʔ.

*bəlah ‘to split’ Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau WayKanan Sukadana KotaBumi bəlɑh. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir KAPend bolɑh. Belalau KotAgung Kalianda ŋɑbəlɑh. WayLima Pubian ŋəbəlɑh. Melintin belɑh. Krui bilɑh. Kom-Jaya bɘlɑh. Jabung bəlɑh. Menggala dibɘlɑh. Sungkai ŋubəlɑh. TalaPada ŋɑmbəlɑh.

Env C2

*kubu ‘hut in field’ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Belalau kubu. Menggala kubew. WayKanan kubũ. *hubi ‘cassava’ Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui Belalau ubi. KomIlir hubi. Kom-Adu hubi kɑyu. Sukau ubi

kikim. Daya ‘taro’ umbi. *labuŋ ‘rain’ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima lɑbuŋ. *səbat ‘to hit (not punch)’ Kom-Adu sobɑt. Ranau səbɜt. WayLima ɲəbɑt. *babuy ‘pig’ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya KAPend Menggala bɑbuy. Sukau Krui Belalau

bɑbui. WayKanan Sukadana bɑbʊy. Kom-Adu bɑbuy.

Env N_

*kumbaŋ ‘flower’ Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian Kalianda kumbɑŋ. Sukadana KotaBumi kəmbɑŋ. Sukau kɑmbɑŋ. Menggala kɘmbɑŋ. Melintin kəmbɑŋ. Ranau kɜmbɜŋ.

*di lambuŋ ‘above’ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Pubian di lɑmbuŋ. WayKanan Jabung dilɑmbuŋ. Sungkai dəlɑmbuŋ.

*timbuʔ ‘dipper’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur timbuʔ. Menggala tɘmbuʔ. Sukadana tɪmbʊəʔ.

*buluŋ cambay ‘betel leaf’ KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui WayKanan buluŋ cɑmbɑy. KAAsli Kom-Adu Sukau Krui Sukadana Menggala cɑmbɑy. Sukau bulun ni cɑmbɑy. KAPend buluŋ cɑmɑy. Belalau cɑmbɑi. Ranau cɜmbɜy.

3.1.2 *p (Labial Plosives)

Env C4

*pərahu ‘canoe’ Menggala pegɑhew. Krui prɑhu. Belalau pərɑhu. Sukadana pəʁɑhəo.

Env C3

*panas ‘hot temperature’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala pɑnɑs. Krui mɑpɑnɑs.

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*pədəm ‘sleep’ Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian pədom. Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala pədːəm. Ranau Krui Jabung pədɔm. Kom-Jaya pɘdom. Daya pədoum. Kalianda pədːom.

*pulan ‘forest’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui Sungkai Pubian KAPend pulɑn. Belalau WayKanan KotAgung pulːɑn. Daya polɑn. Ranau pulɛn. Menggala pɘlːɑn. Jabung pəlɑn.

*pitu ‘seven’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KAPend pitu. Menggala pitew. Daya pitu. Sukadana pitəo.

Env C2

*apuy ‘fire’ Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ɑpui. KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya KAPend Menggala ɑpuy. WayKanan Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ɑpʊy. Kom-Adu KomIlir ɑpuy. Ranau ɜpuy.

*lapah ‘to walk/go’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala lɑpɑh. Sukau lɑpɑx. Ranau lɜpɜx. KAPend mɑpɑh. KAAsli məlɑpɑh.

*lupa ‘forget’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan lupɑ. KAAsli KAPend lupe. Menggala lopow. Sukadana lupəɔ.

*bapak ‘father’ WayKanan KotAgung Sungkai Melintin KAPend Sukadana bɑpɑʔ. TalaPada WayLima bɑpɑk. KAAsli bɑpɑk. Jabung ɑpɑʔ.

*rupit ‘narrow’ Kom-Dpur Kalianda Jabung Sukadana ʁupiʔ. KomIlir Kom-Jaya ʁupɪʔ. Melintin kipʊʔ. KAPend ʁupɪt.

*səput ‘blow gun’ Sukau Krui WayKanan səpuʔ. Menggala sɘpuʔ. Ranau səpuk. Sukadana səpʊəʔ.

*tipa ‘turtle’ Sukau hɑntipɑ. Daya tipɑ. Sukadana tipəɔ.

Env N_

*piʔpiʔ ‘lip’ WayKanan KAPend piʔpiʔ. Sukadana pupːiəʔ. Menggala pɘpːɪʔ. Melintin ‘mouth’ pəpːiʔ. Kom-Jaya pɪʔpɪʔ.

Env C1

*kilap ‘lightning’ Sukau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung kilɑp. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Sukadana KotaBumi kilɑʔ. Kom-Dpur Daya Krui kilɑp. Melintin KAPend kilɑt. Menggala kelɑʔ. Ranau kilɜp.

*tulup ‘blow gun’ Kom-Jaya KAPend tulup. KAAsli KomIlir tulup. *hatəp ‘roof’ KAAsli Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai

Pubian Kalianda hɑtoʔ. Sukau Krui hɑtɜʔ. KAPend hɑtop. Kom-Dpur hɑtoʔ. Ranau hɜtɔk. Jabung ɑtɔʔ.

3.1.3 *d (Laminal Plosives)

Env C4

*di-biŋi ‘night’ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan Sungkai Pubian dəbiŋi. Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui WayKanan dibiŋi. KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda dɑbiŋi. KAAsli KAPend debiŋi. WayLima biŋi. Jabung biŋĩ. Melintin biŋɘy. Sukadana dibiŋɑy. KomIlir dibɪŋi. Menggala dɘbiŋɘy. KotaBumi dəbiŋəy. Daya dɨbiŋi.

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Env C3

*dələm ‘inside’ Ranau Krui dəlɔm. KAPend dolom. Kom-Jaya dɘlom. WayLima dəlom. WayKanan dəlom.

*dulik ‘to lie down’ Krui Kalianda dɑdulik. Daya duleʁduleʁ. Ranau dulik. TalaPada dɑdoleʁ. Sukau dɑduliʔ. Daya ndulɪk.

*dada ‘chest’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan dɑdɑ. KAAsli KAPend dɑde. Menggala dɑdow. Sukadana dɑdəɔ.

Env C2

*pudaʔ ‘face’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau WayKanan Sukadana pudɑʔ. Krui budɑʔ. Menggala podɑʔ. Daya podɑʔ. Ranau pudɜʔ.

*bidaŋ ‘sarong’ Kom-Dpur Daya bidɑŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir sɑbidɑŋ. WayKanan səbidɑŋ. Kom-Jaya sɨbidɑŋ.

*pədək ‘near’ KAPend podok. Kom-Adu podok. Kom-Jaya pɘdok. *kədis ‘teeth’ Sukadana KotaBumi kədiəs. KAPend kɔdis. Menggala kɘdːɪs. Melintin kədːis. *gada ‘to hit (not punch)’ Sungkai ŋugɑdɑ. KotAgung ŋɑgɑdɑ. Pubian ŋəgɑdɑ. TalaPada

ŋəŋgɑdɑ.

Env N_

*gundaŋ ‘tail’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian Kalianda Sukadana gundɑŋ. Sungkai gudndɑŋ. Ranau gundɜŋ. Jabung gundɑŋ. Menggala gɘndɑŋ.

*canduŋ ‘machete’ KAAsli Sukau Krui Belalau KAPend cɑnduŋ. Kom-Jaya cɑndʊŋ. Ranau cɜnduŋ.

*hunduŋ ‘sniff/smell’ Kom-Jaya WayKanan munduŋ. Kom-Dpur Daya undugŋ. Kom-Dpur unduŋ. TalaPada ŋunduŋ. Pubian ŋəhunduŋ.

*kandaŋ ‘fence’ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya KAPend kɑndɑŋ.

3.1.4 *t (Apical Plosives)

Env C3

*tajəm ‘sharp’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend tɑjom. KotaBumi Menggala tɑjɘm. Melintin Sukadana tɑjəm. WayLima tɑjum. Krui tɑjɑm. Jabung tɑjɔm. WayKanan tɑjɔm. Ranau tɜjɔm.

*tikus ‘rat’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Jabung KAPend KotaBumi Menggala tikus. Sukadana tikʊs. Melintin tɪkʊs.

*təlu ‘three’ Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan WayLima Sungkai Pubian Jabung təlu. KotAgung TalaPada təlːu. Krui tilu. KomIlir tolu. Kom-Adu tolu. KAAsli tɔlu. Kom-Jaya tɘlu. Daya təlu.

*tuləʔ ‘deaf’ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya tuloʔ. Kom-Adu KomIlir tuloʔ. WayKanan toloʔ.

Env C2

*batu ‘stone’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend bɑtu. Sukadana KotaBumi bɑtəo. Menggala bɑtew.

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*kutu ‘lice’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung KAPend kutu. Sukadana KotaBumi kutəo. Menggala kutew. Melintin kʊtʊ.


*bətiʔ ‘good’ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Jabung bətiʔ. KomIlir botiʔ.

Env _S

*kətkət ‘wall’ Sukadana KotaBumi kɘkət. KAPend kotkot. Menggala kɘtkɘt.

Env N_

*buntak ‘short’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan Pubian buntɑʔ. Sungkai buntɑk. Ranau buntɜʔ. KotAgung butːɑʔ. Jabung bətːɑʔ.

*kanti ‘friend’ Kom-Jaya Daya Sukau kɑntiʔ. KAPend kɑnti. Kom-Dpur kɑntɪʔ. Ranau kɜnti. *punti ‘banana’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui

WayKanan KAPend punti. Belalau putːi. Sukadana putːəy. Menggala pɘtːɘy.

Env C1

*lawət ‘sea’ Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Kalianda lɑwoʔ. KomIlir WayKanan lɑwoʔ. Melintin KotaBumi lɑwɘt. Sukadana Menggala lɑwət. WayLima lɑok. Belalau lɑoʔ. KAPend lɑwot. KAAsli lɑwut. Jabung lɑwɔʔ. Ranau lɜwɔʔ.

*haɲut ‘to flow’ Kom-Jaya məhɑɲũʔ. KAPend təhɑɲõt. KomIlir ŋɑhɑɲuʔ. *səbat ‘to hit (not punch)’ Kom-Adu sobɑt. Ranau səbɜt. WayLima ɲəbɑt. *putit ‘bird’ WayKanan Melintin Jabung KotaBumi Menggala putiʔ. KotAgung Kalianda putit.

Sukadana putɪʔ.

3.1.5 *g (Dorsal Plosives)

Env C3

*gundaŋ ‘tail’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian Kalianda Sukadana gundɑŋ. Sungkai gudndɑŋ. Ranau gundɜŋ. Jabung gundɑŋ. Menggala gɘndɑŋ.

*gatəl ‘itch’ KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KAPend gɑtol. KotaBumi gatəl. Kom-Adu gɑtol. WayKanan gɑtɔl. Menggala gɑtɘl. Sukadana gɑtəl. Ranau gɜtɔl.

*gəgur ‘thunder’ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur gɘgoʁ. Daya Sungkai gəgoʁ. Kom-Adu gogoʁ. KomIlir gogoʁ.

*ginciŋ ‘to lie down’ WayKanan ginciŋ. Pubian gɪnciŋ. Belalau iciŋ.

Env C2

*dagiŋ ‘meat’ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend KotaBumi Menggala dɑgiŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir Sukadana dɑgɪŋ.

*pagas ‘stab’ Sukau Krui KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala mɑgɑs. Daya Belalau WayKanan Jabung KAPend pɑgɑs. Kom-Adu KomIlir pɑgɑs. Ranau pɜgɜs.

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*tugal ‘dibble stick’ Kom-Jaya Daya Ranau WayKanan KAPend tugɑl. KAAsli Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui nugɑl. Kom-Adu KomIlir tugɑl. Menggala nogɑl.

*gigit ‘bite’ Sukadana KotaBumi gigiəʔ. Menggala digigiʔ. KAPend gigit. KAAsli gigɪʔ. Pubian ŋəgigiʔ.


Env N_

*liŋgis ‘spear’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur WayKanan liŋgɪs. Daya liŋgis. *ruŋgaʔ ‘boil water’ KomIlir Kom-Jaya WayKanan ʁuŋgɑʔ. Kom-Dpur Daya məʁuŋgɑʔ. Krui

mɑɣoŋgɑʔ. Sukau mɑɣuŋgɑʔ. Belalau mɑʁuŋgɑʔ. Ranau məɣuŋgɜʔ. Kom-Adu ʁoŋgɑʔ. KAAsli ʁũŋɑʔ.

3.1.6 *k (Dorsal Plosives)

Env C4

*karuyuŋ ‘back’ WayKanan Sungkai Sukadana təkuyuŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir kɑʁuyuŋ. KAAsli keʁuyuŋ. Menggala kuyuŋ. KAAsli kəʁuyuŋ. KAPend tɑŋkuyuŋ.

*kənawat ‘moon’ Sungkai Pubian KotaBumi kənɑwɑt. WayKanan Melintin Sukadana kənɑwɑt. *kəlapa ‘coconut (ripe)’ Sukau Krui kɑlɑpɑ. Menggala kɘlɑpow. Belalau kəlɑpɑ. Sukadana

kəlɑpəɔ.

Env C3

*kudul ‘dull’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian Jabung Menggala kudul. Melintin KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi kudʊl. Sungkai Kalianda kududl.


*kayu ‘wood’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung KAPend kɑyu. Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi kɑyəo. Menggala kɑyew.

*katan ‘sore’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KAPend Sukadana Menggala kɑtɑn. Ranau kɜtɜn.

*kədis ‘teeth’ Sukadana KotaBumi kədiəs. KAPend kɔdis. Menggala kɘdːɪs. Melintin kədːis.

Env C2

*kikim ‘cassava’ Ranau Sukau WayKanan Menggala kikim. KAPend Sukadana kikɪm. KAAsli kʰikʰɪm.

*saka ‘old (object)’ Sukau Krui Belalau sɑkɑ. Menggala sɑkow. Sukadana sɑkəɔ. Ranau sɜkɜ. *ki ‘if’ KotAgung WayLima ki. Belalau kiʔ. Kalianda ɑki. *ŋəkuʔ ‘to cook’ Melintin Sukadana ŋəkʊʔ. Menggala ŋɘkuʔ. *sukər ‘difficult’ Kom-Adu KAPend sukoʁ. Menggala sukɘɣ.

Env N_

*cəŋkəlaŋ ‘run’ WayKanan Sukadana cəkəlɑŋ. Sukau cɑŋkəlɑŋ. Kom-Jaya cɘŋkɘlɑŋ. Kom-Dpur cəŋkəlɑŋ. Ranau cɜŋkəlɜŋ.

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*tuŋku ‘fire place’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Krui Belalau WayKanan tuŋku. Sukadana tukːəo. Menggala tɘkːew.

Env C1

PLP *k and *ʔ

Distinguishing between *k and *ʔ in Proto-Lampungic is not an easy task. The difficulty lies in that *ʔ basically only occurs word-finally,9 but *k often is reflected as [ʔ] in word-final position. It is unclear in general whether *k is reflected as [ʔ] because of allophonic alternation, or phonemic reassignment, or because of debuccalization which is common in final stops. To confuse the issue further, some areas (e.g. Ranau) exhibit STRENGTHENING of final glottals. For example, *sǝrǝp ‘needle’ is debuccalized in most LP areas including Ranau, but the modern Ranau reflex is [sǝrok].10 Strengthening cannot be ruled out in many other cases of final [k]. Nevertheless, here are some strands of evidence for distinguishing them:

• We have at least one minimal pair balaʔ ‘disaster’ and balak ‘big’ (although the former is probably a loan).

• difference in *ǝ behavior in Menggala (§2.3.1) • Kom-Dpur *mabuk > mamuŋ (§4.1.3) • Sometimes [k] shows up in some varieties word-finally. For example, in two of fourteen

available areas, we see [gǝmuk] ‘fat’, while the remaining areas have a final glottal stop.

My rule of thumb for reconstructing *k was, if any area (excepting the Way Lima list which does not distinguish between k and ʔ) had [k] I would reconstruct k, and otherwise reconstruct ʔ. But it should be noted that, although my reconstructions differentiate between *p, *t, *k and *ʔ in word-final position, it is impossible in many cases to say with certainty which is the correct reconstruction for PLP.

*balak ‘big’ Kom-Jaya Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian

Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala bɑlɑk. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya bɑlɑk. KAPend bɑlok. Sukau bɑlɑʔ. Ranau bɜlɜk.

*biluk ‘to turn’ Kom-Jaya Sukau KotAgung Jabung KAPend biluk. KAAsli Daya Ranau biluk. Krui Belalau Kalianda biluʔ. Melintin bilʊk. Pubian bubiluk. Kom-Adu bubiluk. Kom-Dpur mbiluk. Kom-Dpur əmbiluk.

*pədək ‘near’ KAPend podok. Kom-Adu podok. Kom-Jaya pɘdok. *dulik ‘to lie down’ Krui Kalianda dɑdulik. Daya duleʁduleʁ. Ranau dulik. TalaPada dɑdoleʁ.

Sukau dɑduliʔ. Daya ndulɪk.

3.1.7 *ʔʔʔʔ (Postdorsal Plosives)

Env _S

*piʔpiʔ ‘lip’ WayKanan KAPend piʔpiʔ. Sukadana pupːiəʔ. Menggala pɘpːɪʔ. Melintin ‘mouth’ pəpːiʔ. Kom-Jaya pɪʔpɪʔ.

*tiʔtiʔ ‘breast’ Sungkai teteʔ. Kom-Adu titɪʔ. KomIlir tiʔtiʔ.

9 *ʔ also can occur morpheme-finally in the middle of words but modern-day reflexes are rare.

10 Ranau also often strengthens *h to [x], e.g. [rax] ‘blood’ < PLP *ǝrah.

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Env C1

*manuʔ ‘chicken’ Kom-Dpur ‘bird’ Daya ‘bird’ Sukau Krui WayKanan mɑnuʔ. Kom-Jaya Belalau KAPend Menggala mɑnoʔ. Kom-Adu ‘bird’ KomIlir ‘bird’ mɑnuʔ. Sungkai ‘bird’ mɑnuʔmɑnuʔ. KAAsli ‘bird’ mɑnɔʔ. Sukadana mɑnʊʔ. Pubian ‘bird’ məmɑnuʔ. Ranau mɛnuʔ.

*luniʔ ‘small’ Sukau Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala luniʔ. WayLima lunik. Krui mɑluneʔ.

*liaʔ ‘see’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Krui WayKanan liɑʔ. KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda ŋɑliɑʔ. Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau ŋəliɑʔ. Ranau liɜʔ. WayLima ŋɑliɑk. Kom-Jaya ŋɘliɑʔ.

*pələʔ ‘to cut/hack’ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Kalianda məloʔ. Kom-Jaya Daya pɘloʔ. Sukau Krui pəlɔʔ. WayLima məlok. KotaBumi məlɑʔ. Jabung məlɔʔ. KotaBumi pɘlɑʔ. Kom-Dpur pəloʔ. Melintin pələʔ.

3.1.8 *m (Labial Nasals)

Env C3

*mata ‘eye’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda mɑtɑ. KAAsli KAPend mɑte. Jabung KotaBumi mɑtɔ. Menggala mɑtow. Sukadana mɑtəɔ. Melintin mɑtəɔ.

*məŋan ‘eat’ Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KotaBumi məŋɑn. KAAsli Kom-Adu moŋɑn. Kom-Jaya Menggala mɘŋɑn. KomIlir mõŋɑn. KAPend moŋɑ n. Sukadana məŋɑn. Ranau məŋɜn.

*miwaŋ ‘cry’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend miwɑŋ. Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi mĩwɑŋ. Menggala mewɑŋ. KAAsli miwɑŋ. Ranau miwɜŋ.

*manuʔ ‘bird’ Kom-Dpur Daya mɑnuʔ. Kom-Adu KomIlir mɑnuʔ. Sungkai mɑnuʔmɑnuʔ. KAAsli mɑnɔʔ. Pubian məmɑnuʔ.

Env C2

*umaʔ ‘mother’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya umɑʔ. *kamah ‘dirty’ KAAsli Pubian Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala kɑmɑh.

WayKanan kɑməh. *aməl ‘thick’ KAPend ɑmol. Sukadana ɑməl. Melintin ɑmːəl. *lima ‘five’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan

WayLima limɑ. KAAsli KAPend lime. Menggala lemow. Sukadana liməɔ. *təmən ‘true/correct’ Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi təmən. Menggala tɘmːɘn. Sungkai təmon.

Sukau təmɔn.

Env _S

*tumbuh ‘to grow’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir tumbuh. Sukadana tumbʊəh. Menggala tɘmbuh. *di lambuŋ ‘above’ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Pubian di lɑmbuŋ. WayKanan Jabung dilɑmbuŋ.

Sungkai dəlɑmbuŋ. *timbuʔ ‘dipper’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur timbuʔ. Menggala tɘmbuʔ. Sukadana

tɪmbʊəʔ.

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Env C1


*(hs)-ikam ‘we (exclusive)’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Kalianda KAPend sikɑm. Kom-Dpur Daya Sungkai Pubian hikɑm. Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana ikɑm. Sukau Krui səkɑm. Menggala ekɑm. KotaBumi ikɑmjo. Ranau səkɜm.

*inum ‘drink’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung KAPend KotaBumi ŋinum. Sukadana ŋĩnum.


3.1.9 *n (Laminal Nasals)

Env C4

*nahayar ‘throw away’ WayLima nɑyɑrko. KotAgung nɑyɑχ. Kalianda ɲɑhɑyɑʁ.

Env C3

*nasaʔ ‘to cook’ KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sungkai Pubian Jabung KAPend KotaBumi nɑsɑʔ.

*kənawat ‘moon’ Sungkai Pubian KotaBumi kənɑwɑt. WayKanan Melintin Sukadana kənɑwɑt. *naŋuy ‘to swim’ Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi nɑŋʊy. Menggala nɑŋoy. KAPend nɑŋuy. *ninuʔ ‘see’ Pubian KotaBumi ninuʔ. Jabung Sukadana ninʊʔ. KotAgung mənoʔ. Sungkai

ŋinuʔ.

Env C2

*s-anak ‘child’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui KotAgung Kalianda Jabung sɑnɑʔ. Kom-Jaya Belalau WayKanan Pubian Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala ɑnɑʔ. WayLima Sungkai sɑnɑk. TalaPada Melintin ɑnɑk. Ranau sɜnɜʔ.

*tanəh ‘earth’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Kalianda KAPend Menggala tɑnoh. Melintin KotaBumi tɑnəh. Sukau tɑno. Sungkai tɑnuh. Sukadana tɑnɑh. Jabung tɑnɔh. Ranau tɜnɔh.


*bənər ‘true/correct’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir bonoʁ. Daya Sungkai Kalianda bənoʁ. Belalau KotAgung bənoχ. WayKanan Jabung bənɔʁ. KAPend bonor. Kom-Jaya bɘnoʁ. WayLima bənor. TalaPada bənoɣ. Pubian bənoʔ. Ranau bənɔɣ. KotaBumi bənər.


Env _S


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*bantal ‘pillow’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan bɑntɑl.


*kanti ‘friend’ Kom-Jaya Daya Sukau kɑntiʔ. KAPend kɑnti. Kom-Dpur kɑntɪʔ. Ranau kɜnti. *hunduŋ ‘sniff/smell’ Kom-Jaya WayKanan munduŋ. Kom-Dpur Daya undugŋ. Kom-Dpur

unduŋ. TalaPada ŋunduŋ. Pubian ŋəhunduŋ. *kandaŋ ‘fence’ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya KAPend kɑndɑŋ. *ginciŋ ‘to lie down’ WayKanan ginciŋ. Pubian gɪnciŋ. Belalau iciŋ. *gancaŋ ‘fast’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Daya gɑncɑŋ. KAPend gɑɲcɑŋ. *minjaʔ ‘stand’ Kom-Adu Sukadana KotaBumi minjɑʔ. Kom-Jaya Daya miɲjɑʔ. *ɲunjəŋ ‘to cook’ Belalau nunːjoŋ. KotAgung ɲoɲjoŋ. Ranau ɲunjɔŋ. *uncal ‘deer’ Sukau WayKanan uncɑl. Belalau ucɑl. Sukadana ucːɑl. Ranau uncɛl. Kom-Jaya

uɲcɑl. Krui ʔuncɑl.

Env C1

*aŋin ‘wind’ Kom-Jaya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend KotaBumi ɑŋin. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sukadana ɑŋɪn. Menggala ɑŋen.

*tahun ‘year’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian Kalianda KAPend Menggala tɑhun. WayKanan Sungkai Melintin Jabung Sukadana tɑhːun. Kom-Jaya Daya tɑun. KotaBumi tɑhːʊn.


*ipən ‘teeth’ Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ipon. Kom-Jaya Ranau Sukau Krui WayKanan Jabung ipɔn. KAAsli KomIlir ipon.

3.1.10 *�� (Laminal Nasals)

Env C3

*ɲunjəŋ ‘to cook’ Belalau nunːjoŋ. KotAgung ɲoɲjoŋ. Ranau ɲunjɔŋ.

Env C2

*puɲu ‘fish’ Menggala puɲew. KAPend puɲu. Melintin puɲəo. KotaBumi puɲəo. Sukadana puɲəo.

*haɲut ‘to flow’ Kom-Jaya məhɑɲũʔ. KAPend təhɑɲõt. KomIlir ŋɑhɑɲuʔ. *kuɲir ‘yellow’ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya kuɲeʁ. Belalau kuɲeχ. Kom-Adu ‘turmeric’ kuɲiʁ.

KAPend kuɲoy.

3.1.11 *ŋ (Dorsal Nasals)

Env C3

*ŋalŋal ‘to chew’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya ŋɑlŋɑl. Sukau TalaPada ŋəŋɑl. Krui ŋiŋɑl. KotAgung ŋɑŋɑl. Ranau ŋəŋɜl.

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*ŋəluh ‘dry (object)’ Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sungkai Pubian ŋəluh. Kom-Adu ŋoluh. KAAsli ŋoluh. KomIlir ŋɔluh. Kom-Jaya ŋɘluh.

*ŋənah ‘see’ Melintin KotaBumi ŋənɑh. KAPend onɑ. KAAsli ŋonɑh. Menggala ŋɘnːɑh. *ŋəkuʔ ‘to cook’ Melintin Sukadana ŋəkʊʔ. Menggala ŋɘkuʔ.

Env C2


*di-biŋi ‘night’ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan Sungkai Pubian dəbiŋi. Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui WayKanan dibiŋi. KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda dɑbiŋi. KAAsli KAPend debiŋi. WayLima biŋi. Jabung biŋĩ. Melintin biŋɘy. Sukadana dibiŋɑy. KomIlir dibɪŋi. Menggala dɘbiŋɘy. KotaBumi dəbiŋəy. Daya dɨbiŋi.


*puŋu ‘hand’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Sungkai Pubian Jabung puŋu. Kom-Jaya WayKanan KAPend puŋũ. Melintin KotaBumi puŋəo. Menggala puŋew. Sukadana puŋəo. KAAsli pũŋũ.

Env _S

*liŋgis ‘spear’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur WayKanan liŋgɪs. Daya liŋgis. *ruŋgaʔ ‘boil water’ KomIlir Kom-Jaya WayKanan ʁuŋgɑʔ. Kom-Dpur Daya məʁuŋgɑʔ. Krui




Env C1


*dagiŋ ‘meat’ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend KotaBumi Menggala dɑgiŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir Sukadana dɑgɪŋ.

*hiruŋ ‘nose’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi iʁuŋ. Ranau Sukau Krui iɣuŋ. Menggala eʁuŋ. Daya hiʁuŋ. WayLima iruŋ. KAPend iyuŋ. KAAsli iʁoŋ. Kom-Jaya iʁʊŋ.

*miwaŋ ‘cry’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend miwɑŋ. Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi mĩwɑŋ. Menggala mewɑŋ. KAAsli miwɑŋ. Ranau miwɜŋ.

*ratəŋ ‘to come’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ʁɑtoŋ. Sukau Krui ɣɑtɔŋ. WayKanan Jabung ʁɑtɔŋ. WayLima rɑtoŋ. Ranau ɣɜtɔŋ.

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3.1.12 *l (Laminal Resonants)

Env C4

*lambija ‘yesterday’ Kom-Dpur Daya bijo. Kom-Dpur bijow. KomIlir lombijɑ. Kom-Jaya mbijɑ. WayKanan mbijɑ. Kom-Adu ɑmbijɑ.

Env C3

*lapah ‘to walk/go’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala lɑpɑh. Sukau lɑpɑx. Ranau lɜpɜx. KAPend mɑpɑh. KAAsli məlɑpɑh.

*lima ‘five’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan WayLima limɑ. KAAsli KAPend lime. Menggala lemow. Sukadana liməɔ.


*ləsuŋ ‘mortar’ Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan Sukadana ləsuŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir losuŋ. Kom-Jaya Menggala lɘsuŋ. Krui lesuŋ. KAPend lɔsuŋ. KAAsli ləsuŋ.

Env C2


*galah ‘neck’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala gɑlɑh. Ranau gɜlɜh.

*bəlah ‘to split’ Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau WayKanan Sukadana KotaBumi bəlɑh. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir KAPend bolɑh. Belalau KotAgung Kalianda ŋɑbəlɑh. WayLima Pubian ŋəbəlɑh. Melintin belɑh. Krui bilɑh. Kom-Jaya bɘlɑh. Jabung bəlɑh. Menggala dibɘlɑh. Sungkai ŋubəlɑh. TalaPada ŋɑmbəlɑh.


Env _N

*ŋalŋal ‘to chew’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya ŋɑlŋɑl. Sukau TalaPada ŋəŋɑl. Krui ŋiŋɑl. KotAgung ŋɑŋɑl. Ranau ŋəŋɜl.

Env C1

*kudul ‘dull’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian Jabung Menggala kudul. Melintin KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi kudʊl. Sungkai Kalianda kududl.

*gatəl ‘itch’ KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KAPend gɑtol. KotaBumi gatəl. Kom-Adu gɑtol. WayKanan gɑtɔl. Menggala gɑtɘl. Sukadana gɑtəl. Ranau gɜtɔl.

*kawil ‘fish line’ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau WayKanan KAPend Sukadana Menggala kɑwil. Kom-Adu KomIlir kɑwɪl. Ranau kɜwil. Sukau uyaʔ kɑwil. Krui ŋɑwil.

*tugal ‘dibble stick’ Kom-Jaya Daya Ranau WayKanan KAPend tugɑl. KAAsli Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui nugɑl. Kom-Adu KomIlir tugɑl. Menggala nogɑl.

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3.1.13 *c (Laminal Fricatives)

Env C4


Env C3

*cakat ‘climb’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala cɑkɑʔ. KAPend cɑkɑt. Ranau cɜkɛʔ.


*culuʔ ‘hand’ Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda culuʔ. WayLima culuk.


Env C2

*kaci ‘dog’ Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau TalaPada WayLima Kalianda kɑci. Sukau kɑcʰi. Ranau kɛci.

*gucuh ‘punch’ Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sukadana gucuh. Menggala gocoh. Kom-Jaya gucuhɑn.

*cak ‘mud’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur bicɑk. KAAsli KAPend bicɑʔ. WayKanan licɑk.

Env N_

*uncal ‘deer’ Sukau WayKanan uncɑl. Belalau ucɑl. Sukadana ucːɑl. Ranau uncɛl. Kom-Jaya uɲcɑl. Krui ʔuncɑl.

*gancaŋ ‘fast’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Daya gɑncɑŋ. KAPend gɑɲcɑŋ. *ginciŋ ‘to lie down’ WayKanan ginciŋ. Pubian gɪnciŋ. Belalau iciŋ.

3.1.14 *j (Laminal Fricatives)

Env C3

*jahat ‘bad’ Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Ranau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Kalianda KAPend Menggala jɑhɑt. KAAsli KomIlir Daya jɑhɑt. Kom-Dpur jɑhɑʔ. Jabung jɑhːɑt. Sungkai jəhɑt.

*juku ‘turtle’ KAPend bejuku. Menggala bɘjukew. KAAsli bəjuku.

Env C2


*hujaw ‘green’ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian hujɑu. Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan hujɑw. Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ujɑw. KAAsli

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KAPend hujow. Sukau Kalianda ujɑu. Kom-Jaya hujɑw. Krui mɑhujɑu. Menggala ojɑw. Ranau ujɜw.

*hujan ‘rain’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir WayKanan Sungkai Pubian KAPend hujɑn. Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ujɑn. Menggala ojɑn.

*təjaŋ ‘long’ KAAsli KAPend tojɑŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir tojɑŋ. Melintin Sukadana təjɑŋ. Menggala tɘjɑŋ.

*gajih ‘fat (noun)’ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Jabung gɑjih.

Env N_

*minjaʔ ‘stand’ Kom-Adu Sukadana KotaBumi minjɑʔ. Kom-Jaya Daya miɲjɑʔ. *ɲunjəŋ ‘to cook’ Belalau nunːjoŋ. KotAgung ɲoɲjoŋ. Ranau ɲunjɔŋ.

3.1.15 *s (Laminal Fricatives)

Env C3

*sagu ‘sago’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KAPend sɑgu.

*sulan ‘mat’ KomIlir Kom-Jaya Krui WayKanan sulɑn. Daya sulɑdn. *situh ‘throw away’ KotAgung KotaBumi ɲituh. WayKanan situh. Sukadana ɲĩtuh. *səbat ‘to hit (not punch)’ Kom-Adu sobɑt. Ranau səbɜt. WayLima ɲəbɑt.

Env C2

*basəh ‘wet’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend Menggala bɑsoh. Sukadana bɑsɑh. Jabung bɑsɔh. WayKanan bɑsɔh. KotaBumi bɑsɘh. Melintin bɑsəh. Ranau bɜsɔx.

*busuk ‘rotten’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung Sungkai Pubian KAPend busuʔ. Ranau Sukau Krui TalaPada WayLima Kalianda Jabung busuk.

*isaw ‘guts’ Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda isɑu. Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Jabung isɑw. Ranau isɜw.

*misiŋ ‘defecate’ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KAPend Menggala misiŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir Daya misɪŋ. Sukadana misiəŋ. WayKanan mĩsɪŋ. KAPend mɪsiŋ.

*ləsuŋ ‘mortar’ Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan Sukadana ləsuŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir losuŋ. Kom-Jaya Menggala lɘsuŋ. Krui lesuŋ. KAPend lɔsuŋ. KAAsli ləsuŋ.

Env C1

*panas ‘hot temperature’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala pɑnɑs. Krui mɑpɑnɑs.

*tikus ‘rat’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Jabung KAPend KotaBumi Menggala tikus. Sukadana tikʊs. Melintin tɪkʊs.

*taləs ‘taro’ Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau KAPend tɑlos. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir tɑlos. KotaBumi taləs. Kom-Jaya tɑlɑs. WayKanan tɑlɔs. Menggala tɑlɘs. Sukadana tɑləs. Ranau tɜlɔs.

*təŋis ‘hear’ Daya Ranau Menggala təŋis. Belalau KotAgung nəŋis. Kom-Dpur WayKanan nəŋɪs. Kom-Jaya nɘŋis. WayLima nəŋisko. TalaPada ŋɑdəŋis.

39

3.1.16 *r (Dorsal Fricatives)

Env C3

*rihuʔ ‘cloud’ KotAgung ‘fog’ hihuʔ. Pubian ‘fog’ hirːuʔ. Sukau hiɣuʔ. Krui rihuʔ. Ranau ɣihuʔ. Jabung ʁɑyːuʔ. Kalianda ʁɑʁiyuʔ. TalaPada ‘fog’ χiuʔ.

*rasah ‘skinny’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur WayKanan ʁɑsɑh. Daya ʁɑsɑ. *pərahu ‘canoe’ Menggala pegɑhew. Krui prɑhu. Belalau pərɑhu. Sukadana pəʁɑhəo. *rəniʔ ‘small’ Kom-Dpur Daya Sungkai ʁəniʔ. Kom-Adu KAPend ʁoniʔ. Ranau ɣəni. KAAsli

ʁoneʔ. KomIlir ʁonɪʔ. Kom-Jaya ʁɘnɪʔ. Kalianda ʁənːiʔ. *ruŋgaʔ ‘boil water’ KomIlir Kom-Jaya WayKanan ʁuŋgɑʔ. Kom-Dpur Daya məʁuŋgɑʔ. Krui


Env C2

*kəraŋ ‘dry (clothes)’ Sukau Krui ŋəɣɑŋ. Kom-Jaya kɘʁɑŋ. Ranau kəɣɜŋ. Daya kəʁɑŋ. Kom-Dpur ŋəʁɑŋ.

*turuy ‘sleep’ KomIlir WayKanan Menggala tuʁuy. KAAsli Sukadana tuʁʊy. KAPend tuwoy. Pubian tuʁui. Kom-Adu tuʁuy.

*huriʔ ‘to grow’ KAPend huwɪʔ. Sukau huɣi. KotaBumi uʁiʔ. *hiruŋ ‘nose’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai

Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi iʁuŋ. Ranau Sukau Krui iɣuŋ. Menggala eʁuŋ. Daya hiʁuŋ. WayLima iruŋ. KAPend iyuŋ. KAAsli iʁoŋ. Kom-Jaya iʁʊŋ.

*ram ‘we (inclusive)’ KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan Sukadana Menggala ʁɑm. Krui nəɣɑm. Sukau ɣɑm.

Env _S

*tərbaŋ ‘fly’ KotaBumi teɾbɑŋ. Kom-Adu toʁbɑŋ. KomIlir toʁbɑŋ. Jabung tɑbɑŋ.

Env C1


*kuɲir ‘yellow’ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya kuɲeʁ. Belalau kuɲeχ. Kom-Adu ‘turmeric’ kuɲiʁ. KAPend kuɲoy.

*mətər ‘sweet’ Sukau Krui mətɔɣ. Belalau mɑtːoχ. Sukadana mətːəʁ. *nahayar ‘throw away’ WayLima nɑyɑrko. KotAgung nɑyɑχ. Kalianda ɲɑhɑyɑʁ.

3.1.17 *h (Postdorsal Fricatives)

Env C4

*harani ‘day’ Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung ʁɑni. Sukau WayLima rɑni. Kom-Jaya huʁɑni. Kom-Adu hɑʁɑni. KomIlir hɑʁɑnĩ. Krui ɣɑni. Ranau ɣɜni. Belalau χɑni.

Env C3

*hujan ‘rain’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir WayKanan Sungkai Pubian KAPend hujɑn. Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ujɑn. Menggala ojɑn.

40

*harəŋ ‘black’ Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi ɑʁəŋ. TalaPada KAPend hɑʁoŋ. WayLima hɑroŋ. Kalianda ɑʁoŋ. Menggala ɑʁɘŋ.

*hiruŋ ‘nose’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi iʁuŋ. Ranau Sukau Krui iɣuŋ. Menggala eʁuŋ. Daya hiʁuŋ. WayLima iruŋ. KAPend iyuŋ. KAAsli iʁoŋ. Kom-Jaya iʁʊŋ.

*hulu ‘head’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian KAPend hulu. Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Kalianda Jabung ulu. Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi uləo. Kom-Dpur hulu. Menggala ulew.

*hənay ‘sand’ Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui WayLima Sungkai Kalianda həni. Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Pubian hənːi. KAAsli Kom-Adu honi. Ranau hni. KomIlir honĩ. KAPend hɔni. Kom-Jaya hɘni. WayKanan hɘnːi. Daya hɨnːi.

Env C2

*tahi ‘excrement’ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau tɑhi. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir KAPend tɑhiʔ. Menggala tɑhɘy. Sukadana tɑhəy. WayKanan tɑhːi. Ranau tɛhi.


*buhuŋ ‘lie’ KAAsli Ranau Sukau Krui KAPend buhuŋ. KomIlir WayKanan buhuŋɑn. Belalau bohoŋ. Sukadana buhuəŋ. Menggala bʊhʊŋ. Kom-Jaya pɘmbohoŋ.

*tiha ‘hard (object)’ Sukau Belalau tihɑ. Krui mɑtihɑ. Ranau tihɜ. WayKanan tɑhyɑ.

Env C1


*uyah ‘salt’ Kom-Jaya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi uyɑh. Menggala oyɑh. Sungkai uyɑh bukuh.

*ŋəluh ‘dry (object)’ Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sungkai Pubian ŋəluh. Kom-Adu ŋoluh. KAAsli ŋoluh. KomIlir ŋɔluh. Kom-Jaya ŋɘluh.

*ulih ‘because’ KotAgung WayLima ulih. Kalianda ulihni. TalaPada ulihɑpi. *situh ‘throw away’ KotAgung KotaBumi ɲituh. WayKanan situh. Sukadana ɲĩtuh.

3.1.18 *y (Laminal Approximants)

Env C2

*kayu ‘wood’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung KAPend kɑyu. Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi kɑyəo. Menggala kɑyew.

*bayəh ‘to swell’ Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Menggala bɑyoh. KAAsli bɑyo. WayKanan bɑyoh. Sukadana bɑyɑh. Jabung bɑyɔh. KotaBumi bɑyəh. Belalau mubɑyoh.


3.1.19 *w (Dorsal Resonants)

PLP *w is regularly reflected as w. However, in four correspondence sets PLP *w is sometimes reflected instead as b: wakat/bakat ‘root’ (c.f. PMP *wakaD), lawah/labah ‘spider’

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(c.f. PMP *lawaq),11 bawaʔ/babaʔ ‘skin’ (no known ancestral form), awan/aban ‘cloud’ (no known ancestral form; doublet also exists in ML). Table 16 lists these four correspondence sets of PLP *w; see Table 1 for the names of the data points which correspond to the numbers in the first column. There is no discernable geographical pattern.

Table 16 w/b irregularity 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 ‘root’ b b b b b b b b b b b b b b b b b w b w w w w ‘skin’ w w w w w w w w w w w w w w b b w b b b b ‘cloud’ w w b b b w b b w w w b b b w w ‘spider’ b w w w w w w w w w w w w w w w w w w w w w

Env C3

*wakat ‘root’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung bɑkɑʔ. Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala wɑkɑʔ. WayLima bɑkɑk. Ranau bɜkɜʔ. KAAsli mbɑkɑʔ. KAPend wɑkɑt.

*waway ‘good’ Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala wɑwɑy.

Env C2 – mixed b and w reflexes

*bawaʔ ‘skin’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Jabung bɑwɑʔ. Kalianda Melintin KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala bɑbɑʔ. Krui bɑwɑ. Ranau bɜwɜʔ.

*lawah ‘spider’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin KAPend lɑwɑh. Jabung KotaBumi Menggala sɑŋlɑwɑh. Sukau lɑlɑwɑh. Sukadana ləlɑwɑh. KAAsli mbɑhlɑbɑh. Ranau nɜlɜwɜh. TalaPada sɑŋlɑlɑwɑh.

Env C2

*waway ‘good’ Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala wɑwɑy. *lawət ‘sea’ Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Kalianda

lɑwoʔ. KomIlir WayKanan lɑwoʔ. Melintin KotaBumi lɑwɘt. Sukadana Menggala lɑwət. WayLima lɑok. Belalau lɑoʔ. KAPend lɑwot. KAAsli lɑwut. Jabung lɑwɔʔ. Ranau lɜwɔʔ.

*kənawat ‘moon’ Sungkai Pubian KotaBumi kənɑwɑt. WayKanan Melintin Sukadana kənɑwɑt. *cawət ‘loincloth’ Kom-Jaya Sukau cɑwot. Krui cɑwot. KAAsli cɑwɑt. *miwaŋ ‘cry’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan

KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend miwɑŋ. Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi mĩwɑŋ. Menggala mewɑŋ. KAAsli miwɑŋ. Ranau miwɜŋ.

*kawil ‘fish line’ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau WayKanan KAPend Sukadana Menggala kɑwil. Kom-Adu KomIlir kɑwɪl. Ranau kɜwil. Sukau uyaʔ kɑwil. Krui ŋɑwil.

3.2 PLP vowel phonemes

PLP has 4 vowel phonemes and 3 diphthongs. The vowels have a balanced distribution with one front vowel, two central vowels and one back vowel. All the vowels are unrounded

11

The one example of labah from KAAsli is likely a ML loan, rendering the correspondence set regular.

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with the exception of the back vowel. The following chart gives the vowel phonemes found in PLP.

Front Central Back Unrounded Unrounded Rounded Close i u Mid ǝ Open a

[Diphthongs *aw, *ay, *uy] PLP *i and *u are found word initial, word medial, and word final. They occur in

penultimate and ultimate syllables.

PLP *ə occurs in both ultimate and penultimate syllables excluding final open syllables.

PLP *a occurs word initial, word medial, and word final and in ultimate and penultimate syllables.

Last we have three diphthongs *aw, *ay and *uy that occur only in word final position (or occasionally stem-finally but word-medially).

See §3.3 for a discussion on vowels in antepenultimate syllables.

In general one could say that ultimate closed vowels are more unstable in their reflexes than in penultimate or word-final position. See the discussions on ‘chew’ (i/ǝ alternation), ‘many’ and ‘if’ (u/ǝ alternation), ‘fly (insect)’ (a/ǝ alternation) in §4.1.2 and §4.1.3 for a few examples of this. Perhaps the most common vowel mutation is from the o reflex of ultimate *ǝ to u.

As with the section on consonants above, a word or two is needed about the vowel environments that have been delineated. Refer to Table 17. First, final closed vowels (1) have been differentiated from final open vowels (2), as have vowel-initial words (3) from penultimate closed vowels (4). Because of how some LP isolects function phonotactically, a few special environments needed to be recognized: V2NS (V2 before a consonant cluster; see example 4), Vv (V2 vowel immediately preceding another vowel; see 5) and V1r (V1 vowel preceding r; see 4). Finally, in trisyllabic lexemes, the antepenultimate vowel is in position V3 (6).

Table 17 Lampung WordCorr vowel environments POSITION C4 V3 C3 V2 C2 V1 C1

ENVIRONMENT C4 V3 C3 #V V2(NS) Vv _S N_ C2 V1(r) V# C1 1. ‘hill’ b u k i t

2. ‘stone’ b a t u # 3. ‘guts’ # i s aw # 4. ‘mud’ l u m p u r

5. ‘eggplant’ t i u ŋ 6. ‘pot’ b ǝ l a ŋ a #

3.2.1 *i (Close Front)

See §2.3.2.

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Env V3

*bi-di-bi ‘yesterday’ KAAsli bedibi. KAPend bedobi. Menggala bɘʁbɘy. Sukadana bəɾubːɑy. KAPend bɛdobi.

Env #V

*ipən ‘teeth’ Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ipon. Kom-Jaya Ranau Sukau Krui WayKanan Jabung ipɔn. KAAsli KomIlir ipon.



Env V2


*liŋgis ‘spear’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur WayKanan liŋgɪs. Daya liŋgis. *kilap ‘lightning’ Sukau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung kilɑp.

KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Sukadana KotaBumi kilɑʔ. Kom-Dpur Daya Krui kilɑp. Melintin KAPend kilɑt. Menggala kelɑʔ. Ranau kilɜp.

*lima ‘five’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan WayLima limɑ. KAAsli KAPend lime. Menggala lemow. Sukadana liməɔ.

Env Vv

*tiaʔ ‘fall’ Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Daya Sukau WayKanan Sungkai Pubian tiɑʔ. KomIlir titiyɑʔ. Kom-Dpur tiyɑʔ. Ranau tiɜʔ.

*tias ‘hard (object)’ Daya KAPend tiɑs. KAAsli tiyɑs.

Env V1


*ralis ‘straight’ Krui mɑɣɑlis. WayLima rɑlis. Sukau ɣɑlis. Ranau ɣɜlis. Belalau ʁɑlis. *runih ‘rainbow’ KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan ʁunih. Ranau Krui ɣunɛh. Kom-Adu

bonih. Menggala goneh. Sukau ɣuneh. Belalau ʁuni. Daya ʁuniʔ. Sukadana ʁunɪh. Kom-Jaya ʁʊnɪh.


Env V1r

There is a slight tendency for ultimate *i to be lowered prior to *r, *h and *ʔ (post-velar obstruents). Examples [berber] ‘lip’, [hureʔ] ‘live’, [ɣuneh] ‘rainbow’.

*kuɲir ‘yellow’ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya kuɲeʁ. Belalau kuɲeχ. Kom-Adu ‘turmeric’ kuɲiʁ.

KAPend kuɲoy.

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Env V#

*kaci ‘dog’ Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau TalaPada WayLima Kalianda kɑci. Sukau kɑcʰi. Ranau kɛci.

*budi ‘lie’ Kom-Jaya Daya budiɑn. Kom-Dpur budiʔɑn. Kom-Adu pubudi. *ki ‘if’ KotAgung WayLima ki. Belalau kiʔ. Kalianda ɑki.

3.2.2 *u (Close Back)

See §2.3.2.

Env #V

*ulay ‘snake’ Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ulɑi. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir WayKanan Melintin Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi ulɑy. Menggala olɑy. Kom-Jaya ulɑy. Ranau ulɜy. Kom-Dpur ulɑy.


*ubat ‘medicine’ Belalau Sukadana Menggala obɑt. Sukau Krui WayKanan ubɑt. Ranau ubɜt.

Env V2

*u is frequently lowered in V2 position in Menggala.


*hujaw ‘green’ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian hujɑu. Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan hujɑw. Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ujɑw. KAAsli KAPend hujow. Sukau Kalianda ujɑu. Kom-Jaya hujɑw. Krui mɑhujɑu. Menggala ojɑw. Ranau ujɜw.

*busuk ‘rotten’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung Sungkai Pubian KAPend busuʔ. Ranau Sukau Krui TalaPada WayLima Kalianda Jabung busuk.

Env V2NS

*guntur ‘thunder’ Ranau Sukau Krui guntoɣ. Belalau KotAgung gutuχ. TalaPada gontoχ. Pubian gunto. Kalianda gutːoʁ. Jabung gətɔʁ. WayKanan gʊntɔʁ.



*tundun ‘back’ Kom-Dpur Ranau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian KotaBumi tundun. Kom-Dpur Daya tundudn. Melintin tɘnːʊn. Jabung tənudn.

Env Vv

*sual ‘comb’ KAAsli Sukau Krui suwɑl. Kom-Jaya Belalau KAPend suɑl. Ranau suwɜl. KomIlir sʲuɑl.

*buah ‘betel nut’ Sukau Krui buwɑh. KAPend Menggala buɑh. Ranau buɜh.

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Env V1

See §2.3.2.


*lurus ‘straight’ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan ʁulus. KAAsli KAPend Menggala luʁus. Kom-Adu KomIlir ʁulʊs.


*di lambuŋ ‘above’ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Pubian di lɑmbuŋ. WayKanan Jabung dilɑmbuŋ. Sungkai dəlɑmbuŋ.

Env V1r

*guntur ‘thunder’ Ranau Sukau Krui guntoɣ. Belalau KotAgung gutuχ. TalaPada gontoχ. Pubian gunto. Kalianda gutːoʁ. Jabung gətɔʁ. WayKanan gʊntɔʁ.


*gulur ‘thunder’ Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi guluʁ. Menggala kelɑʔ gʊlʊː.

Env V#

*m-asu ‘to hunt’ Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda Jabung mɑsu. Ranau mɜsu. *puɲu ‘fish’ Menggala puɲew. KAPend puɲu. Melintin puɲəo. KotaBumi puɲəo. Sukadana

puɲəo. *bulu ‘feather’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau

KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung KAPend bulu. Melintin KotaBumi buləo. Menggala bulew. WayKanan bulu mɑnuʔ. Sukadana buləo mɑnʊʔ.

*habu ‘dust’ KAAsli Sungkai Pubian KAPend hɑbu. Krui hɑbuʔ. Menggala ɑbew. Jabung ɑbu. Sukadana ɑbəo.

3.2.3 *ə (Open-Mid Central)

Env V3


*kənawat ‘moon’ Sungkai Pubian KotaBumi kənɑwɑt. WayKanan Melintin Sukadana kənɑwɑt. *bəlaŋa ‘pot’ Kom-Dpur Sukau bəlɑŋɑ. KAAsli belɑŋe. WayKanan bɑlɑŋɑ. KomIlir bəlɑŋɑ.

Sukadana bəlɑŋəɔ.

Env #V

*əmaʔ ‘mother’ Sukau Krui Belalau TalaPada Sungkai mɑʔ. KotAgung Sukadana Menggala mːɑʔ. WayLima mɑk. Ranau mɜʔ. KotaBumi mmɑʔ.

*əriʔ ‘friend’ KAAsli oʁeʔ. KomIlir oʁiʔ. Krui yɛʔ. Belalau ʁiʔ.

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Env V2

*hənay ‘sand’ Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui WayLima Sungkai Kalianda həni. Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Pubian hənːi. KAAsli Kom-Adu honi. Ranau hni. KomIlir honĩ. KAPend hɔni. Kom-Jaya hɘni. WayKanan hɘnːi. Daya hɨnːi.

*bətiʔ ‘good’ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Jabung bətiʔ. KomIlir botiʔ. *təmən ‘true/correct’ Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi təmən. Menggala tɘmːɘn. Sungkai təmon.

Sukau təmɔn.

Env V1-O, penultimate a, i, or u


*ligət ‘turn’ Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur ligoʔ. Daya WayKanan ləgoʔ. *rayəh ‘pot’ Menggala gɑyoh. Krui ɣɑyox. Ranau ɣɜyɔk. WayKanan ʁɑyoh. *parəʔ ‘near’ KAAsli Menggala pɑʁoʔ. Sukadana pɑʁɑʔ. Melintin pɑʁɘʔ. KotaBumi pɑʁəʔ. *tuləʔ ‘deaf’ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya tuloʔ. Kom-Adu KomIlir tuloʔ. WayKanan toloʔ.

Env V1-O, penultimate ǝ

*pələʔ ‘to cut/hack’ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Kalianda məloʔ. Kom-Jaya Daya pɘloʔ. Sukau Krui pəlɔʔ. WayLima məlok. KotaBumi məlɑʔ. Jabung məlɔʔ. KotaBumi pɘlɑʔ. Kom-Dpur pəloʔ. Melintin pələʔ.

Env V1+O

*bətəŋ ‘belly’ TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda bətoŋ. Melintin Sukadana bɘtːəŋ. KAPend botoŋ. KAAsli bɔtoŋ. Kom-Jaya bɘtɔŋ. Jabung bɘtːɔŋ. Menggala bɘtːɘŋ. WayKanan bətːɔŋ. KotaBumi bətːəŋ.

*cawət ‘loincloth’ Kom-Jaya Sukau cɑwot. Krui cɑwot. KAAsli cɑwɑt. *təmən ‘true/correct’ Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi təmən. Menggala tɘmːɘn. Sungkai təmon.

Sukau təmɔn. *aməl ‘thick’ KAPend ɑmol. Sukadana ɑməl. Melintin ɑmːəl. *ɲunjəŋ ‘to cook’ Belalau nunːjoŋ. KotAgung ɲoɲjoŋ. Ranau ɲunjɔŋ. *sukər ‘difficult’ Kom-Adu KAPend sukoʁ. Menggala sukɘɣ.

3.2.4 *a (Open Central)

Env V3

*nahayar ‘throw away’ WayLima nɑyɑrko. KotAgung nɑyɑχ. Kalianda ɲɑhɑyɑʁ. *karuyuŋ ‘back’ WayKanan Sungkai Sukadana təkuyuŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir kɑʁuyuŋ. KAAsli

keʁuyuŋ. Menggala kuyuŋ. KAAsli kəʁuyuŋ. KAPend tɑŋkuyuŋ.

Env #V

*asu ‘dog’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya WayKanan Sungkai Pubian Jabung KAPend ɑsu. Menggala ɑsew. Melintin ɑsəo. KAAsli ɑːsu.

*di atas ‘above’ Ranau Krui TalaPada di ɑtɑs. Sukau KotAgung KAPend dɑtɑs. Kalianda di ɑtos. Melintin diɑtɑs.

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*apuy ‘fire’ Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ɑpui. KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya KAPend Menggala ɑpuy. WayKanan Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ɑpʊy. Kom-Adu KomIlir ɑpuy. Ranau ɜpuy.

Env V2


*wakat ‘root’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung bɑkɑʔ. Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala wɑkɑʔ. WayLima bɑkɑk. Ranau bɜkɜʔ. KAAsli mbɑkɑʔ. KAPend wɑkɑt.


*basəh ‘wet’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend Menggala bɑsoh. Sukadana bɑsɑh. Jabung bɑsɔh. WayKanan bɑsɔh. KotaBumi bɑsɘh. Melintin bɑsəh. Ranau bɜsɔx.

Env V2NS

*lantay ‘floor’ KomIlir Sukau Krui WayKanan lɑntɑy. Belalau lɑtːɑi. Menggala lɑtːɑy. Sukadana lətːɑy.

Env V1


*biat ‘heavy’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala biɑʔ. KAAsli Kom-Dpur Melintin biyɑʔ. WayLima biɑk. KAPend biɑt. Ranau biɜʔ.

*(hs)-ikam ‘we (exclusive)’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Kalianda KAPend sikɑm. Kom-Dpur Daya Sungkai Pubian hikɑm. Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana ikɑm. Sukau Krui səkɑm. Menggala ekɑm. KotaBumi ikɑmjo. Ranau səkɜm.

*lawah ‘spider’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin KAPend lɑwɑh. Jabung KotaBumi Menggala sɑŋlɑwɑh. Sukau lɑlɑwɑh. Sukadana ləlɑwɑh. KAAsli mbɑhlɑbɑh. Ranau nɜlɜwɜh. TalaPada sɑŋlɑlɑwɑh.

*liaʔ ‘see’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Krui WayKanan liɑʔ. KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda ŋɑliɑʔ. Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau ŋəliɑʔ. Ranau liɜʔ. WayLima ŋɑliɑk. Kom-Jaya ŋɘliɑʔ.

Env V#

*laga ‘fight’ Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau WayKanan lɑgɑ. Daya lɑga. KAAsli lɑge. Menggala lɑgow. Sukadana lɑgəɔ.

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*bəlaŋa ‘pot’ Kom-Dpur Sukau bəlɑŋɑ. KAAsli belɑŋe. WayKanan bɑlɑŋɑ. KomIlir bəlɑŋɑ. Sukadana bəlɑŋəɔ.

*iwa ‘fish’ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda iwɑ. Kom-Adu KomIlir iwɑʔ. KAAsli iwe. Daya iwɑh. Jabung iwɔ. Ranau iwɜ.

*mata ‘eye’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda mɑtɑ. KAAsli KAPend mɑte. Jabung KotaBumi mɑtɔ. Menggala mɑtow. Sukadana mɑtəɔ. Melintin mɑtəɔ.

3.2.5 *uy (Close Back)

Env V#

*iluy ‘spit’ Krui Belalau məlui. Pubian ilui. KotAgung lui. Ranau məluy. Sukau ŋelui. *turuy ‘sleep’ KomIlir WayKanan Menggala tuʁuy. KAAsli Sukadana tuʁʊy. KAPend tuwoy.

Pubian tuʁui. Kom-Adu tuʁuy. *apuy ‘fire’ Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ɑpui.

KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya KAPend Menggala ɑpuy. WayKanan Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ɑpʊy. Kom-Adu KomIlir ɑpuy. Ranau ɜpuy.

*laŋuy ‘to swim’ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda lɑŋui. Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau lɑŋuy. Jabung blɑŋʊy. Kom-Adu bulɑŋuy. KomIlir bulɑŋuy. Krui lɑŋoy. WayKanan lɑŋʊy. Ranau lɜŋuy. KAAsli melɑŋoy. KAAsli məlɑŋoy.

3.2.6 *ay (Close Front)

Some lexemes reconstructed with *ay have become i, sometimes universally, sometimes in some dialect areas but not in others; see 5.2.2.

Env V2

*gaygay ‘comb’ Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur pəŋgɑygɑy. Kom-Jaya pɘŋgɑygɑy.

Env V#


*kuray ‘betel nut’ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan uʁɑy. KAAsli kuʁɑy. *lantay ‘floor’ KomIlir Sukau Krui WayKanan lɑntɑy. Belalau lɑtːɑi. Menggala lɑtːɑy. Sukadana

lətːɑy. *hənay ‘sand’ Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui WayLima Sungkai Kalianda həni. Belalau KotAgung

TalaPada Pubian hənːi. KAAsli Kom-Adu honi. Ranau hni. KomIlir honĩ. KAPend hɔni. Kom-Jaya hɘni. WayKanan hɘnːi. Daya hɨnːi.

3.2.7 *aw (Open Back)

Some lexemes reconstructed with *aw have universally become u in modern LP isolects; see 5.2.3.

Env V#


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*hujaw ‘green’ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian hujɑu. Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan hujɑw. Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ujɑw. KAAsli KAPend hujow. Sukau Kalianda ujɑu. Kom-Jaya hujɑw. Krui mɑhujɑu. Menggala ojɑw. Ranau ujɜw.

*danaw ‘lake’ KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi dɑnɑw. Krui Belalau TalaPada WayLima Pubian Kalianda dɑnɑu. Kom-Adu dɑnao. Ranau wɜyɣɜnɜu.

3.3 PLP word structure and phonotactic constraints

The chart below shows each of the phonemes of PLP and where they can occur within the word.

Table 18 Distribution of PLP phonemes segment initial medial final CC b X X X p X X X X d X X X t X X X X c X X X j X X X g X X X k X X X X ʔ X X m X X X X n X X X X ɲ X X X ŋ X X X X s X X X X h X X X X l X X X rarely R X X X rarely y X w X X i X X X u X X X ə X X a X X X

The most common PLP word form is a disyllabic CV.CVC form as in ‘man’ *bakas. CV.CV as

in ‘stone’ *batu is common as is CVC.CVC, (‘machete’ *canduŋ) with the central cluster being a homorganic nasal and consonant at the syllable break. Other less common forms are:

V.CVC (*aŋin ‘wind’) CVC.CV (*punti ‘banana’) CV.VC (*buǝʔ ‘hair’; high-high or high-low combinations only) V.CV (*iwa ‘fish’) CV (*way ‘water’) There may be other patterns, but they are much rarer than those above. Onsets are

typically maximized, although as shown above, V syllables do occur. CC patterns do not occur

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word initial or word final. When they occur word medial, the syllable break is always between the consonants in the cluster. Monosyllabic forms also occur as in the CV example above, but they are few in number. Three and more syllables do occur when morphology is added onto the words. For more on those types of words and the structure of loanwords c.f. Walker (1976).

Disallowed vowel sequences

PLP disallowed low-high (e.g. *a +*u or *a + *i) medial vowel sequences. Instead, an epenthetic semivowel homorganic to the ultimate vowel (w or y) is inserted and the final vowel neutralized to *ǝ. See Table 19.

Table 19 Disallowed medial vowel sequences gloss PMP medial form PLP ‘sea’ *lahud *laut *lawǝt ‘far’ *ma-zauq *jauh *jawǝh ‘other’ *laqin *lain *layǝn ‘thirsty’ PHF *quSaw *haus (metathesis) *hawǝs

Trisyllabic PLP lexemes

It is very difficult to obtain conclusive sets of trisyllabic etyma and thus a clear picture of phonotactic constraints, if any, operating in the antepenultima. Lampung is quite conservative, especially in terms of retaining consonants, yet there is a strong pressure towards disyllabicity, so one will see phenomena like PLP *hatǝluy ‘egg’ > tahluy (including metathesis). It is rare to have more than two or three words in a set which retain a consistent vowel in antepenultimate position. The pressures of modern day linguistic processes in Lampung isolects therefore make it difficult to reconstruct antepenultimate vowels for Proto-Lampungic. If there are sets of trisyllabic etyma, they are often polymorphemic which can confuse existing phonotactics. Nevertheless, all four vowels have been (sometimes tenuously) reconstructed in antepenultimate position.

4 PLP lexicon As much as possible I attempted to make this an internal reconstruction, relying on

evidence within Lampungic rather than higher-level reconstructions. However there were times where the internal evidence was mixed and in those circumstances I looked to higher-level reconstructions, or failing that, reflexes in other languages, to serve as tie-breaker.

4.1 PLP lexical reconstructions

Table 20 presents the list of PLP reconstructions created from the wordlists. The order of the list follows the Basic Austronesian Wordlist (Adelaar 1992, Blust 1999), with additional items ordered alphabetically after that. Next to the PLP reconstruction is a field for higher-level (or related) reconstructions, if they are deemed to be cognate with the PLP form. By default these are Proto-Malayo-Polynesian reconstructions; if other, they are marked. The primary source for the Basic Austronesian reconstructions is Blust 1999, and Zorc 1995 for the alphabetically-ordered items. If other sources are used they are marked within the table, e.g. MCGINN (2002), ADELAAR (1992; 2005b).

Following the number, gloss and protoforms, the right-most field is a listing of the cognate group, in a format identical to that in §3.

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Note that I most often cut affixes off reconstructions unless they were invariably attached to the lexeme, in which case the affix is hyphenated. A comparative study of the bewildering variety of LP affixes is best left for another time!

One will notice that often more than one reconstruction is given for a particular gloss. As discussed in §1.7, every lexical set with at least three attestations was reconstructed. The benefit was that even rare sound correspondences were brought to light. But with twenty-three wordlists and substantial dialectal variation, it was often not an easy task in determining which was the “true” LP reconstruction. A two-step process was used to narrow the field. First, if a higher-level reconstruction with the same gloss was available, that reconstruction was chosen over the others. Second, for competing reconstructions which were unattested by higher-level reconstructions, preference was given to sets involving the greatest geographical distribution, preferably spanning all three dialect clusters (Komering, Api and Nyo). Reconstructions chosen through this process are considered the primary reconstruction and marked in bold; non-primary reconstructions may still be valuable for comparison with other languages and are accordingly not deleted but instead shown in regular type. Where a doublet is reconstructed and considered the primary reconstruction, both forms of the doublet are marked in bold. Exceptions to the patterns discussed here are noted below in §4.1.5.

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Table 20 Reconstructed PLP wordlist # English PLP PMP Reflexes

1 ‘hand’ *puŋu Kom-Adu KomIlir Sungkai Pubian Jabung puŋu. Kom-Jaya WayKanan KAPend puŋũ. Melintin KotaBumi puŋəo. Menggala puŋew. Sukadana puŋəo. KAAsli pũŋũ.

1 ‘hand’ *culuʔ Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda culuʔ. WayLima culuk. 2 ‘left’ (loan)

3 ‘right’ (loan)

4 ‘leg’ *kukut Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Kalianda cukut. WayKanan Melintin Jabung KAPend kukʊt. Kom-Dpur Ranau Krui cukut. Sungkai Pubian Menggala kukut. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir kukʊt. Daya cukʊt. Kom-Jaya kʊkʊt.

5 ‘walk/ go’ *lapah PHN *lambaʔ ? Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala lɑpɑh. Sukau lɑpɑx. Ranau lɜpɜx. KAPend mɑpɑh. KAAsli məlɑpɑh.

6 ‘road/ path’

*raŋlaya *zalan + *Raya ‘big’

KomIlir Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur ʁɑŋʁɑyɑ. KAAsli ʁəŋʁɑye. Kom-Jaya Daya Kom-Dpur ŋəʁɑyɑ. Sukau ɣɔlɑyɑ. Krui ɣɑŋlɑyɑ. WayKanan TalaPada Pubian ʁɑŋlɑyɑ. Sungkai rɑŋlɑyɑ. KotAgung ʁəŋlɑyɑ. Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ʁɑŋlɑyo. Menggala ʁɑŋlɑyow. KAPend lɑŋlɑye. WayLima rɑŋ. Ranau ɣɜŋɣɜŋ. Melintin ʁɑŋɑn.

7 ‘come’ *ratəŋ PM *datǝŋ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ʁɑtoŋ. Sukau Krui ɣɑtɔŋ. WayKanan Jabung ʁɑtɔŋ. WayLima rɑtoŋ. Ranau ɣɜtɔŋ.

7 ‘come’ *məgər Sukadana KotaBumi məgəʁ. KAPend mɔgɔ. Menggala mɘgew. Jabung məgːə. 8 ‘turn’ *biluk PM *biluk Kom-Jaya Sukau KotAgung Jabung KAPend biluk. KAAsli Daya Ranau biluk. Krui Belalau Kalianda biluʔ.

Melintin bilʊk. Pubian bubiluk. Kom-Adu bubiluk. Kom-Dpur mbiluk. Kom-Dpur əmbiluk. 8 ‘turn’ *simpaŋ WayKanan KotaBumi ɲipɑŋ. Menggala ɲepɑŋ. KomIlir ɲimpɑŋ. 9 ‘swim’ *laŋuy *laŋuy Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda lɑŋui. Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau lɑŋuy.

Jabung blɑŋʊy. Kom-Adu bulɑŋuy. KomIlir bulɑŋuy. Krui lɑŋoy. WayKanan lɑŋʊy. Ranau lɜŋuy. KAAsli melɑŋoy. KAAsli məlɑŋoy.

9 ‘swim’ *naŋuy *naŋuy Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi nɑŋʊy. Menggala nɑŋoy. KAPend nɑŋuy. 10 ‘dirty’ *kamah *cemeD ? KAAsli Pubian Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala kɑmɑh. WayKanan kɑməh. 10 ‘dirty’ *kamaʔ *cemeD ? Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Kalianda Menggala kɑmɑʔ. Ranau kɜmɜʔ.

Krui mɑkɑmɑʔ. 11 ‘dust’ *harbuk *qabuk KotAgung Kalianda ʁɑʁbuʔ. Kom-Dpur hɑlpuʔ. Kom-Jaya hɑlɘpuʔ. WayKanan hɑpok. Ranau hɜɣbuʔ.

Sukau xɑɣbu. Daya ʁɑhbuʔ. KotAgung ʁɑʁbuk. TalaPada ʁɑʁəbuʔ. 12 ‘skin’ *bawaʔ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian

Jabung bɑwɑʔ. Kalianda Melintin KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala bɑbɑʔ. Krui bɑwɑ. Ranau bɜwɜʔ. 12 ‘skin’ *kulit *kulit KAAsli kulit. KotaBumi kuliʔ. WayLima pəkulik.

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# English PLP PMP Reflexes

13 ‘back’ *tundun Kom-Dpur Ranau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian KotaBumi tundun. Kom-Dpur Daya tundudn. Melintin tɘnːʊn. Jabung tənudn.

13 ‘back’ *ka-ruyuŋ WayKanan Sungkai Sukadana təkuyuŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir kɑʁuyuŋ. KAAsli keʁuyuŋ. Menggala kuyuŋ. KAAsli kəʁuyuŋ. KAPend tɑŋkuyuŋ.

14 ‘belly’ *bətəŋ (c.f. ‘full stomach’)

TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda bətoŋ. Melintin Sukadana bɘtːəŋ. KAPend botoŋ. KAAsli bɔtoŋ. Kom-Jaya bɘtɔŋ. Jabung bɘtːɔŋ. Menggala bɘtːɘŋ. WayKanan bətːɔŋ. KotaBumi bətːəŋ.

15 ‘bone’ *tuhəlan *tuqelan KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sungkai Pubian KAPend tuhlɑn. KotAgung KotaBumi tulːɑn. Sukau Krui təlɑn. Kom-Adu tuhlɑn. Ranau tuhlɛn. TalaPada tɑlɑn. Belalau təhulɑn. Kom-Jaya tʊhlɑn.

15 ‘bone’ *baluŋ WayLima Kalianda Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala bɑluŋ. Jabung bɑlugŋ. Melintin bɑlʊŋ. 16 ‘guts’ *tinahi *tinaqi Sukau Belalau KotAgung ‘belly’ tənɑi. KomIlir ‘belly’ tɑnihĩ. Kom-Adu ‘belly’ tɑnihi. Melintin tɘnɑhɘy.

Menggala tɘnɑhɘy. Jabung tənɑhəy. Krui ‘belly’ tənɑy. Sukadana tənəhəy. KotaBumi tənəhːɑy. Ranau ‘belly’ tənɜy.

16 ‘guts’ *isaw Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda isɑu. Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Jabung isɑw. Ranau isɜw.

16 ‘guts’ *isi bətəŋ KAAsli KAPend isi botoŋ. Kom-Jaya isi bɘtoŋ. 17 ‘liver’ *hatay *qatay/ *qatey KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada

WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend hɑti. Melintin Menggala ɑtɘy. Sukadana KotaBumi ɑtəy. Jabung ɑti.

18 ‘breast’ *susu *susu KAAsli KomIlir KAPend KotaBumi susu. Menggala susew. Sukadana susəo. 18 ‘breast’ *imah KotAgung TalaPada mːɑh. Pubian Kalianda mɑh. WayKanan mẽʔ. Belalau mɑh. Jabung mɛh. Melintin mːẽh.

Kom-Jaya ɪmɛʔ. 18 ‘breast’ *tiʔtiʔ Sungkai teteʔ. Kom-Adu titɪʔ. KomIlir tiʔtiʔ. 19 ‘shoulder’ *piŋpiŋ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan KAPend piŋpiŋ. Sungkai Pubian pimpiŋ. Sukadana KotaBumi pupːɪŋ. Kom-

Adu Kom-Jaya pɪŋpɪŋ. Menggala pɘpːiŋ. Jabung pəpːiŋ. WayKanan pɪmpɪŋ. KomIlir pɪmpɪŋg. 19 ‘shoulder’ *layaŋ Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda lɑyɑŋ. Ranau lɜyɜŋ. 20 ‘know

(things)’ (loan)

21 ‘think’ (loan)

22 ‘afraid’ *rabay KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ʁɑbɑy. KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ʁɑbɑi. Melintin Menggala gɑbɑy. Sukau muɣɑbɑy. Krui mɑɣɑbɑy. Belalau məʁɑbɑi. WayLima rabai. KAPend ɑbɑy. Ranau ɣɜbɜy.

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23 ‘blood’ *ərah *daRaq Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ʁɑh. Krui WayLima rɑh. Sukau Menggala ɣɑh. KAPend oʁɑh. KAAsli ɔɾɑh. Melintin əʁɑh. Ranau ɣɜx.

24 ‘head’ *hulu *qulu KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian KAPend hulu. Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Kalianda Jabung ulu. Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi uləo. Kom-Dpur hulu. Menggala ulew.

25 ‘neck’ *galah KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala gɑlɑh. Ranau gɜlɜh.

26 ‘hair’ *buəʔ *buhek Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Jabung KAPend Menggala buoʔ. Kom-Adu KomIlir buoʔ. Kom-Dpur Krui buwoʔ. KAAsli Daya buwɔʔ. WayLima buok. Kom-Jaya buoʔ. Sukadana buwɑʔ. Ranau buwɔ. Melintin buɐʔ. KotaBumi buɑʔ. WayKanan buɔʔ. Kalianda uwoʔ.

27 ‘nose’ *hiruŋ *ijuŋ/*ujuŋ, *qijuhuŋ (Adelaar 1992:108)

Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi iʁuŋ. Ranau Sukau Krui iɣuŋ. Menggala eʁuŋ. Daya hiʁuŋ. WayLima iruŋ. KAPend iyuŋ. KAAsli iʁoŋ. Kom-Jaya iʁʊŋ.

28 ‘breathe’ *həŋas Krui KotAgung TalaPada mɑhəŋɑs. Kom-Dpur Belalau Pubian məhəŋɑs. Ranau muhəŋɜs. Sukau muxəŋɑs. KomIlir mɑhoŋɑs. Kom-Jaya mɘŋɑs. Kom-Adu məhoŋɑs. Daya məhəŋɑs. Sungkai məhɨŋɑs. Kalianda məŋɑs.

29 ‘sniff/ smell’

*ambaw TalaPada WayLima Kalianda ŋɑmbɑu. KotaBumi Menggala ɑmbɑw. Sukau imbɑu. Sungkai nɑmbɑu. KotAgung umbɑu. Krui ŋimbɑu. Belalau ŋumbɑu. Sukadana ŋɑmbɑw. Melintin ŋəmbɑ o. Jabung ɑmːɑw.


*hunduŋ Kom-Jaya WayKanan munduŋ. Kom-Dpur Daya undugŋ. Kom-Dpur unduŋ. TalaPada ŋunduŋ. Pubian ŋəhunduŋ.


*sium Kom-Adu KAPend sium. KomIlir nium. KAAsli sium. Kom-Jaya ɲium.

30 ‘mouth’ *baŋuʔ Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda bɑŋuʔ. Kom-Adu KomIlir bɑŋuʔ. WayKanan Jabung bɑŋʊʔ. Krui bɑŋu. WayLima bɑŋuk. Kom-Dpur bɑŋũʔ. KAAsli bɑŋɔʔ. Kom-Jaya bɑŋʊʔ. Ranau bɜŋuʔ. Daya mbɑŋuʔ.

30 ‘mouth’ *ŋaŋa KotaBumi Menggala gɑŋõ. KAPend ŋɑŋẽ. Sukadana ʁɑŋəɔ. 31 ‘teeth’ *ipən *ipen/*nipen Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ipon. Kom-

Jaya Ranau Sukau Krui WayKanan Jabung ipɔn. KAAsli KomIlir ipon. 31 ‘teeth’ *kədis Sukadana KotaBumi kədiəs. KAPend kɔdis. Menggala kɘdːɪs. Melintin kədːis. 32 ‘tongue’ *əma *hema Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Belalau KotAgung mɑ. Sukau Krui WayKanan TalaPada Pubian mɑ.

Kom-Dpur Daya KotAgung WayLima Kalianda əmɑ. Daya Sungkai mːɑ. KAAsli KAPend ome. Jabung mɔ. Sukadana məɔ. Ranau mɜ. KAPend ɔme.

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33 ‘laugh’ *maha Kom-Adu KomIlir mɑhɑ. KAAsli KAPend mɑhe . Menggala mõhõw. Jabung mɑhɔ. Melintin mɑhəɔ. WayKanan mɑhːɑ. Sukadana mɑhːɑ o. KotaBumi mɑhːəo. Kom-Jaya məhɑ.

33 ‘laugh’ *lalaŋ Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda lɑlɑŋ. Ranau lɜlɜŋ. 34 ‘cry’ *miwaŋ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai

Pubian Kalianda KAPend miwɑŋ. Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi mĩwɑŋ. Menggala mewɑŋ. KAAsli miwɑŋ. Ranau miwɜŋ.

35 ‘vomit’ *mutah *utaq KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend mutɑh. WayKanan Melintin KotaBumi mũtɑh. Menggala motɑh. Kom-Dpur mutɑ. Sukadana mũtɑh. Jabung mũtːɑh.

36 ‘spit’ *halitəp WayKanan hitɔp. KomIlir hɑlotoʔ. Kalianda itop. Jabung itɔp. Melintin itəp. Kom-Adu mɑhɑlotoʔ. Kom-Jaya mɘlɘtoʔ. Sungkai mələtok. Pubian mələtoʔ. Sukadana utəp. KAAsli ŋẽhutoʔ. Kalianda ŋitop. Menggala ŋitɘp. KotaBumi ŋutəp. TalaPada ŋɑhɑlitop. KAPend ŋəhutop. WayLima ŋələtopi. Kom-Dpur ŋəʁətoʔ. Daya ʁɑhtoʔ.

36 ‘spit’ *iluy *iluR ‘saliva’ Krui Belalau məlui. Pubian ilui. KotAgung lui. Ranau məluy. Sukau ŋelui. 37 ‘eat’ *məŋan Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung

KotaBumi məŋɑn. KAAsli Kom-Adu moŋɑn. Kom-Jaya Menggala mɘŋɑn. KomIlir mõŋɑn. KAPend moŋɑ n. Sukadana məŋɑn. Ranau məŋɜn.

38 ‘chew’ *kaɲəl Sukadana KotaBumi ŋɑyəl. Jabung kɑyol. Melintin kɑɲil. Pubian məŋɑyil. Sungkai ŋɑyil. WayKanan ŋɑyɔl. Menggala ŋɑɲel. Kom-Jaya ŋɑɲol.

38 ‘chew’ *ŋalŋal KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya ŋɑlŋɑl. Sukau TalaPada ŋəŋɑl. Krui ŋiŋɑl. KotAgung ŋɑŋɑl. Ranau ŋəŋɜl.

39 ‘cook’ *nasaʔ KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sungkai Pubian Jabung KAPend KotaBumi nɑsɑʔ. 39 ‘cook’ *masak Kom-Adu KotAgung Kalianda KotaBumi mɑsɑʔ. Krui Sukadana mɑjɑʔ. Sukau TalaPada mɑsɑk. 39 ‘cook’ *gulay KotAgung bəgulɑi. Belalau gulɑi. Melintin ŋulɑy. 39 ‘cook’ *ɲunjəŋ Belalau nunːjoŋ. KotAgung ɲoɲjoŋ. Ranau ɲunjɔŋ. 39 ‘cook’ *ŋəkuʔ Melintin Sukadana ŋəkʊʔ. Menggala ŋɘkuʔ. 40 ‘drink’ *inəm *inum Sukau Melintin ŋinom. Ranau Krui ŋinɔm. Menggala ŋinɘm.

40 ‘drink’ *inum *inum KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung KAPend KotaBumi ŋinum. Sukadana ŋĩnum.

41 ‘bite’ *gigit *kitkit Sukadana KotaBumi gigiəʔ. Menggala digigiʔ. KAPend gigit. KAAsli gigɪʔ. Pubian ŋəgigiʔ. 41 ‘bite’ *kərəh *kaRat ? Kom-Dpur Daya KotaBumi kəʁoh. KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda ŋəʁoh. Melintin gəʁəh. Belalau kɑʁoh.

Ranau kəɣɔɣ. Jabung kəʁoχ. Sukadana kəʁɑh. Kom-Adu ŋoʁoh. Kom-Jaya ŋɘʁoh. WayLima ŋəroh. Krui ŋəɣoh. Sukau ŋəɣox.

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42 ‘suck’ *hisəp *isep Zorc Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala isəp. Sukau Pubian Kalianda ŋisop. Kom-Jaya Daya hisoʔ. KAAsli Kom-Dpur hisɔʔ. Belalau KotAgung ŋɑhisop. KAPend hisop. Kom-Adu hisop. WayKanan hisɔʔ. Ranau isɔp. Jabung isɔʔ. KomIlir sɔʔsɔʔ. Sungkai ŋihisoʔ. Krui ŋisɔp. TalaPada ŋɑhisok. WayLima ŋəsop.

43 ‘ear’ *cupiŋ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend cupiŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya cupɪŋ. Sukadana KotaBumi cupiəŋ. Menggala cʊpiŋ.

44 ‘hear’ *dəŋi *deŋeR Sukau Krui dəŋi. KAAsli doŋi. KotaBumi dɘŋɘy. Melintin dəŋɘy. Sukadana dəŋəy. Sukau dɛŋi. KAPend kədoŋyɑn. Pubian nioŋ. Sungkai niyoŋ. KAAsli noŋi. Jabung nəŋĩ. Kalianda ŋɑdəŋi. Menggala ŋɘdɘŋɘy. KomIlir ŋdo ŋih. Kom-Adu ɑndoŋi.

44 ‘hear’ *təŋis *deŋeR Daya Ranau Menggala təŋis. Belalau KotAgung nəŋis. Kom-Dpur WayKanan nəŋɪs. Kom-Jaya nɘŋis. WayLima nəŋisko. TalaPada ŋɑdəŋis.

45 ‘eye’ *mata *mata Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda mɑtɑ. KAAsli KAPend mɑte. Jabung KotaBumi mɑtɔ. Menggala mɑtow. Sukadana mɑtəɔ. Melintin mɑtəɔ.

46 ‘see’ *liaʔ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Krui WayKanan liɑʔ. KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda ŋɑliɑʔ. Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau ŋəliɑʔ. Ranau liɜʔ. WayLima ŋɑliɑk. Kom-Jaya ŋɘliɑʔ.

46 ‘see’ *ninuʔ Pubian KotaBumi ninuʔ. Jabung Sukadana ninʊʔ. KotAgung mənoʔ. Sungkai ŋinuʔ. 46 ‘see’ *ŋənah Melintin KotaBumi ŋənɑh. KAPend onɑ. KAAsli ŋonɑh. Menggala ŋɘnːɑh. 47 ‘yawn’ *huap *ma-huab Sungkai Pubian Melintin Jabung muɑp. Krui WayKanan Kalianda məhuɑp. KAAsli KAPend huɑʔ huɑy. KomIlir

KotAgung mɑhuɑp. Kom-Dpur huwɑpɑn. Kom-Jaya huɑphuɑpɑn. Belalau hɑwɑ. Sukau muxuɑp. Menggala muɑp. Kom-Adu mɑhowɑp. KotaBumi mɑhːwɑp. TalaPada mɑlɑluɑp. Sukadana məhɑwɑp. Daya wɑʔwɑpɑn. Ranau ŋɜlɜluɜp.

48 ‘sleep’ *turuy *tuduR KomIlir Kom-Dpur ‘lie down’ WayKanan Menggala tuʁuy. KAAsli Kom-Jaya ‘lie down’ KotaBumi ‘lie down’ Sukadana tuʁʊy. KAPend tuwoy. KotAgung ‘lie down’ Sungkai ‘lie down’ Pubian tuʁui. Kom-Adu tuʁuy. Jabung ‘lie down’ tʊʁʊy tʊʁʊyɑn.

48 ‘sleep’ *pədəm Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian pədom. Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala pədːəm. Ranau Krui Jabung pədɔm. Kom-Jaya pɘdom. Daya pədoum. Kalianda pədːom.

49 ‘lie down’ *dulik Krui Kalianda dɑdulik. Daya duleʁduleʁ. Ranau dulik. TalaPada dɑdoleʁ. Sukau dɑduliʔ. Daya ndulɪk. 49 ‘lie down’ *gulik KAAsli beguliŋ. KAAsli bəguliŋ. Melintin ŋəgɑlik. KomIlir ŋgulɪk. Kom-Adu ɑŋgulɪk. 49 ‘lie down’ *ginciŋ WayKanan ginciŋ. Pubian gɪnciŋ. Belalau iciŋ. 50 ‘dream’ *hanipi *hipi Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sungkai Jabung nipi. Sukau Krui Belalau hɑnipi. KAAsli KAPend ŋipi. KotaBumi

Menggala ŋipɘy. TalaPada buhɑnipi. Kom-Adu buɪnɪpi. KomIlir bɑnĩpi. Kom-Jaya bɘnipi. Kom-Dpur bənɪpi. Kalianda hɑnipiɑn. Ranau hɜnipi. Melintin ŋipːɘy. Sukadana ŋĩpəy. KotAgung ŋɑhɑnipi. Pubian ŋəhipi.

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51 ‘sit’ *məjəŋ Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian məjoŋ. Ranau Krui Jabung məjɔŋ. KAAsli KAPend mɔjoŋ. Melintin KotaBumi məjːəŋ. Kom-Jaya bijoŋ. Kom-Adu mojoŋ. KomIlir mɔjoŋ. Menggala mɘjːɘŋ. Sukadana məjəŋ. Kalianda məjːoŋ. WayKanan məjːɔŋ. Daya məjoŋ.

52 ‘stand’ *təməgi WayKanan Sungkai Pubian təməgi. Melintin KotaBumi təməgɘy. Jabung məgi. KAPend temogi. KomIlir togi. Menggala tɘmɘgːɘy. Kalianda təgi. KAAsli təmogi. Sukadana təməgəy.

52 ‘stand’ *cəkcək Sukau Krui Belalau Pubian cəcoʔ. Kom-Dpur Daya coʔcoʔ. KotAgung cocːok. Ranau cəcɔk. TalaPada cəcːoʔ. WayLima cəkcok.

52 ‘stand’ *minjaʔ Kom-Adu Sukadana KotaBumi minjɑʔ. Kom-Jaya Daya miɲjɑʔ. 52 ‘stand’ *təgaʔ Kom-Adu KomIlir togɑʔ. Kom-Jaya tɘgɑʔ. 53 ‘person’ (loan)

54 ‘man’ *bakas KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Kalianda bɑkɑs. Ranau bɜkɜs. Kom-Adu mbɑkɑs.

54 ‘man’ *ragah WayKanan Sungkai Pubian Jabung Menggala ʁɑgɑh. Melintin KotaBumi rɑgɑh. Sukadana ɾɑgɑh. 55 ‘woman’ *bay *ba-bahi Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Jabung bɑy. Daya Pubian bɑi. Belalau WayLima bəbɑi. Sukau Krui bəbɑy.

KAAsli KomIlir obɑy. WayKanan KotaBumi səbɑy. Melintin Sukadana səbɑy. Kalianda bubːɑi. KotAgung bɑbːɑi. Daya bɑibɑi. Ranau bəbɜy. TalaPada bəbːɑi. KAPend sobɑy. Menggala sɘbɑy. Sungkai səbɑi.

56 ‘child’ *s-anak *anak KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui KotAgung Kalianda Jabung sɑnɑʔ. Kom-Jaya Belalau WayKanan Pubian Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala ɑnɑʔ. WayLima Sungkai sɑnɑk. TalaPada Melintin ɑnɑk. Ranau sɜnɜʔ.

57 ‘spouse (husband/ wife)’

*ka-həjəŋ

Daya ‘husband’ kɑhjoŋ bɑkɑs. Daya ‘wife’ kɑhjoŋ bɑi. Belalau ‘husband’ kɑhəjoŋ. KotAgung WayLima TalaPada kɑjoŋ. Krui kɑjɔŋ. KotAgung ‘husband’ kɑjːoŋ. Jabung ‘husband’ kɑjːɔŋ. WayKanan ‘husband’ kəjːɔŋ. WayKanan ‘wife’ kejːɔŋ. Kom-Dpur ‘wife’ khɑjoŋ.

57 ‘husband’ *laki *laki ‘man’ /PHF *lakay

Kom-Adu KomIlir KAPend lɑki. Melintin lɑkɘy. KAAsli lɑkʰi. Menggala lɑkːɘy.

57 ‘husband’ *məŋi-an *ma-Ruqanay ‘man’ ?

WayKanan Pubian məŋiɑn. Ranau muŋiyɜn. Sungkai muŋiɑn. Menggala mɘŋiɑn. KotaBumi məŋĩɑn. Sukadana məʁĩɑn.

58 ‘wife’ (see ‘spouse’)

58 ‘wife’ *iŋgəm Kom-Jaya Belalau iŋgomɑn. Sukau iŋgom. Ranau iŋgɔmɜn. KAAsli ŋomɑn. Kom-Adu ɑŋgomɑn. 58 ‘wife’ *maju Sungkai Jabung mɑju. Sukadana KotaBumi mɑjəo. 59 ‘mother’ *əmaʔ Sukau Krui Belalau TalaPada Sungkai mɑʔ. KotAgung Sukadana Menggala mːɑʔ. WayLima mɑk. Ranau mɜʔ.

KotaBumi mmɑʔ. 59 ‘mother’ *umaʔ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya umɑʔ.

58


59 ‘mother’ *induʔ Kom-Jaya WayKanan induʔ. Daya ndoʔ. Jabung nuʔ. Kom-Dpur nduʔ. Melintin nnʊʔ. KAPend ondoʔ. KAAsli ɪndɔʔ.

59 ‘mother’ *inaʔ *ina Sukau Kalianda inɑʔ. KotAgung inɑ. 60 ‘father’ *bapak *bapa-q WayKanan KotAgung Sungkai Melintin KAPend Sukadana bɑpɑʔ. TalaPada WayLima bɑpɑk. KAAsli bɑpɑk.

Jabung ɑpɑʔ. 60 ‘father’ *ubaʔ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui Belalau bɑʔ. Kom-Adu KomIlir ubɑʔ. Ranau bɜʔ. Daya mbɑʔ. Pubian ɑbɑh.

Kalianda ɑmɑʔ. 61 ‘house’ *ləmbah-

an Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda lɑmbɑn. Kom-Adu KomIlir lombɑhɑn. KAAsli Pubian mɑhɑn.

Kom-Jaya lɘmbɑhɑn. Kom-Dpur ləmbɑhɑn. Ranau lɜmbɜn. Daya mbɑhɑn. Kom-Dpur mbɑhɑn. 61 ‘house’ *bənua *banua

‘inhabited territory’

KAPend benue. Menggala nuow. Sungkai nuwɑ. Jabung nũwõ. WayKanan nuɑ. Melintin nuəo . KotaBumi nuəɔ . Sukadana nuəɔ .

62 ‘roof’ *hatəp *qatep KAAsli Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda hɑtoʔ. Sukau Krui hɑtɜʔ. KAPend hɑtop. Kom-Dpur hɑtoʔ. Ranau hɜtɔk. Jabung ɑtɔʔ.

62 ‘roof’ *paŋkul KotaBumi Menggala pɑkːʊl. Melintin Sukadana pəkːʊl. KomIlir pɑnɑku.

63 ‘name’ *gəlar Proto-Batak *gǝlar ‘title, surname’

Kom-Dpur Daya KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda Jabung Sukadana gəlɑʁ. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir golɑʁ. WayKanan Sungkai Pubian gəʁɑl. Krui gilɑɣ. KAPend gɔlow. Menggala gɘlew. Melintin gəlɑo. WayLima gəlɑr. Ranau gəlɜɣ.

64 ‘say’ *ŋumuŋ Kom-Jaya KAPend ŋumuŋ. Menggala ŋomoŋ. Kom-Adu ŋõmoŋg. KAAsli ŋomoŋ. KomIlir ŋumu ŋ. 64 ‘say’ *cawa Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda cɑwɑ.

Sukadana KotaBumi cɑwo. Menggala cɑwow. Jabung cɑwɔ. Melintin cɑwəɔ. Ranau cɜwɜh. WayLima ɲɑwɑ. 65 ‘rope’ *tali *talih KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai

Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend tɑli. KotaBumi tɑlɘy. Sukadana tɑləy. Menggala tɑlɜy. 66 ‘tether’ *ikət *hiket Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ŋikoʔ. Melintin Sukadana ikɐʔ. Krui Jabung ikɔʔ.

Menggala diekoʔ. KotaBumi ŋikəʔ. WayLima ŋəkok. 66 ‘tether’ *karut Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan kɑʁuʔ. KAAsli Kom-Jaya kɑʁoʔ. KAPend kɑʁut. Ranau kɜɣuʔ.

Sungkai ŋɑʁuk. 67 ‘sew’ *sərut Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung ɲəʁuʔ. Sukau Krui ɲəɣuʔ. WayLima sərok.

Ranau səɣuk. Belalau səʁuʔ. Sukadana ɲiʁuəʔ. KAPend ɲowʊt. Kom-Adu ɲoʁuʔ. KomIlir ɲõʁuʔ. KAAsli ɲɔʁʊʔ. Menggala ɲɘʁuʔ. Melintin ɲəʁʊʔ. TalaPada ɲəχuʔ. Kom-Jaya ɲɨʁuʔ.

68 ‘needle’ *sərəp Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau Sungkai Pubian Kalianda səʁoʔ. Kom-Adu KomIlir soʁoʔ. WayKanan Jabung səʁɔʔ. KotAgung TalaPada səχoʔ. KAPend sowop. KAAsli sɔʁɔʔ. Menggala sɘʁɘp. KotaBumi sɘʁəʔ. Sukau səɣoʔ. Krui səɣuʔ. Ranau səɣɔk. Sukadana səʁɑʔ. Melintin səʁəp. Kom-Jaya sɨʁoʔ.

59


69 ‘hunt’ (loan) *buRaw/ *buRew ‘chase away’

Kom-Dpur KAPend bəbuʁu. Kom-Jaya WayKanan mbuʁu. Sukadana KotaBumi ŋəbuɾəo. KAAsli beburu. KomIlir bubuʁu. KAAsli bəburu. Pubian bərburu. Sungkai ŋəbuʁu. Kom-Adu ɑmbuʁu.

69 ‘hunt’ *m-asu c.f. ‘dog’ Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda Jabung mɑsu. Ranau mɜsu. 70 ‘shoot’ *timbak *timbak Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Kalianda Sukadana KotaBumi nimbɑk. Kom-Adu Sukau

Pubian nimbɑʔ. KomIlir Kom-Dpur nimbɑk. Melintin Jabung nəmːɑk. KAAsli nimːɑk. Menggala nɘmbɑʔ. Kom-Jaya nɪmbɑk. Kom-Dpur timbɑk. Daya timbɑʔ. KAPend timbɑk.

71 ‘stab’ *pagas Sukau Krui KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala mɑgɑs. Daya Belalau WayKanan Jabung KAPend pɑgɑs. Kom-Adu KomIlir pɑgɑs. Ranau pɜgɜs.

71 ‘stab’ *tujah KAAsli Kom-Adu nujɑh. Kom-Jaya KAPend tujɑh. Kom-Dpur nujɑ. Kom-Dpur tujɑ. 72 ‘hit (not

punch)’ *gada Sungkai ŋugɑdɑ. KotAgung ŋɑgɑdɑ. Pubian ŋəgɑdɑ. TalaPada ŋəŋgɑdɑ.

72 ‘hit (not punch)’

*təstəs Belalau nətos. KotaBumi nətːuh. Daya tostos. KomIlir tɔstɔs. Jabung tətɔs. Melintin tətəs. KotaBumi tətːuh.


*gəbuk Jabung gəbuk. Pubian ŋəgibuh. Sukadana ŋəgəbʊk.


*pukul KAAsli Krui Belalau mukul. WayKanan KAPend pukul.


*səbat Kom-Adu sobɑt. Ranau səbɜt. WayLima ɲəbɑt.


*təgəm Kom-Adu KomIlir togom. Kom-Jaya tɘgom. Kom-Dpur təgom.

73 ‘steal’ *maliŋ PM *maliŋ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan Melintin Jabung KAPend mɑliŋ. Sukau KotAgung Kalianda ŋɑmɑliŋ. Sukadana KotaBumi mɑliəŋ. Kom-Dpur mɑlin. KomIlir mɑlɪŋ. Ranau mɜliŋ. Sungkai ŋumɑliŋ. TalaPada ŋɑmɑlin. Kom-Adu ŋɑmɑlɪŋ. Menggala ŋɘmɑliŋ. Pubian ŋəmɑliŋ.

74 ‘kill’ *bunuh *bunuq WayLima KotaBumi ŋəbunuh. Belalau məmbunuh. TalaPada ŋɑmbunuh. 74 ‘kill’ *patay *m-atay/

*matey ‘dead’ KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya pɑtiko. KotAgung Sungkai Pubian mɑtiko. KAAsli KAPend mɑtiʔi. WayKanan Jabung pɑti. Menggala dipɑtɘykɘn. Sukau kupɑtiko. Sukadana mɑtəy. KAAsli pɑtiʔi. KotaBumi pɑtɘy. Ranau pɜtikɑn. Kom-Adu ŋəmɑtiko. Kalianda ŋəmɑtion.

75 ‘dead’ *matay *m-atay/ *matey ‘dead’

KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Jabung KAPend mɑti. Sungkai Pubian mɑtiko. Melintin KotaBumi mɑtɘy. WayLima mati. Menggala mɑtey. Sukadana mɑtəy.

60


76 ‘live/ be alive’

*huriʔ *ma-qudip Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya KotAgung Sungkai Pubian huʁiʔ. Belalau Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi uʁiʔ. Sukau Menggala huɣiʔ. Kom-Dpur TalaPada huʁɪʔ. WayLima hurik. KAPend huweʔ. Ranau huɣi. Krui huɣɛʔ. KAAsli huʁeʔ. WayKanan hɔʁeʔ. Kalianda uʁɛʔ. Sukau ‘grow’ huɣi.

77 ‘scratch’ *kuykuy *kutkut KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sungkai KAPend kuykuy. Belalau WayKanan KotAgung ŋukːui. Ranau Sukau Krui Pubian TalaPada Kalianda Melintin KotaBumi kəkuy. Jabung kəkːʊy. Sukadana kəkːʊy. WayLima ŋəkoi.

78 ‘cut/ hack’ *pələʔ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Kalianda məloʔ. Kom-Jaya Daya pɘloʔ. Sukau Krui pəlɔʔ. WayLima məlok. KotaBumi məlɑʔ. Jabung məlɔʔ. KotaBumi pɘlɑʔ. Kom-Dpur pəloʔ. Melintin pələʔ.

79 ‘wood’ *kayu *kahiw KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung KAPend kɑyu. Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi kɑyəo. Menggala kɑyew.

80 ‘split’ *bəlah *belaq Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau WayKanan Sukadana KotaBumi bəlɑh. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir KAPend bolɑh. Belalau KotAgung Kalianda ŋɑbəlɑh. WayLima Pubian ŋəbəlɑh. Melintin belɑh. Krui bilɑh. Kom-Jaya bɘlɑh. Jabung bəlɑh. Menggala dibɘlɑh. Sungkai ŋubəlɑh. TalaPada ŋɑmbəlɑh.

81 ‘sharp’ *tajəm *ma-tazem KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend tɑjom. KotaBumi Menggala tɑjɘm. Melintin Sukadana tɑjəm. WayLima tɑjum. Krui tɑjɑm. Jabung tɑjɔm. WayKanan tɑjɔm. Ranau tɜjɔm.

82 ‘dull’ *kudul KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian Jabung Menggala kudul. Melintin KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi kudʊl. Sungkai Kalianda kududl.

83 ‘work’ *gaway *gaway (Adelaar)

Kom-Adu KomIlir bugɑwi. Kom-Jaya Daya bɘgɑwi. KAAsli Sukau bəguɑy. Kom-Dpur WayKanan bəgɑwi. KAAsli beguɑy. KAPend begwɑy. Krui buguwɑy. Ranau bugɜwi. Belalau məguwɑi.

84 ‘plant’ *tanəm *tanem (Adelaar)

Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Kalianda nɑnom. Daya Sukau KAPend tɑnom. Sukadana KotaBumi nɑnəm. KomIlir nɑnõm. KAAsli nɑnom. Sungkai nɑnum. Krui nɑnɔm. Menggala nɑnɘm. WayKanan tɑnum. Jabung tɑnɔm. Melintin tɑnəm. Ranau tɜnɔm.

85 ‘choose’ *pilih *piliq Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend KotaBumi Menggala milih. Sukau Krui milɛh. KAAsli Kom-Adu milɪh. Belalau Pubian məmilih. Sukadana miliəh. KomIlir mɪlɪh. Kom-Jaya pilih. Ranau piləh.

86 ‘grow’ *tuəh Daya Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda tuwoh. Kom-Dpur Ranau tuwɔh. Kom-Jaya tuoh. Krui tuwox. Jabung tuɔh. WayKanan tuɔh.

86 ‘grow’ *tumbuh *tu(m)buq KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir tumbuh. Sukadana tumbʊəh. Menggala tɘmbuh. 87 ‘swell’ *bayəh *baReq Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Menggala bɑyoh. KAAsli bɑyo.

WayKanan bɑyoh. Sukadana bɑyɑh. Jabung bɑyɔh. KotaBumi bɑyəh. Belalau mubɑyoh. 87 ‘swell’ *məgak Sukau Krui məgɑʔ. Daya məgɑk. Ranau məgɜk. 88 ‘squeeze’ *piəh *peReq Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya KotAgung Sungkai KAPend pioh. WayKanan mioh. KAAsli piyoh. Jabung piɔh.

61


88 ‘squeeze’ *pərəs *peRes ? Melintin mərəs. Sukadana məɾəs. Pubian məʁos. KotaBumi pɘɾɘs. Menggala pʁːɘs. 88 ‘squeeze’ *pərəʔ *peReq ? KomIlir poʁoʔ. Jabung pəʁɔʔ. Kom-Dpur ʁoʔʁoʔ. 88 ‘squeeze’ *kəcil Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung ŋəcil. Daya kɘciŋ. Ranau kəcil. Kalianda məcil. TalaPada pəcil. 89 ‘hold’ *bəkəm KAAsli KomIlir bokom. Kom-Dpur Daya bəkom. Melintin Sukadana bəkːəm. Sukau Kalianda ŋɑbəkom.

KAPend bɔkom. Kom-Jaya bɘkom. Krui bəkɔm. TalaPada dibəkom. KotaBumi məkːəm. Sungkai ŋubəkom. Menggala ŋɘbɘkɘm. Pubian ŋəbəkom. Kom-Adu ɑmbokom.

89 ‘hold’ *katiŋ Kom-Adu KotaBumi kɑtiŋ. WayKanan ŋətːoŋ. 89 ‘hold’ *pəguŋ *pegeŋ KotAgung WayLima məguŋ. Jabung pəgugŋ. KotaBumi pəguŋ. 90 ‘dig’ *kali *kali KAAsli Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ŋɑli. KomIlir Daya WayKanan Jabung kɑli.

Sukau KotAgung ŋɑgɑli. KotaBumi gɑlɘy. Ranau kɛli. Melintin ŋɑlɘy. Sukadana ŋɑləy. TalaPada ŋɑŋgɑli. Menggala ŋɘgɑli. Menggala ŋɘgɑlɘy.

91 ‘buy’ *bəli *beli Ranau Belalau Melintin Jabung bəli. Sukau Krui Kalianda ŋɑbəli. KAAsli KAPend boli. Kom-Jaya bɘli. Menggala bɘlɘy. KotaBumi bəlɘy. Sukadana bələy. Daya mbeli. KAAsli moli. KomIlir mboli. WayKanan mbəli. Sungkai ŋubəli. TalaPada ŋɑmbeli. Pubian ŋəbəli. Kom-Adu ɑmboli. Kom-Dpur əmbəli.

92 ‘open’ *bukaʔ *buka Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi bukɑʔ. Sukau Krui Jabung bukɑ. Belalau KotAgung Kalianda ŋɑbukɑʔ. KAAsli KAPend buke. Ranau bukɜʔ. Menggala dibukɑʔ. Sungkai ŋubukɑ. TalaPada ŋɑmbukɑ. Pubian ŋəbukɑʔ.

93 ‘pound’ *tutu *tutu KAAsli Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KAPend nutu. KomIlir Daya nũtu. Menggala nutew. Sukadana nũtəo. WayKanan tutu.

94 ‘throw away’

*sitaŋ TalaPada Sungkai Pubian ɲitɑŋ. KotaBumi ‘throw’ sitaŋ. Belalau ŋitɑŋ.

94 ‘throw away’

*campak Kom-Dpur Daya cɑmpɑʔ. KomIlir copɑʔ. Kom-Jaya cɑpɑʔ. KAPend ɲɑmpɑk. KAPend ɲɑmpɑʔ. KAAsli ɲɑmpɑʔkon.

94 ‘throw away’

*nahayar WayLima nɑyɑrko. KotAgung nɑyɑχ. Kalianda ɲɑhɑyɑʁ.

94 ‘throw away’

*situh KotAgung KotaBumi ɲituh. WayKanan situh. Sukadana ɲĩtuh.

94 ‘throw away’

*umban Menggala mbɑdn. Daya umbɑdn. Kom-Adu ŋumbɑnko.

95 ‘fall’ *tiaʔ Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Daya Sukau WayKanan Sungkai Pubian tiɑʔ. KomIlir titiyɑʔ. Kom-Dpur tiyɑʔ. Ranau tiɜʔ. 95 ‘fall’ *gugur WayLima gogor. TalaPada gogoɣ. Kalianda gugoʁ. Belalau gugoχ. Menggala guguʁ. KotAgung guguχ.

Jabung gugɔʁ. 95 ‘fall’ *tumbak Krui tumbɑ. Belalau tumbɑk. KotAgung tumbɑʔ.

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96 ‘dog’ *asu *asu (Adelaar 1981 *Wasu)

Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya WayKanan Sungkai Pubian Jabung KAPend ɑsu. Menggala ɑsew. Melintin ɑsəo. KAAsli ɑːsu.

96 ‘dog’ *kaci Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau TalaPada WayLima Kalianda kɑci. Sukau kɑcʰi. Ranau kɛci. 96 ‘dog’ *kuyuʔ KotAgung Sukadana KotaBumi kuyuʔ. 97 ‘bird’ *manuʔ *manuk Kom-Dpur Daya mɑnuʔ. Kom-Adu KomIlir mɑnuʔ. Sungkai mɑnuʔmɑnuʔ. KAAsli mɑnɔʔ. Pubian məmɑnuʔ.

Sukau ‘chicken’ Krui ‘chicken’ WayKanan ‘chicken’ mɑnuʔ. Kom-Jaya ‘chicken’ Belalau ‘chicken’ KAPend ‘chicken’ Menggala ‘chicken’ mɑnoʔ. Sukadana ‘chicken’ mɑnʊʔ. Ranau ‘chicken’ mɛnuʔ.

97 ‘bird’ *buruŋ Ranau Sukau Krui buɣuŋ. Kom-Jaya WayLima buruŋ. Belalau TalaPada buʁuŋ. 97 ‘bird’ *putit WayKanan Melintin Jabung KotaBumi Menggala putiʔ. KotAgung Kalianda putit. Sukadana putɪʔ. 98 ‘egg’ *hatəluy *qateluR Belalau WayKanan TalaPada WayLima Pubian KAPend tɑhlui. Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur tɑhluy. Sukadana

KotaBumi tɑlːʊy. Sukau Krui təlui. KomIlir hɑtolʊy. Kom-Adu tohlʊy. Daya tɑhloy. Sungkai tɑhəlui. Jabung tɑlʊy. KotAgung tɑlːui. Menggala tɑlːuy. KAAsli tɑuluy. Ranau təluy. Melintin təlʊy. Kalianda təlːui.

99 ‘feather’ *bulu *bulu KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung KAPend bulu. Melintin KotaBumi buləo. Menggala bulew. WayKanan bulu mɑnuʔ. Sukadana buləo mɑnʊʔ.

100 ‘wing’ *kəpi Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian kəpi. WayKanan Kalianda kəpːi. KomIlir kopi. KAAsli kopɑy. Kom-Adu kopi. KAPend kɔpi. Kom-Jaya kɘpi. Menggala kɘpːɘy. Melintin kəpːɘy. KotaBumi kəpːɘy. Jabung kəpi. Sukadana kəpːəy.

101 ‘fly’ *hambur Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sungkai Kalianda hɑmboʁ. Belalau KotAgung TalaPada hɑmboχ. WayLima hɑmbor. WayKanan hɑmbɔʁ. KomIlir hɑmbʊʁ. Sukau kɑmboɣ. Krui kɑmbɔɣ. Ranau kɜmbɔɣ. KAAsli mehɑmboʁ. Melintin mɑbəo. KAPend məhɑbo. KAAsli məhɑmboʁ. Menggala tɑhmboʁ. Sukadana tɑhɑmbor. Menggala tɘmɑmboʁ. Pubian təhɑmboχ.

101 ‘fly’ *tərbaŋ KotaBumi teɾbɑŋ. Kom-Adu toʁbɑŋ. KomIlir toʁbɑŋ. Jabung tɑbɑŋ. 102 ‘rat’ *tikus KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada

Sungkai Pubian Jabung KAPend KotaBumi Menggala tikus. Sukadana tikʊs. Melintin tɪkʊs. 103 ‘meat’ *dagiŋ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai

Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend KotaBumi Menggala dɑgiŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir Sukadana dɑgɪŋ. 104 ‘fat (n.)’ *tabəh PHN *tabeʔ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Kalianda tɑboh. Kom-Jaya Sungkai tɑbohtɑboh. Daya bohtɑboh.

Sukau tɑbox. Menggala tɑboχ. KotaBumi tɑbɑh. Krui tɑbɔx. Melintin tɑbəh. Pubian tətɑboh. 104 ‘fat (n.)’ *baŋiʔ KomIlir WayKanan Sukadana bɑŋĩʔ. Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur bɑŋiʔ. KAPend bɑŋi. 104 ‘fat (n.)’ *gajih KAAsli Kom-Jaya Jabung gɑjih. 105 ‘tail’ *gundaŋ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima

Pubian Kalianda Sukadana gundɑŋ. Sungkai gudndɑŋ. Ranau gundɜŋ. Jabung gundɑŋ. Menggala gɘndɑŋ. 105 ‘tail’ *buntut KAPend buntʊt. KotaBumi butːut. Melintin bətːut. KAAsli bʊntʊt.

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106 ‘snake’ *ulay *hulaR Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ulɑi. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir WayKanan Melintin Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi ulɑy. Menggala olɑy. Kom-Jaya ulɑy. Ranau ulɜy. Kom-Dpur ulɑy.

107 ‘worm’ *gələŋ Kom-Dpur Daya Krui TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian gəloŋ. WayKanan KotAgung Kalianda gəlːoŋ. KAAsli KomIlir goloŋ. Ranau Jabung gəlɔŋ. Kom-Adu goloŋg. KAPend gɔloŋ. Kom-Jaya gɘloŋ. Menggala gɘlɘŋ. Sukadana gɘlːəŋ. Melintin gələŋ.

108 ‘lice’ *kutu *kutu KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung KAPend kutu. Sukadana KotaBumi kutəo. Menggala kutew. Melintin kʊtʊ.

109 ‘mosquito’ *hagas KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung ɑgɑs. Kom-Jaya hɑgɑs. Kom-Adu ɑgɑs. KAAsli ɑːgɑs. Ranau ɜgɜs.

109 ‘mosquito’ *ɲiʔɲiʔ Melintin niɲiʔ. KAPend ɲẽʔɲẽʔ. Sukadana ɲĩɲẽʔ. KotaBumi ɲĩɲĩʔ. Menggala ɲɘɲeʔ. 110 ‘spider’ *lawah *lawaq Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung Sungkai Pubian Kalianda

Melintin KAPend lɑwɑh. Jabung KotaBumi Menggala sɑŋlɑwɑh. Sukau lɑlɑwɑh. Sukadana ləlɑwɑh. KAAsli mbɑhlɑbɑh. Ranau nɜlɜwɜh. TalaPada sɑŋlɑlɑwɑh.

110 ‘spider’ *sasaŋ KotaBumi Menggala sɑŋlɑwɑh. Kalianda sɑsɑŋ. TalaPada sɑŋlɑlɑwɑh. 111 ‘fish’ *iwa Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian

Kalianda iwɑ. Kom-Adu KomIlir iwɑʔ. KAAsli iwe. Daya iwɑh. Jabung iwɔ. Ranau iwɜ. 111 ‘fish’ *puɲu Menggala puɲew. KAPend puɲu. Melintin puɲəo. KotaBumi puɲəo. Sukadana puɲəo. 112 ‘rotten’ *busuk *ma-busuk KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung Sungkai Pubian

KAPend busuʔ. Ranau Sukau Krui TalaPada WayLima Kalianda Jabung busuk. 112 ‘rotten’ *buyuʔ *ma-buRuk Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala buyuʔ. 113 ‘branch’ *paŋpaŋ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan KAPend pɑŋpɑŋ. KomIlir Sukau Krui WayKanan

TalaPada Sungkai pɑmpɑŋ. Sukadana KotaBumi pupːɑŋ. KotAgung Kalianda pɑpːɑŋ. Menggala pɘpɑŋ. Melintin pəpɑŋ. Jabung pəpːɑŋ. Ranau pɜmpɜŋ.

114 ‘leaf’ *buluŋ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend KotaBumi buluŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir Sukadana bulʊŋ. Menggala boluŋ.

115 ‘root’ *wakat *wakaD Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung bɑkɑʔ. Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala wɑkɑʔ. WayLima bɑkɑk. Ranau bɜkɜʔ. KAAsli mbɑkɑʔ. KAPend wɑkɑt.

116 ‘flower’ *buŋa *buŋa Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sungkai buŋɑ. KAAsli KAPend buŋe. Jabung buŋõ. 116 ‘flower’ *kumbaŋ Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian Kalianda kumbɑŋ. Sukadana KotaBumi kəmbɑŋ.

Sukau kɑmbɑŋ. Menggala kɘmbɑŋ. Melintin kəmbɑŋ. Ranau kɜmbɜŋ.

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117 ‘fruit/ betel nut’

*buah *buaq KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Melintin Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala buɑh. Kalianda uwɑh. Ranau uwɜ, buɜh. Sukau wɑh.

118 ‘grass’ *jukut *zukut (Adelaar 2005b)

KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung KotaBumi Menggala jukuʔ. Melintin jukoʔ. WayLima jukuk. KAPend jukut. Sukadana jukʊʔ. Kom-Adu jukuʔ.

119 ‘earth’ *tanəh *taneq KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Kalianda KAPend Menggala tɑnoh. Melintin KotaBumi tɑnəh. Sukau tɑno. Sungkai tɑnuh. Sukadana tɑnɑh. Jabung tɑnɔh. Ranau tɜnɔh.

120 ‘stone’ *batu *batu KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend bɑtu. Sukadana KotaBumi bɑtəo. Menggala bɑtew.

121 ‘sand’ *hənay *qenay Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui WayLima Sungkai Kalianda həni. Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Pubian hənːi. KAAsli Kom-Adu honi. Ranau hni. KomIlir honĩ. KAPend hɔni. Kom-Jaya hɘni. WayKanan hɘnːi. Daya hɨnːi.

122 ‘water’ *way *wahiR Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui Melintin Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala wɑy. Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda wɑi. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan uɑy. Ranau wɜy.

123 ‘flow’ *hili *qiliR Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan TalaPada WayLima Pubian məhili. KotAgung Kalianda mɑhili. Ranau Sungkai təhili. Krui Belalau ŋɑhili. Kom-Dpur hili. Melintin milɘy. KotaBumi milɘy. Sukadana miləy. Menggala mɘhilɘy. Jabung nili. Jabung tili. Sukau ŋəhili.

123 ‘flow’ *haɲut Kom-Jaya məhɑɲũʔ. KAPend təhɑɲõt. KomIlir ŋɑhɑɲuʔ. 124 ‘sea’ *lawət *lahud Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Kalianda lɑwoʔ. KomIlir

WayKanan lɑwoʔ. Melintin KotaBumi lɑwɘt. Sukadana Menggala lɑwət. WayLima lɑok. Belalau lɑoʔ. KAPend lɑwot. KAAsli lɑwut. Jabung lɑwɔʔ. Ranau lɜwɔʔ.

125 ‘salt’ *sia *qasiRa Kom-Adu KomIlir Daya Krui siɑ. Kom-Dpur Sukau siyɑ. KAPend siye. Ranau sɜ. KAAsli sʲie. 125 ‘salt’ *uyah Kom-Jaya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana

KotaBumi uyɑh. Menggala oyɑh. Sungkai uyɑh bukuh. 126 ‘lake’ *danaw *danaw KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi dɑnɑw. Krui

Belalau TalaPada WayLima Pubian Kalianda dɑnɑu. Kom-Adu dɑnɑ o. Ranau wɜyɣɜnɜu. 127 ‘forest’ *əlas *alas Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi lɑs. Kalianda lɑs. 127 ‘forest’ *pulan KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui Sungkai Pubian KAPend pulɑn. Belalau WayKanan

KotAgung pulːɑn. Daya polɑn. Ranau pulɛn. Menggala pɘlːɑn. Jabung pəlɑn. 128 ‘sky’ *laŋit *laŋit Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Belalau Sungkai Pubian Melintin KotaBumi lɑŋiʔ. Ranau Krui KotAgung TalaPada

Kalianda lɑŋit. WayKanan Jabung lɑŋĩʔ. KAAsli Daya lɑŋɪt. KomIlir Kom-Jaya lɑŋɪʔ. Menggala lɑŋeʔ. Sukadana lɑŋẽʔ. WayLima lɑŋik. KAPend lɑŋint. Sukau lɑŋit.

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129 ‘moon’ *bulan *bulan KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda Jabung Menggala bulɑn.

129 ‘moon’ *kənawat Sungkai Pubian KotaBumi kənɑwɑt. WayKanan Melintin Sukadana kənɑwɑt. 130 ‘star’ *bintuha

n *bituqen Pubian bintohan. KAPend bǝntuhan.

130 ‘star’ *bintaŋ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Melintin KAPend Menggala bintɑŋ. KotAgung Sukadana KotaBumi bitːɑŋ. Jabung bətːɑŋ. Kalianda litːɑŋ.

131 ‘cloud’ *aban KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Belalau WayKanan Sungkai Melintin KAPend ɑbɑn. KAAsli Kom-Adu Daya KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sukadana KotaBumi ɑwɑn.

131 ‘cloud’ *rihuʔ KotAgung ‘fog’ hihuʔ. Pubian ‘fog’ hirːuʔ. Sukau hiɣuʔ. Krui rihuʔ. Ranau ɣihuʔ. Jabung ʁɑyːuʔ. Kalianda ʁɑʁiyuʔ. TalaPada ‘fog’ χiuʔ.

132 ‘fog’ *kabut *kabut Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Pubian Melintin KAPend KotaBumi kɑbut. KAAsli KomIlir kɑbut. Kom-Adu kɑboʁ. 132 ‘fog’ *imbun *embun ‘cloud’ Ranau WayKanan Sungkai imbun. Menggala mːbun. Jabung mmudn. 132 ‘fog’ *sabək Melintin ‘cloud’ Sukadana KotaBumi ‘cloud’ sɑbək. 133 ‘rain’ *hujan *quzan KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir WayKanan Sungkai Pubian KAPend hujɑn. Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana

KotaBumi ujɑn. Menggala ojɑn. 133 ‘rain’ *labuŋ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima lɑbuŋ. 133 ‘rain’ *təray Sukau Krui təɣɑy. Kom-Jaya tɘʁɑy. Ranau təɣɜy. Daya təʁɑi. Kom-Dpur təʁɑy. 134 ‘thunder’ *gəgur *gurgur Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur gɘgoʁ. Daya Sungkai gəgoʁ. Kom-Adu gogoʁ. KomIlir gogoʁ. 134 ‘thunder’ *gulur Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi guluʁ. Menggala kelɑʔ gʊlʊː. 134 ‘thunder’ *guntur Ranau Sukau Krui guntoɣ. Belalau KotAgung gutuχ. TalaPada gontoχ. Pubian gunto. Kalianda gutːoʁ.

Jabung gətɔʁ. WayKanan gʊntɔʁ. 135 ‘lightning’ *kilap *kilat Sukau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung kilɑp. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-

Jaya Sukadana KotaBumi kilɑʔ. Kom-Dpur Daya Krui kilɑp. Melintin KAPend kilɑt. Menggala kelɑʔ. Ranau kilɜp.

136 ‘wind’ *aŋin *haŋin Kom-Jaya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend KotaBumi ɑŋin. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sukadana ɑŋɪn. Menggala ɑŋen.

137 ‘blow’ *səbu Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau WayKanan səbu. Belalau TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Kalianda ɲəbu. KAAsli Kom-Adu ɲobu. KotAgung Pubian ɲəbːu. KomIlir sobu. KAPend sɔbu. Menggala sɘbew. Kom-Jaya sɘbuh. Menggala sɘbːew. Melintin səbəo. Jabung səbːu. Krui ɲɪbuh.

138 ‘hot’ *panas *ma-panas KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala pɑnɑs. Krui mɑpɑnɑs.

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139 ‘cold’ *ŋisən KAAsli Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend ŋison. Melintin KotaBumi Menggala ŋisɘn. Sukau muŋiŋi. Krui mɑŋiŋi. KomIlir ŋison. Jabung ŋisɔn. Ranau ŋiŋi. WayKanan ŋiso n. Sukadana ŋĩsən.

140 ‘dry (object)’

*ŋəluh Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sungkai Pubian ŋəluh. Kom-Adu ŋoluh. KAAsli ŋoluh. KomIlir ŋɔluh. Kom-Jaya ŋɘluh.

140 ‘dry (object)’

*kəriŋ *keRiŋ KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda Jabung kəʁiŋ. WayLima Melintin kəriŋ. KAPend koʁiŋ. Menggala kɘʁiŋ. Sukadana kəɾiŋ. KotaBumi kəχɪŋ.

141 ‘wet’ *basəh *ma-baseq KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend Menggala bɑsoh. Sukadana bɑsɑh. Jabung bɑsɔh. WayKanan bɑsɔh. KotaBumi bɑsɘh. Melintin bɑsəh. Ranau bɜsɔx.

142 ‘heavy’ *biat *ma-beReqat Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala biɑʔ. KAAsli Kom-Dpur Melintin biyɑʔ. WayLima biɑk. KAPend biɑt. Ranau biɜʔ.

143 ‘fire’ *apuy *hapuy Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ɑpui. KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya KAPend Menggala ɑpuy. WayKanan Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ɑpʊy. Kom-Adu KomIlir ɑpuy. Ranau ɜpuy.

144 ‘burn’ *suah *qasu ? KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya KotAgung TalaPada WayLima suɑh. Kom-Dpur Sukau WayKanan Melintin Jabung suwɑh. Belalau TalaPada Pubian Kalianda Menggala ɲuɑh. Krui Sungkai ɲuwɑh. Kom-Dpur suwɑʔ. Ranau suwɜh.

144 ‘burn’ *pulpul *qebel ? KAAsli mulpul. KomIlir mulpʊl. Kom-Adu mulpul. Menggala mɘpːul. KAAsli pulpul. KotaBumi pupːul. Sukadana pupːʊl. KAPend pʊlpʊl. Menggala ŋɘpupːul.

145 ‘smoke’ *hasəp *qasep Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai hɑsoʔ. Sukau Krui Pubian Kalianda Menggala ɑsoʔ. Melintin KotaBumi ɑsəʔ. WayLima hɑsok. KAPend hɑsop. KAAsli hɑsɔʔ. WayKanan hɑsɔʔ. Sukadana ɑsɑʔ. Jabung ɑsɔʔ. Ranau ɜsɔk.

146 ‘ashes/ dust’

*habu *qabu KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Pubian KAPend hɑbu. Jabung ɑbu. Sukadana KotaBumi ɑbəo. Menggala ɑbew. Melintin ɑbu.

146 ‘ashes/ dust’

*hambua Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai hɑmbuɑ. Kom-Adu KomIlir ‘dust’ hɑmbuɑʔ. Kalianda hɑbuɑ. Kom-Dpur hɑmbuwɑ. Ranau hɜmbuɜ. Daya mbuɑ. Jabung muɔ.

147 ‘black’ *haləm PM *ma-lə(hø)əm ‘night’

KAAsli Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung Sungkai Pubian hɑlom. KomIlir hɑlom. Krui hɑlɔm. Sukau ɑlom. Jabung ɑlɔm. Ranau ɜlɔm.

147 ‘black’ *harəŋ Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi ɑʁəŋ. TalaPada KAPend hɑʁoŋ. WayLima hɑroŋ. Kalianda ɑʁoŋ. Menggala ɑʁɘŋ.

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148 ‘white’ *handaʔ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian hɑndɑʔ. Sukau Kalianda Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala ɑndɑʔ. WayLima hɑndɑk. KAPend hɑndɑʔ. KAAsli hɑnːɑʔ. Krui mɑhɑndɑʔ. Melintin ndɑʔ. Jabung ɑndɑʔ. Ranau ɜndɜ.

149 ‘red’ *suluh KAAsli Sukau Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala suluh. Krui mɑsuluh. Ranau suluɣ. KAPend sulʊh.

150 ‘yellow’ *kuɲir *ma-kunij KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya kuɲeʁ. Belalau kuɲeχ. Kom-Adu ‘turmeric’ kuɲiʁ. KAPend kuɲoy. 150 ‘yellow’ *kunjir *ma-kunij Ranau kuncɛɣ. Sukau kunjɛɣ. Kom-Adu kuɲjeʁ. Krui mɑkunjeɣ. 151 ‘green’ *hujaw Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian hujɑu. Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya

WayKanan hujɑw. Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ujɑw. KAAsli KAPend hujow. Sukau Kalianda ujɑu. Kom-Jaya hujɑw. Krui mɑhujɑu. Menggala ojɑw. Ranau ujɜw.

152 ‘small’ *luniʔ Sukau Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala luniʔ. WayLima lunik. Krui mɑluneʔ.

152 ‘small’ *rəniʔ *kedi ? Kom-Dpur Daya Sungkai ʁəniʔ. Kom-Adu KAPend ʁoniʔ. Ranau ɣəni. KAAsli ʁoneʔ. KomIlir ʁonɪʔ. Kom-Jaya ʁɘnɪʔ. Kalianda ʁənːiʔ.

153 ‘big’ *balak Kom-Jaya Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala bɑlɑk. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya bɑlɑk. KAPend bɑlok. Sukau bɑlɑʔ. Ranau bɜlɜk.

154 ‘short’ *buntak Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan Pubian buntɑʔ. Sungkai buntɑk. Ranau buntɜʔ. KotAgung butːɑʔ. Jabung bətːɑʔ.

155 ‘long’ *təjaŋ KAAsli KAPend tojɑŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir tojɑŋ. Melintin Sukadana təjɑŋ. Menggala tɘjɑŋ. 155 ‘long’ *tijaŋ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sungkai Pubian Jabung tijɑŋ. KotaBumi tijːɑŋ. 155 ‘long’ *kəjuŋ Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima kəjuŋ. Kalianda ʁɑjːuŋ. Daya ʁəjuŋ. 156 ‘thin’ *nipis *ma-nipis Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau WayKanan Sungkai Pubian Jabung nipis. Belalau KotAgung

TalaPada KotaBumi Menggala tipis. Kalianda Melintin Sukadana ipis. KomIlir Daya nipɪs. KAAsli KAPend tipɪs. Krui mɑnipis.

157 ‘thick’ *kədəl Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda kədol. Ranau Sukau Jabung kədɔl. Kom-Adu kodol. KomIlir kodol. KAAsli kɔdol. Kom-Jaya kɘdol. Krui mɑkədɔl.

157 ‘thick’ *aməl KAPend ɑmol. Sukadana ɑməl. Melintin ɑmːəl. 158 ‘narrow’ *pəliʔ Daya Sukau Belalau WayKanan Sungkai Pubian Kalianda pəliʔ. Krui mɑpileʔ. Ranau pəli. WayLima pəlik.

TalaPada pəlːiʔ. KotAgung pəlːɪʔ. 158 ‘narrow’ *rupit *kepit ? Kom-Dpur Kalianda Jabung Sukadana ʁupiʔ. KomIlir Kom-Jaya ʁupɪʔ. Melintin kipʊʔ. KAPend ʁupɪt. 158 ‘narrow’ *səmək Kom-Adu sosok. Menggala sɘmõʔ. KotaBumi səmɑʔ.

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159 ‘wide’ *bərat Belalau WayKanan TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi bəʁɑʔ. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir boʁɑʔ. Kom-Jaya Menggala bɘʁɑʔ. Sukau Krui bəɣɑʔ. KAPend boʁɑt. WayLima bərɑk. Ranau bəɣɜʔ. KotAgung bəχːɑʔ.

160 ‘sick/ painful’

*sakit *ma-sakit KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya WayKanan TalaPada Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KotaBumi Menggala sɑkiʔ. Krui məsɑkiʔ. KAPend sɑkit. Sukadana sɑkɪʔ. Ranau sɜki.


*bariŋ KAAsli Daya Sungkai Kalianda Melintin Jabung KotaBumi Menggala mɑʁiŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir mɑʁɪŋ.


*ruyuh Ranau Sukau muɣuyuh. KotAgung mɑχuyuh. Belalau məhuyuh.

161 ‘shy/ ashamed’

*liəm KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda liom. WayKanan liom. Kom-Dpur liyom. Ranau liɔm. Sukau muliom. Krui mɑliɔm.

161 ‘shy/ ashamed’

*malu KAAsli Melintin Jabung KAPend mɑlu. Sukadana KotaBumi mɑləo. Menggala mɑlew.

162 ‘old (person)’

*tuha *ma-tuqah Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda tuhɑ. KAAsli KAPend tuhe. Menggala tohow. Kom-Dpur tohɑ. Sukadana tuhəɔ. Melintin tuhəɔ. Ranau tuhɜ. WayKanan tuhːɑ. KotaBumi tuhːəɔ. Daya tɑhɑ. Jabung təχɔ.

163 ‘new’ *ampay Belalau WayLima Sungkai Pubian ɑmpɑi. Kom-Adu KomIlir KAPend ompɑy. Sukau Krui WayKanan ɑmpɑy. Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ɑpːɑy. KotAgung Kalianda ɑpːɑi. TalaPada ɑmpːɑi. KAAsli ɔmpɑy. Melintin əpːɑy. Ranau ɜmpɜy.

164 ‘good’ *həlaw Sukau Krui WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda həlɑu. Kom-Adu KomIlir holɑw. Kom-Dpur Daya həlɑw. KAPend holow. KAAsli hɐlo. Kom-Jaya hɘlɑw. KotAgung həlːɑu. WayKanan həlːɑw.

164 ‘good’ *bətiʔ Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Jabung bətiʔ. KomIlir botiʔ. 164 ‘good’ *waway Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala wɑwɑy. 165 ‘bad’ *jahat *zaqat Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Ranau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Pubian Kalianda KAPend Menggala jɑhɑt. KAAsli

KomIlir Daya jɑhɑt. Kom-Dpur jɑhɑʔ. Jabung jɑhːɑt. Sungkai jəhɑt. 165 ‘bad’ *jahəl Sukadana KotaBumi jɑhəl. Sukau Krui mejɑl. Belalau jɑhɑl. Menggala jɑhɘl. Melintin yɑhəl. 166 ‘true/

correct’ *bənər *ma-bener KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir bonoʁ. Daya Sungkai Kalianda bənoʁ. Belalau KotAgung bənoχ. WayKanan

Jabung bənɔʁ. KAPend bonor. Kom-Jaya bɘnoʁ. WayLima bənor. TalaPada bənoɣ. Pubian bənoʔ. Ranau bənɔɣ. KotaBumi bənər.

166 ‘true/ correct’

*təmən Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi təmən. Menggala tɘmːɘn. Sungkai təmon. Sukau təmɔn.

167 ‘night’ *di-biŋi *beRŋi KAAsli Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan Sungkai Pubian dəbiŋi. Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui WayKanan dibiŋi. KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda dɑbiŋi. KAAsli KAPend debiŋi. WayLima biŋi. Jabung biŋĩ. Melintin biŋɘy. Sukadana dibiŋɑy. KomIlir dibɪŋi. Menggala dɘbiŋɘy. KotaBumi dəbiŋəy. Daya dɨbiŋi.

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168 ‘day’ *harani *daqani Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung ʁɑni. Sukau WayLima rɑni. Kom-Jaya huʁɑni. Kom-Adu hɑʁɑni. KomIlir hɑʁɑnĩ. Krui ɣɑni. Ranau ɣɜni. Belalau χɑni.

169 ‘year’ *tahun *taqun KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Pubian Kalianda KAPend Menggala tɑhun. WayKanan Sungkai Melintin Jabung Sukadana tɑhːun. Kom-Jaya Daya tɑun. KotaBumi tɑhːʊn.

170 ‘when’ *idan *p-ijan KAAsli Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Daya idɑn.

170 ‘when’ *kuda-saka

TalaPada WayLima kəsɑkɑ. KomIlir kudɑsɑkɑ.

170 ‘when’ *kumuda KomIlir kudɑsɑkɑ. Sungkai kumədɑ. Kom-Jaya kɘmɘdɑ. WayKanan kəmədɑ. KotaBumi ɑkʊnkədo. 171 ‘hide’ *jamut Kom-Adu KomIlir bujɑmot. Kom-Jaya Menggala bɘjɑmoʔ. KAAsli bejɑmot. Sungkai bujɑmoʔ.

WayKanan bəjɑmõʔ. Pubian bəjɑmuʔ. Jabung jɑmʊʔ. KotaBumi jɘmɑmõʔ. Sukadana jəmɑmʊʔ. Melintin məjɑmːõʔ.

171 ‘hide’ *səgəʔ Sukau Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda səgoʔ. Kom-Dpur məsəgoʔ. Krui sigɔʔ. Ranau səgɔʔ. Daya sɨgoʔ. WayKanan ɲəʁɔl.

172 ‘climb’ *cakat KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala cɑkɑʔ. KAPend cɑkɑt. Ranau cɜkɛʔ.

173 ‘at’ *di *di Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung KAPend Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala di. KAAsli de.

174 ‘inside’ *də ləm *i-dalem, lem Ranau Krui dəlɔm. KAPend dolom. Kom-Jaya dɘlom. WayLima dəlom. WayKanan dəlom.

174 ‘inside’ *di ləm *i-dalem, lem KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau KotAgung Sungkai Pubian Kalianda dilom. Melintin KotaBumi Menggala dilɘm. KAAsli de dilom. Kom-Dpur delom. Kom-Adu dilom. Jabung dilɔm. Sukadana diləm. TalaPada dilːom. Sukau dɪlom.

175 ‘above’ *di atas *i-tahas Ranau Krui TalaPada di ɑtɑs. Sukau KotAgung KAPend dɑtɑs. Kalianda di ɑtos. Melintin diɑtɑs. 175 ‘above’ *di

lambuŋ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Pubian di lɑmbuŋ. WayKanan Jabung dilɑmbuŋ. Sungkai dəlɑmbuŋ.

175 ‘above’ *di uŋgaʔ KAAsli de duŋɑʔ. Belalau di uŋgɑʔ. Sukadana diuŋgɑʔ. Menggala diŋgɑʔ. KomIlir diŋːɑʔ. KotaBumi diʔuŋgɑʔ. Kom-Adu duŋgɑʔ.

176 ‘below’ *di bah *i-babaq Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau Sungkai Pubian di bɑh. Krui KotAgung Jabung dibɑh. Melintin KotaBumi dibɑhɑn. KAAsli de dibɑh. KAPend debɑhɑn. TalaPada di bəh. Sukadana dibəhɑn. Ranau dibɜh. Kalianda dibːɑh. Kom-Jaya dɘbɑh. WayKanan dəbɑh. Sukau dɪbɑh.

177 ‘this’ *(hs)ija Kom-Adu KomIlir WayKanan sijɑ. KAAsli KAPend ije. Menggala ejow. Belalau hijːo. KotaBumi ijo. Jabung ijɔ. Sukadana ijəɔ. Melintin ijəɔ.

177 ‘this’ *hinji Sungkai Pubian Kalianda hiji. KotAgung TalaPada WayLima hinji. Ranau Krui inji. Daya hɘnji. Sukau ɪnji. 177 ‘this’ *sa Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur WayKanan sɑ.

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178 ‘that’ *(hs)ini *i-ni ‘this’ KotaBumi Menggala inɘy. KomIlir Kom-Jaya sino. Kom-Adu WayKanan sinɑ. Belalau hinːo. KotAgung hɪnːo. KAPend ini. Jabung inɔ. Sukadana inəy. Melintin inəɔ.

178 ‘that’ *(hs)udi Kom-Dpur Daya TalaPada Sungkai Pubian hudi. Ranau Krui Kalianda udi. KomIlir sudo. WayKanan sudɑ. Sukau sədi. KAAsli udo.

179 ‘near’ *riʔdiʔ WayKanan Sungkai Pubian ʁidiʔ. KotAgung TalaPada Kalianda ʁədːiʔ. Ranau Sukau ɣədiʔ. Kom-Dpur Daya ʁiʔdiʔ. Krui mɑɣədeʔ. WayLima rədik. KomIlir ʁodiʔ. Jabung ʁɑdiʔ. Belalau ʁədiʔ.

179 ‘near’ *parəʔ *pahak ? KAAsli Menggala pɑʁoʔ. Sukadana pɑʁɑʔ. Melintin pɑʁɘʔ. KotaBumi pɑʁəʔ. 179 ‘near’ *pədək *pahak ? KAPend podok. Kom-Adu podok. Kom-Jaya pɘdok. 180 ‘far’ *jawəh *ma-zauq KAAsli Kom-Jaya Daya Krui Belalau KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Pubian Kalianda KAPend Menggala jɑwoh.

Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur jɑwoh. Melintin Sukadana jɑwɑh. WayLima jɑoh. Sukau jɑwo. Jabung jɑwɔh. WayKanan jɑwɔh. KotaBumi jɑwəh. Ranau jɜwɔx.

181 ‘where’ *d ipa KomIlir Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda dipɑ. Kom-Dpur Daya KotAgung di dipɑ. KAAsli de dipe. Kom-Adu di pɑ. Jabung dipɔ. Ranau dipɜ.

181 ‘where’ *di kuda KAPend dekude. Menggala di kɘdow. KotaBumi dikədo. Sukadana dikədəɔ. Melintin dikədəɔ. 182 ‘1SG’ *əɲak Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau WayKanan KotAgung Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana

KotaBumi Menggala ɲɑʔ. KAAsli KomIlir KAPend oɲɑʔ. TalaPada WayLima ɲɑk. Krui ɲɑʔku. Ranau ɲɜku. Daya ɲːɑʔ. Kom-Jaya ɲɑʔ.

183 ‘2SG’ *ni-ku *i-kahu KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung KAPend niku. Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi nikəo. Menggala nikew.

183 ‘2SG’ *skam *i-kamu ‘2PL’ WayKanan Sukadana KotaBumi puskɑm. Jabung məskɑm. Melintin səkːɑm. Menggala skɑm.

184 ‘3SG’ *əya *si-ia Daya WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda iɑ. Melintin KotaBumi iəɔ. KAAsli KAPend oye. Jabung io. Kom-Dpur iyɑ. Ranau iɜ. KomIlir oyɑ. Kom-Adu yɑ. Kom-Jaya yɑnɑ. Sukadana yəɔ. Menggala yːo. Sukau ɑnɑ.

185 ‘1PL (exclusive)’

*(hs)ikam

*kami KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Kalianda KAPend sikɑm. Kom-Dpur Daya Sungkai Pubian hikɑm. Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi ‘1SG’ ikɑm. Sukau Krui səkɑm. Menggala ekɑm. KotaBumi ikɑmjo. Ranau səkɜm. Menggala ‘1SG’ ekɑm.

185 ‘1PL (inclusive)’

*kita *i-kita Kom-Adu KomIlir Belalau kitɑ. KAAsli KAPend kite.

185 ‘1PL (inclusive)’

*ram KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan Sukadana Menggala ʁɑm. Krui nəɣɑm. Sukau ɣɑm.

186 ‘2PL’ *ku-ti uɲin

*i-kahu Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan WayLima Jabung kuti. Ranau Sukau Krui kəti. Sungkai Pubian kuti uɲin. KotAgung TalaPada kutːi. Kom-Jaya kuti kuɲɪn. KomIlir kutɪnːɑ. Belalau kutːi uɲin. Sukau kəti suɲini. Kalianda kəti səʔuɲiner. Krui kətiuɲin.

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187 ‘3PL’ *ti-an KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala tiɑn. KAPend honti. Kom-Dpur tiyɑn. Daya tiɑndi. Ranau tiɜn.

188 ‘what’ *api Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung ɑpi. KomIlir ɑpiyɑ. Melintin ɑpəɔ. KAAsli ɑpi. Ranau ɜpi.

188 ‘what’ *əɲa KAPend oɲi. Menggala ɲow. KotaBumi ɲɔ. Sukadana ɲəw.

189 ‘who’ *sa-apa Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda sɑpɑ. KAAsli KAPend sɑpe. KotaBumi siɑpɔ. Menggala sɑpow. Jabung sɑpɔ. Ranau sɜpɜ. Sukadana ɑpəɔ. Melintin ɑpəɔ.

190 ‘other’ *sumaŋ KomIlir Daya KotAgung TalaPada Sungkai Kalianda Melintin KotaBumi sumɑŋ. Kom-Jaya sumɑŋ. 191 ‘all’ *uɲin Daya Krui KotAgung WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda Jabung uɲin. Ranau Belalau suɲin. Kom-Jaya kuɲɪn.

KomIlir kɑuɲɪn. Kom-Adu kɑʔuɲɪn. Sukau suɲɪn. TalaPada sɑʔuɲinːi. KotaBumi uɲɘn. Sukadana uɲən. Kom-Dpur uɲɪni.

192 ‘and/ with’ *jama *ma WayKanan WayLima Sungkai Kalianda jɑmɑ. Sukadana KotaBumi jɑmõ. Menggala jɑmow. Jabung jɑmɔ. Melintin jɑməɔ.

192 ‘and/ with’ *riʔ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Belalau KotAgung ʁiʔ. Ranau Sukau ɣi. Daya hiʔ. Krui yɛʔ. TalaPada ʁəʔ. Kom-Jaya ʁɪʔ.

193 ‘if’ *kantu *ka/nu Kom-Dpur TalaPada Pubian kɑntu. Sukau Krui kintu. Belalau kitu. Ranau kətu.

193 ‘if’ *ki KotAgung WayLima ki. Belalau kiʔ. Kalianda ɑki. 193 ‘if’ *lamən Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Daya ɑmon. KAAsli Pubian lɑmon. Melintin Menggala lɑmɘn. Sukadana KotaBumi lɑmʊn.

Sungkai lɑmun. Jabung lɑmɔn. KomIlir ɑmɑn. WayKanan ɑmʊn. 194 ‘how’ *rəpa Pubian gəgohpɑ. WayLima rəpɑ. Kom-Adu sɑnopɑ. Krui yəpɑdiə. Kalianda ŋɑʁəpːɑ. Sukau ɣəpɑni.

Ranau ɣəpɜki. Sukadana ɲəoupəɔ. KotAgung ʁɑpːɑ. Belalau ʁɑpːɑhɑnɑ. TalaPada ʁəpːɑ. 194 ‘how’ *ripa Daya jiʔipa. Kom-Jaya juʔsipɑ. WayKanan juʔʁipɑ. Kom-Dpur njuʔʁipɑ. KAAsli sənipe. KomIlir sənipɑ.

KAAsli sɛnipe. 195 ‘not’ *maʔ-

wat KAAsli KAPend homaʔ. Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur WayKanan Sungkai maʔwat. KomIlir maʔwǝt. Kom-

Jaya Belalau KotAgung Pubian Kalianda Jabung mawat. Daya at. Ranau Sukau Krui maweʔ. TalaPada muwat. WayLima Sukadana KotaBumi maʔ. Melintin iwaʔ. Menggala maʔwaʔ.

196 ‘count’ *hituŋ *qi(n)tuŋ Krui Kalianda KotaBumi ŋituŋ. Jabung Menggala ituŋ. Belalau hituŋ. 196 ‘count’ *bilaŋ Kom-Dpur Daya bəbilɑŋ. Kom-Adu TalaPada ŋɑmbilɑŋ. Kom-Dpur bilɑŋ. KomIlir mbilɑŋ. 197 ‘one’ *əsay *esa Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui WayKanan Melintin Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala sɑy. Belalau

KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda sɑi. KAAsli KomIlir KAPend osɑy. Ranau sɜy. Kom-Jaya sɑy.

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198 ‘two’ *rua *duha Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KotAgung TalaPada WayLima Sungkai Pubian Kalianda ʁuɑ. KAAsli KAPend ʁuwe. Melintin Sukadana wəo. Jabung KotaBumi wɔ. Menggala wow.

199 ‘three’ *təlu *telu Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan WayLima Sungkai Pubian Jabung təlu. KotAgung TalaPada təlːu. Krui tilu. KomIlir tolu. Kom-Adu tolu. KAAsli tɔlu. Kom-Jaya tɘlu. Daya təlu.

200 ‘four’ *əpat *epat Sukau Belalau TalaPada Pubian Kalianda Jabung Sukadana KotaBumi pɑʔ. KAAsli KomIlir opɑʔ. WayKanan Sungkai pɑt. Kom-Adu Menggala pːɑʔ. Krui Melintin əpɑʔ. KAPend opɑt. WayLima pɑk. Ranau pɜʔ. Kom-Dpur ɘpɑʔ. KotAgung əpːɑʔ.

‘angry’ *marah Kom-Adu KAPend Menggala mɑʁɑh. KAAsli Sukadana mɑɾɑh. WayKanan mɑʁəh. ‘angry’ *butəŋ Kom-Jaya Sukau butoŋ. Ranau Krui butɔŋ. ‘angry’ *mabuk Daya mɑbuʔ. Kom-Jaya mɑbuʔ. Kom-Dpur mɑmũŋ. ‘answer’ *timbal Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan Sukadana timbɑl. Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur nɪmbɑl. Menggala nɘmbɑl.

KomIlir timbɑli. Ranau timbɜl. KAPend tɪmbɑli. ‘banana’ *punti *punti KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui WayKanan KAPend punti. Belalau putːi.

Sukadana putːəy. Menggala pɘtːɘy. ‘because’ *ulih *uliq ‘return;

restore; repeat’ ?

KotAgung WayLima ulih. Kalianda ulihni. TalaPada ulihɑpi.

‘because’ *ulah Sungkai KotaBumi ulɑh. Pubian ulɑh sinɑ. ‘betel leaf’ *buluŋ

cambay (*zambay) ‘areca palm’12

KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui WayKanan buluŋ cɑmbɑy. KAAsli Kom-Adu Sukau Krui Sukadana Menggala cɑmbɑy. Sukau bulun ni cɑmbɑy. KAPend buluŋ cɑmɑy. Belalau cɑmbɑi. Ranau cɜmbɜy.

‘betel nut’ *kuray Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan uʁɑy. KAAsli kuʁɑy. ‘bitter’ *pahit *paqit KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau Kalianda pɑhiʔ. Sukau mupɑheʔ. KotaBumi pahiʔ.

Menggala pɑheʔ. KAPend pɑhit. Sukadana pɑhiəʔ. Krui pɑhɛʔ. Kom-Jaya pɑhɪʔ. WayKanan pɑhːiʔ. Ranau pɜhɛʔ.

‘blind’ *buta PHF *buCa Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan butɑ. KAAsli KAPend bute. Menggala botow. Sukadana butəɔ. Sukau mutɑ. Ranau mutɜ.

‘blow gun’ *səput PHN *se(m)put Sukau Krui WayKanan səpuʔ. Menggala sɘpuʔ. Ranau səpuk. Sukadana səpʊəʔ. ‘blow gun’ *tulup Kom-Jaya KAPend tulup. KAAsli KomIlir tulup. ‘boil water’ *ruŋgaʔ KomIlir Kom-Jaya WayKanan ʁuŋgɑʔ. Kom-Dpur Daya məʁuŋgɑʔ. Krui mɑɣoŋgɑʔ. Sukau mɑɣuŋgɑʔ.

Belalau mɑʁuŋgɑʔ. Ranau məɣuŋgɜʔ. Kom-Adu ʁoŋgɑʔ. KAAsli ʁũŋɑʔ.

12

Probably not a valid reconstruction.

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‘boil’ *sunut Kom-Adu Kalianda bɑsunuʔ. KAPend bɑŋsulut. KAAsli bɑŋsunɔʔ. Sukau musunuʔ. Menggala mɘsonõʔ. Kom-Jaya mɘsunuʔ. WayKanan mənsunoʔ. Belalau məsunuʔ. Kom-Dpur məsunuʔ. Ranau mɜsunuʔ. Sukadana pəsunuʔ. KotaBumi sunuʔ.

‘broom’ *sapu *sapu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau WayKanan pəɲɑpu. Kom-Adu Krui pɑɲɑpu. Menggala pɘɲɑpew. Kom-Jaya pɘɲɑpu. Sukadana pəɲɑpəo. Ranau pəɲɜpu. Daya ɲɑpu.

‘bury’ (loan)

‘call’ *dudu KomIlir dudu. KAAsli nudu. Kom-Adu ɑndudu. ‘call’ *huraw-

haruh Kom-Dpur Daya hɑʁuh. Sukau Krui uɣɑu. Kom-Jaya hɑʁoh. Ranau uɣɜw. WayKanan uʁɑw. KAAsli ŋeʁohɑʁo.

Belalau ŋoʁɑu. ‘canoe

paddle’ *dayuŋ *dayuŋ Sukau Krui Belalau dɑyuŋ.

‘canoe paddle’

*kayuh KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir pəŋɑyuh. KAPend bəkɑyuh. Sukadana kɑyoh. Daya kɑyuh. KAAsli peŋɑyuh. WayKanan puŋɑyoh. Menggala pɘŋɑyo h. Kom-Jaya pɘŋɑyu h. WayKanan pəŋɑyoh. Kom-Dpur pəŋɑyũh.

‘canoe’ *biduʔ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan biduʔ. KAPend bidowʔ. ‘canoe’ *pərahu Menggala pegɑhew. Krui prɑhu. Belalau pərɑhu. Sukadana pəʁɑhəo. ‘cassava’ *hubi *qubi Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui Belalau ubi. KomIlir hubi. Kom-Adu hubi kɑyu. Sukau ubi kikim. Daya ‘taro’ umbi. ‘cassava’ *kikim Ranau Sukau WayKanan Menggala kikim. KAPend Sukadana kikɪm. KAAsli kʰikʰɪm.

‘chest’ *dada *dahdah Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan dɑdɑ. KAAsli KAPend dɑde. Menggala dɑdow. Sukadana dɑdəɔ.

‘chicken’ *sisu (see also ‘bird’)

Proto-Philippines *siwsiw

KAAsli Kom-Adu sisu. Kom-Dpur Daya sisuy. KomIlir sʲisu.

‘chin’ *dagaw KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KAPend dɑgu. Menggala dɑgew. Sukadana dɑgəɔ.

‘coconut (ripe)’

*kəlapa Sukau Krui kɑlɑpɑ. Menggala kɘlɑpow. Belalau kəlɑpɑ. Sukadana kəlɑpəɔ.

‘coconut (ripe)’

*ɲiwi *niuR Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya ɲiwi. KAAsli Kom-Dpur WayKanan KAPend ɲĩwĩ.

‘coconut (unripe)’

*dugan KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan Sukadana dugɑn. Daya dugɑdn. Ranau dugɜn.

‘comb’ *gaygay Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur pəŋgɑygɑy. Kom-Jaya pɘŋgɑygɑy. ‘comb’ *sual *suat KAAsli Sukau Krui suwɑl. Kom-Jaya Belalau KAPend suɑl. Ranau suwɜl. KomIlir sʲuɑl. ‘cooked

rice’ *əmay PHF *Hemay,

Semay Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau mi. Sukadana məy. Menggala mːɘy. KAPend omi.

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‘cough’ *hiəʔ KAAsli Daya WayKanan hiyoʔ. Kom-Jaya hioʔ. Kom-Dpur hĩoʔ. WayKanan mõhioʔ. KomIlir mɑhĩoʔ. Belalau məhiõʔ. Kom-Adu məhoyoʔ. Sukadana məhɑyɑʔ.

‘cough’ *həgəl Ranau həgɔl. Sukau muɣgol. Krui mɑhəgol. ‘crocodile’ *buha *buqaya Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui Belalau buhɑ. KAAsli KAPend buhe. Menggala bohow. Daya bohɑ.

Sukadana buhəɔ. Ranau buhɛ. WayKanan buhːɑ. Kom-Dpur bɔhɑ. ‘deaf’ *tilu Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau tilu. Menggala tilew. Sukadana tiləɔ. ‘deaf’ *tuləʔ Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya tuloʔ. Kom-Adu KomIlir tuloʔ. WayKanan toloʔ. ‘deaf’ *pəkaʔ KAAsli KomIlir KAPend pokɑʔ. ‘deer’ *bisa *Rusa ? Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya bisɑ. KAAsli KAPend bise. Menggala doso. ‘deer’ *uncal Sukau WayKanan uncɑl. Belalau ucɑl. Sukadana ucːɑl. Ranau uncɛl. Kom-Jaya uɲcɑl. Krui ʔuncɑl. ‘defecate’ *misiŋ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau KAPend Menggala misiŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir Daya misɪŋ.

Sukadana misiəŋ. WayKanan mĩsɪŋ. KAPend mɪsiŋ. ‘descend’ *də bah c.f. ‘below’ Daya WayKanan dəbɑh. Kom-Jaya dɘbɑh. ‘descend’ *rəgəh Sukau Krui ɣəgɑh. Kom-Adu KomIlir ʁogoh. Ranau ɣəgɜh. KAAsli ʁɔgoʔ. Kom-Dpur ʁəgoh. Belalau χɑgoh. ‘descend’ *turun KAPend Menggala tuʁun. Sukadana tuɾun. ‘dibble

stick’ *tugal Kom-Jaya Daya Ranau WayKanan KAPend tugɑl. KAAsli Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui nugɑl. Kom-Adu KomIlir tugɑl.

Menggala nogɑl. ‘difficult’ *susah *suqsaq KAAsli Krui KAPend susɑh. Menggala sosɑh. ‘difficult’ *sukər Kom-Adu KAPend sukoʁ. Menggala sukɘɣ. ‘dipper’ *timbuʔ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur timbuʔ. Menggala tɘmbuʔ. Sukadana tɪmbʊəʔ. ‘dry

(clothes)’ *kəraŋ PWMP *keRaŋ Sukau Krui ŋəɣɑŋ. Kom-Jaya kɘʁɑŋ. Ranau kəɣɜŋ. Daya kəʁɑŋ. Kom-Dpur ŋəʁɑŋ.

‘dry (clothes)’

*paway Kom-Adu KomIlir mɑwɑy. KAAsli WayKanan pɑwɑy. Belalau mɑwɑi.

‘eggplant’ *tiuŋ PHN? *teruŋ KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan KAPend Sukadana Menggala tiuŋ. Kom-Dpur Krui tiyuŋ. Kom-Adu tiuŋ.

‘eight’ *walu *walu KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KAPend wɑlu. Menggala wɑlew. Daya wɑlu. Sukadana wɑləɔ. Ranau wɜlu.

‘eleven’ *bəlas KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui WayKanan KAPend Sukadana səbəlɑs. Kom-Adu KomIlir sɑbolɑs. Ranau sebelɑs. Menggala sɘbɘlɑs. Kom-Jaya sɨbɨlɑs.

‘excrement’ *tahi *taqi Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau tɑhi. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir KAPend tɑhiʔ. Menggala tɑhɘy. Sukadana tɑhəy. WayKanan tɑhːi. Ranau tɛhi.

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‘face’ *pudaʔ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau WayKanan Sukadana pudɑʔ. Krui budɑʔ. Menggala podɑʔ. Daya podɑʔ. Ranau pudɜʔ.

‘fast’ *gancaŋ Kom-Adu KomIlir Daya gɑncɑŋ. KAPend gɑɲcɑŋ. ‘fast’ *gəluʔ Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan gəluʔ. Kom-Jaya Menggala gɘluʔ. Sukadana gəluəʔ.

Kalianda gəlːuʔ. Krui mɑgəluʔ. ‘fat

(adjective)’ *gəmuk Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau WayKanan gəmuʔ. Kom-Adu KomIlir gomuʔ. Daya Sukadana gəmũʔ. Ranau gemuk.

KAAsli gomoʔ. KAPend gomuk. Menggala gɘmõʔ. Kom-Jaya gɘmuʔ. Krui məgəmuʔ. ‘fence’ *kandaŋ KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya KAPend kɑndɑŋ. ‘fence’ *kuta Kom-Adu KomIlir Krui Belalau WayKanan kutɑ. Menggala kotow. Sukau kutɑɣ. Kom-Jaya kutɑʁ.

Sukadana kutəɔ. Ranau kutɜ. ‘field rice’ *paray *pajay/ *pajey KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau pɑʁi. Sukau Krui pɑɣi. KAPend pɑyi.

Menggala pɑɣɘy. WayKanan pɑʁe. Sukadana pɑʁəy. Ranau pɜɣi. ‘field’ *huma *qumaH

(Adelaar) Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya humɑ. KAAsli KAPend hume. Kom-Jaya humɑh. Ranau humɜ. WayKanan humːɑ. Menggala omo. Sukadana uməɔ.

‘field’ *daraʔ Krui dɑɣɑ. Sukau dɑɣɑʔ. Belalau dɑʁɑʔ. ‘fight’ *laga Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau WayKanan lɑgɑ. Daya lɑga. KAAsli lɑge. Menggala lɑgow.

Sukadana lɑgəɔ. ‘fight’ *pisaw PHN *pisaw

‘knife’ KAAsli Daya KAPend pisu.

‘finger’ *jari *zari Sukau Krui jɑɣi. Kom-Adu Belalau jɑʁi. Menggala jɑʁɘy. Ranau jɜɣi. ‘finger’ *jəriji KAAsli jeɾiji. KAPend jeʁigi. KomIlir jɑʁiʒi. KAAsli jəɾiji. Kom-Dpur jəʁiji. ‘finger’ *raŋa Kom-Jaya WayKanan ʁɑŋɑʁɑŋɑ. Daya ŋɑʁɑŋɑ. Sukadana ʁəʁɑŋəɔ. ‘fire place’ *tuŋku KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Krui Belalau WayKanan tuŋku. Sukadana tukːəo.

Menggala tɘkːew. ‘fish line’ *kawil *kawil KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau WayKanan KAPend Sukadana Menggala kɑwil. Kom-Adu KomIlir kɑwɪl.

Ranau kɜwil. Sukau uyaʔ kɑwil. Krui ŋɑwil. ‘five’ *lima *lima Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan WayLima limɑ. KAAsli

KAPend lime. Menggala lemow. Sukadana liməɔ. ‘floor’ *gəladak Kom-Adu gɑlɑdɑk. Kom-Jaya gɘlɑdɑkɑn. KAPend gəlɑdɑk. Kom-Dpur gəlɑdɑkɑn. KAAsli gəlɑdɑk.

Daya gəlɑdɑʔ. Ranau gəlɜdɜk. ‘floor’ *lantay PHN? lan-tay KomIlir Sukau Krui WayKanan lɑntɑy. Belalau lɑtːɑi. Menggala lɑtːɑy. Sukadana lətːɑy. ‘fly’ *lalət *lalej Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya lɑlɑʁ. Sukau Krui ɣɑɣɑl. Belalau hɑʁɑl. KotaBumi lalət.

Kalianda lɑloʁ. KAPend ɔwɑl. Ranau ɣɜɣɜl. Sukadana ʁɑl. WayKanan ʁɑʁɑl.

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‘forget’ *lupa Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan lupɑ. KAAsli KAPend lupe. Menggala lopow. Sukadana lupəɔ.

‘fragrant’ *hərum Kom-Dpur WayKanan məʁum. Kom-Adu hoʁʊm. KAAsli hoɾum. KomIlir hoʁʊm. KAPend hɔʁum. Belalau mɑʁum. Kom-Jaya mɘʁʊm. Sukau məɣom. Krui məɣum. Daya əʁom. Ranau ɣum. Daya ʁom. Sukadana ʁəʔʊm.

‘friend’ *əriʔ KAAsli oʁeʔ. KomIlir oʁiʔ. Krui yɛʔ. Belalau ʁiʔ. ‘friend’ *kanti Kom-Jaya Daya Sukau kɑntiʔ. KAPend kɑnti. Kom-Dpur kɑntɪʔ. Ranau kɜnti. ‘frog’ *bincaʔ Sukau Krui kɑmincɑʔ. Kom-Adu KomIlir kɑmɪncɑʔ. Sukadana bəciəʔ. Daya kɘmincɑʔ. Kom-Jaya kɘmiɲcɑʔ.

Belalau kəmicɑʔ. Kom-Dpur kəmincɑʔ. KAAsli kəmɪncɑʔ. Ranau kɜmincɜʔ. WayKanan mincɑʔ. ‘full

stomach’ *bətəŋ (see also ‘belly’)

KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir KAPend botoŋ. Ranau Sukau Krui mətɔŋ. Kom-Jaya bɘtoŋ. Menggala bɘtːɘŋ. Kom-Dpur bətoŋ. Daya bətɔŋ. WayKanan bətːɔŋ. Sukadana bətːəŋ. Belalau mbətoŋ.

‘full’ *latap Sukau Krui Belalau Sukadana lɑtɑp. Ranau lɜtɜp. ‘full’ *pənuh PAN *penuq Kom-Adu KomIlir KAPend ponuh. KAAsli ponoh. Kom-Dpur pənuh. Daya pənũh. ‘full’ *pəpək KAAsli popoʔ. Menggala pɘpɘk. KotaBumi pəpːək. ‘ginger’ *jahiʔ Krui jɑhe. Sukau jɑheʔ. Sukadana jɑhiəʔ. Belalau jɑhiʔ. Menggala jɑhːeʔ. ‘ginger’ *lahia *laquya Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan lɑhyɑ. Ranau lihɜ. KAPend lɑhie. KAAsli lɑhiye.

KAAsli lɑhye. ‘give’ ****injukinjukinjukinjuk Daya Ranau juʔ. KAAsli ŋiɲjuʔ. Kom-Adu ŋonjuʔ. Kom-Jaya ŋujuʔ. Menggala ŋɘjuʔ. Sukau ŋəjuk. Kom-Dpur ŋəjuk.

WayKanan ŋəjuʔ. Sukadana ŋəjʊʔ. KomIlir ɪnjũʔ. ‘give’ *kəni Belalau WayLima ŋəni. KAPend koni. Sukadana kənəy. Krui kɜni. ‘go home’ *mulaŋ KAAsli Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KAPend Sukadana mulɑŋ. Menggala molɑŋ.

KomIlir mulɑŋg. Ranau mulɜŋ. WayKanan mũlɑŋ. ‘hand span’ *rəkaŋ Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan ʁəkɑŋ. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir ʁokɑŋ. Sukau Krui ɣəkɑŋ. Kom-Jaya

Menggala ʁɘkɑŋ. Ranau ɣəkɜŋ. Sukadana ɾəkɑŋ. ‘hard

(object)’ *kəras Kom-Dpur Daya Sukadana kəʁɑs. Kom-Adu KomIlir koʁɑs. Kom-Jaya Menggala kɘʁɑs.

‘hard (object)’

*tias *teRas Daya KAPend tiɑs. KAAsli tiyɑs.

‘hard (object)’

*tiha *teRas ? Sukau Belalau tihɑ. Krui mɑtihɑ. Ranau tihɜ. WayKanan tɑhyɑ.

‘heart’ *jantuŋ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan WayLima KAPend jɑntuŋ. Sukadana Menggala jɑtːuŋ. Kom-Jaya jɑntʊŋ.

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‘hundred’ *ratus *Ratus KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan KAPend səʁɑtus. Sukau Krui sɑɣɑtus. Kom-Adu KomIlir sɑʁɑtus. Ranau serɑtus. Sukadana seʁɑtus. Menggala sɘgɑtus. Kom-Jaya sɘʁɑtus.

‘hungry’ *bətəh *bitil KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir KAPend botoh. Ranau Sukau Krui mətɔx. Kom-Jaya bɘtoχ. Menggala bɘtːox. Kom-Dpur bətoh. Daya bətɔh. KotaBumi bətːah. Sukadana bətːɑh. WayKanan bətːɔh. Belalau mbətoh. Sukau mutɔx.

‘husk of rice’

*huət Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Kalianda huwoʔ. Kom-Adu howoʔ. KAPend huwot. KAAsli huwoʔ. Ranau huwɔk. KomIlir huwɔʔ. Kom-Jaya huɔʔ. WayKanan huɔʔ. KotaBumi uwəʔ. Sukadana uɑʔ.

‘hut in field’

*kubu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Belalau kubu. Menggala kubew. WayKanan kubũ.

‘hut in field’

*sapaw PHF *sa-paw KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau KAPend sɑpu. Sukadana sɑpəo. Ranau sɜpu.

‘ironwood’ *uŋlin Kom-Adu KomIlir KAPend uŋlɪn. Ranau Sukau ulin. Kom-Jaya oŋlɛn. Kom-Dpur oŋlɪn. Daya uŋlɛn. KAAsli ɔŋlɛn.

‘itch’ *gatəl *gatel KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau KAPend gɑtol. KotaBumi gatəl. Kom-Adu gɑtol. WayKanan gɑtɔl. Menggala gɑtɘl. Sukadana gɑtəl. Ranau gɜtɔl.

‘knife’ *ladiŋ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KAPend lɑdiŋ. KomIlir lɑdɪŋg. Ranau lɜdiŋ. ‘ladder’ *ijaŋ *haRәzan

(Adelaar)

KAAsli KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukadana ijɑn. Sukau Krui Belalau jɑn. Menggala ejɑn. WayKanan hijɑn. Kom-Adu ijɑn. Ranau jɜn. KAPend ojɑn.

‘lie’ *budi Kom-Jaya Daya budiɑn. Kom-Dpur budiʔɑn. Kom-Adu pubudi. ‘lie’ *buhuŋ KAAsli Ranau Sukau Krui KAPend buhuŋ. KomIlir WayKanan buhuŋɑn. Belalau bohoŋ. Sukadana buhuəŋ.

Menggala bʊhʊŋ. Kom-Jaya pɘmbohoŋ. ‘lime’ *hapuy PAN *qapuR KAAsli Kom-Jaya Daya KAPend hɑpuy. Kom-Adu KomIlir hɑpuy. WayKanan hɑpʊy. Ranau hɜpuy.

Daya tɑmpuy. Sukadana ɑpʊymɑlʊy. ‘lip’ *birbir *birbir ‘rim,

edge, border’ Kom-Dpur Daya beʁbeʁ. Kom-Adu KomIlir biʁbiʁ. Sukau Krui bəbeɣ. KAAsli berber. Belalau bibːiʁ. Ranau bəbɛɣ. KAAsli bɪrbɪr.

‘lip’ *piʔpiʔ *birbir ‘rim, edge, border’ ?

WayKanan KAPend piʔpiʔ. Sukadana pupːiəʔ. Menggala pɘpːɪʔ. Melintin ‘mouth’ pəpːiʔ. Kom-Jaya pɪʔpɪʔ.

‘live/dwell’ *təpiʔ KAAsli opiʔ. Menggala tɘpːiʔ. Sukadana tɪpiəʔ. KAPend ɔpiʔ. ‘loincloth’ *cawət Kom-Jaya Sukau cɑwot. Krui cɑwot. KAAsli cɑwɑt. ‘lose’ *ləbən Kom-Dpur Sukau Belalau ləbon. Daya lebon. Krui libɔn. KAAsli lobon. KomIlir lobon. Kom-Adu lobon. Kom-

Jaya lɘbon. Ranau ləbɔn. WayKanan ləbɔn. ‘machete’ *canduŋ KAAsli Sukau Krui Belalau KAPend cɑnduŋ. Kom-Jaya cɑndʊŋ. Ranau cɜnduŋ.

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‘many’ *lamən *amin ‘all’ ? Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayLima lɑmon. KAAsli WayKanan lɑmun. Ranau lɜmɔn. Krui mɑlɑmən.

‘many’ *nayah Sukau Sukadana nɑyɑh. Menggala nɑyɑh. ‘mat’ *sulan KomIlir Kom-Jaya Krui WayKanan sulɑn. Daya sulɑdn.

‘medicine’ *ləbas Kom-Adu KomIlir lobɑs. Kom-Dpur Daya ləbɑs. KAAsli lobɑs. Kom-Jaya lɘbɑs. ‘medicine’ *ubat *ubaj (Adelaar

2005b) Belalau Sukadana Menggala obɑt. Sukau Krui WayKanan ubɑt. Ranau ubɜt.

‘monkey’ *kəra Kom-Adu KomIlir koʁɑ. Kom-Dpur WayKanan kəʁɑ. KAPend kowe. KAAsli koʁe. Menggala kɘɣow. Daya kɘʁɑ. Ranau kəɣɜ. Sukadana kəʁəɔ. Belalau kəχɑ. Krui kɣɑ. Kom-Jaya kʁɑ.

‘morning’ *pagi KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KAPend pɑgi. ‘mortar’ *ləsuŋ PHF *lesuŋ Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Belalau WayKanan Sukadana ləsuŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir losuŋ. Kom-Jaya

Menggala lɘsuŋ. Krui lesuŋ. KAPend lɔsuŋ. KAAsli ləsuŋ. ‘mountain’ *gunuŋ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan WayLima KAPend

Sukadana gunuŋ. Menggala gonoŋ. ‘mud’ *cak PHN *cak Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Dpur bicɑk. KAAsli KAPend bicɑʔ. WayKanan licɑk. ‘mud’ *taʔ *pitak Sukau Belalau litɑʔ. Ranau litɛʔ. Sukadana lɑtɑʔ. Krui lɪdɑʔ. ‘nine’ *siwa *siwa KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya WayKanan suɑy. Sukau Krui Belalau siwɑ. Menggala sewow.

KAPend siwe. Sukadana siwəo. Ranau siwɜ. Kom-Dpur suwɑy. ‘not (n.)’ *layən *laqin ‘other’ KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya WayKanan lɑyon. Sukadana lɑyən. ‘old

(object)’ *muni KAAsli WayKanan muni. Sukadana munəy. KAPend mũnĩ. KomIlir muni. Menggala mɘnɘy. Kom-Adu uni.

Daya unĩ. Kom-Jaya ʁuni. ‘old

(object)’ *saka Sukau Krui Belalau sɑkɑ. Menggala sɑkow. Sukadana sɑkəɔ. Ranau sɜkɜ.

‘pay’ *bayar *bayad Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan bɑyɑʁ. KAPend bɑyow. Krui bɑyɑr. Sukadana bɑyɑɾ. Menggala bɘbɑyɑʁ. Ranau bɜyɜɣ. KomIlir mbɑyɑr. KAAsli mɑyɑʁ. Sukau ŋɑbɑyɑɣ. Kom-Adu ɑmbɑyɑʁ.

‘pestle’ *həlu PHN *qahlu, *qalhu

Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Krui həlu. KAAsli KAPend hɔlu. KomIlir holu. Kom-Adu holu. WayKanan hɘlu. Daya həlow. Belalau hɛlːu. Kom-Jaya hɨlu. Sukadana ləo. Menggala lːew.

‘pig’ *babuy *babuy KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya KAPend Menggala bɑbuy. Sukau Krui Belalau bɑbui. WayKanan Sukadana bɑbʊy. Kom-Adu bɑbuy. Ranau bɜbuy.

‘pillow’ *bantal PHN *bantal ‘bundle (of cloth)’

KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan bɑntɑl.

‘pillow’ *lunan *qalun-an KAPend Sukadana lunɑn. Menggala lonɑn.

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‘play’ *guraw Kom-Adu KomIlir WayKanan buguʁɑw. Sukau buguɣɑu. Ranau buguɣɜw. Belalau buguʁɑu. Kom-Jaya bɘguʁɑw. Sukadana bəgurɑ o. KAAsli bəguʁo. Daya bəguʁow. Kom-Dpur bəguʁɑw.

‘post’ *ari *ha-diRi KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya ɑʁi. KAPend ɑyi. WayKanan ɑʁe. Menggala ɑʁɘy. Sukadana ɑʁəy. Ranau ɜɣi.

‘post’ *tihaŋ *tiqaŋ Sukau Krui Belalau tihɑŋ. ‘pot’ *bəlaŋa Kom-Dpur Sukau bəlɑŋɑ. KAAsli belɑŋe. WayKanan bɑlɑŋɑ. KomIlir bəlɑŋɑ. Sukadana bəlɑŋəɔ. ‘pot’ *kinciŋ Kom-Adu KomIlir kɪncɪŋ. Kom-Jaya gɘʁiŋsɪŋ. KAPend kiɲciŋ. ‘pot’ *rayəh Menggala gɑyoh. Krui ɣɑyox. Ranau ɣɜyɔk. WayKanan ʁɑyoh. ‘pull’ *tarik Kom-Adu Daya Belalau Menggala tɑʁiʔ. KAAsli Kom-Dpur nɑʁɪʔ. KomIlir Kom-Jaya tɑʁɪʔ. WayLima nɑrik.

Sukau nɑɣiʔ. Krui tɑɣɛʔ. WayKanan tɑʁeʔ. KAPend tɑʁik. Sukadana tɑʁiəʔ. Ranau tɜɣɛʔ. ‘punch’ *gucuh Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan Sukadana gucuh. Menggala gocoh. Kom-Jaya gucuhɑn. ‘punch’ *səguŋ Ranau Sukau səguŋ. Krui ɲiguŋ. Belalau ɲəguŋ. ‘punch’ *tumbuk KAAsli numbʊʔ. KAPend nɑbuk. KomIlir tumbʊʔ. ‘push’ *junjun Ranau Krui Belalau jujun. Kom-Adu KomIlir WayKanan jujuŋ. Daya hunju. Kom-Jaya huɲjudn. KAPend juŋjuŋ.

Menggala juʁuŋ. Kom-Dpur unjʊn. Kom-Dpur ŋuɲjʊn. Sukau ŋɑjujun. WayLima ɲoroŋ. Sukadana ɲuruŋ. KAAsli ɲuʁuŋ.

‘raft’ *rakit *dakit, PHN *Rakit

Kom-Adu KomIlir WayKanan ʁɑkiʔ. Kalianda KAPend ʁɑkit. Menggala gɑkiʔ. Krui rɑkɛʔ. KAAsli rɑkɪt. Ranau rɜkiʔ. Sukau ɣɑkiʔ. Sukadana ɾɑkɪt. KotaBumi ʁakiʔ. Kom-Dpur ʁɑkɪt. Kom-Jaya ʁɑkɪʔ.

‘rainbow’ *runih KomIlir Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan ʁunih. Ranau Krui ɣunɛh. Kom-Adu bonih. Menggala goneh. Sukau ɣuneh. Belalau ʁuni. Daya ʁuniʔ. Sukadana ʁunɪh. Kom-Jaya ʁʊnɪh.

‘rattan’ *huay *quay/ *quey KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui KAPend huwi. KomIlir Belalau WayKanan hui. Kom-Adu howi. Menggala wey. Sukadana wəy.

‘ring’ *ali KAAsli Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan KAPend ɑli. Belalau lɑli. Ranau lɜli. Krui ɑliɑli. Sukau ɑlɑli. Sukadana ɑləy. Menggala ɑlːɘy.

‘river’ *suŋay *suŋay KAAsli Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur KAPend suŋɑy. ‘run’ *cəŋkəla

ŋ WayKanan Sukadana cəkəlɑŋ. Sukau cɑŋkəlɑŋ. Kom-Jaya cɘŋkɘlɑŋ. Kom-Dpur cəŋkəlɑŋ. Ranau cɜŋkəlɜŋ.

‘sago’ *sagu *saguh KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KAPend sɑgu. ‘sarong’ *bidaŋ Kom-Dpur Daya bidɑŋ. Kom-Adu KomIlir sɑbidɑŋ. WayKanan səbidɑŋ. Kom-Jaya sɨbidɑŋ. ‘sarong’ *hinjaŋ Krui Sukadana sinjɑŋ. Belalau hinjɑŋ. Sukau injɑŋ. Ranau sinjɜŋ. Menggala sɨɲjɑŋ. ‘sell’ *jual *zual KAAsli Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Daya Belalau WayKanan KAPend Sukadana Menggala juɑl. Sukau Krui ŋɑjuɑl.

Kom-Dpur njuɑl. KomIlir njuɑl. Kom-Dpur ənjuɑl.

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‘seven’ *pitu *pitu KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KAPend pitu. Menggala pitew. Daya pitu. Sukadana pitəo.

‘short’ *rəbah *ma-babaq ? Melintin Sukadana KotaBumi ibɑh. TalaPada Kalianda ʁəbːɑh. Menggala ebɑh. KAPend mobɑh. WayLima rəbɑh. KAAsli ʁobɑh.

‘sing’ *patun TalaPada Sungkai Pubian pɑtun. KotaBumi bəpɑtun. Melintin pɑtːun. ‘six’ *ǝnǝm *ʔenem Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Krui ǝnom. Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Belalau nːom. KAAsli KAPend KomIlir onom. Daya

WayKanan nːum. Sukadana KotaBumi Menggala nːǝm. ‘skinny’ *rasah KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur WayKanan ʁɑsɑh. Daya ʁɑsɑ. ‘skinny’ *rayaŋ Menggala gɑyɑŋ. Krui mɑɣɑyɑŋ. Ranau rɜyɜŋ. KAPend ɑyɑŋ. Sukau ɣɑyɑŋ. Belalau ʁɑwɑŋ. Sukadana ʁɑyɑŋ. ‘sore’ *katan KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KAPend Sukadana

Menggala kɑtɑn. Ranau kɜtɜn. ‘sour’ *m-isəm *ma-esem KotaBumi asəm. Menggala isɘm. KAPend misom. Sukadana misəm.

‘sour’ *pərəs *pejes ‘spicy’ Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau pəʁos. Ranau Krui pəɣɔs. KomIlir poʁos. Kom-Adu poʁos. Sukau pɔɣos. KAAsli pɔʁos. WayKanan pɔʁɔs. Kom-Jaya pɘʁos.

‘spear’ *liŋgis KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur WayKanan liŋgɪs. Daya liŋgis. ‘spear’ *payan Sukau Krui Belalau KAPend Sukadana Menggala pɑyɑn. Ranau pɜyɜn. ‘straight’ *lurus *lurus Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan ʁulus. KAAsli KAPend Menggala luʁus. Kom-Adu KomIlir ʁulʊs. ‘straight’ *ralis Krui mɑɣɑlis. WayLima rɑlis. Sukau ɣɑlis. Ranau ɣɜlis. Belalau ʁɑlis. ‘strong’ *gagah KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau WayKanan Sukadana gɑgɑh. Kom-Adu gogɑh. Ranau gɜgɜh. ‘sugar cane’ *təbu *tebuh Kom-Dpur Ranau Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan təbu. KAAsli KAPend tɔbu. Daya tebu. KomIlir tobu. Kom-

Adu tobu. Menggala tɘbew. Kom-Jaya tɘbu. Sukadana təbəo. ‘swallow’ *tələn Sukau Belalau təlon. Menggala nɘlɘn. Ranau nəlɔn. Krui nɛlɔn. Kom-Adu tolon. KomIlir tolon. Kom-

Jaya tɘlon. WayKanan təlɔn. Sukadana tələn. ‘sweat’ *hitiŋ *atiŋ KAAsli Kom-Jaya Daya Ranau Belalau WayKanan KAPend hitiŋ. Krui Menggala itiŋ. Kom-Adu hitiŋɑn.

KomIlir hitɪŋɑn. Sukau hitʰiŋ. Kom-Dpur hitiŋ. Sukadana itɪŋ. ‘sweet’ *m-əmis PHN *emis Kom-Dpur Daya mis. WayKanan miʔmis. KAAsli mɑmes. KomIlir mɑmĩs. Kom-Adu mɑmɪs. KAPend mɔmis.

Kom-Jaya mʊmɪs. Menggala mːes. ‘sweet’ *mətər Sukau Krui mətɔɣ. Belalau mɑtːoχ. Sukadana mətːəʁ. ‘taro’ *taləs *tales Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau KAPend tɑlos. KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir tɑlos. KotaBumi taləs. Kom-Jaya tɑlɑs.

WayKanan tɑlɔs. Menggala tɑlɘs. Sukadana tɑləs. Ranau tɜlɔs. ‘ten’ *puluh PAN *puluq KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan KAPend Sukadana

Menggala puluh. Ranau pulu. Daya puluh.

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‘termite’ *anay *anay Kom-Adu Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur ɑnɑyɑnɑy. Sukau Belalau hɑni. Daya nɑyɑnɑy. KAAsli ɑne ɑnɑy. KomIlir ɑneɑnɑy. KAPend ɑni. KAAsli ɑnɑy ɑnɑy. Ranau ɜnɜy ɜnɜy.

‘thigh’ *paha PAN *paqaS Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Krui Belalau WayKanan pɑhɑ. KAAsli KAPend pɑhe. Menggala pohow. Sukadana pɑhəɔ.

‘thirsty’ *hawəs PHF *quSaw Kom-Jaya KAPend hɑwos. KotaBumi awəs. Kom-Adu hɑwos. KomIlir hɑwɔs. WayKanan hɑwɔs. Kom-Dpur hɑwʊs. KAAsli hɑwʌs. Menggala ɑwɘs. Sukadana ɑwəs.

‘thirsty’ *mahu Daya Sukau Belalau mɑhũ. Ranau mɜhũ.

‘thorn’ *rui *zuRi KAAsli Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur Daya WayKanan KAPend ʁuwi. Ranau Sukau Krui ɣuwi. KomIlir Kom-Jaya Belalau ʁui. Sukadana wəy. Menggala ʁɘwːɘy.

‘thousand’ *ribu PHN *Ribu KAAsli Kom-Dpur Daya Belalau WayKanan KAPend səʁibu. Sukau Krui sɑɣibu. Kom-Adu KomIlir sɑʁibu. Ranau seribu. Menggala sɘgibew. Kom-Jaya sɘʁibu. Sukadana səʁibəo.

‘throat’ *luŋkuŋ Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Ranau Sukau Krui luŋkuŋ. Daya luŋkugŋ. Kom-Dpur luŋkuŋ. ‘tomorrow’ *jəməh PHF *zemaq Kom-Dpur Daya jəmoh. KotaBumi jimmah. Krui jimoh. Belalau jimːoh. Sukadana jimːɑh. Kom-Adu jomoh pɑgi.

Kom-Jaya jɘmoh. Menggala jɘmːoh. Sukau jəmɔx. Ranau jɛmɔh. WayKanan jɪmːɔh. KAAsli mɑh pɑgi. KomIlir mɑhpɑgi. KAPend mɑus.

‘tree’ *bataŋ *bataŋ (McGinn)

KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Krui Belalau WayKanan WayLima bɑtɑŋ. Menggala bɑtɑŋ kɑyew. Sukau bɑtɑŋ kɑyu. Sukadana bɑtɑŋkɑyəo. Ranau bɜtɜŋ.

‘turn/ revolve’

*ligət Kom-Adu Kom-Dpur ligoʔ. Daya WayKanan ləgoʔ.

‘turn/ revolve’

*putər *puter Kom-Adu buputoʁ. Sukadana butoʁ. Kom-Jaya bɘputoʁ. WayLima motorko. KAAsli mutɑr. Krui mutɑɣ. Menggala mutɘʁ mutɘʁ. Belalau putoh. KomIlir putoʁ. Sukau putɑr. KAPend putɑʁ. Ranau putɔɣ.

‘turtle’ *baniŋ *baniŋ Daya Belalau WayKanan bɑniŋ. Ranau bɜniŋ. ‘turtle’ *juku KAPend bejuku. Menggala bɘjukew. KAAsli bəjuku. ‘turtle’ *kuya Kom-Adu KomIlir Krui kuyɑ. KAAsli kuye. ‘turtle’ *tipa Sukau hɑntipɑ. Daya tipɑ. Sukadana tipəɔ. ‘uncooked

rice’ *bias *beRas KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Daya Sukau Belalau WayKanan KAPend Sukadana Menggala biɑs. Kom-

Dpur Krui biyɑs. Ranau biyɜs. ‘urine’ *miǝh PAN *iSeq Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya Sukau Belalau WayKanan Menggala mi(y)oh. KAAsli oyoh.

KAPend moyoh. Ranau mioʔ. Krui miyox. KotaBumi miyǝh. Sukadana miah. ‘vein’ *uyat PAN *uRat Kom-Adu Sukau Krui Belalau Kalianda Sukadana uyɑʔ. Menggala oyɑt. KotaBumi uya?. KAPend uyɑt.

Ranau uyɜʔ. ‘wait’ *pənah Kom-Adu KomIlir ponɑh. Kom-Dpur Krui pənɑh. Ranau pənɛh. ‘wait’ *tuŋgu Kom-Jaya Belalau KAPend tuŋgu. Sukau WayKanan nuŋgu. Menggala nɘŋgew. Sukadana tuŋgəo.

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‘wall’ *kətkət Sukadana KotaBumi kɘkət. KAPend kotkot. Menggala kɘtkɘt. ‘wall’ *saysay Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya sɑysɑy. Krui sisɑy. Belalau sɑsɑi. WayKanan sɑʔsɑy. Sukau səsɑy.

Ranau səsɜy. ‘wash’ *basuh Daya bɑsuh. Kom-Dpur bɑsuh. KomIlir mbɑsuh. ‘wash’ *pəhpəh Belalau WayLima məpoh. Kom-Jaya mohpoh. Kom-Adu mohpoh. Sukau mupox. KotaBumi mupːəh.

Sukadana mũpːɑh. KAPend mɔhpoh. WayKanan mɔʔpɔh. Menggala mɘpːoh. Krui məpɔx. Ranau pəpɔɣ. ‘weave’ *aɲam *aɲam KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui WayKanan Sukadana Menggala ŋɑɲɑm. Daya Ranau KAPend ɑɲɑm.

Kom-Adu ŋɑyɑm. KAAsli ŋɑɲẽm. KAAsli ŋɑɲɑm. Belalau ɑɲɑmɑn. ‘widow’ *balu PHN *balu Kom-Jaya bɑlu. KAAsli bɑybɑy bɑlu. Menggala bɘbɑy bɑlew.

‘widow’ *randa KomIlir Krui Belalau WayKanan jɑndɑ. Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Daya ʁɑndɑ. Menggala jɑndow. Sukadana jɑndəɔ. Sukau ɣɑndɑ. Ranau ɣɜndɜ. Kom-Adu ʁɑŋdɑ.

‘winnow’ *tapi PHF *tapeS KAAsli Kom-Adu KomIlir Kom-Jaya Kom-Dpur Sukau Krui Belalau KAPend nɑpi. Daya WayKanan tɑpi. Menggala nɑpɘy. Sukadana nɑpəy. Ranau nɜpi.

‘wipe’ *hapus WayKanan gɑbus. Sukadana gɑbʊs. Kom-Adu hɑpus. Kom-Adu usɑp. Belalau ŋgɑbus. ‘yesterday’ *bi-di-bi KAAsli bedibi. KAPend bedobi. Menggala bɘʁbɘy. Sukadana bəɾubːɑy. KAPend bɛdobi. ‘yesterday’ *lambija Kom-Dpur Daya bijo. Kom-Dpur bijow. KomIlir lombijɑ. Kom-Jaya mbijɑ. WayKanan mbijɑ. Kom-Adu ɑmbijɑ. ‘yesterday’ *nambi Sukau Krui nɑmbi. Belalau nɑmːbi. Ranau nɜmbi.

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4.1.1 Pronouns and demonstratives

Table 21 lists the reconstructed PLP pronouns and demonstratives. Although some lexemes are separated into apparent morphemes I cannot usually assign meanings to the morphemes but just to the word as a whole.

Table 21 PLP pronouns and demonstratives 1SG *(s)-(i)kam, *əɲak 1PL (inclusive) *ram, *kita 1PL (exclusive) *(hs)-ikam 2SG *s-kam, *ni-ku 2PL *ku-ti uɲin 3SG *ǝya 3PL *ti-an ‘this’ *(hs)ija, *hinji, *sa ‘that’ *(hs)ini, *(hs)udi

*s(a)- and *h seem to be some kind of personal marker, c.f. pronouns, *s-anak ‘child’, *sa-

apa ‘who’, and the demonstratives. I am confident in placing a morpheme break for all of these words due to the unusual variability of the reflexes.

Gemination in reflexes of ‘1SG’ provides some evidence that the second morpheme should be reconstructed *ǝkam or simply *kam.

I originally reconstructed *ǝram ‘1PL (inclusive)’ but changed to *ram based on the fact that KomIlir has oram ‘1SG’ but ram ‘1PL (inclusive)’.

The pattern for single medial stops (i.e. not part of a consonant cluster) is to frequently undergo gemination after schwa. One apparent exception is *kuti ‘2PL’ but there is a significant minority (6 of 19) of kǝti witnesses. It is possible the reconstruction should be *kǝti or at least *k(ǝu)ti, however the presence of the probable morpheme *ku- would seem to overrule this.

The latter word in 2PL *ku-ti uɲin means ‘all’. [‘this’] Although all extant reflexes have h or ø, on the basis of symmetry with the three

other demonstratives, I reconstruct *(sh)-ija 'this'.

4.1.2 Identical forms

• We see the same form *bǝtǝŋ for both ‘stomach’ and ‘full’. My conclusion is that this is one word (not homonym), with two semantically connected meanings.

• *pərəs ‘sour’ and *pərəs ‘squeeze’ I consider the second a loan (see §4.1.3 and §4.2), but they do not seem to be used in the same geographical areas either.

• *sapu ‘broom’ < PMP *sapu and sapu ‘hut in field’ < PHN *sa-paw should also be considered modern-day homonyms, used in the same geographical areas, but with the caveats that the former is always prefixed (i.e. pə-ɲɑpu), and the latter is from PLP *sapaw.

• One may notice that the reconstructions for ‘many’ and ‘if’ are identical: *lamǝn. Interestingly, both correspondence sets (which have points of intersection and differences with each other) have some ambiguity as to whether the penultimate vowel should be *ǝ or *u. It is likely that one of the two lexemes is a loan or is diachronically polymorphemic. The lexeme for ‘if’ is a candidate, given that reflexes of the initial l are spotty.

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Table 22 PLP ‘many’ and ‘if’ expected ultimate

vowel if *ǝ ‘many’ ‘if’

KAAsli o lɑmun lɑmon KAPend o Kom-Adu o lɑmon /ɑmon KomIlir o lɑmon /ɑmɑn Kom-Jaya o lɑmon /ɑmon Kom-Dpur o lɑmon Daya o lɑmon /ɑmon Ranau o lɜmɔn Sukau o Krui o mlɑmən Belalau o lɑmon WayKanan o lɑmun /ɑmʊn KotAgung o TalaPada o WayLima o lɑmon Sungkai o lɑmun Pubian o lɑmon Melintin ə lɑmɘn Kalianda o Jabung o lɑmɔn Sukadana ə lɑmʊn KotaBumi ə lɑmʊn Menggala ə lɑmɘn

4.1.3 Initial nasals and word classes

Adelaar (2005b:20) writes of Bali, Sasak, Sumbawa and Javanese that initial nasals indicate verbs rather than nouns. This seems to be the case in PLP; if one looks at the reconstructions, they will encounter almost no nouns beginning with nasals.

4.1.4 PLP *ay and *aw reconstructions

Following the discussion in §5.2.2, there is a subset of reconstructions where the only evidence accepted for the shape of the final vowel is the PMP reconstruction. See Table 23.

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Table 23 Aberrant PLP *ay reconstructions English PMP PLP modern reflexes ‘termite’ *anay *anay (h)ani ‘die, dead’, ‘kill’ *m-atay *matay, *patay mati, pati ‘field rice’ *pajay *paray pari ‘cooked rice’ PHF *Hemay *ǝmay (ǝ)mi ‘sand’ *qenay *hǝnay hǝni ‘liver’ PAN *qaCay *hatay hati ‘rattan’ *quay *huay hui ‘hut (in field)’ PHF *sa-paw *sapaw sapu ‘chin’ ? (Nothofer 1984

*dagew) *dagaw dagu

4.1.5 Discussion of reconstructions

The following is a discussion of selected reconstructions which require additional explanation. Occasionally it will be helpful to show the complete correspondence set, so that the problem in reconstruction will be clearer. When this is the case the following format will be used: twenty-three numbered columns, representing its isolect as given in Table 1, with the segment(s) in question directly below. For example, if the discussion is about whether to reconstruct final *h for a given word, the correspondence set might look something like this: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 h h ʔ h h h h h h h h ø h ø h where sampling sites 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13 and 15 reflect h¸ site 3 reflects ʔ, sites 14 and 16 reflect zero, and the rest of the sites (10, 11, 18-23) do not have cognates.

[6. ‘road/path’] I reconstruct PLP *raŋlaya with metathesis of the r and l (as well as nasal

assimilation of PMP *n) occurring before PLP. raŋraya, which occurs in Komering, can be explained as assimilation of l to initial r. Here’s one possible “path”:

• PMP *zalan ‘road’ + *raya ‘big’ • PLP *jalanraya ‘wide road’ (made monolexemic) • PLP *laŋraya (fourth syllable –anteantepenultimate- dropped, nasal assimilated to

following r) • PLP *raŋlaya (metathesis of r and l) • Komering raŋraya (assimilation of l to initial r) • KAPend laŋlaya (assimilation of initial r to l)

[10. ‘dirty’] Although one could attempt to justify reconstructing one form that unites kamah and kamaʔ ‘dirty’, the evidence is substantially stronger for a doublet. 1) Outside of one area (WayKanan), it is very rare in Lampungic for *h > ʔ, and basically unheard of to go the opposite direction. 2) Menggala evidently has both forms in its inventory, making a doublet the logical choice for reconstruction.

[12. ‘skin’] *bawaʔ. Although LP *kulit is ostensibly descended from an identical PMP form, it was not chosen as the primary reconstruction because of the strong geographical preponderance of *bawaʔ reflexes and the distinct possibility that kulit is a ML loan.

[13. ‘back’] *ka-ruyuŋ. It is a bit of a toss-up on whether *kuyuŋ or *karuyuŋ should be reconstructed, but c.f. Wilkinson ML ruyong ‘outer and harder portion of a palm-trunk’.

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[18. ‘breast’] *ǝmah. The frequent gemination of *m in this lexeme is evidence that an initial *ə should be reconstructed, even though it is not reflected in any modern reflexes. Additionally, it seems that nasalization of the ultimate vowel in some reflexes of this lexeme is triggering vowel raising and possibly the strengthening of *h to a glottal stop in a few cases.

[19. ‘shoulder’] *piŋpiŋ with assimilation to following stop in some varieties.

[23. ‘blood’] PMP *daRah > PLP *ǝrah. It seems the path was:

• *daRaq > dah (elision of *R between a; see §5.1.7)

• *dah > *rah (see §5.1.8}

• *rah > *ǝrah excrescence of initial schwa to restore this lexeme to two syllables

[27. ‘nose’] PMP ‘nose’ is reconstructed by Blust (1999:83) as *ijuŋ/*ujuŋ, while Adelaar 1992:108 cites PMP *qijuhuŋ. This ambiguity is seemingly reflected in what should be reconstructed for PLP ‘nose’. Only one isolect in twenty-three (Daya) has initial h. While Daya is quite conservative in retaining *h in this position (over 80%), so are its neighbors including the most conservative, KAPend, with a 90% retention rate. I reconstruct PLP *(h)iruŋ.

[28. ‘breathe’] There is some uncertainty about the *h in *(h)unduŋ given the pattern of reflexes.

29 [‘sniff/smell’] *ambaw. Although the reconstruction of the initial vowel could conceivably be i, u, a, or ǝ, both “majority rules” and JV ambu id. favor *a. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 i i u u a a a a ǝ a a a a

[29. ‘sniff/smell’] *hunduŋ. The reconstruction of *h is a bit shaky given that it only appears in one of the seven reflexes, but it seems like the best guess with the assumption that h is elided before a nasalizing prefix.

[30 ‘mouth’] *ŋaŋa. Although the prima facie evidence would seem to favor a reconstruction of *r in this position, on the basis of congruity with ML nganga ‘agape’ I reconstruct *ŋ. Additional evidence for this reconstruction comes from the reflexes of *məŋi-an ‘husband’, where all seven reflexes have ŋ except for Sukadana which reflects ʁ. It is therefore a small step to say that Sukadana has also changed *ŋ to ʁ in this etymon as well. The final confirmation is that there is already a PLP reconstruction *raŋa ‘finger’. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 ŋ ʁ g g

[44. ‘hear’] I had originally put together reflexes like dəŋi(h) with təŋis, but two things made me separate them out and reconstruct a doublet. One was the unusual but patterned excrescence of s after the final vowel, patterned in that it closely correlated with the occurrence of a devoiced initial stop t. It is unusual in that there are no other examples in the data set of s excrescence. The second piece of evidence was that in the Menggala wordlist of Fernandes et al. (2002) is recorded təŋis, while in the Walker (1975) and SIL (2005) lists dəŋi appears. So it seems that both of these forms exist side-by-side in Menggala as a doublet.

[47. ‘yawn’] huap etc. has an aberrant pattern of final debuccalization (almost none) that makes one suspect borrowing, but the other segments have substantial variation, so I conclude with hesitation that we are looking at a native form.

[49. ‘lie down’] *bariŋ was reconstructed rather than mariŋ just because of its ML relative.

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[49. ‘lie down’] *dulik could also be *dulir or even *dulit but the evidence seems stronger this way given the below correspondence set. Additionally, *dulik and *gulik seem to be a doublet and “majority rules” seems to favor *k in both cases. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 ʁ k ʔ k ʁ k

[52. ‘stand’] *təməgi. Given the correspondence set, this was probably morphologically complex at some point, e.g. *t-um- əgi.

[57. ‘husband’] See §4.2 for an explanation of why laki was not chosen as the primary reconstruction.

[59. ‘mother’] *ǝmaʔ. Previously this correspondence set was lumped together with the instances of umaʔ but I realized that this set required reconstruction as *əmaʔ based on gemination of the initial nasal.

[62. ‘roof’] Although the most reliable reflexes have something like pǝkːul ‘roof’, I reconstructed *paŋkul based on patterns of gemination and nasal-stop clusters. I later found out there is such a word as paŋkul in Lampung as a place name.

[64. ‘say’] *cawa. Although I reconstructed this reflex, it looks suspiciously similar to SKT bicara ‘consideration, discussion’.

[69. ‘hunt’] *m-asu. A morpheme break was inserted on the assumption that this is a verbal form of *asu ‘dog’ given that hunting in Sumatra is frequently done with dogs.

[72. ‘hit’] *tǝstǝs. Kota Bumi’s reflex tətuh should probably be excluded from this set and it would have had to undergo two changes in the final syllable: *ə > u and *s > h. The latter is particularly improbable in Lampung’s case.

[72. ‘hit (v.)’] *gǝbuk. C.f. Jakarta ML, from Balinese gəbok ‘striking a heavy blow with a flat object’ (Wilkinson 1959) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 h k k

[76. ‘live’] Although *huriʔ ‘live’ is clearly descended from PMP *qudip I reconstruct a glottal stop word-finally as there are no LP witnesses to final *p, not even old faithful KA-Pend, which usually retains stops lost by other varieties.

[88. ‘squeeze’] The items *piǝh, *pǝrǝs and *pǝrǝʔ are very interesting. It seems like *piǝh is a reflex of PMP *peReq while PLP *pǝrǝs is a reflex of PMP *peRes. But there are two puzzlers. The latter reflex is irregular in a few significant ways. Assuming the PMP reconstructed form *peRes, we would expect PLP *piəs. Secondly, in three of five cases, the r is an apical flap, suggestive of borrowing. However, because the ultimate schwa seems to rule out borrowing from Malay, I tentatively assign this as a Javanese loan (the identical shape, including apical flap, is found in Javanese). The second, slightly more difficult, puzzler is *pǝrǝʔ. Because the sound change *s > ʔ is unknown in LP it would seem to have undergone this change at a stage prior to PLP or to be a borrowing. My best guess is that this also is a Javanese loan pǝrǝt id. which later underwent debuccalization.

[88. ‘squeeze’] *gibuk could just as easily be reconstructed *gǝbuk.

[98. ‘egg’] The reconstruction of ‘egg’ is a great example of the utility of dialectology for an internal reconstruction such as this. If we had sampled 22 sites rather than 23, we might have missed the one piece of evidence that the near-universal metathesis of *hatǝluy happened after

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Proto-Lampungic and not prior. Another lexical example is Ranau aroʔ ‘smell’ which seems to be the only extant reflex in Lampungic for the PMP form *hajek.

[109 ‘mosquito’] The evidence for reconstructing this word as *hagas versus *agas is only in one witness, Perjaya. agas of course exists in Malay with the meaning of gnat, and at least one Malay isolect (Duano’) uses agas to mean ‘mosquito’ so a loan cannot be ruled out. Being that 16 varieties argue against the inclusion of *h, I reconstruct *(h)agas.

[116. ‘flower’] *kumbaŋ. I believe the penultimate ə reflexes can be explained either as influence from Sumatran Malay and/or neutralization of penultimate vowel before a consonant cluster in the Lampung Nyo area.

[123. ‘flow’] PLP *r is quite stable word-finally, hence PLP *hili is the correct reconstruction. See §5.1.7 for a discussion of this change from PMP to PLP.

[126. ‘lake’] I am compelled to reconstruct *danaw ‘lake’ because of the single ranaw witness. See also §5.1.8.

[127. ‘forest’] *ǝlas. I based the reconstruction of the initial vowel on phonotactics (favoring disyllabic over monosyllabic) and the lengthened 1. But it happens to match the PMP form better this way too.

[129. ‘moon’] If kǝnawat ‘moon’ is not a loan, it is probably polymorphemic.

[130. ‘star’] *bintaŋ. Adelaar 1992:203 writes that bintaŋ is a lexical replacement (reconstructed for PM) sometime between PMP and PM. Although this definitely looks suspect there is no compelling evidence to call it a borrowing for now.

[130. ‘star’] *bintuhan. I reconstruct *bintuhan ‘star’ even though with only two extant reflexes it was below the threshold; all the other responses are suspect loans. The nasal excrescence, however, is still irregular.

[132. ‘fog’] *imbun. Given that 2 of 5 reflexes reflect ǝ, and given the PMP form *embun, it is quite possible this should be reconstructed *ǝmbun. However, this would be the only reconstructed PLP schwa prior to a consonant cluster, so I choose not to violate this apparent constraint.

[140. ‘dry’] See §4.2 for an explanation of why kǝriŋ was not chosen as the primary reconstruction.

[150. ‘yellow’] I reconstructed *kuɲir as a reflex of PMP *kunij. I stand by that, but I needed to revise my correspondence set. I had previously included the kunjer etc. reflexes, but in looking at my notes it turns out Kom-Adu has three related etyma: kuniŋ (loan) and kuɲjer both mean yellow, but they also have kuɲir ‘turmeric’. So I need to reconstruct a doublet *kuɲir/*kunjir ‘yellow’, which prevents me from having to explain the excrescence of an affricate clustering with a medial nasal.

[165. ‘bad’] *jahat may be a loan, given that 1) Malay shares this word; and 2) there is no debuccalization of the final plosive, which is mildly out of character for native words. If it turns out to be native, it would support a PMP reconstruction of *jahat (c.f. Blust 1999) and not *jahet (c.f. Adelaar 1992).

[170. ‘when’] Is there a fossilized infix -um- in kumuda ‘when’? C.f. *kuda-saka id.

171 [‘hide’] *jamut. This etymon is reconstructed *jamut ‘hide’ rather than *jamət primarily because of the witness of Melintin and Kotabumi which would reflect **jamət if the ultimate

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vowel were schwa. The vowel lowering may be due to a highly nasalized environment, reflected by many of the transcriptions. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 õ o o o õ ow õ ʊ ʊ õ o

[171. ‘hide’] *sǝgǝʔ. This final consonant could actually be *l or even *t. Without the witness of a conservative dialect such as KAPend we will not have much confidence in our reconstruction. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 ʔ ʔ ʔ ʔ ʔ ʔ l ʔ ʔ ʔ

[174. ‘inside’] I am compelled to reconstruct a doublet *di lǝm/*dǝ lǝm ‘inside’ because of the extant reflexes.

[194. ‘how’] A doublet *ripa/rǝpa was reconstructed because of the split nature of the reflexes’ penultimate vowels.

[‘angry’] Knowing the correlate in Malay (mabuk ‘drunk’), it seems like Kom-Dpur mamuŋ ‘angry’ has undergone nasalization of both stops. This would suggest an underlying *k rather than glottal stop.

[‘because’] I reconstruct the doublet *ulih/ulah but actually there is scanty evidence for more than an irregular dialectal change.

[‘blow gun’] *sǝput. Reconstruction of final segment based on Proto-Hesperonesian se(m)put (Zorc 1995). 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 k ʔ ʔ ʔ ʔ ʔ

[‘call’] *huraw-haruh. There are no word-initial *h witnesses in the *huraw- correspondence set, but I nevertheless reconstruct it on the basis of symmetry with the following morpheme *-haruh, in what seems to be a chiming word possibly related to ML hura-hara ‘disturbance’.

[‘canoe paddle’] In spite of the cognate PMP form, dayuŋ was not chosen as the primary reconstruction for reasons discussed in §4.2.

[‘chicken’] The reflex for this word (sisu ‘chicken’) also could easily be reconstructed *uy, but the tie-breaker was Zorc & Charles 1971 Proto-Philippine reconstruction *siwsiw (Wurm & Wilson 1975). 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 u u u uy uy

[‘difficult’] If susah ‘difficult’ is native and not a ML loan it is a bit surprising it is not **suhsah < PMP *suqsaq.

[‘difficult’] *sukǝr deserves a second look. So far I have not found any other language besides Malay with a reflex. Could a ML loanword have a native ultimate schwa reflex? Is *sukǝr a real etymon?

[‘dipper’] *timbuk ‘dipper’ could possibly be reconstructed as a doublet, with *cibuk as the second form. See also §2.3.2.

[‘fence’] *kuta. Although there are two instances of final r in this word, they are geographically proximate and from areas which not uncommonly evince strengthening of final consonants (presumably this phenomenon would include excrescence in a vowel-final

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environment). Given the typically high retention rate of final *r, it is better to analyze this word as ending in *-a. At any rate it is probably a SKT loan ‘fortress’.

[‘field’] *daraʔ. If this is a native reflex, this could also potentially be reconstructed as *-t, given that it is < PMP *daRat ‘littoral sea; surface of sea/land’. More LP isolects would need to be checked for reflexes.

[‘fight’] *pisaw. From the reflexes one would expect a reconstruction of **pisu; however, see §5.2.3.

[‘finger’] These are strange words and a strange correspondence set. I would not be surprised at all if this turns out to be a loan. C.f. JV driji id., also ML kacaŋ jəriji ‘the lablab’ (hyacinth bean with a fingerlike pod).

[‘fly (insect)’] *lalǝt. This is a difficult one. First, there seems to be metathesis in many of the varieties, and then assimilation of the initial consonant to the medial (r). I considered a doublet *lalǝt/lalar because of the two differences – final consonant and final vowel - but decided against it because of the witness of Kalianda lalor which seems to preserve the final schwa. Here is one scenario:

• PMP *lalej • PMP *-j >PLP *d/-t, therefore *lalǝt • early change in most isolects to lalǝr • irregular merger (prompted by r?) in ultimate syllable of ǝ to a, did not occur in

Kalianda • metathesis and assimilation in some isolects to raral

[‘frog’] *bincaʔ could just have easily been reconstructed *mincaʔ - the only b witness is a somewhat dubious one.

[‘hard’] I had originally lumped instances of tias (< PMP *teRas ‘hard core of trees’) and tiha together, but then separated them for two reasons: 1) loss of *s (in any position) is very irregular/unexpected; 2) loss of medial *h in KAAsli and KAPend is similarly unprecedented, as would be such regular excrescence between vowels in the other varieties.

[‘lip’] *birbir. Although PMP *bibiR ‘lip’, there is also PMP *birbir ‘rim, edge, border’ and it seems LP ‘lip’ is cognate to the latter.13 LP reflexes without medial r could be quite easily explained either as elision before medial stop or as ML loans.

[‘pestle’] In spite of Zorc’s (1995) reconstructions Proto-Hesperonesian qahlu, qalhu I am compelled to reconstruct *həlu including because of the presence of gemination in this correspondence set.

[‘revolve’] The three mutar reflexes, KAAgung Asli, Sukau and Krui, are irregular and most likely borrowed from Malay.

[‘sarong’] I reconstruct h in *sa-hinjaŋ ‘sarong’ on the basis of one witness in six reflexes, as well as morphological symmetry with *sa-bidaŋ id.

[‘sour’] *m-isǝm. There seems to be a morpheme break given the variable presence of initial m.

13

Blust (1980:53) noted the distinction between PMP *bibiR and PMP *birbir ‘rim, edge, border’, but there is often

the case that reflexes of the latter frequently contaminated with reflexes of the former. It seems this also was the

case in PLP.

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[‘spider’] *sasaŋ is based on pretty lean evidence, especially the first syllable which has a single witness.

[‘termite’] *anay. Given that there are basically two distinct sets of lexemes in this correspondence set, one marked by reduplication, no initial h and -ay ending (e.g. anay-anay), and the other lacking reduplication, retaining h and ending in –i (e.g. hani), it is quite likely that the former, anay-anay, is borrowed from Malay. Although two of the three putative native reflexes have initial h, I reconstruct without h because 1) PMP *anay and 2) Sukau and Belalau are geographically contiguous and often exhibit additive frication.

[‘tomorrow’] *jǝmǝh. I do not have a good explanation for the presence of s in KAPend’s final segment here. If its form is indeed cognate, which is questionable, it could either be an exceptional strengthening of final *h or (more likely) the remains of a separate morpheme.

[‘turn’] *ligǝʔ. C.f. ML ligat id. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 ʔ ʔ ʔ ʔ

[‘wipe’] *hapus – It is hard to know whether the single [hapus] reflex is a borrowing and *gabus should be reconstructed instead. For now I reconstruct *hapus.

[‘yesterday’] The three sets of words for ‘yesterday’ are in all probability morphologically complex, with the common element –bi- likely meaning ‘night/dark’ (c.f. *biŋi ‘night’).

4.1.6 PLP reduplicated stems

One of the interesting (to me) aspects of PLP is the relatively high number of reduplicated stems. Some of them clearly hail back to PMP, while the origin of other reduplicated stems is unknown. See Table 24 for a listing.

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Table 24 PLP reduplicated stems English PLP PMP ‘branch’ *paŋpaŋ ‘breast’ *susu *susu ‘breast’ *tiʔtiʔ ‘burn’ *pulpul *qebel ? ‘chest’ *dada *dahdah ‘chew’ *ŋalŋal ‘comb’ *gaygay ‘hit’ *təstəs ‘lip’ *birbir *birbir ‘rim, edge, border’ ‘lip’ *piʔpiʔ ‘mosquito’ *ɲiʔɲiʔ ‘mouth’ *ŋaŋa ‘near’ *riʔdiʔ ‘pound’ *tutu *tutu ‘push’ *junjun ‘scratch' *kuykuy *kutkut ‘shoulder’ *piŋpiŋ ‘stand’ *cəkcək ‘swell’ sǝksǝk ‘wall’ *kətkət ‘wall’ *saysay ‘wash’ *pəhpəh

4.2 Loanwords

A glance at any publication on Lampung will reveal obvious Malayic borrowings; the problem is being able to identify the non-obvious ones. How are some borrowings less than obvious? There are at least two reasons. One is that both Malay and Lampung are relatively conservative languages; they share much in the area of grammar, phonology and lexicon as inheritances from the WMP language family. The second reason is, quoting Walker (1976), “The recent layers of Indonesia influence, especially in the phonology and morphology, are recognized by most native speakers as borrowings… However, older layers of influence from Malay are not generally recognized. Most borrowed words are assimilated to Lampung phonology, and are in use along with the Lampung equivalent.”

I am told that when banks teach their employees to identify counterfeit bills, they do not show them counterfeit bills. Instead, the employees spend their time studying the “real McCoy”, getting very familiar with what a true bill looks like. Then when they see an imitation it will be obvious. Accordingly, this next section of the paper will be devoted to fleshing out the distinguishing marks of historical Lampung as we currently understand it, comparing and contrasting with Malay at several key points.

In this section on loanwords, I will present two lists of words taken from the wordlists, the

first those words which have a high likelihood of being loans, and the second those words which probably are also loans but for which there is less evidence. Most of the justification for

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my positions will consist of cross-references to the material presented in §5 where the distinctives of LP vis-à-vis other regional languages are processed.

Table 25 Loanwords in LP HIGH LIKELIHOOD Item Comments abaŋ ‘red’ < JV, probably via Sumatran Malay badan ‘body’ < AR barat ‘west’ Semantic innovation in ML baru ‘new’ LP form *bahyu bǝsi ‘knife/machete’ < ? (Mahdi 1994) durian ‘durian’ c.f. PLP *rui ‘thorn’; native form would be **rui-an -gala ‘all’ < SKT hari ‘day’, bataŋhari ‘river’

PMP *waRi, ML h irregular while LP retains *w.

jelma ‘person’ < SKT kanan ‘right’ PMP *ka-wanan. ML but not LP deletes PMP *w kapan ‘when’ < JV, probably via SI kapor ‘lime for betel’ is borrowed – follows ML irregular *h > k, final *r kapur ‘lime’ irregular ML k < PMP *q kerja ‘work’ < SKT kiri ‘left’ PMP *ka-wiri. ML but not LP deletes PMP *w kuat ‘strong’ < Arabic kubur ‘bury’ < AR kuniŋ ‘yellow’ Adelaar 1992:142 considers a loan from Karo, prob in LP via

Malay. kuta ‘fence’ prob. < SKT ‘fortress’ lap ‘wipe’ < Dutch laut ‘sea’ PLP lawǝt; ML laut lidah ‘tongue’ ML metathesis < PMP *dilaq mandi ‘bathe’ Reflex of PMP *uy; see KAPend duay for probable native

reflex of PMP; see §5.2.2 napas ‘breathe’ < AR, probably via ML panday ‘know; tell’ < Indic pasir/pasiʔ ‘sand’ Lexical replacement between PMP and PM (Adelaar 1992);

sound change *-r > ʔ common in ML but unknown in LP pikir ‘think’ < AR, probably via ML rikin ‘count’ < Dutch sara ‘difficult’ < JV; irregular pattern of final vowel reflexes. As JV has

/sara/ [soro] id. this should be considered a JV loan.

tiga ‘three’ < Indic timur ‘east’ Semantic innovation in ML tipis ‘thin’ given that PMP and PM ‘thin’ are both reconstructed as *nipis

it seems likely that (at least) the 6 tipis witnesses are borrowings from ML (either Standard or Sumatran)

urat ‘vein’ PMP *R > PLP *y; see cognate form *uyat id.

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MODERATE LIKELIHOOD anay-anay ‘termite’ c.f. §4.1.3 lemma [‘termite’] bintaŋ ‘star’ irregular reflex of PMP *bituqen buru ‘hunt’ There are two signs that this may be a borrowing. The first

is the frequent change PMP *R > PLP *y, so one would expect **buyu or **buyaw. Secondly four of the 11 reflexes have an alveolar flap for r which may signify borrowing from Indonesian.

cawa ‘say’ < SKT bicara? dayuŋ ‘canoe paddle’ ML id.; reflexes occur in a limited, contiguous geographical

area gǝladak ‘floor’ ML id.; LP form’s reflexes are awfully regular for a trisyllabic

word. janda ‘widow’ LP has both randa and janda; latter same as ML kəriŋ ‘dry’ Identical to ML; one would expect **kiŋ given PMP *keRiŋ lain ‘other’ PLP form is reconstructed as *layǝn; lain is identical to ML. laki ‘man; husband’ Lexical replacement between PMP and PM (Adelaar

1992:203); geographical distribution of these reflexes are in areas of typically high ML borrowing.

tǝrbaŋ ‘fly’ Lexical replacement between PMP and PM (Adelaar 1992:203)

turun ‘descend’ minority form in LP (3 of 14), 1 of 3 has apical flap Although certain words are loans, they still exhibit interesting sound changes, making them

appear native. For example, panday ‘know’ experiences reduction of the consonant cluster in a few places (WayLima, Sungkai pɑdɑy) and penultimate vowel reduction in another (Melintin pəndɑy). duriɑn ‘durian’ undergoes metathesis in Menggala, becoming gɘdiɑn. All the extant reflexes of ML loan urat ‘vein’ are debuccalized as uʁɑʔ.

There is a subset of *r with irregular reflexes, giving an alveolar flap/trill instead of the expected (post)dorsal fricative. See Table 26.

Table 26 LP words with alveolar r gloss putative

reconstruction alveolar reflexes

‘day’ *hari 4 of 6 ‘river’ *bataŋhari 2 of 8 ‘canoe’ *pǝrahu 2 of 4 ‘angry’ *marah 2 of 6 ‘hunt’ *buraw 4 of 11 ‘pay’ *bayar 3 of 14 ‘squeeze’ *pǝrǝs 3 of 5 ‘husband’ *ragah 3 of 8

With reflexes like these one questions whether they are loans, particularly from Indonesian

which features an apical flap. The first two lexemes (‘day’, ‘river’) are certainly loans (discussed above), buru ‘hunt’ is likely (also discussed above), and the next three (‘canoe’, ‘angry’, ‘pay’) could be interpreted either way. C.f. §4.1.3 for a discussion of *pǝrǝs as a

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possible JV loan. The final form *ragah with the meaning ‘man, husband’ seems to be unique to Lampung14.

As mentioned above, most of the “highly likely” loans in Table 25 above are there because of one or more specific diagnostics which themselves will only be treated in §5 below. Unfortunately, some of the diagnostics have exceptions, and I have not yet been able to identify a convincing conditioning environment for some of them. We could blithely assign all the exceptions to the borrowing category, but then we are confronted face first with the problem that has been lurking in the background this whole time, the problem of circularity. Item Y is a borrowing because it violates Rule 1. Rule 1 is proved because we accept Item X as evidence but not Item Y. In this business we perhaps can never completely get rid of the problem of circularity, but some arguments have the weight of much external evidence, while others have uncomfortably little.

The next section will paint a clearer portrait of PLP’s status within Malayo-Polynesian while acknowledging the “trouble spots” and unresolved inconsistencies.

5 Changes from PMP to PLP The defining characteristics of Lampungic are:

• loss of PMP *h in all positions • PMP *q > PLP *h • Proto-Hesperonesian *ʔ > PLP *h • retention of PMP *w • very limited medial nasal excrescence • limited consonant cluster reduction • merger of PMP *R and *r in word-initial position • non-initial PMP *(e)R > PLP *y • conditioned merger of PMP *j and *d with PLP *r • retention of PMP *z as PLP *j • retention of the PMP four-vowel system, and of diphthongs *-ay, *-aw and *-uy • [irregular areal feature] shift in some instances of PMP *-ay and*-aw to i and u

respectively • PMP *-iw > PLP *(y)u • epenthetic semivowel w or y inserted between low-high vowel combinations • Nothofer’s (1985:294) SYSTEM 3 PAN numeral system

In this section I will discuss the changes which have occurred from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian to Proto-Lampungic. For a discussion of post-PLP changes the reader is referred back to §2. Even making a rough distinction like this, between pre- and post-PLP changes, is a step of faith. Even in cases where a firm relative chronology can be posited for certain innovations, it takes historical documentation to prove when (and how) a new feature was introduced into a language. What I will present here is innovations which have shown themselves to be universal in LP and thus (probably) present at the time Lampungic differentiated itself from other descendants of PMP.

14

Wilkinson (1959) gives Perak Malay ragah ‘sturdy and strong; well-built (of men)’; there likely is a genetic connection, but it is improbable that a loan from Perak, Malaysia would become a well-distributed Lampung lexeme.

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5.1 Innovations and retentions in consonant phonemes

5.1.1 PMP *q to PLP *h

PMP *q > PLP *h. This change occurs word-initially, word-medially, and word-finally.

Here are some examples.

Table 27 Word-initial PMP *q > PLP *h gloss PMP PLP ‘sand’ *qenay *hǝnay ‘head’ *qulu *hulu ‘ashes’ *qabu *habu

Table 28 Word-medial and word-final PMP *q > PLP *h gloss PMP PLP ‘year’ *taqun *tahun ‘belly’ *tinaqi *tinahi ‘post’ *tiqang *tihang ‘split’ *belaq *bǝlah ‘vomit’ *utaq *mutah ‘far’ *zauq *jawəh

There are no evident exceptions to this change, although there are a few examples where

PMP *q has seemingly completely elided from PLP. PLP *susah < PMP *suqsaq ‘difficult’ and possibly PLP *pulpul < PMP *qebel (loss of initial syllable and reduplication of the second) are the only examples of this in disyllabic lexemes.

5.1.2 PMP *h

PMP *h completely elides in PLP. E.g. PMP *hema ‘tongue’ > PLP ǝma, PMP *haŋin ‘wind’ > PLP *aŋin, PMP *duha ‘two’ > PLP *rua, PMP *buhek ‘hair’ > PLP *buək. The only exception is PMP *ma-huab ‘yawn’ which is reconstructed as PLP *huap (§4.1.3 lemma 47). I do not have an explanation for why this is retained but note that the same irregular retention occurred in PM.

5.1.3 PMP and PHN *ʔ

Only one example of a PMP *ʔ reflex PER SE has been identified, PMP *ʔenem ‘six’, which goes to ø in PLP *ǝnǝm. We also have two examples of reflexes of Proto-Hesperonesian reconstructed forms, and both evince the change PHN *ʔ > PLP *h: PHN *tabeʔ ‘fat’ > PLP *tabəh and PHN *lambaʔ ‘walk, go’ > PLP *lapah.

5.1.4 PMP *w

For the most part PMP *w is retained in PLP as *w, but there is a distinct subset with the irregular split or doublets involving w/b alternations; c.f. 3.1.19.

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Table 29 Reflexes of PMP *w gloss PMP PLP or LP ‘eight’ *walu *walu ‘water’ *wahiR *way ‘nine’ *siwa *siwa ‘fish line’ *kawil *kawil ‘vine, creeper’ *waRej wayǝt/bayǝt ‘root’ *wakaD wakat/bakat ‘spider’ *lawaq lawah/labah ‘cloud’ awan/aban ‘skin’ bawaʔ/babaʔ

The only difference in the conditioning environment between the top and bottom examples

in Table 29 seems to be the presence or absence of a high vowel; if there is a high vowel present in the lexeme, there is no split. But it is speculative to say that there is any relationship between the two factors.

5.1.5 Nasal excrescence

There are a few examples of nasal or liquid excrescence from PMP, but this phenomenon is markedly less frequent than in, say, Proto-Malayic. Table 30 gives the only examples I was able to find in the corpus.

Table 30 Nasal/liquid excrescence from PMP15 gloss PMP PLP ‘star’ *bituqen *bintuhan ‘dust’ *qabuk *harbuk

5.1.6 Medial consonant clusters

A few PLP medial consonant clusters display a reduction, from PMP, of the cluster to the final segment. Here are some examples.

Table 31 Nasal consonant cluster reduction gloss PMP PLP ‘bite’ *kitkit *gigit (this may be ML loan) ‘thunder’ *gurgur *gǝgur ‘difficult’ *suqsaq *susah ‘walk’ PHN *lambaʔ *lapah

But there are also cases where no reduction from PMP occurs, e.g. PLP *timbak ‘shoot’, PLP

*imbun ‘fog’, PLP *punti ‘banana’, and possibly PLP *kuykuy ‘scratch’ < PMP *kutkut (or more plausibly from *kuRkuR – Dempwolff reconstructed *kurkur as a doublet for *kutkut). Nasal consonant cluster reduction, especially in Nyo, is discussed as a post-PLP phenomenon in §2.3.2.

5.1.7 PMP *R to PLP *i

PMP has two similar phonemes, *R and *r. The former is understood to be a backed voiced fricative, while the latter is perhaps an apical trill, and is less attested. In some languages,

15

Doesn’t “nasal/liquid excrescence” sound nasty?

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notably Malay, these two phonemes are merged unconditionally. This is not the case for LP. In PLP PMP *R > y/i in non-word-initial environments, while PMP *r > r.

Table 32 Word medial PMP *R changes PMP gloss PM/ML PLP *uRat ‘vein’ *urat *uyat *buRuk ‘rotten’ *buruk *buyuʔ *zuRi ‘thorn’ *duri *rui ‘turtle’ kura-kura kuya *qasiRa ‘salt’ *sira *sia *baReq ‘to swell’ *bayǝh *haRәzan ‘ladder’ *ijaŋ *baRiw ‘beginning to

spoil’ bayu (Kom-Adu, Menggala)

*waRej ‘vine, creeper’ bayot (Kom-Adu), wayǝt (Nyo), bayit (Pubian and Api)

*baRah ‘ember, glowing coal’

bara bǝbaya (MGL)

*baRanih ‘brave’ bǝrani bani (KotaBumi, MGL) *zaRami ‘rice straw,

stubble’ jǝrami jami (MGL)

*baRaq ‘lung’ bah *daRaq ‘blood’ *darah *ǝrah (see §4.1.3) We can see that the change occurs on a regular basis. However, possible counterexamples to the above pattern also exist: *buRaw ‘chase away’ *buru ‘hunt’ buru ‘hunt’ *taRuq ‘put, put down’ taruh taruh (MGL) *paRa ‘storage shelf,

attic’ ML para para (MGL)

*paRih ‘stingray’ pari puɲu pari (MGL) *kaRaw ‘scratch an itch’ karaw ‘stirring

up’ karaw (MGL) ‘sweep out spider web; rake’

*ma-Ruqanay ‘man’

‘male’ məhanay (Aji) ‘man’; moanay (SWY) ‘brother’

maranay (Adu) ‘bachelor’, səməhani (KAPend) ‘man’

One note that can be made is that it seems like PMP *CaRaC > CaC in many cases, for

example ‘brave’, ‘rice straw’, ‘lung’ and ‘blood’.

Four of the six final examples could be easily explained as borrowing from Malay. The last two, however, either do not have known Malay correlates or exhibit a different semantic shift.

The PMP sequence *eR likewise underwent a word medial change to *i possibly involving an intervening step as *ǝy. See Table 33. PM is inserted to show the contrast.

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Table 33 Word medial PMP *eR changes PMP Gloss PM/ML PLP *beRas ‘rice’ *beras *bias *teRas ‘hard core of

trees’ tǝras *tias ‘hard’

*beRŋi ‘night’ bǝrǝŋ (Duano’ ML)

di-biŋi

*beReqat ‘heavy’ *berat *biat PHN *terung ‘eggplant’ tǝroŋ tiuŋ *baqeRu ‘new’ *baharu Daya bahyu, 5 Nyo areas have

baru/barew, presumably ML loan *peReq ‘squeeze’ *perah *piəh. See §4.1.3. PWMP *keRaŋ ‘dry’ Sukau kiaŋ ‘dry’; kǝraŋ ‘dry (clothes)’ *beReqaŋ ‘molar tooth’ gǝrahaŋ ‘jawbone’ So we have pretty good evidence showing that PMP *eR changes to PLP *i, with a couple

possible exceptions. There are also other examples of word medial changes to i where PMP *e is not involved.

One thing I find confusing is that Sukau, for example, seems to have a doublet kiaŋ ‘dry’ and kǝraŋ ‘dry (clothes)’, seemingly both derived from the same PWMP form *keRaŋ but with different realizations of *R.

PMP *R > PLP *i word-finally. Available examples are given in Table 34.

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Table 34 Word final PMP *R changes PMP Gloss PM LP distribution/comments *qateluR ‘egg’ *telur *hatəluy universal, most often with

metathesis tahəluy *hulaR ‘snake’ *ulər *ulay *ikuR ‘tail’ *ikur *ikuy *iluR ‘spit’ liur *iluy *niuR ‘coconut’ niur *ɲiwi common PWMP *qilir ‘flow

downstream’ hilir *hili

*wahiR ‘fresh water’ *air *way universal *deŋeR ‘hear’ *dəŋər *dəŋi sometimes with unexplained

excrescent s or h *tuduR ‘sleep’ *turuy *qapuR ‘lime’ *kapur *hapuy also kapur but that is ML

borrowing due to irregular initial k and final r

Here are some possible counterexamples. *pasiR ‘sand’ *pasir pasiʔ, pasir reconstruction from

Dempwolf. Discredited? ML loan?

*dapuR ‘hearth’ *dapur dapor (MGL) ML loan? *sindiR ‘mock’ sindir sindir (Kom-Adu)

‘offend’ (MGL) ‘gossip’

ML loan?

*sinaR ‘radiance, ray of light’

sinar sinar ML loan?

*tabaR ‘tasteless, insipid’

tawar (MGL) tawar id.; tabaw ‘water which has lost (poison, sweetness)’

first ML loan? second cognate?

For the tabulation below I counted the reflexes of PMP final *R for LP words which I judged

there to be a better than even chance of being native and cognate with the PMP form. I can not detect any particular pattern based on environment, but one notes the y reflexes outnumber the r reflexes by about four to one or 80%.

Table 35 Tabulation of PMP *R reflexes Medial *eR *uR *iR *aR Final *eR *uR *iR *aR y 8 3 1 10 i 1 6 2 1 r 2 2 r Subtotalː 22 y versus 4 r Subtotalː 10 y versus 0 r Totalː 32 y versus 4 r

As mentioned above, PMP *R- seems to be retained as LP r- and hence merged with PMP *r

in this position. See the examples below.

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Table 36 PMP initial *R reflexes PMP Gloss PM LP *Ratus ‘hundred’ *ratus *ratus *Ribu ‘thousand’ *ribu *ribu *Raya ‘big’ *raya *-raya/laya ‘big (road)’ *Rakit ‘raft’ rakit *rakit *Raŋaw ‘dry’ kǝmaraw raŋaw ‘thin (foliage)’ (MGL)

One could wish for better evidence, particularly words whose shapes are distinguishable

from potential Malay loans, but such evidence is presently in short supply. Here is a list of words with PMP *r.

Table 37 PMP *r words PMP gloss LP *birbir ‘rim, edge, border’ *birbir ‘lip’ *baruk ‘fungus on palm tree,

tinder’ buraʔ (Kom-Adu) ‘rotten (tree)’

*qiris ‘cut, slice’ hiris (Kom-Adu) id. *burit ‘line, stripe’ buriʔ (Kom-Adu) ‘striped, colorful feathers’ PWMP *garu ‘stir’ galu (Kom-Adu) ‘stir to make sth. smooth’ *bener ‘true, correct’ *bənər *puter ‘turn’ *putər *tutur ‘say’ ba-tutur (Kom-Adu) ‘to call (someone) by a

title’ The evidence, while limited, supports the understanding that PMP *R and *r have different

reflexes and did not merge in LP except in word-initial position.

5.1.8 PMP *d > PLP *r

PMP *d and PMP *j merged before the change *d > r. But for now I will treat their changes separately for the relationships between PMP and PLP to be seen more clearly.

PMP *d shows signs of having changed to PLP *r word-initial, -medial, and -final. We only have four initial occurrences, three medial occurrences, and one final occurrence.

Table 38 Change of PMP *d to PLP *r gloss PMP PLP

thorn *zuRi, *DuRi *rui two *duha *rua come *dateŋ *ratəŋ day *daqani *harani (metathesis) to live *ma-qudip *huriʔ to sleep *tuduR *turuy housepost *hadiRi *ari (final syllable dropped) to pay *bayad (Adelaar 1992) *bayar lake *danaw *danaw hear *deŋeR *deŋi chest *dahdah *dada dust *debu *debu

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The last five entries in the table above show words that did not undergo the change. One

can note that all the PMP *d > PLP *d examples are word-initial.16 The discussion is taken up again in the section below on PMP *j as the two are quite related and tough to separate.

While the PMP *d > *r examples above have unanimous representation among Lampungic isolects, other examples show dialectal variability. For example, Kom-Adu reflects PMP and PLP *kabut ‘fog’ as kabor, and while most isolects have something like lalar ‘fly (insect)’, KotaBumi has lalǝt (see §4.1.3 and §5.1.9). There is also ranaw ‘lake’ in Ranau while other isolects have danaw, *riʔdiʔ ‘near’ assuming from earlier (i.e. pre-PLP) form diʔdiʔ, and *bi-di-bi ‘yesterday’ with reflexes like bǝrbǝy in Sukadana and Menggala.

5.1.9 PMP *j

PMP *j has apparently mostly gone to *r in PLP.17 Table 39 and Table 40 give some PLP reflexes.

Table 39 Medial PMP *j reflexes gloss PMP PLP ‘nose’ *ijuŋ *iruŋ ‘field rice’ *pajay *paray ‘how much? how many’ *pija pira id. (Kom-Adu); *pira-pira ‘some’ ‘when’ *p-ijan *idan (4 Komering locations only) ‘smell’ *hajek arəʔ (One isolect only) ‘ant’ *sejem sorom (Kom-Adu) ‘younger sibling’ *huaji ka-wari ‘guest’ (Kom-Adu)

Table 40 Final PMP *j reflexes ‘yellow’ *kunij *kuɲir ‘pour, sprinkle’ PWMP *bujbuj burbur (Kom-Adu) ‘maggot, caterpillar’ *qulej hulor (Kom-Adu) ‘navel’ *pusej *pusǝr ‘spread out’ *belaj molar (Kom-Adu) ‘fly’ *lalej *lalǝt (but most isolects lalar) ‘medicine’ *ubaj *ubat ‘wrap around repeatedly’

*bejbej bobot (Kom-Adu)

‘vine, creeper’ *waRej (wb)ayǝt Word-medially the witness is nearly unanimous that PMP *j > PLP *r. Word-finally we

seem to have roughly a 50/50 split between r and t reflexes.

Now that we have separately seen reflexes of PMP *d and *j, let us consider the chronology for these changes and the possible reasons for the variation we see in the correspondence sets.

First, PMP *d and *j merged to *d. While previously *d had virtually no word-final reflexes and *j no word-initial, now *d is represented word-initially, -medially and -finally. Second, *d weakened to r (apical flap) in medial position first, then in other positions later and/or more sporadically. This is consistent with the evidence above, where medially the shift is universal,

16

Note: There are no reconstructed PLP reflexes of PMP medial *nd to compare. 17

Note: PMP *j did not occur word-initially (Blust 1990:234)

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but not in other positions. It is consistent with other Western Austronesian languages which exhibit the most consistent weakening word-medially. It is also consistent with the dialectal variation shown above, which allows for the *d > r shift to continue to occur even after the breakup of PLP into various dialects. Third, the remaining d reflexes are devoiced word-finally, presumably interrupting any additional weakening to r in that position. Fourth, this apical flap [ɾ] and PLP *r [ʁ] merge.

5.1.10 PMP *z to PLP *j

PMP *z was retained as PLP *j, with a single possible exception below. See Table 41.

Table 41 PLP reflexes of PMP *z gloss PMP PLP ‘tomorrow’ PHF zemaq *jǝmǝh ‘green’ PWMP *hizaw *hujaw ‘rain’ *quzan *hujan ‘ladder’ *haRәzan *ijaŋ ‘sharp’ *tazem *tajǝm ‘bad’ *zaqat *jahat ‘sew’ *zaqit *jahit (? weakly attested) ‘far’ *zauq *jawǝh ‘grass; (edible) thing’ (Adelaar 2005b)

*zukut *jukut

‘rice stubble’ *zaRami jami (MGL) ‘sit’ *kezeŋ ‘stand’ (Zorc) *(mb)ǝjǝŋ ‘sleep’ PAN pezem18 *pǝdǝm

5.2 Innovations and retentions in vowel phonemes

5.2.1 PMP *uy

PMP *-uy is retained in PLP. It only occurs in word final position and across all varieties.

Table 42 Retention of PMP *-uy gloss PMP PLP ‘fire’ *hapuy *apuy ‘to swim’ *naŋuy, laŋuy *naŋuy, laŋuy ‘pig’ *babuy *babuy

One other PMP word with this pattern is ‘bathe’ *anduy. Only one wordlist reflects PMP

*anduy ‘bathe’, which is KAPend duay id. The other wordlist sites have borrowed ML mandi.

5.2.2 PMP *-ay/*-ey

There has been some controversy over exactly how many diphthongs there were in PMP. There are a few western Indonesian languages which seem to retain a distinction lost in all other AN languages, and because of this scholars like Nothofer (1984) have reconstructed both *ay and *ey diphthongs. *-ey however has been disputed by others and there are only a handful of etyma reported to contain the sequence (most of them from Nothofer 1984). Adelaar (1992:195) seemed to accept them, but did not make any comment on them except to note that *–ey, *-uy, and *–iw all innovate to *-i in PM. PM retains PMP *-ay, so they are

18

Source: Dyen 1953 and Biggs 1965, from Wurm & Wilson 1975

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treated as two phonemes in PM. Blust (1999:82, elsewhere) does not acknowledge them any more, therefore treating the two as one single phoneme. Most recently, Adelaar (2005b, elsewhere) accepts Blust’s position and maintains that the *-ay/*-ey and *-aw/*-ew distinctions are a Malay innovation (which spread to other neighboring languages).

Using the forms Nothofer cites, in this section I will attempt to initially answer the question whether PLP provides any support for the *-ay/*-ey distinction. But before tackling this issue I need to clear up one potential stumbling block for readers familiar with LP.

Final ǝy diphthongs in Nyo

In the section below I repeat LP forms presented earlier to show that present-day [ǝy] diphthongs in Nyo cannot be demonstrated to descend from the putative PMP diphthong *ey and to defend my *-ay reconstructions.

Table 43 Final ǝy diphthongs in Nyo gloss PMP (Nothofer) Nyo other isolects ‘die, dead’ *maCey matǝy mati ‘field rice’ *pajey parǝy pari ‘sand’ *qenay - hǝni ‘husband’ *laki lakǝy laki ‘finger’ *zari jarǝy jari

As one can see from Table 43, the identical phonetic ending occurs in Nyo for both *ey and

*i endings, disqualifying Nyo from being used as evidence for an otherwise-lost distinction in LP. Additionally, as discussed in §2.3.6, these final diphthong realizations in Nyo only occur in free forms. As soon as they are bound, the diphthong disappears medially and one gets a form like [mati-matǝy].

In Table 44 I present the evidence I have been able to find from LP; I use BLUST as

emblematic for the single-diphthong position and NOTHOFER for the double.19

Table 44 LP *-ay/*-ey reflexes gloss PMP (Blust) PMP (Nothofer) JV ML LP ‘female’ PAN *bahi PAN *behi b-in-i bay ‘give’ PAN *beRay PAN *beRey - bǝri - ‘areca palm’ *zambay20 *zambey jambe jambi cambay ‘liver’ PAN *qaCay PAN *qaCey ati hati hati ‘die, dead’ *m-atay PAN *maCey mati mati mati ‘field rice’ *pajay *pajey pari padi pari ‘wait’ *qantay *qantey anti n-anti - ‘narrow bridge’

*taytay *teytey t-el-iti titi titi

‘rattan’ *quay *quey - hui So far it seems that reconstructing the split in the diphthongs may help predict reflexes in

JV and ML, but not in LP. Five of the putative *-ey diphthongs are reflected by LP i while two

19

This section owes a great debt to David Mead and his unpublished working paper ‘Proto-Austronesian phoneme

inventory: a novice’s guide to Proto-Austronesian nomenclature’. 20

This may not be a valid reconstruction.

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by ay. Now I will present further examples, this time from reconstructions both Blust and Nothofer agree should be *ay.

Table 45 LP *-ay reflexes gloss PMP LP ‘sand’ *qenay hǝni ‘cooked rice’ PHF *Hemay ǝmi ‘hang, wear’ *sampay sǝpːǝy (Menggala; probably < earlier sǝpi or sampi) ‘termite’ *anay (h)ani (3 isolects), anay (o.i.) ‘man’ *ma-Ruqanay sǝmǝhani (KAPend), maranay (Kom-Adu) ‘work’ *gaway gawi (7 instances), guay (5 instances) ‘spy on’ PWMP *hintay intay (Menggala)

‘dove’ *punay punay (Menggala) ‘grass species’ *zelay jǝlay (Menggala) Given that we see the same split in undisputed PMP *ay reflexes, we can conclude from the

limited evidence presented here that LP does not support a PMP *-ay/*-ey distinction.

Reconstructing PLP reflexes of PMP *ay

There are other very interesting things to observe about the contents of Table 45, particularly that we see a similar pattern (or lack of one) in whether these PMP *ay cases will be reflected as ay or i in LP. What is more interesting is how in three of the cases there is actually disagreement within LP as to how these lexemes will be reflected.

The internal LP evidence, especially the dialectal variation, seems to best fit Adelaar’s (2005b) contention that PMP *ay > i should be viewed as a later innovation due to areal processes, therefore in the instances where LP forms are attributable to PMP *ay I reconstruct PLP *ay rather than *i, even in cases where the entire correspondence set would otherwise lend itself to a reconstruction of *i.

5.2.3 PMP *-aw /*-ew

There are also four etyma which Nothofer reconstructed as ending in the diphthong *ew: PAN *buRew ‘chase away’, PAN *bañew ‘wash’, PMP *dagew (or *gadew) ‘chin’, and PAN *garew ‘scratch’. Unfortunately I was only able to come up with reflexes for two of these reconstructions during my elicitation sessions, and they both have an identical shape to ML: buru ‘hunt’ (c.f. §4.1.3 as a likely borrowing) and dagu ‘chin’.

Table 46 Retention of PMP *-aw gloss PMP LP ‘hunt’ *buRaw/*buRew

‘chase away’ buru

‘chin’ *?/dagew dagu (universal) ‘lake’ *danaw danaw (universal) ‘green’ *hizaw hujaw (universal) ‘scratch an itch’ *kaRaw karaw (MGL) ‘sweep out

spider web; rake’ ‘hut in field’ PHF *sa-paw sapu (widespread) ‘fight’ PHN *pisaw ‘knife’ pisu

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Table 46 lists the only etyma we have where the PLP is cognate to the PMP protoform. On the basis of this weak and mixed set of reflexes it would appear that 1) there is no support for an *-aw /*-ew distinction in PLP along the lexical lines laid out by Nothofer; and 2) there does seem to be a split somehow in LP reflexes PMP *aw, some > aw, some > u. Following the discussion of PMP *ay above, I reconstruct PLP *aw for all lexical items descended from PMP *aw regardless of whether the modern-day correspondence sets reflect aw or u.

5.2.4 PMP *-iw

There are two known reflexes of PMP *-iw in LP: kayu ‘wood’ < PMP *kahiw and bayu ‘spoiled’ < PMP *baRiw ‘beginning to spoil’. Although the former is identical to ML and therefore a candidate for borrowing, the second is definitely native, and so we can tentatively say that PMP *iw > PLP *(y)u.

5.2.5 Low-high vowel sequences

As was mentioned in §3.3, PLP disallows low-high (e.g. *a +*u or *a + *i) medial vowel sequences. Instead, an epenthetic semivowel homorganic to the ultimate vowel (w or y) is inserted and the final vowel neutralized to *ǝ.

5.3 Rule ordering

Here are some observations about the evident temporal ordering of innovations: • PMP *h elided before the unconditioned change *q > *h. • PMP *h must have elided before the PLP innovation of w excrescence between low-

high vowel combinations. • PMP *j and *d most likely merged before the weakening of both (together) to *r,

given the basically identical pattern of weakening. • The pre-PLP *d which resulted from the merger of PMP *j and *d must have

weakened to an alveolar flap rather than a velar/uvular fricative. This would have, at least temporarily, created a separate phoneme to the velar/uvular PLP *r. We can call this *r'. At some point *r and *r' then merged, retaining the velar/uvular fricative phonetic characteristics.

5.4 Lexical phenomena

Metathesis of PMP forms

We see metathesis of PMP forms in: • *daqani ‘day’ > *harani • *i-tahas ‘above’ > *atas • *qasu ‘burn’ > *suah • ? *kedi ‘small’ > *rǝniʔ

Numeral system

Nothofer (1985:294) elucidates various numbering “systems” that are found in Western Indonesian languages. Lampung’s native numbering system is his SYSTEM 3, which consists of reflexes of:

• *esa ‘one’ • *duha ‘two’ • *telu ‘three’ • *epat ‘four’

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• *lima ‘five’ • *enem ‘six’ • *pitu ‘seven’ • *walu ‘eight’ • *siwa ‘nine’ • *puluq ‘ten’

This system is noteworthy in all ten numerals are retained from PMP.

5.5 PLP’s place in Malayo-Polynesian

This subject of how or with which other language clusters Lampung might be subgrouped with is worthy of a paper in its own right. The following sections will briefly weigh the evidence for grouping with a few candidates.

5.5.1 Relationship with Batak

There are some oral origin stories in LP about the Lampung people originating from the Bataks. There are many other contradictory stories as well, but it is certainly worth exploring whether these two major language families on the island of Sumatra are related.

Adelaar (1981) gives some developments from PMP to Proto-Batak (PB). These include: 1. merger of *i and *iw to PB *i. This is not shared by LP. 2. merger of *R and *r to PB *r. This is not shared by LP. 1. merger of *d and *Z to PB *d (but *z > j). I am not sure about this, given the changing

usages of *Z, *z and related symbols by Austronesianists, however all but one of the PLP examples of PMP *Z (represented in this paper as *z following Blust and Adelaar’s current usage) > *j (§5.1.10). So this is probably not shared by LP.

2. merger of *n, *ñ and *N to PB *n. I am not aware of any reflexes of PMP *N or *ñ in my data, so this will remain unclear for now.

3. loss of *h. This is shared by LP but also by most other languages in this area.

In terms of phonological innovations, there is clearly little resemblance between Proto-Batak and Proto-Lampungic.

5.5.2 Relationship with Malayic

Adelaar (2005b) gives fourteen phonological developments from PAN and PMP for defining the Malayic subgroup. In order to ascertain Lampung’s relation to Malay we will examine each of these fourteen developments in comparison to Lampung. Listed below are Adelaar’s fourteen developments.

1. PMP *j > PM *d, *-t

See §5.1.9. Most PMP *j reflexes are r in PLP, but there are enough d/t reflexes to make one wonder. It seems simplest to say that *j merged with PMP *d which then sporadically > PLP *r.

2. PMP *z > PM *j

See §5.1.10. PLP shares this with ML, although there seems to be some scatter in LP’s reflexes.

3. PMP *w > ø

See §5.1.4. PLP does not share this development.

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4. PMP *R (and *r) > *r

See §5.1.7. PLP does not share this merger but rather maintains a distinction.

5. PMP *q > *h

See §5.1.1. PLP shares this with ML.

6. PMP *h > ø (except between like vowels or if the following vowel is a schwa)

See §5.1.2. Given that PMP *h disappears when the following vowel is a schwa we should say that PLP does not share this development.

7. PMP *-iw > *i

See §5.2.4. PLP does not share this development; rather seemingly PMP *-iw > PLP *u.

8. PMP *-uy > *i

See §5.2.4. PLP did not undergo this innovation.

9. Split of PMP *-ay to *-ay and *–i

See §5.2.2. One could say PLP follows this but not always in the same lexemes. In fact, not only does LP disagree with PM about the reflexes of specific lexemes, but it disagrees LP-internally!

10. Split of PMP *-aw to *–aw and *–u

See §5.2.3. The evidence is weaker but basically the same comment as (9) applies.

11. Reduction of consonant cluster to their last component

See §5.1.6. There are some of the same pressures to reduce in PLP as in PM, but much diminished.

12. Nasal became homorganic to following stop

See §5.1.6. Same comments as (11).

13. De-voicing of final stops

LP does in fact devoice final stops.

14. Homorganic nasal accretion between initial schwa and following stop

See §5.1.5. This does not regularly occur in PLP.

15. (Lexical) Vowel metathesis of *qudip

This did not happen in PLP.

From the above list it is clear that PLP does not share in enough of these characteristics to have even a prayer of being considered Malayic.

5.5.3 Relationship with Malayo-Chamic-Bali-Sasak-Sumbawa

Grouping Malayic, Chamic and BSS (but not here Madurese or Sundanese), Adelaar (2005b:20) writes, “Although some of the phonological developments are not forceful in themselves, or even unique to Balinese-Sasak-Sumbawa and Malayic, their configuration is striking. It includes PMP *w- > ø, PMP *q > *h; PMP *R, *r > *r; PMP *z > *j; PMP *j, *d > *d. In contrast, Madurese, Sundanese and particularly Javanese are phonologically more

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divergent from Malayic…” Simply put, it can be stated that LP does not resemble what Adelaar describes for Malayo-Chamic-BSS.

Although the contradictory nature of the evidence is quite confusing, this article is still very helpful in delineating lines of evidence for classifying languages within Western Malayo-Polynesian. Would that all WMP subgroups had such clear and honest statements about the features that unify them!

5.5.4 Relationship with Sundanese

Based on the evidence Adelaar (2005) presents, I would like to pursue a preliminary line of investigation with one of the languages described in his article, as there are some intriguing similarities. In doing so, I will restrict myself to the evidence Adelaar presents, but just shuffle it around a bit.

A scenario will be shown where Sundanese (SUN) and Lampung (LP) fit together in a subgroup.21 I will not be dealing with all the languages treated in Adelaar (2005b) but will generalize to the Malay-Chamic-BSS subgroup to show points of contrast with the subgroup I am proposing. It should be noted that this is a preliminary proposal, and would benefit from much more thinking, substantiation and scholarly give-and-take. It should also be noted that this is not an idea original with me but in many ways a restatement of Nothofer (1985) writ small and with new data and, thanks to Adelaar, clearer conception of the phonological changes involved.

Table 47 is a schematic demonstration of the phonological innovations given by Adelaar for SUN and BSS. I have added LP information.

Table 47 LP, JV, SUN and BSS innovations

LP SUN Mal A. PMP *z > j PMP *z > j PMP *z > j B. PMP *h > ø PMP *h > ø PMP *h > ø C. PMP *q > h (must be after *h

> ø) PMP *q > h (must be after *h > ø)

PMP *q > h (must be after *h > ø)

D. merger PMP *j, *d > d merger PMP *j, *d > d merger PMP *j, *d > d E. *R > y *R > y22 merger PMP *R, r F. d > r begins medially d > r begins medially loss of *w G. *iw > yu *iw > i, yu *iw > i H. d > r in other positions d > r in other positions some homorganic nasal

accretion **LATER CHANGES** **LATER CHANGES**

a(i,u) > a(y,w)ǝ *w > c-, ø I. *ə > ɨ, *-aw > -s

AREAL INNOVATIONS: unconditioned split of *ay, *aw (LP, JV, SUN, ML), reduction of CxCy (ML and JV, not SUN, LP)

In the table above I have sketched out a scenario where LP and SUN go their separate ways

from ML. I have given each row of the column a letter for easier identification. If the sound change in a certain row is dependent on another it will be mentioned. Innovations A, B and D could have happened in any particular order relative to each other; C (PMP *q > h) would

21

In a previous version of this paper I had proposed a slightly larger subgroup also including Javanese. My thanks

to John Wolff and Robert Blust for pointing out the difficulties with that proposal. I have abandoned that idea for

now. 22

Adelaar states PMP *R > r, y, ø in SUN, but Blust (p.c.) asserts that most if not all of the examples of *R > r and

ø can be attributed to borrowing from JV or ML.

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have needed to happen after PMP *h > ø according to counter-additive reasoning; it would have been impossible for them to merge and then have the original but not the new *h elide.

One will also notice that I have separated two innovations which Adelaar collapsed but agreed himself were probably two separate processes, that is the merger of *j and *d and the later change d > r, which will appear a few rows down in the table.

There are two distinct but related innovations on row E. In the ancestral language of LP and SUN, PMP *R was palatalized and weakened to a semivowel y. Perhaps simultaneously but probably not, the ancestral language of Malayo-Chamic-BSS underwent a series of innovations (not ordered): the merger of PMP *R and *r, loss of PMP *w, some homorganic nasal accretion, and the monophthongization of PMP *-iw to i . By row E the process had now begun in the creation of two separate subgroups.

Turning our attention back to the subgroup on the left, innovation F is the distinctive weakening of d > r. I have the process BEGINNING but not completing in this row, as it does take time for innovations to move through a language community, and for empirical reasons discussed in §5.1.9. Innovations G and H are PMP *iw > yu and the continuing process of d > r in non-medial environments, and there may have been dialectal variation by this time as these innovations look a bit different in the daughter languages. Differentiation between LP and SUN is in full force as we move into set I with a series of innovations listed by Adelaar occurring in the daughter languages, which together go a long way in describing the languages we recognize today. At the bottom of the table are a few innovations which in Adelaar’s classification cut across subgroups due to either areal processes or latent tendencies within these languages.

In addition to the phonological developments from Adelaar (2005b), I will cite two additional strands of evidence. One is the (admittedly scanty) lexical evidence for a link between these two languages such as given in Nothofer (1985:297).23 The second is the principle of economy applied to geography. SUN and LP are geographically contiguous, separated only by the Sunda Strait. No migration whatsoever is needed to explain the subgroup, just the population expansion that is the hallmark of new Austronesian arrivals to an area.

If this subgroup is able to be further validated and stand up to scholarly scrutiny, a subsequent question would be what kind of impact this has on other subgrouping hypotheses, such as Nothofer’s Malayo-Javanic or Adelaar’s recent Malayo-Sumbawan. I will not take up that issue in the current paper.

6 Conclusions

6.1 Results

Here are some of the results from this study: • Exhaustive tracing of sound correspondences and a WordCorr database which allows

checking every angle of the analysis; §3. This database I am willing to share upon request.

• Reconstruction of basic vocabulary, and establishment of criteria for identifying loanwords; §4.

23

Nothofer’s evidence consists of one lexical innovation plus one case of metathesis, shared by SUN, JAV and LP.

Also slightly noteworthy is SUN and LP stand alone among areal languages in retaining *k in *ruksak ‘spoiled,

destroyed’ > SUN ruksak id., LP rukak ‘untidy; fragmented’. A search for exclusively shared lexical items in the

Swadesh 200 list has yielded a few additional candidates but nothing terribly striking, and approximately the same

number was found between LP and JAV.

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• A definition of Lampungic based on shared innovations using a bottom-up reconstruction methodology, and the tracing of innovations from PMP to PLP and from PLP to the present; §5.

• Brief consideration was given of fruitful subgrouping possibilities to pursue including evidence for a putative subgroup consisting of Lampung and Sundanese.

6.2 Linguistic diversity and potential time depth vis-à-vis Batak and ML

Here I will give just a few observations regarding linguistic diversity within LP and what this may mean for the time depth of PLP. Very impressionistically, it seems to me that lexical diversity in LP is approximately equivalent to a similarly-sized (in terms of population and geographical space) segment of southern Sumatran Malay, but that the phonological diversity of LP is substantially less than that same segment but may more approximate to peninsular Malay dialects (excluding the more aberrant northernmost dialects like Ulu Terengganu). Although I am eminently unqualified to comment on morphology and syntax, it would seem that the level of morphological diversity (especially active verbal morphology) in LP is higher than either of the two examples given above. What does all this mean for time depth? Not necessarily very much; several publications have discussed the invalidity of a logarithmic relationship between linguistic diversity and time of separation. But given that my comparisons hail from the same area and have had many of the same pressures working upon them, perhaps attention to comparative levels of diversity can be fruitful. My impression is that LP is approximately of the same time depth as Malay in Sumatra, and less than that of, say, the Batak family.

6.3 Suggestions for further research

• The procedure discussed in §4.1 for choosing which of synonymous reconstructions should be considered primary is less than infallible and would be helped by further research, particularly into loanwords and seeking higher-level protoforms.

• Accent and word-stress has not been treated at all or factored into reconstructions. • LP syntax and morphology have not been touched in this paper, but certainly need

attention. There is a bewildering variety of affixes and affixation patterns, as well as some interesting reduplication strategies.

• In general, exhaustive reconstruction of PLP and subgrouping with other languages is hindered by the lack of high-quality descriptive studies of LP including dictionaries, grammars and phonologies.

• Ranau wɑʔwɑpɑn ‘yawn’ gives an interesting perspective to the debuccalization issue. Could it be that many of the debuccalized final consonants are actually still there in underlying form, such as is the case in Minangkabau?

• Gemination is almost never transcribed for Komering. Is this because it does not exist there or because the transcribers did not hear it?

• In general, many of the words reconstructed with final glottal stop may actually have an oral stop as the correct reconstruction. Targeted elicitation in KAPend may clear up some (but not all) of the cases.

• It is certain that not all loanwords have been identified in the reconstruction process. While we may never be able to move beyond “likely” for some candidates for borrowing, identification of PAN/PMP ancestors for more of the PLP reconstructed forms will surely highlight additional irregularities or confirm patterns which we only see hints of now.

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• The last word has not been said on the innovation(s) PMP *j and PMP *d > *r including the irregularities in correspondences, and whether this is a pre- or post-PLP innovation.

• As should be clear, attempts to subgroup LP with other WMP languages are still in their infancy. These attempts should take into consideration phonological, lexical and morphological evidence, and have a substantial degree of tolerance for a mismatch in results from the various approaches.

• The subgrouping proposal made above depends on a fairly specific chronology of sound changes, some of which is currently speculative and would require further support.

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